[August 1805]
Month and year determined from internal evidence of the journal. Monetary units are in pounds (£), shillings (s.), and pence (d.). There are 12 pence to the shilling and 20 shillings to the pound.25 ... Sunday
paid John Hemmings in full discharge of every thing due ... 9 [s.]
Barnaby 7 chickens ... 4 [s.]
1 due from him
J ½ doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 1½ [d.]
George M. peaches ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Betty Hemming 6 chickens P[aid] ... 3 [s.]
Nana 3 doz & ten eggs P. ... 3 [s.]
14 due from her
paid Ben for mending the stove and other things ... 4 [s.] 6 [d.]
Bedford Davy 21 eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
3 due
Bagwell 7 doz cucumbers
Gerry 10 chickens 2 due from him ... 6 [s.] 6 [d.]
L. Jenny 1 doz & 10 eggs
[....]
26 ... Monday
1 doz & ten eggs from hostler John ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
7 from Cretia
27 ... Thursday
1 doz eggs from [...]
Name unreadable.9 eggs from Nance
28 Wednesday
John Hem 1 doz eggs
September
1 Sunday
from Squire 7 simelines
That is, a cymling, a scalloped summer squash.6 cabbages
2 doz eggs
from Martin 11 chickens ... 6 [s.]
1 due from him
Nance 2 doz eggs
Abraham 2 doz
Wormsley 2½ doz
Ursala 1½ doz cucumbers
1 water melon
1 musc melon
Bartlet fish
Charles 1 doz eggs
Isham 1 doz eggs
Jenny chickens 1 doz & 3 ... 7 [s.] 6 [d.]
Paid J. Hemmings 4 doz eggs ... 4 [s.] 6 [d.]
Caesar 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
8 Sunday
Abraham 1 doz eggs
1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
John 7 chickens 1 doz eggs ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
Bagwell 2 water melons
2 doz cucumbers 5 simelines
Squire 6 cabbages
1 doz eggs
6 water melons
Wormsley 1 doz eggs
paid Squire ... 12 [s.]
9d due from him
9 [Monday]
paid Wormley in full discharge of every thing due ... 13 [s.] 6 [d.]
Barnaby 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
dit 6 chickens ... 10 [s.]
Abraham 3 doz eggs
dit 1 doz
Lewis 6 chickens
3 doz eggs
1 peck of potatoes
15 Sunday
Wagoner Phil 12 cabbages
1 doz eggs
Betty 1 doz eggs, 3 cabbages
The author's abbreviation for ditto.dit ½ doz eggs
Bagwell 1 doz cucumbers
dit 1 doz simelines
Isabel 11 eggs
dit 1 peck of potatoes
George 4 water melons ... 2 [s.]
1 doz cucumbers ... 9 [d.]
Martin 2 doz & 4 eggs
22 Sunday
paid Bagwell in full discharge of every thing furnished
since the 4th ... 19 [s.] 6 [d.]
John Hemmings 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
dit dit
paid Peter for Betty Hemmings
for one doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
Phil 4 cabbages
1 doz eggs
Squire 5 cabbages
2 doz & 9 eggs
6 lb of hops
29 Sunday
paid Squire in full discharge of all old debts ... 18 [s.]
old James 19 chickens ... 9 [s.]
one still due frm him
Frank 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
H. John 1 doz eggs
dit 9 chickens
Wormley 1 doz eggs
Peter 1 doz dit
Ben 2 doz eggs
dit 4 chickens
Isabel 1 peck of potatoes
1 doz eggs
cabbages
1806
May
7
John Hemmings 1½ doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 1½ [d.]
Peter ½ doz eggs ... 4½ [d.]
Hostler John 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Wormley 8 doz eggs ... 6 [s.]
11 Sunday
John H. 1 doz & 8 chickens ... 10 [s.]
Betty H. 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Squire 10 eggs a mess of sallad & spr[outs] ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Waggoner P. 4 doz eggs
dit 1½ doz dit & walnuts ... 1 [s.] 10½ [d.]
Cretia mess of sallad ... 4½ [d.]
Tim 2 doz eggs & sweet potatoes
18 Sunday received 14$
Abraham 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
Lewis 7 chickens 1 doz eggs ... 4 [s.] 3 [d.]
Davy 16 chickens ... 8 [s.]
dit 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
Squire a mess of sprouts ... 4½ [d.]
19 Monday
paid Davy for 15 chickens ... 7 [s.] 6 [d.]
Wormley 8 doz eggs ... 6 [s.]
Betty H 2 doz dit ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Ben ... 2 doz dit ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Abraham 1 doz ... 9 [d.]
25 Sunday
Squire 9 chickens greens & lettuce ... 6 [s.]
Billy 6 quarts of straw berries ... 3 [s.]
Nancy 4 dit ... dit 2 [s.]
Billy 4 dit ... 2 [s.]
[...]
A new daily entry indicated by spacing in the record but no date was written.Squire 6 chickens greens & lettuce ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
Abraham 18 chickens ... 9 [s.]
Phil 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
Joe 3 pints of straw berries ... 9 [d.]
Beverly 3 quarts dit ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
July
25 Friday
Abraham 1 doz chickens (P) ... 6 [s.]
26 Saturday
Received 10$
Judy Hicks 10 chickens ... 5 [s.]
Wormley 2 doz eggs (P) ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
27 Sunday
Squire 8 chickens ... 4 [s.]
1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
1 doz & 4 cucumbers ... 6 [d.]
owe him for ... 4 dit
Gardner John 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
simelines ... 4½ [d.]
Barnaby 6 chickens ... 3 [s.]
3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
snaps ... 9 [d.]
old debt ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Overton's John 14 chickens ... P 7 [s.]
That is, Richard Overton.Abraham 1 doz chickens ... (P) 6 [s.]
paid P. H. old debt ... 6 [s.]
August
Wormley 2 doz eggs P. ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
3 Sunday
Frank 20 chickens ... 10 [s.]
Frederic 12 dit ... 6 [s.]
9 ducks ... 9 [s.]
Warner 13 chickens ... 6 [s.] 6 [d.]
Squire 2 doz apples
1 doz cucumbers P ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
1 lb of bees' wax
Nedo Billy 1 doz cucumbers
7 eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
1 watermelon
Lewis 3 doz eggs P ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
Critty 1½ doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 1½ [d.]
3 lb soap old debt ... 3 [s.]
Barnaby 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
snaps ... 4½ [d.]
from Nelly 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
10 Sunday
Mrs. Brown 6 lb 6 oz of butter ... 7 [s.] 6 [d.]
1 lb due from her
Martin 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
1 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
1 doz due from him
C'aesar 5 doz cucumber ... 3 [s.]
1 doz due from him
Goliah 1 musc melon
Bartlet 7 chickens
Critty 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
Squire 13 cucumbers
simelines & snaps ... 3 [s.]
Water melons & cucum. old debt
John ov[erton]. 1 doz eggs
Wormley 2 doz dit P ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Nance 1 doz ... dit
Warner a Large dish of fish ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
August
[1]7 Sunday
wag. Phil 6 eggs ... 2½ [d.]
Terry ... 8
Jenny 2 doz 3 eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
1 doz cucumbers ... 6 [d.]
2 musc melons ... 9 [d.]
Minerva 5 cucumbers
Abraham 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
4 doz eggs ... 3 [s.]
Fredirick 3 ducks ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
... 1 [d.]
Martin 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.]
Joe Munro 2½ doz cucumbers ... 1 [s.] 4½ [d.]
6 eggs
Fanny 2 doz cucumbers ... 1 [s.]
Peter 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
April 1807
13 ... received 10$
P Hemmings 11 pullets ... 12 [s.]
1 due from him
old debt dit ... 12 [s.]
Abraham 6 doz eggs ... 4 [s.] 6 [d.]
Barnaby 4 doz 3 [s.]
Sampson 6 doz & 3 ... 4 [s.] 6 [d.]
Frank 1 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
dit 2 qurts of dried apples ... 1 [s.] 9 [d.]
20
Abraham 6 doz eggs ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
Tim 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Judy Hicks 1½ doz ... 1 [s.] ½ [d.]
dit old debt ... 1 [s.]
Jerry 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
C'sar 4 doz dit ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Critty 5 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
owe her 1/6 paid
Nancy for greens ... 9 [d.]
coffee ... 6 [s.]
Isaac 4 doz eggs ... 3 [s.]
2 basket of greens ... 9 [d.]
26 Sunday
Nana 15 fowls ... 19 [s.] 6 [d.]
Lewis 2 doz eggs ... 3 [d.]
Goliah 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 9 [d.]
Isaac 1 mess of sprouts ... 4½ [d.]
Wormley 9 doz eggs ... 6 [s.] 9 [d.]
John Hemmings
Molly 5 doz eggs ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
Wormley 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
May
10 Sunday
Dick 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
Minerva 5 doz eggs ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
Isaac 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
3 messes of sprouts ... 11½ [d.]
Lewis one doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
August
4
Wormsley 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
dit 1½ doz cucumbers ... 9 [d.]
1 doz eggs Hostler John ... 6 [d.]
6 doz eggs from Wormsley ... 6 [s.]
dit 2 doz
from Wag. Phil 6 chickens
1 doz eggs
Goliah 5 cucumbers & lettuce ... 9 [d.]
Warner 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
Squire vegetables ... 1 [s.] 4 [d.]
Wormley 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
7 eggs paid
dit 1 doz eggs bad
dit 8 head of cabbages ... 3 [s.]
dit 9 cucumbers ... 6 [d.]
Sampson 1½ doz eggs ... 1 [s.]
9 Sunday
Billy 6 chickens ... 3 [s.]
Warner 1 dish of fish ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Gilly 11 chickens ... 5 [s.] 6 [d.]
4 muscovy ducks ... 6 [s.]
Bet 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
dit 4 ... 3 [s.]
Sampson 2½ doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 1½ [d.]
dit 3 doz chickens ... 18 [s.]
John Hemmings 11 eggs ... 9 [d.]
Wormley 2 doz 3 paid ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Jenny 1 doz eggs ... 7 [d.]
Abraham 11 chickens ... 5 [s.] 1 [d.]
dit 13 eggs ... 9 [d.]
dit a noggin ... 3 [s.]
A small wooden mug or pail.sent to Edgehill
Edgehill was the home plantation of Anne Cary Randolph's parents.6 lb of tallow
9 lb of myrtle wax
2 doz & 7 candles received
Lewis 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
1 doz eggs from Wormley ... 9 [d.]
4 dit from John Hem. ... 3 [s.]
Isaac 2 doz & 7 7 bad ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Caesar 3 doz & 7 ... 3 [s.]
Dolly 1 doz ... 9 [d.]
Bagwell 14 eggs
Frank 3 doz 1 doz due from him ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Ben 6 eggs
Isaac 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
dit 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
Frank 8 chickens ... 4 [s.]
Hostler John 13 chickens ... 6 [s.] 6 [d.]
Davy 2½ doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 1½ [d.]
Wormley 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
dit 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Bartlet 2 doz chickens ... 12 [s.]
Wormley 3 doz cucumbers ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Sampson 1½ doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 1½ [d.]
Dolly 3 doz & 10 eggs ... 3 [s.]
dit 1 doz ... 9 [d.]
Billy 6 chickens ... 3 [s.]
Davy from Isabel 16 chickens ... 3 [s.]
dit dit 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Wormley for 4 doz eggs ... 3 [s.]
John 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 1 [d.]
dit for a basket of peaches ... 9 [d.]
Bet 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
Nance dit ... 9 [d.]
Lewis 2 doz & 11 eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
Squire 8 cabbages ... 3 [s.]
1 doz beets ... 9 [d.]
2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
6½ lb hops ... 9 [s.] 9 [d.]
Tom 15 chickens ... 6 [s.]
2 doz eggs paid
owe him still 3/0 paid ... 3 [s.]
Sampson 6 chickens ... 3 [s.]
from Mrs. Bacon 6 chickens ... 3 [s.]
That is, the wife of Monticello's head overseer, Edmund Bacon.½ eggs ... 4½ [d.]
Wormley 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
John Hemmings 2 doz & 5 ... 1 [s.] 10½ [d.]
Ben ½ doz ... 9 [d.]
Wormley 11 eggs ... 9 [d.]
dit 2 cabbages ... 9 [d.]
Isaac 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Davy 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
W. Phill 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
Wormley 4 chickens paid
May 1808
10 Tuesday
received ... 3 [£]
4 doz eggs
Billy ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
2 brooms
Burwell 5 doz eggs paid
15
2 doz eggs from Warner ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Johnny 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 8 [d.]
dit 1 doz & 9 pippins ... 1 [s.] 3 [d.]
An apple with yellowish or greenish skin.dit 2 chickens ... 1 [s.]
Wormley 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
Priscilla 10 doz eggs ... 7 [s.] 6 [d.]
18
cracked a loaf of sugar
four chickens from Bartlett ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
3d due from him
paid Mrs. Wingfield ... 18 [s.]
paid old Rachel ... 12 [s.]
Goliah 1 lb of hops ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Ursula 4 doz eggs ... 3 [s.]
22 Sunday
from Isaac 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
1 mess of sprouts ... 4½ [d.]
Warner 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
from Mary 5 chickens ... 2 [s.] 6 [d.]
from Ursula 4 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
owe her still for 3 doz dit paid ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
11 eggs from Warner paid JH for him
Johnny 1½ doz chickens ... 9 [s.]
Frank 1 doz dit ... 6 [s.]
26
Nance 2 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
Mary 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
27
Johnny 8 pippins paid ... 6 [d.]
Wormly 10 doz eggs paid Ursula for him ... 7 [s.] 6 [d.]
received 12$
29
Frank 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Ben Brancher 8 chickens ... 4 [s.]
dit 6 doz eggs ... 4 [s.] 6 [d.]
dit 1 mess of sprouts ... 4½ [d.]
Isaac 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
dit 1 mess of sprouts ... 4½ [d.]
May
29
Barnaby 14 chickens ... 7 [s.]
1 due from him
1 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
June
5
1 doz eggs from Nance ... 9 [d.]
paid George for helping Peter ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
paid Wormley for 4 chickens old debt ... 2 [s.]
Isaac for 3 messes of sprouts ... 1 [s.] ½ [d.]
Squire 2 doz eggs
paid John Hemmings for him
1 mess of sprouts
John Hemmings 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
paid Burwell for eggs, sprouts
Lettuce & furnished dating this season ... 1 [£] 3 [s.] 3 [d.]
July
24
received 5 dollars for to supply the house with eggs,
chickens & cucumbers
1 doz cucumbers from gardner John ... 9 [d.]
1 doz & an half chickens from Peter Hemmings ... 9 [s.]
16 from Wormley & 2 doz eggs ... 9 [s.]
owe him for one chicken still
cracked a loaf of sugar
Warner for fish ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
25
Phill 4 doz eggs ... 3 [s.]
Ursula for 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
gardner John 1 doz cucumbers ... 9 [d.]
Gardner John 1 doz cucumbers ... 9 [d.]
John Hemmings 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 2 [d.]
Warner 13 fish ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Peter Hemmings 6 chickens ... 2 [s.]
3 doz eggs from Ursula ... 2 [s.] 2 [d.]
Goliah 10 chickens ... 3 [s.]
Wormley 2 doz chickens 3 doz eggs paid v14
John Hemmings 9 eggs paid v14
gardner John 1 doz cucumbers ... 9 [d.]
Wormley 1 doz ditto v 14 paid
Ben B 2 doz & 6 [cimlimes] 3 doz eggs ... 4 [s.]
Davy 1 dozen cucumbers ... 9 [d.]
1 doz 6 eggs from Burwell
Squire 6 chickens 3 doz eggs ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
Squire 6 cimlines
John Hemmings 14 chickens ... 1 [£]
Jn's 10 chickens owe herpaid ... 4 [s.] 6 [d.]
Isaac for old James 18 muscovy ducks paid ... 12 [s.]
owe him still 16/6 paid
Warner 1 doz eggs paid
Wormley 2 doz eggs ... v14 paid v14 [d.]
Davy 2 doz eggs paid ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Ben Brancher 3 doz cucumbers ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
old Davy 8 cucumbers
14 Sunday
received 13$
Wormley 2 doz eggs ... paid
7 lb of butter from Mrs. T. Lewis paid ... 7 [s.]
Wife of Thomas Lewis, a neighboring farmer.James 20 ducks ... 1 [£] 1 [s.]
due from him ... 1 [s.]
from Ned's Jenny 2 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Minerva 4 doz eggs 2 doz due ... 3 [s.]
from her for spoiled eggs owe
her for 2 doz paid all ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
15
John Hemmings 3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
18
16 lb of soap ... 12 [s.]
19
1 doz eggs from Warner paid
20
1 doz dit from Burwell paid ... 9 [d.]
1 doz dit from Wormley ... 9 [d.]
1 doz chickens from Bartlet ... 6 [s.]
13 ducks from Judy Hicks ... 4 [s.] 6 [d.]
owe her still 8/6 paid Tim for her ... 9 [s.]
7 lb of butter from Mrs. T. Lewis paid ... 7 [s.]
21 Sunday
received 12$
paid Isaac for Ducks old debt ... 16 [s.] 6 [d.]
paid Warner for fish ... 9 [d.]
dit dit 2 doz eggs old debt ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Wormley 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
dit 5 doz eggs ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
1 doz chickens from Dick paid ... 6 [s.]
2 doz eggs from Ursula for Minerva paid ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
paid old Goliah for cucumbers & simlimes ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
24
1 doz eggs from Wormley ... 9 [d.]
1 doz dit from Johnny
1½ doz cucumbers from Ned
paid Mrs. T. Lewis for 14 lb of butter ... 14 [s.]
owe her for 2 3/4 paid
5 doz eggs ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
6 lb of brown sugar ... 6 [s.]
28 Sunday
1 doz eggs from Wormley ... 9 [d.]
paid Davy old debt ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
little Lewis l doz eggs
8 lb of soap ... 6 [s.]
Squire 9 simelines
l musc melon dit
1 water melon dit ... error
2 doz eggs dit
5 doz eggs ... 3 [s.] 9 [d.]
1½ doz chickens from Isaac ... 9 [s.]
2 doz eggs from Minerva ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
1 doz dit Abraham ... 9 [d.]
1 ½ doz Barlet ... 1 [s.] 1½ [d.]
1 doz dit Squire ... 9 [d.]
9 simelines ... 4½ [d.]
1 water melon dit ... 6 [d.]
1 musc melon dit ... 9 [d.]
1 broom dit ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
2 doz chickens Abraham ... 12 [s.]
7 eggs paid ... 6 [d.]
20 chickens Moses ... 19 [s.]
18 dit ... dit old debt
1 due from him
paid James for Iris 1 chicken old debt ... 6 [d.]
dit dit 1½ doz eggs ... 1 [s.]
paid Peter for a tray ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Sunday
received 5$
paid Jem Blue for 16 doz eggs ... 12 [s.]
paid Isaac for 18 chickens old debt ... 9 [s.]
Wormley 1 doz cucumbers paid
John Hemmings 2 doz dit paid
Wormley 8 eggs
dit 2 doz dit
Wag. Davy 2 doz dit ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Warner 4 doz dit ... 3 [s.]
Harry 1 doz dit
Abraham 1 doz & 7 & 5 after ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Jenny 3 doz cucumbers
Barnaby 1½ doz chicken at 4½d ... 6 [s.] 9 [d.]
dit 7 ducks small ... 6 [s.]
Squire 1 peck of potatoes ... 1 [s.]
3 doz eggs ... 2 [s.] 3 [d.]
9 chickens ... 4 [s.] 6 [d.]
Sunday
received 12$
Paid Col. Munroe's George old debt
6 chickens ... 3 [s.]
3 water melons ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
1 basket of peaches ... 9 [d.]
cucumbers ... 5 [d.]
Jenny 1 doz eggs ... 9 [d.]
James 2 doz eggs & 9 old debt ... 2 [s.] 6 [d.]
Harry 1 doz dit ... 9 [d.]
Minerva 4 doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Isaac 2 doz eggs & 4 ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
dit 4 chickens at 4½ ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
Wormley 18 cucumbers
25 Sunday
Warner 1½ doz eggs ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
due from him 6 dit
Davy 2½ doz dit ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
owe him 4½
Hostler John 1 doz dit ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
& 1 doz beets owe him 2/7½
Jen 1 doz eggs
Bartlett 1 doz chickens ... 6 [s.]
Wormley 2 doz eggs
paid Mrs. T. Lewis for butter bought at
different times ... 16 [s.]
owe her still 4/3 paid ... 4 [s.] 3 [d.]
paid Mrs. N. Lewis for a basket of eggs ... 6 [s.]
Wife of Nicholas Lewis, an Albemarle planter and friend of Thomas Jefferson.Wormley 6 eggs
October
1
Gave Burwell to pay for the mending
of the sugar tongs ... 6 [s.]
owe him old debts for
8 chickens ... 4 [s.]
1 muscovy duck ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
4 doz eggs ... 3 [s.]
sent him by John Hemmings ... 6 [s.] 9 [d.]
dit dit by Critty in full payment ... 1 [s.] 6 [d.]
of everything due
paid John Hemmings for 4 doz eggs ... 3 [s.]
dit dit 16 chickens ... 8 [s.]
Ursula 1 dozen chickens paid
G. John 1 dit dit paid
Rachael 2 doz. eggs
Ursula 4 chickens 3 doz. eggs
J. Lewis 7 eggs
That is, James Lewis, neighboring planter in AlbemarleBurwell 6 dit
Critta 5 dit
John H. 1 dozen chickens paid
John H 1 doz eggs
Rachael 4 doz eggs
Ben Brancher 1 doz dit
Cretia 1 doz chickens
dit ½ dit dit
Clarksville 24th July 1803
Sir
I had the honor of receiving thro' Captain M. Lewis an assureance of yourApprobation & wish that I would join him in a North Western enterprise. I willchearfully, and with great pleasure, join my friend Capt. Lewis in this Vast enterprise, and shall arrange my business so as to be in readiness to leave this soon after his arrival. May I request the favour of you to forward the inclosed letter to Capt. Lewis, should he not be with you. I have the honor to be with great respect your Mo. Ob. and Sincear ... Wm. Clark
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Fort Mandan April the 3rd 1805.
Sir
It being the wish of Captain Lewis, I take the liberty to send you for your own perusal the notes which I have taken in the form of a journal in their original state. You will readily perceive in reading over those notes, that many parts are incorrect, owing to the variety of information received at different times, I most sincerely wish that leasure had permitted me to offer them in a more correct form.
Receive I pray you my unfained acknowledgments for your friendly recollection of me in your letters to my fiend and companion Captn. Lewis. And be assured of the sincere regard with which I have the honor to be Your most obedient and Humble Servent, ... Wm. Clark
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Monticello Sep. 6. 16
Dear Sir
The travelling journal of Govr. Lewis and yourself having been published some time ago, I had hoped to hear that something was doing with the astronomical observations, the Geographical chart, the Indian vocabularies, and other papers not comprehended in the journel published. With a view to have these given to the public according to the original intention, I got a friend to apply for them to Mr. Biddle, in whose hands I understood them to be, referring him for authority to the instructions inserted in the life of Govr. Lewis prefixed to the journal. He said he could not deliver them even to the War office, without an order from you. It is to sollicit this order that I now trouble you, and it may be given in favor either of the war office or of myself. If the latter, I should deliver the Astronomical observations to the Secretary at War, who would employ some one to make the calculations, tocorrect the longitudes of the map; and to have it published thus correct and I should deliver the papers of Natural history & the Vocabularies to the Philos. society at Philadelphia, who would have them properly edited, and I should deposit with them also for safekeeping the travelling pocket journals as originals to be recurred to on all interesting questions arising out of the published journal. I should recieve them only in trust for the War office towhich they belong, and take their orders relating to them. I have recieved from Dr. Barton's executors 4 vols. of the travelling pocket journels, but I think there were 11 or 12. The rest I suppose Mr. Biddle has. I hope the part I have had in this important voyage, will excuse the interest I take in securing to the world all the beneficial results we were entitled to expect from it, and which would so fully justify the expences of the expeditionincurred by the United states on the expectation. I salute you with constant friendship and respect. ... Th: Jefferson
FC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Monto. ... [12 September 1825]
Dear Genl.
I presume you have heard that we have established in your native state an University for the purposes of educn. on a scale of the first order. We were much squibbed for having sought some Professors of the first advancement in science from countries in advance os us. Some of our sister instns. in this country would have wished us with their refuse profesors to have place ourselves at the tail instead of the head of the line. We however have no cause to repent of the course we have pursued. The 5 Professors whom we obtained from abroad prove to be as happy a selection as we could ourselves have wished. Of the 1st order of science in their respective lines, accomodating themselves cheerfully to the new circumstances in which they are placed and zealous to promote the instn. the 3 professors of our own country are too well known to need particular characterization. We have something upwards of 100 students of from 16 to 26 yrs of age and for order and good conduct, they have been no where surpased. The Professors themselves say this, and tell me furthr that about 1/3 of them are close laborious students, another 3d satisfactory so, and 1/3 only disposed to be idle & do little. And on the whole this instn. is going on with a degree of prosperity beyond all my expectns. I inclose you a hand bill containing more particular details, as some youths from your quarter may perhaps be disposed to come and finish here. As I think many will from the Souther & Western states generally. Among other objects of our instn is the collection of a Museum of Nat. hist. of Minerals, & of curiosities in general of art or nature. Those of Indian arts stand very near to nature itself. Your situation is so favble for assisting us in this collection that I cannot help solliciting your attention to us. Born, I believe & raised, I am sure, within sight of our University, you must feel doubt sympathies for the country and nbhood of your birth. Our county (of Alb.) subscribed itself 30 M.D. towds this instn. From you, one it's sons of whom it is proud, they hope they may ask contribns. also not of money but of those things which your situan. peculiarly places within your reach. We would not trouble you for bulky and heavy articles, which might be too cumbersome and expensive in carriage. Nor yet such as are liable to be destroyed by worms, moisture etc. but for chrystals minerals small Indian worthy and other curiosities which might be easily transported and preserved. Perhaps you may have in your own collection have duplicates of some things of which you could spare one, or things too common to be curious there, but rare and curious here. In short you know our country so well as to be at no loss to distinguish what would be acceptable here. I give to the Univ. the whole of my collections which is considerable and much indeed of which was furnished me from the expedn. of yourself & Govr. Lewis to the Pacific. If you have a Correspdt. at N.O. he would be a safe intermediate, and might address articles to me as Rector of the Univy. of Virga. the way of to care of the collector of any of our middle Atlantic ports who will pay expences and forward them on to Richmd. Addressing to Richmd. direct, to the care of Col. B. P. of that place would be safest. Should you ever revisit your native state I shall be very happy to receive you at Monto. and should take great pleasure in accompanying you to our Univy. in the mean time accept my assurances of my contind. frdship and great respect.
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.Endorsed by Jefferson: "Clarke Genl. Wm. Sep.12.25"
Philadelphia Jan. 16. 1800.
Sir
Your favor of Oct. 6. has been duly recieved & I am much flattered with the prospect of your communications. The vocabularies of the Western Indians are much desired; and your meteorological observations will also be very acceptable; as they will furnish materials for a comparative view of Climates. Your letter gives me the first information I have ever had of the language by signs used among the Indians. I can entertain no doubt of it's perfectibilityafter what I have myself seen practised by persons born deaf. A very particular account of it will be considered as a valuable acquisition. Mr. Clarke writes me that a person accompanies Mr. Nolan who is deeply versed in it, & expresses a thought of sending him on to this place. But I rather think it is best that the account should be taken from him with you, where your knolege of the subject will enable you to do it better, and he might be disappointed in the object of his journey here by that dispersion into the distant parts of the Union which takes place among us after the rising of Congress. We are not without hopes that Mr. Nolan may decide to try the Virginia market with his horses. In that case as my residence is on his best route, I may have the pleasure of seeing him personally and perhaps of purchasing one of his fine animals for the saddle, which I am told are so remarkable for the singularity & beauty of their colors & form.
Accept assurances of the great regard & esteem of Sir Your very humble servt. ... Th: Jefferson
FC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 14th July 1800
Sir
Having been requested by a friend in London, to send him a Copy of Such notes or remarks as I had made while upon the line of Demarcation, I have now complied with that request; while I was occupied in the preparation, I reflected whether there Could be any thing contained in those notes worthy of being presented to you; and I had determined that there was not, beingperfectly Sensible how unimportant they are; Knowing however that Men of learning and genius are indulgent to those of inferior talents, I have suffered my notes & observations to appear before you, with the expectation, that probably they may furnish you with the means or motives of asking some questions which it may be in my power to Solve. Something more remains, which I have not been able to Compleat by this opportunity, & will go to resolve your inquiries respecting the Missisippi, and which at a future period I will have the honor of transmitting to you.
I have the honor to be with high respect, Sir your most humble & Obed. Servant, ... William Dunbar
N.B. After perusing the Notes, permit me to ask the favor of your directingthe packet to be forwarded to its address at London.
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 22d August 1801
Dear Sir
I have delayed untill the present moment acknowledging the honor of your letter of the 12th Jan. last, from a Conviction of the impropriety of all trivial intrusion upon your time, always precious, but now dedicated to duties of the highest importance. However anxious I may be to express a due sense of your condescension, I shall ever guard myself against so impardonable an error. I shall therefore confine my communications soley to such objects asyou have pleased to introduce into our Correspondence and such matters as havenaturally sprung from them.
By the present occasion I have the honor of transmitting you a monthly recapitulation of meteorological observations for the year 1800; to which I have subjoined remarks calculated to convey some idea of the nature of our climate. I have also attended to a hint dropt in one of your letters respecting the Missisippi by preparing a short account of that river, but mycopist having fallen sick, I am obliged to defer transmitting it untill next post.
i have some time since received notices of fossil bones discovered to the west of the Missisippi, and lately an intelligent french Gentleman, Commandant of the Opelousas, informs me, that at three different places of that Country, bones have been found which are supposed to resemble those of he big-bone-lick near the Ohio, and at another place he is well assured that in digging a well, a set of human teeth (la denture d'un homme) have been found at the depth of 30 or 35 feet. I have recommended to that Gentleman to set on foot a diligentinvestigation of those objects and if practicable to transmit me specimens of the bones, particularly a jawbone with its included teeth as little mutilated as possible. Shou'd I prove so fortunate as to acquire the possession of any object worthy the attention of the Society, I shall take an early opportunity of presenting it. Mr. Nolan has formerly given me some intimation of fossil bones of great magnitude being found in various part of new Mexico, but we have lately been cut off from our usual communication with that Country by the imprudence of Mr. Nolan who persisted in hunting wild horses without a regular permission, the consequence of which has been, that a party being sent against him, he was the only man of his company who was killed by a random short. I am much concerned for the loss of this man. Altho' his excentricities were many and great, yet he was not destitute of romantic principles of honor united to the highest personal courage with energy of mind not sufficiently cultivated by education, but which under the guidance of a little more prudence might have conducted him to enterprises of the first magnitude. We hope the usual intercourse will be renewed, and I shall endeavour to prosecute our researches into the western Continent.
I have received Some imperfect account from Mr. Nolan and his man who instructed us in the Signs, of an uncommon Animal having been seen by the Natives in a considerable lake in a sequestered situation in New Mexico. It is compared when somewhat elevated in the water, to the upper part of the body of a Spaniard with his broad brimmed hat, & that it is often hear'd to breathe or blow heavily. The Indians who are often Superstitious express a dislike or abhorrence of the place, seldom going near it, and assert that the departed Spirits of the first Spaniards who conquered their Country dwell in the lake. Mr. Nolan informed me that he was once very near that lake, but knew nothing of it untill some time after, when he was told the above circumstances. Whether we are to suppose this a fable invented by the Indians or that there really exists an Animal, perhaps the hippopotamus or a non-descript, willremain the discovery of a future time.
In my last I gave you an extract from an old book in my possession, containing Dr. Hooks scheme of a telegraph in the year 1684, wondering that the invention of their Country man had not been claimed by the English, but I now find I have been anticipated in that communication by a paper in the 1st vol. of the Philosophical Magazine p. 312 London.
Your observation of a Lunar rain-bow is entirely new to me, but I have often observed a Phænomenon which seems to have been overlooked by Philosophers; it is slightly notice in Brydone's tour through Sicily and Malta vol. 1. p. 356 2d Edit. London. This Curious and beautiful phænomenon may be seen every fine summer's evening in this and perhaps in all other countries, when serenity is united to a Cloudless sky. It is caused by the prismaticeffect of the atmosphere upon the Sun's departing rays. Soon after sun-set a belt of a yellowish orange Color is seen to extend itself along the eastern horizon; this belt ascends in the same proportion as the sun descends being about one degree in breadth; in contact with the first appears a second belt below,of a dark blue color & about the same breadth as the first, both belts being tollerably well defined and of an uniform Color throughout: when thedouble belt has risen a little above the horizon, the azure sky may be seen below, and as they continue to ascend the belts become fainter, untill at length the prismatic rays meeting with no vapors Sufficiently dense to reflect their colors, the whole phænomenon dissolves into pale Celestial light; the belts disappear at about 6 or 7 of altitude. This phænomenon merits some attention; it exhibits as upon a skreen that Species of light, which after a greater angular dispersion, arriving at the moon's orbit, faintly illuminesher disk during the time of a total eclipse.
It would seem to result from the above appearances, that if a prism were formed of atmospheric air, the solar ray wou'd be separated thereby into two colors only, a yellow orange and a blue: it is known to Opticians that the Compound Color of orange and yellow and the Color which Newton Calls indigo comprise within themselves the seven primitive colors, that is, united they ought to form White. We ought not therefore to reject this effect ofatmospheric air, because dissimilar to the prismatic powers of such diaphanous bodies as are best Known to us: modern experiments have Shewn that refracting bodies possess very different dispersive powers; and when we reflect upon the heterogeneous nature of our atmosphere, composed of at least three permanently elastic fluids, with the adventitious mixture of perhaps a hundred others, Subject from chemical afinity to perpetual resolution and composition, disolving at all times a great proportion of aqueous fluid, and the wholepervaded by the electric fluid; shall we then presume to doubt that Nature has it in her power to compose a refracting body, whose dispersive powers are equal with respect to the red, orange, yellow & green making rays, and tho' greater with regard to the three remaining primitive colors yet perfectly equal among themselves.
I have the honor to be with the highest respect and Consideration.
Your most humble and most Obedient Servant, ... William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 5th. January 1803
Dear Sir
A Series of bad health which has endured above twelve months has withdrawn much of my attention from Philosphic objects, a favorable change having lately taken place, I perceive with Satisfaction that my Mind & body are both recovering their former tone, and now again enjoy the pleasing prospect of dedicating my leisure hours to my favorite amusements, whichhowever must for a time be Suspended, in consequence of a Call (which I knew not how to refuse) to the Infant Legislature of this Territory.
I have now the pleasure to enclose a letter addressed to me from a french Gentleman of considerable merit and talents; he acts in the Capacity of Civil Commandant over the Oppelousas Country to the West of the Missisippi: his letter contains some particularities of his Country and is accompanied by two pretty full vocabularies of the tongues of two indian nations of that country to which is added a Sketch of the religion or Superstition of those people; which I hope may afford you and the Society some Small entertainment. From several other quarters I have used some efforts to draw Similar information but am hitherto disappointed. Should you be of opinion that Mr. Duralde merits the distinction of an honorary Member of your Society, I have no doubt that Such mark of your approbation will operate as a strong incentive for this Gentleman to exercise his talents in promoting the views of the Society.
My Sketch of a history of the Missisippi has been long delayed from the cause above assigned, but shall be prepared and forwarded as soon as it can be completed.
I have lately been honored by a letter from Sir Joseph Banks with an Extract from the transactions of the Royal Society on the subject of stones supposed to have fallen from the Clouds. I do not recollect to have heard of any such phenomenon having been observed upon the continent of America.
By a letter with which I was favored from my much esteemed friend Mrs. Trist by her Son lately arrived. She Says that you had informed her, it was my intention to remove shortly from this Country; I beg leave to remove this impression. Since the Country has been united to the American federation I have never ceased to consider it as my own Country, which I hope never to be under the necessity of abandoning.
With high consideration, I remain, Your most Obedient Servant,
William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington Mar. 3. 1803.
Dear Sir
Your favr. of the 5th of Jan. has been duly recieved, and I have to return you thanks for the two vocabularies. The memoir of Mr. Duralde has been forwarded to the Philosophical society. We shall be happy to see your history of the Misisipi compleated, as it is becoming one of the most interesting parts our country, the only one where some of the Tropical productions can be numbered among ours. Mrs. Trist had only a little mistaken the information I gave her; which was not that you were removing altogether, but that you meant shortly to take a trip to England, which I had understood from some other persons is not from yourself.
The late interruption of our commerce at New Orleans by the Spanish Intendant, combined with the change of proprietors which Lousiana certainly, and the Floridas possibly are immediately to undergo, have produced a great sensation here while some have wished to make it the immediate cause of war which might derange our finances & unharness the administration of the government, which in the state of their political passions would be a counter-veil for the most serious public calamities; we have formed what we believe a more certain, & more speedy means of reestablishing permanently the rights & conveniences of our commerce. Whether we may succeed in the acquisition of the island of N. Orleans & the Floridas peaceably for a price far short of the expence of a war, we cannot say. Butt that we shall obtain peaceably an immediate & firm reestablishment of all our rights under the Spanish treaty every circumstance known to us tends us to believe. If contrary to expectations, war should be necessary to restore our rights, it is surely prudent to take a little time for availing ourselves of the division of Europe to strengthen ourselves for that war. Nothing but the failure of every peaceable mode of redress, nothing but dire necessity, should force us from that path of peace which would be our wisest pursuit; to embark in broils and contentions of Europe, and become a satelite to any power there, yet this must be the consequence, if we fail in all peaceable means of reestablishing our rights. Were we to enter into the war alone the Missisipi would be blockaded at least during the continuance of that war, by a superior naval power, and all our Western states be deprived of their commerce unless they would surrender themselves to the blockading power. Great endeavors have been used from this quarter to enflame the Western people to take possession of New Orleans, without looking forward to the use they could make of it with a blockaded river but I trust they will be sensible that a peaceable redress will be the quickest & most for their interests. We shall endeavor to procure the Indian right of soil, as soon as they can be prevailed on to part with it,of the whole left bank of the Missisipi to a respectable breadth, and encourage it's prompt settlement; and thereby plant on the Missisipi itself the means of it's own defence, and present as strong a frontier on that as our Eastern border. I pray you to accept assurance of my great esteem and respect.
... Th: Jefferson
FC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 10th. June 1803
Dear Sir
I am honored with yours of the 3d March. My unconfirmed state of health suffered some retardment from my attendance on the Legislature: its new position chosen by the late Assembly, altho' tollerable in our climate for a summer Session was found to be, during a very cold winter, without comfort or even common accommodation: my sufferings demanded considerable repose; want of bodily health induces habit of indolence upon the mind, and I am but just returning to my favorite amusements; I nevertheless enjoy the flattering prospect of returning health. My Sketch towards a history of the Missisipii therefore remains unfinished, but as the whole as been long in the form of notes & memorandums, I shall be able soon to connect it so as to be fit to transmit.
You have done me the favor to communicate your ideas respecting the politicks of our Country; it was not my intention to introduce this Subject into any communications from me, Knowing that your Governor and General here must keep you apprised of every event meriting notice; to those Gentlemen I have always communicated every intelligence, of any importance which my acquaintance and correspondence with New Orleans may have brought early to myKnowledge, with a view that it might be conveyed to you. The reasons you assign for negotiating in preference to going to war, must be completely satisfactory to every unprejudiced person, if the object in view be solely the restoration of the deposit. Of the few persons in this Country who reflect, the greater part contemplate another object which they conceive to be of immense magnitude and which at a future day will powerfully operate upon the happiness of this great Continent. The french-an ambitious, enterprising warlike people are preparing to scatter their myriads over these Countries. We are informed that 30 thousand persons in france had obtained passports to migrate to the Missisippi, exclusive of those composing Genl. Victor's expedition. They will create a great Nation, speaking a different language from ours. It is true we consist of millions and they only of thousands, but a few years of uninterrupted prosperity will multiply them into a great people,Sufficient for their own defence and capable of annoying the Neighbours. The West Valley of the Missisippi is greatly more fertile by nature than that on the side of the United States: that Country is undisturbed by those ferocious Savages who have with so much constancy and firmness retarded the progress of Civilised population on our Side. If then with every favorable circumstance, the French shall advance only in the Known ratio of two to one in twenty years, their present population in Louisiana which we shall call only 60 thousand, will in 200 years, amount to more than 60 millions: it must be allowed that the uncommon Supplies of men to be expected from Europe must greatly anticipate the hour when those people will become formidable. We shall thus have in one and the Same Country, two great rival Nations speaking different languages; and experience has demonstrated that the rivalry of Nations i little short of a State of perpetual hostility; the immense number of fine navigable rivers furnished by our Country, so far from constituting natural boundaries become the natural bonds and conection of the People; and if hostilely disposed, greatly facilitate their reciprocal incursions; it would seem that immense Chains of rugged, barren & inhospitable Mountains are the most perfect boundaries and barriers in Nature. How desireable to preserve the whole of the Valley of the Missisippi for the spread of the people of the United States; who might in the progress of one Century, plant the fine Western Valley of the Missisippi with many millions of industrious inhabitants, speaking the same language with ourselves: it ought not to be objected that this object is too remote to merit the contemplation of the present moment; it may be considered, comparatively as at hand. Those who do not chuse to penetrate so far into futurity, are greatly alarmed by a danger which they conceive to be pressing. It is not doubted that the french Govt. has for some time fostered principles extremely inimical to the Govt. and general prosperity of the United States. By arts which they have reduced to aSystem their Successful progress in Europe has been wonderful; they acquire by their Superior talents and fascinating address an ascendancy over the minds of a great part of a people, whose Govt. they intend to annihilate: their project becoming mature, the foreign Govt. must tamely Submit to the mediatory mandates of the great Nation, or if blind to the progress of french principles they attempt to rouse the people in defence of their Country, they fall an easy conquest to the Superiority of french arms, the people receiving with open arms their pretended deliverers. There is no doubt, the french willattempt to play the same game with us. From the present good disposition of the mass of the people of the Western States, towards their own Govt. and a general detestation of french principles, a Superficial observer might draw arguments unfavorable to any impression to be made upon us by the french; but who shall say, what influence, a series of favors, indulgencies and immunities, with a crafty, conciliatory well directed conduct, may effect? the trade of france, no doubt, will be open to the Western people, their Commerce upon the Ocean will receive protection from the Navy of france, & no return will be exacted beyond what is paid by the 'Soi disant' Citizens of france. In due time the well chosen emissaries of our Sister Republic (who will not be sparing in the almighty influence of the precious metals) will create a party among the least virtuous but most clamorous of our Citizens; a false idea )already afloat) will be industriously inculcated that the interests of the Eastern and Western United States are opposed, and that an entire Separation will advance the prosperity of the Latter; by those and a thousand other wilesand Stratagems, the integrity of our union will be attacked; with what Success, time only will demonstrate: but I must confess, when I observe with what facility and indifference, many of our native Americans talk of flinging aside their allegiance and becoming the willing subjects of a despotic Government, I tremble. It may be said that those ill still continue to beAmericans and will in due time facilitate the acquisition of the Country. Such was my own opinion under the inactive and lethargic Govt. of Spain; but we cannot dissemble that our guondam friends (in the event of a war) will be but a few among the many, when mingled with the numerous & warlike bands of the french, and will be compelled to present the bayonet against the breasts of their fathers and brothers, or should their new Masters doubt of theirfidelity (which is highly probably) they will be degraded into the rank of hewers of wood and drawers of water for the Army, and thus throw an additional weight into the Scale of the Enemy, which a Spirit truely patriotic ought to have preserved to ourselves. But how such might evils are to be prevented, must be left to the contemplation of the Sages of our Country. We cannot allege that we possess any right derived from the ordinary principles of human justice or the law of Nations to inhibit the completion of a Contract made bytwo independent nations. But is there not a law in our favor Superior to all others, the Divine law of Self-preservation? But even upon this principle, violence is unjustifiable until fair and honorable negotiations shall have failed.
We observe that an idea has gained ground in the U.S. that a Subaltern Intendant has dared to infract a Solemn treaty between two Nations, without the positive command of his Court: this thought has not failed to excite a Smile her among those who are intimately acquainted with Spanish polity and who know the precision of Conduct which pervades its departments, for all Govts. certainly the Spanish is one of the most regular, methodical and corect; the rule of conduct of the principal officers is delineated so clearly, that they cannot deviate but with a certainty of punishment, unless sheltered under powerful protection. The only doubt among the few who have penetrated a little the secret, is whether the act has been done with or without the Knowledge of the french Government; for my own part, I have believed, in consequence of Several private reason, particularly the information of some old friends near the Cabinet at New Orleans, that the transaction was brought forward without the privity of the Chief Consul: the idea I have formed & which I conceive to be upon Solid ground is, that the Spanish Govt. trebling alive to their own danger from the transplantation of aColony or rather an army of rapacious frenchmen in the vicinity of their rich mexican possessions, have made a feeble attempt by the apparent insult of suspending the deposit, to stimulate the Americans to step foreward for their relief: This being a matter of peculiar delicacy, putting to risk, the very existence of the Spanish monarchy, it became necessary to conduct the measure with such profound privacy that it should be impossible for the french Govt. ever to penetrate the Secret; a Speedy revolution might have been the immediate consequence of the discovery. My ideas have been long since communicated to Genl. Wilkinson: it is scarsely supposeable that the Governor of New Orleans could tamely suffer his own dignity to be so far wounded as to permit an officer Subaltern to himself,( & whose power extends only to the regulation of Commerce) to infract by an unauthorised act, a solemn treatywith a foreign nation, respecting which the Governor himself is the Sole external organ. Governor Salcedo tells Govr. Claiborne in very obscure, I may, mysterious language; that he was himself opposed to the Intendant's decree untill that officer presented to his view, the propriety of acting with circumspection and prudence, in order that they might be prepared against possible events which might spring from revolving occurences; or words to that effect: those expressions do not in any sense apply to the continuance or suspension of the deposit, nor can we interpret them upon any other principle, but from the existence of some violent alarm in the minds of the Spanish officers. Immediately after the promulgation of the Intendant's decree suspending the deposit, a great anxiety became evident in the minds of Govr. & Intendant to dispatch a Confidential express to the Spanish minister near theU.S. and the first Clerk of the Secretary's office was chosen for the purpose, but after some reflection he declined being engaged in the service: a Mr. Power was afterwards applied to, and he asked (I think) 2000 dollars; the Govr. thought the sum too much, and while they continued to deliberate, the Express pilot-boat went by the Marquis d'Yrujo arrived at New Orleans. Whether the Govr. at New Orleans transmitted the Secret they wished to communicate, by the return of the Pilot-boat, or found it then too late, time perhaps maydiscover. I will add one more circumstance which is perhaps a corroboration of my idea. It has been a policy of the Spanish Govt. to send occasionally into their Colonies, persons vested with Supreme power to enquire into and remedy such evils and abuses as spring from the malversation of their officers: No Such Dictatorial officer had ever appeared in Louisiana, yet at the moment when the Country was forever to be lost to Spain and when She could not bemuch interested in the existence of any abuses real or pretended within the Province, an officer of the above description makes his appearance in New Orleans: he arrived (as customary) incog; he was extremely intimate with the Intendant, and I believe lived in his house; after remaining unknown a Short time, he proclaimed his pretended mission and exercised his authority in one or two slight cases, and soon after departed: it is difficult not believe that this person was entrusted with a Commission of the most private nature, widely different from that of the very unnecessary character with which he seemed to be alone invested: a short time after his departure the proclamation of the Intendant was issued. The late order of the Spanish Court, tho' apparently militating against the above idea; proves nothing but the imbecility and pusilanimity of that Govr. which cedes to every passing impulse. Disimulationhas ever been a favorite engine in Spanish politicks, and when we reflect upon the depressed Situation of the Spanish Monarchy, goaded by the Govt. of france; the apparent inconsistencies which mingle in the transactions respecting the Suspension and restoration of the deposit are easily reconciled.
It is time I should apologize for having detained you so long, but my excuse must be found in my motive, which is a desire to inform you of a few circumstances which may hereafter throw some light upon present and future transactions. Politicks are not a favorite subject with me & I shall probably not introduce it again into our Correspondence, unless in the view ofcommunicating something which may be important for you to know.
With the highest Consideration I have the honor to be, Your obedientServant, ... William Dunbar
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington July 17. 1803
Dear Sir
Before you recieve this you will have heard thro' the chanel of the public papers of the cession of Louisiana by France to the US. the terms as stated in the National Intelligence are accurate. That the treaty may be ratified in time I have found it necessary to convene Congress in the 17th of October; and it is very important for the happiness of the country that they should possess all the information which can be obtained respecting it, thatthey may make the best arrangements practicable for it's good government. Itis the more necessary because they will be obliged to ask from the people an amendment of the constitution authorising their recieving this province into the union, & providing for the same government, and the limitations of power which shall be given by that amendment will be considerable but by the same authority. I have therefore sent some queries to Mr. Clarke of New Orleans, to be answered by such persons as he shall think best qualified, and to bereturned to me before the meeting of Congress and knowing that you have turned your attention to many of the subjects, I inclose you a copy of them, and ask the favor you to give me what information you can in answer to such of them as you shall select as lying within the scope of your information. I am encouraged to propose this trouble to you by a thorough persuasion of your readiness & desire to serve the public cause by whatever shall be in your power and by the belief that you are one of those who will sincerely rejoice at our success in relieving you by peaceable means from a powerful & enterprising neighbor & establishing on a permanent basis the tranquility, security and prosperity of that interesting country. I tender you my friendly salutations and assurances of my great esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson
July 18. P.S. Since writing the preceding your favor of June 10 has been recieved. The exchange of a peaceable for a warring neighbor at New Orleans was undoubtedly ground of just and great disquitude on our pat, and the necessity of acquiring the country could not be unpercieved by any. The question which divided our legislature (but not the nation) was whether we should take it at once, & enter single-handed into war with the most powerfulnation on earth, or place things on the best footing practicable for the present, and avail ourselves of the first war in Europe ( which it was clear was at no great distance) to obtain the country as the price of our neutrality, or as a reprisal for wrongs which we were sure enough to recieve. The war happened some sooner than was expected, but our measures werepreviously-taken, and the thing took the best turn for both parties, those who were honest in their reasons for preferring immediate war, will in their candour, rejoice that their opinion was not followed. They may indeed still believe it was the best opinion according to probabilities, we however believed otherwise and they, I am sure, will now be glad that we did.
The letter of yesterday will shew you my desire of recieving information from you, and I shall always by thankful for it. My wish is to hear every thing, compare all together, and to do what in the whole I conscientiously think for the best. I exprest my salutations & esteem.
FC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Monticello Sep. 21.03.
Dear Sir
Your favour in answer to my queries came to hand a few days ago, and I thank your for the matter it contains & the promptness with which it has been furnished. Just on my departure from this place, where I habitually pass the sickly months of Aug. & Sep. I have time only to ask information on a particular point. It has been affirmed by respectable authority, that Spain on recieving the East & West Florida of the English, did not continue that distinction, but restore Louisiana to it's antient boundary the Perdido, and that the country from the Perdido to the Iberville has been ever since considered as a part of Louisiana, & governed by the Governor of Louisiana residing at New Orleans: while the country from the Perdido Eastwardly to the Atlantic has been called, as antiently, by the simple name of Florida, & governed by the governor of Florida residing at St. Augustine. The terms of the treaty render this fact very interesting if true, inasmuch as it fills upthe measure of reasoning which fixes the extent of the cession Eastwardly to the Perdido. I write the present to ask of you to ascertain this fact & to give me the information as quickly as possible, as it may yet be recieved in time to determine our proceedings. Accept my friendly salutation & assurances of great esteem & respect. ... Th: Jefferson
FC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 21st. October 1803
Dear Sir
I have been honored with your letter of the 21st Ulto. and now make haste to reply to its contents. The information you have recieved relative to the re-annexation (by the Spanish Govt.) of that part of W. Florida lying between the Missisippi and river Perdido is perhaps incorrect: The Stile and title of the Spanish Govr. (up to the present time) has been Governor General of the two Provinces of Louisiana and W. Florida; the Govr. of Pensacola has alwaysbeen Subordinate to, and under the immediate orders of the Govr. Genl. of the two provinces. I have every reason to believe that the distinction of East and West Florida has continued to Subsist under the Spanish Govr. as it was received from the British, and that the jurisdiction of the Govr. of St. Augustin did never extend beyond the limits of british East Florida; itcertainly never comprehended Pensacola which was a part of ancient Spanish Florida: one or two Circumstances nevertheless occur to my mind which might induce an idea that a portion of W. Florida had been consolidated with Louisiana. The command of the opposite banks of the Missisippi within or rather on the Western boundary of british W. Florida has ever been united(since the cession by the british) in the person of the Same Commandant as if belonging to the Same province; this is however by no means conclusive: a stronger Circumstance is the following. Before the conquest of W. Florida by the Spanish arms, a Surveyor General of Louisiana was in Commission; and when warrants were afterwards issued by Government for the Survey of lands on the east side of the Missisippi, they were directed to the Surveyor general of Louisiana; no mention has ever been made of W. Florida in those warrants of Survey, the lands being Stated to be Situated in the District of Baton rouge or Natchez. No surveyor was ever appointed expressly for W. Florida. The Subordinate Surveyors were all deputies of the Surveyor General of Louisiana, and as it was after impossible to procure such as were qualified, concessions of land have very often remained without Survey or been badly done byCommandants or their Servants. You have probably been furnished with a Copy of the orders of the Spanish Court, to the Govr. and Intendant of Louisiana, yo deliver up the province to the french Commissioner. Being uncertain, I enclose you a Copy thereof taken from a faithful copy drawn from the original by the Writer; from which it will be seen that it was properly Louisiana under the Spanish Govt. was to have been delivered up to the french republic: the explanation given by the Spanish officers at New Orleans has been, that Spain was to deliver no more to France than what She had received from her, & that consequently the whole of british W. Florida was to be retained; upon this point the french Prefect differed widely from them, claiming ancient Louisiana as it formerly existed under the french dominion, So far as it now continues in the possession of Spain; and write to his government on the Subject; declaring with french confidence that an application from the chief Consul to the Court of Spain would speedily rectify the errors of its officers.
In my account of indian nations within the province of Louisiana, I have stated that they are few in number and harmless; this is to be understood only of such divisions of the province as are partially inhabited by the Whites; but if my conjectures are well founded, that its barriers extend to the Northern Andes, we remain completely in the dark, as to the Aboriginal Tribes which are scattered over that immense region; a few only are imperfectly known to us; they inhabit the banks of the Missouri and some of its (almost) innumerable branches. Those I observe are detailed by Mr. Clark in his letter by last mail to Mr. Maddison.
I remark with Satisfaction that by the same occasions Mr. Clark has communicated many useful hints to the Secretary of State respecting the people of Louisiana, their characters, their ignorance and their prejudices, which will furnish them with very false ideas of the nature of the government & courts of Justice which they are to expect from us. I have reflected upon this Subject, but have always been disinclined to obtrude any opinions notpointedly called for, much less to amuse you with Speculative ideas, which perhaps are false in theory and might lead (in practice) to evils of greater magnitude than those which they were erroniously calculated to obviate: I have furnished our Delegate Mr. Lattimore with some reflections on Courts and on men of the law; which reflections I Know to be very crude, but will convey the idea of an evil which is rapidly growing up in this Country to an enormousmagnitude; fortunate will be the lot of the new province if by any means She may escape so great a Scourge: to me it is evident that the period is fast approaching when the Men of the Law will be the Lords & nobility of this Country and the Planters will be their Vassals; they will then govern us with despotic sway. The Governor of our territory deeply impressed with the importance of this Subject, proposes, I believe to second those ideas in hisfuture Communications with Government. I have written to Mr. Clark on the Same topic, proposing that the Louisianians should send an intelligent Agent to Congress in order to State the Situation and Circumstances of the New Province and its Inhabitants before the Sage Legislators of our Nation; but he informs me, the Spanish Govt. will not permit any Such measures to be publickly taken while the reins of Govt. remain in their hands.
I am with the highest respect, Your Obedient & devoted Servant,
William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 28th Jan: 1804
Dear Sir
I have the pleasure of transmitting you a few imperfect notes relating to the Missisippi and the Alluvial Country thro which it passes. I am sensible they contain remarks of trivial importance, but believing almost every thing relating to this Country to be now very interesting to the United States, I have considerably enlarged my notes since the cession of Louisiana, & do now Suffer them to escape from my hand, flattering myself that their imperfections will be veiled by your indulgence.Should you think them not unworthy of being read before the Philosophical Society, you will be pleased to transmit them, at your leisure to the respectable body. I have added the results of threeyears meteorological observations, but have forborn to Subjoin any notes concerning the influence of Seasons, as they would be little more than a repetition of what they Society is already in possession of. I have only noticed two Phenomena, one produced by the Sun, the other by the Moon. My Amanuensis being a frenchman little acquainted with english, you will bepleased to excuse errors hastily corrected.
I am concern to observe that a resolution has been Submitted to Congress by a Committee, of which our own Delegate is a Member, which resolution goes to deprive Jefferson College of 30 acres of land granted by the late Congress and to give the same to the City of Natchez: The Town of Natchez is not in distress, the Corporation has been empowered by this legislature to levy taxes, more than Sufficient for their expences, upon all property within the liberties of the town. The College is in absolute poverty: The Trustees, reckoning upon the thirty acres (near the town) as an object immediately productive, have passed a resolution, to prepare plans & contract for the erection of the most necessary buildings; if the 30 acres are taken away, the progress of the College must be arrested. Our public treasury has been so poor(& so unreasonable an aversion from paying taxes prevails) that the College has received no aid from the territory: private Contribution has not gone beyond the narrow Circle of a few public Spirited individuals; the Section reserved by Congress will not very Speedily be productive; hence if our newly created town Corporation obtains a victory over the College, the poor Seminary will be absolutely nipped in the bud.
With the highest Consideration I have the honor to be Your most Obed. Servant ... William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington Mar. 13. 04.
Dear Sir
Your favor of Jan. 28. has been duly recieved, and I have rad with great satisfaction your ingenious paper on the subject of the Misisipi which I shall immediately forward to the Philosophical society, where it will be duly prised to prove the value I set on it, & my wish that it may go to the public without any imperfection about it, I will take the liberty of submitting to your reconsideration the only passage which I think may require it. You say, page 9. The velocity of rivers is greatest at the surface, and gradually diminishes downwards' and this principle enters into some subsequent parts of the paper, and has too much effect on the phaenomena of that river not to merit mature consideration. I cannot but suppose it at variance with the law of motion in rivers. In strict theory the velocity of water at any given depth in a river is (in addition to it's velocity at it's surface) whatever a body would have acquired by falling thro' a space equal to that depth. If, in the middle of a river we drop a vertical line a.e. from it's surface to it's bottom, and (using a perch, or rather a measure of 16.125f for our unit of measure) we draw at the depths b.c.d.e. ( which suppose=1.4.9.16 perch) ordinates, in thedirection of the stream to the odd numbers 3.5.7.9 perch, these ordinates will represent the additional velocities of the water, per second of time, at the depth of their respective abscissae, and will terminate in a curve of f.g.h.i, which will represent the velocity of the current in every point, and th wholemass of water passing on in a second of time*. *These Ordinates are Arimetical progressionals, each of which is double the root of it's Abussa plus Unit. The equation therefore expressing the law of the curve is y=2nx+1. That is the velocity of the water at any depth will be double the root of that depth, plus Unit. Were the line a.e. a wall, and by cg.dh.ei. troughs along which water spouted from apertures at b.c.d.e. their intersections with the curve at g.g.h.i. would mark the point in each trough to which the water would flow in a second of time, abating for friction. This would be the theory of the motion of rivers. Were there no friction, but the bottom being rough it's friction with the lower sheet or lamina of water will retard that lamina, the friction or viscosity of the particles of which again with those of the one next above will retard that, somewhat less, the 2d retard the 3d the 3d the 4th and so on upwards diminishing till the retardation becomes insensible, & the theoretic curve will be modified by that cause as at n.o. removing the maximum of motion from the bottom somewhere upwardly. Again the same circumstances of friction & vicosity of the particles of water among themselves will cause the lamina at the surface to be accelerated by the quicker motion of the one next below it; the 2d still more by the 3d the 3d by the 4th & so on downwards, the acceleration always increasing till it reaches the lamina of greatest motion the exact point of the maximum of motion cannot be calculated because it depends on friction, but it is probably much nearer the bottom than top, because the greater power of the current there sooner overcomes the effect of the friction. Ultimately the curve will be sensiblyvaried by being swelled outwardly above, and retracted inwardly below, somewhat like a.k.l.m.n.o in the preceding diagram.
Indulging corollaries on this theory, let us suppose a place surface, as a large sheet of cast iron let down by a cable from a boat, and made to present it's surface to the current by a long vane fixed on it's axis in the direction of the current. Would not the current below laying hold of this plate draw the boat down the stream with more rapidity than that with which it otherwise moves on the surface of the water? Again at the cross current of the surface, which flows into the Chafalusa and endangers the drawing boats into that river, as you mention pa.18. would not the same plane surface if let down into the under current, which moves or the direction of the bed of the main river have the effect of drawing the vessel across the lateral current prevailing at it's surface, and conduct the boat with safety, along the channel of the river? The preceding observations are submitted to yourconsideration by drawing your attention to the subject, they will enable you, on further reflection, to confirm or correct your first opinion. If the latter, there would be time, before we print a volume to make any alterations or additions to your paper which you might wish.
We were much indebted for your communications on the subject of Louisiana. The substance of what was recieved from you as well as other particulars came, as some were of a nature to excite illwill. Of these publications I sent you a copy. On the subject of the limits of Lousiana nothing was said therein, because we thought it best first to have explanations with Spain. In the first visit, after recieving the treaty, which I paid to Monticello, which was in August, I availed myself of what I have there to investigate the limits. While I was in Europe I had purchased every thing I could lay my hands on which related to any part of America, and particularly had a pretty full collection of the English, French & Spanishauthors on the subject of Louisiana. The information I got from these was entirely satisfactory, and I threw it into a shape which would easily take the form of a Memorial. I now inclose you a copy of it. One single fact in it was taken from a publication in a newspaper supposed to be written by Judge Bais who had lived in West Florida. This asserted that the country was to think from the Iberville to the Perdido was to this day called Louisiana, and a part of the government of Lousiana. I write to you to ascertain that fact, and recieved the information you were so kind as to send me, on the reciept of which I changed the form of the assertion, so as to adapt it to what I suppose to be the fact, and to reconcile the testimony I have recieved to wit that th' the name & division of W. Florida have been retained, and instictness that country is now called by that name, yet it is also called Louisiana in common parlance, & even in some authentic public documents. The fact however is not of much importance, it would only have been an argumentum ad hominem. Altho' I would wish the paper inclosed never to be seen by anybody but yourself & that it should not even be mentioned that the facts and opinions therein stated are founded in public authority yet I have no objections to their being freely advanced in conversation and as private & individual opinion, believing it will be advantageous that the extent of our rights should be known to the inhabitants of the country and that however we may compromise on our Western limits we never shall on the Eastern.
I formerly acquainted you with the mission of Capt. Lewis up the Missouri and across from it's head to the Pacific. He takes about a dozen men with him is well provided with instruments, and qualified to give use the geography of the line he passes along with astronomical accuracy. He is now hutted opposite the mouth of the Missouri ready to enter it on the opening of the season. He will be at least two years on the expedition. I propose to charge the Surveyor general N. of Ohio with a survey of the Missisipi from it's source to the mouth of Ohio, & with settling some other interesting points of geography inthat quarter. Congress will probably authorise me to explore the greater waters on the Western wide of the Missisipi & Missouri, to their sources. In this case I should propose to send one party up the Panis river to it's source, thence along the highlands to the source of the Padoucas river, and down it to it's mouth. Another party up the Arcansa to it's source, thence along the highlands to the source of the Red river, & down that to it's moth, giving the whole course of both parties corrected by astronomicalobservations. These several surveys will enable us to prepare a map of Louisiana, which in it's contour and main waters will be perfectly correct, & will give us a skeleton to be filled up with details hereafter. For what lies North of the Missouri we suppose British industry will furnish that. As you live so near to the point of departure of the lowest expedition, and possess and can acquire so much better the information which may direct that to the best advantage, I have thought if congress should authorise the enterprise to propose to you the unprofitable trouble of directing it. The party would consist of 10 or 12 picked souldiers, volunteers with an officer, under the guidance of one or two persons qualified to survey & correct by observations of latitude & longitude the latter lunar, and as well informed as we can get them in the departments of botany, natural history & mineralogy. I am told there is a Mr. Walker in your town & a Mr. Gillespie in N. Carolina possessinggood qualifications. As you know them both, you can judge whether both are qualified, should two persons go, or which is best, should but one be sent, or whether there is any other person better qualified than either. Their pay would probably not exceed 1000D. a year, to which would be added their subsistence. All preparations would be to be made at Natchez & N. Orleans, & the necessary advances be furnished by the Collector of N. Orleans, on yourorder, to take this trouble no inducement could be proposed to you but the gratification of contributing to the promotion of science. Instructions similar to those of Capt. Lewis would go from here to be added to by what should occur to yourself, and you would be the center from the communications from the party to the government. Still this is a matter of speculation only, as Congress are hurrying over their business for adjournment, and may leave this article of it unfinished. In that case what I have said will be as if I had not said it.
There is such a difference of opinion in Congress as to the government to be given to Lousiana, that they may continue the present one another year. I hope and urge their not doing it & the establishment of a government on the spot, capable of meeting promptly it's own emergencies. Accept my friendly salutations & assurances of great esteem & respect. Th. Jefferson
FC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Monticello Apr. 15. 04.
Dear Sir
In my last letter I informed you that I expected Congress would authorise me to take measures for exploring the principal Western waters of the Missisipi & Missouri. This measure was however neglected till near the close of the season, and then very inadequately provided for in a bill on it's passage, from a want of previous enquiry & consideration of the sum necessary. 2000 D. only were appropriated to that purpose. As this is a very scanty provision, even for a single party, I have concluded to apply it to the mostinteresting part of the country, the Arkansa & Red rivers. This is exactly the portion, relative to which, from your vicinity to it comparatively with ours, I proposed to ask your aid and superintendance. Altho' time has not permitted me to await your permission, yet, presuming on your attachment to science, & attainment in it, and the dispositions to aid it necessarily flowing from these. I have made out the instructions now inclosed, for the person who is to direct the mission, on the ground of your consent to become our co-operator. A blank is left at the head of the instructions for the name of the person, to be filled up by yourself. I had suggested the names of Mr. Walker of Natchez, & Mr. Gillespii of N.C. as persons who had been proposed to me as competent to our object. But as both of them are personally known to you, I have thought it best to leave to you to select either, or to reject both, if you are able to insert the name of any one preferable to them. To these will be added by the Secretary at war the general provisions for the execution of this enterprize,referred to in the 2d paragraph of my instructions, and to both I shall ask the favor of you to add supplementorily, whatever you may deem advantageous, and whatever may be necessary to expedite the mission with the least delay possible, taking such measures, and giving such directions to all persons concerned, as the state of things on the spot may call for, so as to supply in every case the necessity of recurrence to us. Such a recurrence would, fromour distance, defeat the object for one year, a portion of time we wish not to lose. You perceive by the instructions that a Doctr. George Hunter of Philadelphia is appointed to go as a coadjutor & successor in case of accident to the principal. His fort is chemistry. In the practical part of that branch of science he has probably no equal in the US. and he is understood to be qualified to take the necessary astronomical observations. The thing to beguarded against is that an indulgence to his principal qualification may not lead to a hazarding of our mission to search for gold and silver mines. These are but an incidental object, to be noted if found in their way, as salt, or coal, or lime would but not to be sought after. Referring therefore what now remains to be done to your kind assistance, I tender you my friendly salutations & assurances of great esteem & respect. ... Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 13th. May. 1804
Dear Sir
I am honored with your favor of the 13th March. I am extremely obliged by your condescension in communicating your remarks on some part of my imperfect Sketch of the Missisippi: from what you have written I see the necessity of a short appendix, which I shall consider in the light of an apology for dissenting from the opinions of so many eminent mathematicians, who have written on the theory of rivers: It was not without due reflection that I have said, that 'the velocity of rivers is greatest at the surface and graduallydiminished downwards.' It is long since I have found myself obliged to abandon the theories of Mariotte, Varignon and Guglielmini, believing them contrary to fact and observation, and unsupported by true Philosophy or even the plainest hydrostatical laws; but I will not here obtrude my ideas, reserving them for a short paper I am now preparing, which, if it cannot go by this mail, will probably be ready for next, when I shall take the liberty of submitting it to your inspection.
I have attentively perused the examination into the boundaries of Louisiana: the arguments respecting the Perdido as an eastern boundary seem unanswerable, and if the french Govt. agree that such was also their understanding of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, they must be conclusive: the general idea of the Govt. and people of Louisiana, seems to have been that theportion of W. Florida lying between the Iberville and Perdido was not yet actually transferred, but soon must follow, being no longer of use but rather an incumbrance to Spain; hence those extensive sales which have been lately made by the Spanish Govt. within that District: the Intendant had been heretofore authorised by the King to Sell lands, under certain regulations, within Louisiana; this measure was adopted only since the cession of theMissisippi Territory by Spain to the U.S. perhaps in imitation of the mode generally used by the U.S. for the disposal of their vacant land, few or no sales were made under the new regulations, untill after the treaty of the 30th of last was made known here, when it was supposed, probably, that the Circumstance was favorable.
The Surveying and exploring expeditions to be undertaken at public expence must be gratifying to all lovers of Science and of natural research: it would have been much to be wished that Congress had been more liberal with respect to pecuniary provision, for certainly the number & even talents of the Gentlemen to be employed must be greatly circumscribed by the very moderate fund appropriated to this object: the report of the Committee of Congresswhich preceded the Law, seems to have contemplated services to be rendered to the public by the patriotism of men of Science and genius, I presume not to doubt that there are many such, but it ought to be recollected that Young men of talent, but of small fortune, who engage in such enterprises, however flattering to the ardour of their youthful minds, cannot serve their Country but by a great Sacrifice of most precious time, and when a Great Empire talksof Compensation, this ought to be adequate to the importance of the undertaking & honorable both to the Government and to the Selected Individuals.
It will give me the highest satisfaction to contribute every thing in my power to promote the proposed expedition on the Red and Arcansa Rivers; of the two Gentlemen Gilespy and Walker, I concieve the first to have been best qualified by education, the last perhaps Superior in a natural genius &c. but he is not now here, I understand he has taken a Commission in the Spanish service at St. Antonio in New Mexico. I presume that neither of those Gentlemen possessed talents (fitted for the Expedition) beyond a knowledge of Surveying & a little taste for drawing and not greatly qualified for making the lunar observation: so far as I had occasion to observe neither of them had acquired Knowledge in general Natural history, botany or mineralogy. It will be no easy task to discover here persons moderately qualified to conduct the expedition, I do not know any one possessed of Such talents as I should require, who could be expected to engage in this enterprise: if Circumstancesrequire that they Should be Selected here, we must endeavour to make choice of Such as are well qualified to go thro' the geographical duty & if other talents are united in the same persons, we may account ourselves fortunate.
With the highest respect I have the honor to be Dear Sir, Your obedientServant, ... William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 1st June 1804
Dear Sir
I am honored with your letter of the 15th of April, accompanied by the instructions for the person who is to conduct the expedition up the Red river: I have already informed you in my last of the difficulty of finding a person here duely qualified, & should we in the end be obliged to accept of a person of moderate talents, it will probably in that case be proper to reserve the chief command for Doctor Hunter.
I have now the pleasure of enclosing you my remarks respecting the theory of rivers: by a letter from Mr. Vaughan, I find that my paper on the Missisippi concludes the 6th Vol. of transactions, I had no idea that it could have appeared so soon, or I should not have been so dilatory in transmitting the apendix; as it now comes too late, you will be pleased to forward it or not as you think proper; Were it not a degree of intrusion on my part, I would solicit, when perfectly at leisure, your opinion respecting my remarks.
Understanding that the mail is closing I have been obliged to hurry over this letter.
With the highest respect I have the honor to be, Your most obedientservant, ... William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington July 17.04.
Dear Sir
Your letter of June to myself as well as that to the Secretary at War was recieved here the 12th inst. in addition to the information contained in this last on the subject of our mission for exploring the Red & Arkansa rivers, is some of importance collected here. Capt. Choteau and 12 chiefs of the Osage nation are here at this time. Among these if the Great chief of the whole nation. Capt. Lewis's conferences with them, their visit, and what has passed here, have I believe fixed their friendship permanently. They will go from hence to Baltimore, Philadelphia & New YTork, and will then return home, where they will probably be in the course of November. i mentioned to the Chief this mission. It seems there is a schism in their nation; about 400 warriors of it and their families under the direction a chief called the Great track, having drawn off about two years ago to the Arkansa river. These will undoubtedly oppose the passage of our party and perhaps do worse. White hairs (the greatchief) therefore earnestly desires this mission to be suspended. He has sollicited our mediation to heal this schism. We accordingly shall engage Capt Choteau (who is to be our agent with the Osages) to go to the seceders in the winter or spring, to establish a good understanding with them on our part, and prevail on them to rejoin their nation. He will engage their consent to our mission and to furnish guides for the whole course of it. In the mean while we shall be able to remove Spanish impediments. On the whole therefore weconclude to suspend this expedition till this spring, but as you had proposed to go yourself some distance up the Red river, it is very desireable that you should make use of any part of the men or matters provided for the expedition, and go to what distance, and in what direction you please, return when you pleas, but in time to report to us the result f your researches, which report will probably induce Congress to enlarge the appropriation, and in the springthe party may start under better prospects. This delay gives us an opportunity too of appoint a person fully qualified to head the expedition. Should this find you at home, & the party departed, you will be so good as to send after them any orders you think best, either to return, immediately, or from such point in their course as will enable them to get back to winter at Natchez, and report their progress in time for the consideration of Congress. Shouldyou be gone from Natchez with the party, I shall desire Mr. West to send this after your by express. Accept my friendly salutations and assurances of great esteem & respect. ... Th. Jefferson
Draft in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library ofCongress.
Natchez 18th Augt. 1804
Dear Sir
I have recieved the honor of your letter of the 17th ulto. which suffered a small delay by being enclosed to mr. West & prevented my reply by last post. Fortunately the Expedition had not taken its departure, nor had I possitively engaged any one as Geographer to the party, so that no person can feel disappointment by the suspension, unless it should prove so to Dr. Hunter.
In consequence of the permission you are pleased to grant me, I have determined to make an Excursion up the Washita river and to the hot springs; this interesting part of Louisiana cannot be seen by the part in the Spring, I therefore give it the preference; the springs are supposed to be (by the sinnosities of the river) upwards of 500 miles from the Missisippi; they are Situated near an inferior smaller branch of the Washita not always navigable,so that there may be 40 or more miles to travel by land. Immediately on the receipt of your letter, I wrote to Collo. Freeman to suspend preparations for the principal expedition, and in lieu of the large boat to provide only a good strong, flat-bottomed, broad & safe Canoe or piraugue, fitted up in the plainest manner, and such as may be impelled rapidly against the stream by Six oars, which I have requested him to dispatch with all convenient speed mannedby a discreet non-commissd. officer and Six privates with 3 months rations. By my letter of the 4th inst. to the Secretary at war, you will have seen that Dr. Hunter was gone down to New Orleans to expedite the preparations & bring up the Escort: since that time I have further intelligence that if the Expedition had gone up the river, there is no doubt it would have terminated a little beyond the American post of Nakitosh by Spanish opposition. I have nowwritten to Dr. Hunter to put on board the small boat a proportional part of the matters provided, not doubting that he will himself accompany me on this excursion; it will fill up his time agreeably, and will present objects to exercise his talents in his favorite line: at the Washita Settlement we shall meet with old hunters and others capable of giving interesting details of the Countries high up the western rivers, which added to our own researches, willform a mass of information, which I have no doubt will induce Congress to make a more liberal provision for the more important Expedition of the ensuring season. With the highest respect, I have the honor to be, Your most Obedient Servant, ... William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 15th. October 1804
Dear Sir
Colo. Freeman was unable to find a Small boat and dispatched Lieut. Wilson with a Serjeant and twelve in the large boat with four months provisions from the 1st of September: Extreme bad weather with rain and contrary winds rendered the passage up tedious, and to add to our retardment I was extremely unwell at the time of the boats arriving: a few days werenecessary for recovery & a few more were given to the writing of letters and transacting of business preparative to our expedition.
I did not find myself authorised to deprive the Service of a Commissioned officer upon this little expedition, Mr. Wilson therefore returns to New Orleans, but as there was now no remedy respecting the boat & dispatch being our object, we have kept the Serjeant and twelve, and placed 12 oars upon the boat so that all the men may row. I shall carry several instruments inaddition to those provided for the party. The season being advanced, it is not my intention to loose any time by making astronomical observations on the way up. excepting only where this can be done without any retardment of the boat; we shall take the Courses & distances of the river, so as to be able to form a sketch of it: we shall make all the haste we can to the hot springs, which we look to as our principal object; we shall endeavour to get all the information we can procure at the Settlement on the River Washita; a rumor at presentprevails that the Indians on that side begin to threaten the Americans & that they are set on by the Spaniards at Nakadoches; this seems not probable while the Marquis of Casa calva is at New Orleans: it appears to be well authenticated that three Americans have been killed on the other side, some say by indians, others say be Spaniards, it is believed they were in Search of mines considerably beyond the line of limits acknowledged by the Spaniards.Tomorrow we set off.
The three deputies from New Orleans with their remonstrance to Congress are setting out about this time: it is believed that this Opposition has been promoted chiefly by Americans who are in search of popularity; Possessing an acquaintance with the french planters below almost general, I think it not improper to inform you that two of the Deputies are personally known to me; M. Sauvé a frenchman by birth was formerly a merchant in New Orleans, highly esteemed for his probity in business, and remarkable for his indulgence to his Customers and debtors; he became a planter, and is in easy or rather afluent circumstances; for a frenchman his manners are plain, with much candor and frankness of behavior, he speaks english tollerably well. M. Detraihant a Creole of Louisiana is a planter of the first rank, he is greatly respected and even look up to by his neighbours, he is a Gentleman of polite manners & honorable principles, he does not speak english-plays chess a little. The third is not known to me, however of late years come into Louisiana, he is a frenchman by birth & has acted as government interpreter and Speaks english. The real french inhabitants of Louisiana with whom I have conversed, seem well affected to the Govt. of the U.S. & wish to have it understood, that they mean nothing more by their memorial than to solicit respectfully what will be conducive to their own happiness and cement their attachment to their new Government.
Doctor Hunter is well & is much pleased with this little excursion, he proposes to visit his family immediately on our return, as he will still have time to return here for the grand expedition.
I have the honor to be respectfully, Your most Obedient Servant,
William Dunbar
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Post of Washita 9th. Novr. 1804
Dear Sir
After a voyage of trouble and retardment we are at last arrived at this place: Doctor Hunter's boat constructed after his chinese model has proved to be an unprofitable Vessel, being extremely heavy & making bad head way against the Current; her rate of going is not one half of what it ought to be for an expedition of the nature on which we are engaged; we have made a great Sacrifice of time in getting to this post, & in order that we may retrieve as much as possible our past loss, we are now changing our boat for one which is handsomely formed for advancing against the Current, and is built flat & light, so as to draw as little water as possible, which probably will not exceed 12 inches, whereas our first bark exceeded double that depth; for the use of this boat we are obliged to pay 1¼ dols pr. day, but the rapidity with which we expect to advance will prove as ample compensation; having reason to hope that exclusive of the frequent detentions upon Shallows, rocks, gravel-bars &c. we shall now advance with double our former velocity. The Common reckoning makes this spot from the mouth of the red river about 80 leagues, some call it more, but by our measure by Log and time makes it only 196 miles & 256 perches. From hence to the hot Springs is computed to be 150 leagues, we shall hope to find this distance as much Shortened by our measurement as the first part of the Voyage; in which case we may possibly arrive near to our destination about the end of this month; we take a guide or Pilot here to whom we shall pay 1 dol: pr. day.
Hitherto we have not Seen any thing interesting which is worthy of being particularly communicated to you at this moment, altho' I have got to the 36th quarto page of my Journal exclusive of the Courses & distances of the river with astronomical observations; those I could have wished to have Copied & forwarded, but am affraid time will not permit; it has been so constantly cloudy here Since our Arival, that I have not been able to make a lunar observation for the determination of the Longitude, but I had a good meridian altitude of the Sun to fix the Latitude ; the Longitude may for the present by estimated with very little error at 92 west of Greenwich. The Latitudes of the most remarkable points of this river are as follows: Mouth of Red river 311'. Mouth of Black river 3137'57". Post of Washita 3229'57". The situation of Fort Miro is about 350 yards higher on the river (north) & appears to be the private property of the former Civil Commandant under the Spanish Government. We shall I hope soon be able to make Satisfactory lunar observations for the ascertainment of the Longitude if not at this place, in its neighbourhood; I have a most excellent instrument for this purpose, being a Circle of reflection Supported upon a pedestal, which last facilitates greatly correct observations on land; this is wanting to the Sextant brought by Doctor Hunter, we have been endeavouring to Supply the want by a wooden Support. The Doctor has never been in the habit of using instruments of that nature, otherwise his assistance in the lunar observation would be of great advantage, by taking the moon's altitude, at the same instant that the moon's distance from the Sun or Star; at present we must depend totaly upon calculation of the altitude of the two bodies regulated by the time kept by the Watch; probably a little practice will render us all a little more perfect.
With the highest consideration and attachment I have the honor to be, Your most humble and obedient Servant, ... William Dunbar
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 2d February 1805
Dear Sir
I have the satisfaction to inform you, that Dr. Hunter and myself are just returned from the Washita; time does not permit the preparation of a short report of our researches before the departure of this mail. The objects which have presented themselves to us, are not of very high important; it must however be acknowledged that the hot Springs are indeed a great natural Curiosity; the temperature of their waters is from 130 to 150 of Farheneit's thermometer; the heat is Supposed to be greater in Summer, particularly in dry weather. In water of 130 which was comparatively in a state of repose to one side of the Spring run, I found by the aid of an excellent microscope, both Vegetable and animal life; the first a species of moss, the latter a testaceous bivalve of the Size of the minutest grain of Sand; I do not despair of being able to reanimate these as soon as I can procure a little leisure. the meanders of the rivers have been carefully taken as high as we went; the latitude was ascertained every favorable day & the Longitude was not neglected at convenient or important points. A journal of occurrences occupying 200 qto. pages, (exclusive of the Courses & distances with astronomical observations) will be forwarded as fast as it can be transcribed: next post I shall transmit a Short abstract of the outlines of our researches and of the information we have obtained respecting the more interesting adjoining rivers, in form of a report. I am concerned that the rigorous season and other circumstances have so much retarded our return that I fear this report will only arrive just before the breaking up of Congress: at Lat: 34½ our thermometer was several times at 9 & 10 and once as low as +6: we had snow above 12 inches deep. The Season was unfavorable for botanical researches had we been better qualified in the practical part of that Science; it is believed nevertheless, that something new has been found: a species of mountain dwarf Cabbage was discovered upon the ridges, which partakes of the nature of both Cabbage and raddish, & is very agreable to the taste, the root is white & tastes like horse raddish but much milder; there are some other objects, the description of which I shall not anticipate, as you will receive the whole as speedily as transcripts can be made: I shall only now mention that from our analysis of the water of the hot Springs, it appears to contain lime with a minute portion of iron disolved by a small excess of Carbonic acid: this is indeed visible upon the first view of the Springs; an immense body of Calcareous matter is accumulated upon the Side of the hill, by the perpetual depositions from the hot waters, & the bed of the run is coloured by red oxid of iron or rather Carbonated iron. Every little spring which rises up in a favorable situation, forms its own calcareous Cap considerably elevated in form of a Crater.
I have the honor to be with perfect respect, Dear Sir, Your most Obedient Servant William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 15th February 1805
Dear Sir
The great irregularities and delays which the mail has experienced to and from this territory for some time past, has rendered it impossible that any report I might have prepared could possibly reach you before the end of the Sessions of Congress, which I presume must necessarily terminate by the 4th day of March: I am much concerned at this delay, as the information we have collected respecting the neighbouring rivers would have served to awaken the Subject & induce more liberal provision by Congress for the important object of exploring rivers much more interesting that the one we have visited: our excursion might certainly have been completed with a saving of one month in time, if our boat had been properly constructed: Doctor Hunter's ideas were not correct upon that Subject. Our voyage has furnished us with experimental knowledge which may be useful to future Explorers, on this Subject I will take the liberty of conveying my thoughts hereafter.
Having given up the idea of forwarding a report, for the reasons above mentioned, which would be only anticipating the pres[ent] outlines of the information you will receive from the Journals, I have therefore given my attention wholly to the transcribing of my Journals and to Calculating the Longitudes which the want of Conveniency induced me to postpone untill my return. My progress has been much retarded by almost perpetual interruption by friends and acquaintances curious to inquire news of the wester country: having procured an amanuensis (tho' of small experience) we shall I hope proceed with more speed. The present is accompanied by the first sheets of the geometrical Survey, which will be soon followed by the remainder. It will be seen that the Latitude was ascertained every favorable day, and observations for the Longitude were occasionally made, tho' I do not think it is of importance to regard the latter, except at the Post of Washita and at the hot Springs: at those two points, more time permitted the observations to be regular and complet & consequently more correct, and moreover those places are the most important of the Voyage in respect to the Longitude, because the Post of the Washita is perhaps the most easterly point of that river, being nearly under the same meridian with the Natchez; and the hotsprings form the Western limit of our Voyage, being in Lat: 3431' and about 6½.13½ West of Greenwich.
I have in my last made mention of the green moss of the hot springs inhabited by testaceous animals; I have not made any attempts to reanimate them, tho' I conceive it to be very possible by the aid of water possessing the same properties with that of the hot Springs. I enclose a small Specimen of the moss, which you will see is attached to the leaf of a tree: the first formation of this moss is by thin extended lamina, which acquires no other form under the Swift course of the Stream, but in certain lateral situations where small pools are formed and the water in a state of some repose, the moss shoots up perpendicularly to the length of ½ to 3/4 of an inch; the small specimen enclosed is of that King, which I hope will not be too much bruised by Carriage; I conceive that if good Soft or river water were prepared by being boiled upon powdered limestone sharpened by Carbonic acid, which would enable it to take up a little iron as well as lime; such prepared water might restore to life both the moss and the testaceous animal, of which last, great numbers will no doubt be found upon the moss.
The few Sheets of the Journal now Sent have been carefully compared andcorrected.
I have the honor to be most respectfully, your Obedient Servants,
William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington Mar. 14. 05.
Dear Sir
Your letters of the 2d & 15th of Feb. arrive just in the moment I am
setting out on a short visit to Monticello. It will be necessary for us now to set on foot immediately the Arcansa & Red river expedition, Congress having given an additional appropriation of 5000.D. for these objects generally. I think you were not able to get any person in your quarter the last autumn fitted for the astronomical part of the undertaking. I have desired Genl. Dearborne to propose it to a Mr. Pease in the post office, who is fully equal to it, or if he will not accept, then to a Mr. Wily professor of an academy here. He will write to you fully on this subject, as my departure obliges me to leave to him the settling with you all details, not having time myself to read you journal before I set out. Accept my acknolegements for your services & assistance, my friendly salutations and assurances of great esteem & respect. ... Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington May 25. 1805.
Dear Sir
Your several letters with the portions of your journals forwarded at different times have been duly recieved; and I am now putting the Journals into the hands of a person properly qualified, to extract the results of your observations, and the various interesting information contained among them, and bring them into such a compass as may be communicated to the legislature, not knowing whether you might not intend to make a map yourself of the course of the river, he will defer that to the last part of his work on the possibility that we may recieve it from yourself.
Your observations on the difficulty of transporting baggage from the head of the Red river to that of the Arcansa, with the dangers from the seceding Osages residing on the last river have determined me to compose the ensuing mission to the ascent of the Red river to it's source, & to descend the same rive again, which will give an opportunity of better ascertaining that, which in truth, next to the Missouri, is the most interesting water of the Missisipi. You will accordingly recieve instructions to this effect from the Secretary at War. Dr. Hunter does not propose to take a part in this mission, and we suppose that Mr. George Davis, a deputy of Mr. Briggs will be the fittest person to take the direction of the expedition and Colo. Freeman as an assistant, & successor in case of accident to the principal. Still these propositions are submitted to your controul, as being better acquainted with both characters. I write to Govr. Claiborne to endeavour to get a passport from the Marquis of Casa-Calvo for our party as a protection from any Spaniards who may be fallen in with on the route: and we offer to recieve one or two person, to be named by him and subsisted by us into the party, as a proof that the expedition is merely scientific, and without any views to which Spain could take exception, the best production against the Indians will be the authority to confer with them on the subject of commerce. Such conferences should be particularly held with the Arcansas and Panies residing on the Red river, and every thing possible be done to attach them to us affectionately. In the present state of things between Spain & us, we should spare nothing to secure the friendship of the Indians within reach of her.
While Capt. Lewis's mission was preparing, as it was understood that his reliance for his longitudes must be on the Lunar observations taken, as at sea, with the aid of a timekeeper, and I knew that a thousand accidents might happen to that in such a journey as this, & thus deprive us of the principal object of the expedition, to wit, the ascertaining the geography of that river, I sat myself to consider whether in making observations at land, that furnishes no resource which may dispense with the time keeper, so necessary at sea. It occured to me that as we can always have a meridian at land, that would furnish what the want of it at sea obliges us to supply by the timekeeper. Supposing Capt. Lewis then furnished with a meridian, & having the requisite tables & Nautical Almanac with him, 1. he might find the right ascension of the moon when on the meridian of Greenwich on any given day. Then find by observation when the moon should attain that right ascension (by the aid of a know star) & measure her distance in that moment from his meridian. This distance would be the diference of longitude between Greenwich & the place of observation. Or 2dly. Observe the moon's passage over his meridian & her right ascension at that moment. See by the tables the time at Greenwich when she was on his meridian. Or 3dly. observe the moon's distance from his meridian at any moment, & her right ascension at that moment, & find from the tables her distance from the meridian of Greenwich when she had that right ascension, which will give the distance of the two meridians. This last process will be simplified by taking for the moment of observation that of an appulse of the moon and a known star, or when the moon & a known star are in the same vertical.
I suggested this to Mr. Briggs, who considered it as correct & practicable and proposed communicating it to the Phil. society; but I observed that it was too obvious not to have been thought of before, and suppose had not been adopted in practice because of no use at sea where a meridian cannot be hand, and where alone the nations of Europe had occasion for it. Before his confirmation of the idea however, Capt. Lewis was gone. In conversation afterwards with Baron Humboldt, he observed that the idea was correct, but not new & that I would find it in the 3d vol. of Delalande. I recieved two days ago the 3d & 4th vols. of Montuda's his of Mathematics, finished & edited by Delalande; and find in fact that Morin Y Vanlangren in the 17th century proposed observations of the moon on the meridian, but it does not appear whether they meant to dispense with the timekeeper: but a meridian at sea being too impracticable, their idea was not pursued. The purpose of troubling you with these details is to submit to your consideration and decition whether any use can be made of them advantageously in our future expeditions, & particularly that up the Red river.
Your letter on the current of the Missisipi, and paper on the same subject, corrected at once my doubts on your theory of the current of that river. Constant emploiment in a very different line, permits me to turn to philosophical subjects only when some circumstances forces them on my attention. No occurrence had called my mind to this subject particularly since I had first been initiated into the original Torricellian doctrine of the velocities at different depths being in the sub-duplicate ratio of the depths, and tho' Buat had given me his book while at Paris, your letter was the first occasion of my turning to it, and getting my mind set to rights to a certain degree. There is a subsequent work by Bernard which is said to have furnished corrections and additions to Buat; but I have never seen it.
The work we are now doing is I trust done for posterity, in such a way that they need not repeat it. For this we are much indebted to you not only for the labour & time you have devoted to it, but for the excellent method of which you have set the example, and which I hope will be the model to be followed by others. We shall delineate with correctness the great arteries of this great country: those who come after us will extend the ramifications as they become acquainted with them, and fill up the canvas we begin. With my acknolegements for your zealous aid in this business, accept by friendly salutations & assurances of great esteem & respect. ... Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 9th. July 1805
Dear Sir
I have received the honor of your letter of the 25th May, as also your Note covering a letter for the Chevalr. Dannemour, which last has been forwarded. Having been of late engaged with my private concerns, my attention has been Suspended from objects of a different nature, otherwise I should have, ere now, completed my sketch of the course of the Washita river, but I shall certainly get it prepared & forwarded long before the meeting of the Legislature. The alteration you have been pleased to make in the ensuing expedition, so that one river only shall be explored at time will greatly facilitate the business; it will be infinitely more convenient and safe, and perhaps both time and expence will be saved. Mr. George Davis was mentioned by me last year to the Secretary at war; tho' not fully qualified, I though him the best we could then procure, & that with good instructions he might do; but Since that time Mr. Briggs and myself have both discovered that he is a very unfit person; he is of so unhappy a disposition, that we can not think, any harmony would exist in the party where he might be placed even in a Subaltern character, much less were he in authority. He has the merit of possessing some Self-acquired mathematical Knowledge, but no practical knowledge as an astronomer. He has been a Deputy of Mr. Briggs to the present time, and none but a person of his very humane disposition would have retained him after reiterated acts of insubordination and presumption; he is of a most jealous temper and seems continually upon the watch to take offence, which he scruples not to express in rude terms. I thought it necessary to say this much in explanation, that you might know why we do not approve of Davis: I should have been very happy if he had been in all respects a proper person, for we are extremely at a loss where to find one. I have written to New Orleans on the Subject, particularly to M. Lafon the author of the map of Louisiana and the view of New Orleans; tho' I do not think that he himself is much of an Astronomer, yet he may help to discover what we want. I have written to Colo. Freeman on the Subject of boats; if none belonging to the public are of proper construction, Some of those which always perish by being out of use, may be bartered away for Such as will Suit us. I have also written to Govr. Claiborne to know what will be the determination of the Marquis de Casa-Calvo. Should he decline giving a passport, must we not expect that our party will be stopped near the bayou pierre Settlement; no great distance above Nakitosh? I have never had the pleasure of Seeing Colo. Freeman, but have been in correspondence with him and I conceive that an officer of his rank and respectability will be of considerable advantage to the progress of the expedition, particularly if he knows the use of the sextant and possesses some talents of research.
I have considered the methods you propose for ascertaining the Longitude in the event of derangement to the time-keepers. There can be no doubt as to the principle, but it seems to me that the execution will involve some new difficulties. There must be at least two good observers and a nice instrument different from the Sextant: it is at all times a Curious operation to form a meridian sufficiently correct for the purpose of being applied to the ascertainment of the Longitude, and in order to measure the moon's distance from any meridian, we must have an instrument similar to the Astronomical Circles of Froughton, to give use the true azimuth of that planet, for the Sextant would be there of no use, & this azimuth must be referred by Calculation to the pole to give us what we are in pursuit of. To find the moon's distance from a Known Star when She is on the meridian of Greenwich is easily ascertained, but in order to watch & observe this distance, we must previously calculate what ought to be the moon's apparent distance from the Star as seen from our Latitude & longitude (a very intricate calculation) & supposes the longitude nearly Known, which may not be the Case: more over the moon being on the Meridian of Greenwich, will be to us always under the horizon with south declination & at all time too low for good observation: if we take the moon's distance from a Star when the former is upon our own meridian, a good observer must be at the transit instrument to give notice of the moons passage, and as we have no Knowledge of the apparent time to enable us to calculate the true and apparent altitudes of the moon & Star or Sun, those must both be taken by two additional observers: upon the whole the best remedy seems to be to have two good observers (three would be better) with excellent instruments & to chuse that time of the day when the Sun or Star is at a sufficient distance from the Meridian, so that taking the altitude of either will give the apparent time at the moment of taking the distance between the moon and either of those: in this case it will be found always preferable to use the Sun, because it is extremely difficult for inexperienced observers (& for others) to take double altitudes of a Star with the artificial horizon on several accounts.
One other method of a very simple nature. I will mention in a subsequent letter, fearing that the mail may depart too speedily to allow time at present. With the highest respect and attachment, I have the honor to be Your most Obedt. Servant, ... William Dunbar
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 8th October 1805
Dear Sir
I have by this mail written to the Secretary at War, and given him the reasons of our tardy progress respecting the red river expedition.
In your last you mentioned the name of Colo. Freeman as a proper assistant to the principal Conductor of the expedition not knowing any person of that name but the officer commanding the troops at New Orleans, I concluded that he had expressed a desire to go upon the expedition, in this I find that I have committed a mistake as that Gentleman Knows nothing of the matter, I am therefore at a loss to know who was intended: as it appears that we shall still suffer some delay, I should be very glad if a qualified person could be sent on either as principal or Second: it would seem that we must give up the idea of finding persons qualified in any other department of Science but merely the geographical part; a good disposition to observe and record such new objects as may present themselves must Supply the rest.
I mentioned in my last that one very simple method had occured to me of ascertaining in certain Circumstances the Longitude of places, which is much better calculated for travellers by land than Voyagers by Sea; the method is such that a Single observer with a good altitude instrument, altho' deprived of the use of a time keeper, may still make useful observations for the advancement of geographical Knowledge. I shall now just mention the principles & shall hereafter Send you some examples of the Calculation. The excellence of the usual lunar method of determining the Longitude depends (supposing her theory to be perfect) upon her quick change of place from west to east; but it cannot be denied that it requires great dexterity to make good observations, which is evident from the disproportion of the times to the distances in the hands of the best Observers, and this arises from the slow progress of the moon which Causes the Contact to appear to be continued for many seconds of time; were this observation similar to a meridian altitude, it might certainly be taken to any desireable accuracy, that is, were the motion of the moon from North to South in place of from West to east, the moon's altitude when brought upon the meridian by the rotation of the earth would furnish an easy & very Correct mode of ascertaining the Longitude: Now altho' the proper motion of the moon is from West to East, yet her orbit makes so considerable an angle with the equinoctical circle, that there are two portions of each lunation when the moon's change of declination is very rapid, exceeding 6 in 24 hours, that is 5" of a degree in one minute of time; if therefore under favorable Circumstances we take the moon's greatest altitude near the meridian, we shall thence be enabled to ascertain the moon's declination at the moment of her passing our meridian; we must then find the time at Greenwich when the moon had that declination and also the time when the moon passed the meridian of Greenwich, from which data the Longitude is easily found: this method will require the use of some interpolations and an equation for the Correction of the Moon's altitude on the Meridian, because her greatest altitude will not be on the meridian, but to the East or West according as She is increasing or diminishing her North polar distance. I have communicated this method to my Worthy friend Mr. Briggs who is pleased with the idea & intends giving it consideration. I have the honor to be with high respect and attachment,
Your most Obedient Servant, William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 10th Novr. 1805
Dear Sir
An Apology is due for the late appearance of my sketch of the Washita river, and I have not a good one to offer; I was not aware that upwards of twelve hundred Courses and distances would require so much time to reduce from time to measure in length & into latitude and departure; I had counted only upon a few days labor & therefore delayed too long to commence; and now it is not completed as I intended, which was to mark out the valley within which the Washita describes its meanders, and the alluvial Country below, subject to the inundation of the Missisippi; but I expect every instant the Post rider to call returning from Fort Adams, and I think it better to Send it in its present State, than to delay another week, fearing already that it may arrive later than it was your desire to receive it.
I shall have the pleasure of writing you again in a few days & will then transmit a calculation for the Longitude of the Post of Washita from the Moon's greatest altitude near the meridian; it agrees very near with a calculation from an observed eclipse of the Moon. Some distance above the Washita; I place so much confidence in it, that I believe it to be my best observation for the Longitude of that place.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect, Your most Obedient Servant, William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 17th Decr. 1805
Dear Sir
I have the pleasure of enclosing you an explanation with examples of the new method of finding the Longitude by a single observer, without any knowledge of the precise time: I have delayed longer than I intended forwarding this paper in order to give me time to consider this new object in every point of view, so as to render the calculations as commodious as its nature will admit; at first they were tedious and intricate, but reflection has produced Some improvement in the formula, by which any person acquainted with nautical astronomy may make the Calculation very accurately, & the use of a few tables would render them familiar to any practical navigator: as it is probable that this method will be found chiefly useful to Scientific Gentlemen traveling by land, who are unprovided with a Chronometer & without the aid of an assistant or Second observer, it is presumable that such persons will find no difficulty in making those calculations. I hope this new method will be the more acceptable to you, as it has originated from your own proposal of discovering a method of ascertaining the longitude without the aid of a time-keeper. The two examples given are not imaginary but from real observations, the first of which is recorded in my Journal, at a time when I did not dream of applying it to the purpose of finding the Longitude; the Second observation was made with little precaution, & neither of them as you will observe in Circumstances the most favorable; yet the results are so Satisfactory that I feel a disposition to rely upon them more than upon the Customary lunar distance; no do I suppose that the extreme results of any number of lunar altitudes taken at proper times will ever be so wide apart, as those of the common lunar distance from a Star. I have communicated this method in its present form to my excellent friend Mr. Briggs, from whose mathematical talents I hope for farther improvements; he is now here with me & proposes in a few days going up to the 33d degree of Latitude on the Missisippi, to make some observations, & to trace if practicable the line dividing the two territories as far as the river Washita (or Ouachita, Ouatchita); he will take lunar altitudes as well as lunar distances for the Longitude; for which object he takes with him my Circle of reflection, which is a very perfect instrument graduated by the vernier to 10" altho' only six inches radius: the measurement he proposes to make will correct the Sketch I sent you of the Washita river; we both think the Missisippi and Washita rivers are probably laid down too near to each other at the parallel of 33, but whether arising from Mr. Ellicot's map of the Missisippi which I have followed or from an error in the geography of the Washita is yet uncertain; I have noted some imperfection in the position of the Walnut-hills, the longitude of which, Mr. Ellicot noted upon his map. has been ascertained by Mr. de Ferrer, yet that point of the Missisippi has been laid down too far west for that determination, & if the same error has been communicated upwards, it will cause too great an apparent approximation of the two rivers. My friend Mr. Briggs is under some perflexity from the presentment of a grand Jury, which originated in the unworthy resentment of a man of no estimation, who took advantage of the influence which his office of Attorney genl. gave him over the weak minds of the Jurors. I ought to make an apology for mentioning this subject, it being contrary to my usual practise, to intermeddle in the affairs of others; but a sense of the justice due to the character of my estimable friend, when compared with his persecutor has drawn me into a departure from my general rule.
i have just received from London a six feet Gregorian reflecting Telescope with Six magnifying powers from 100 to 550 times; hitherto from a liberal construction of the act of Congress, by the Collectors of the Missisippi Territory residing at Fort Adams, I have been in the habit of receiving books and instruments free of duty, but Mr. Drowne at New Orleans is so rigidly faithful as a public Servant, that he admits of no exemption neither in favor of the Missisippi Society, for which I have lately imported a Chest of books; nor in favor of this valuable instrument, the cost of which in London was about 150 guineas, I suppose Mr. Browne is quite Correct as to the latter of the law; and I do not Know that an application to the Secretary of the Treasury, under whose Control I presume the Customs to be would produce any advantage in my favor, but certainly it cannot be the Spirit nor intention of the law to check the advancement of Science, by imposing duties on valuable instruments, not imported as merchandize, but purely for the promotion of knowledge & discovery, and which cannot yet be obtained equally perfect within the U.S. I have just, sent off an order for Mr. Briggs, Mr. Dinsmoor and myself, for astronomical instruments & Chronometers to the amount of 300 guineas, all of which as well as that just received, will in Some Shape be applied to public use and benefit & might therefore be entitled to a claim upon public indulgence.
I am glad to learn from the Secretary at War that Mr. Freeman comes to take the direction of the expedition up the red river; Lieut. Gaines, if permitted to leave his other public business in the care of a Deputy, will be his assistant; I had already provided another Sextant equal in goodness to the one brought on by Dr. Hunter, but they are graduated to 30"" only; the Secretary at war informs me that Mr. Freeman brings with him an excellent Sextant, which gives me great pleasure, as neither of the other two merit that name from their graduation, tho' otherwise good. You have no doubt remarked from my Journal, that some interesting points on the Washita and its neighbourhood, particularly the mine on the little Missouri remain to be explored: Should You be of opinion that those merit a visit, I will just observe, that altho' my Situation with a family & other concerns demanding my protection & care, prevent me from undertaking an expedition, such as that of the red river (which otherwise would give me a very great delight) yet I might be able to find an interval of a month or two to be dedicated to a less distant object, in which case, all the aid I would require from the public would be ca Corporal & 4 men with their rations to row a light boat to the points of our enquiry; and perhaps some assistance of the military artizans to fit up a small boat of light construction: I should also take a pleasure in traversing the alluvial Country during the time of the inundation, with Some good instruments & a chronometer.
We have two boats prepared for the red river expedition, Each about 25 feet by 8: they are both handsomely curved along the gunnels at bow and Stern; the bottom of one is perfectly flat from Stem to Stern, & brought to a right angle at the junction with the Sides: the other has a small elevation of the bottom towards each extremity, and the right angles of the bottom with the Sides are turned into Small curvatures: the object of their construction has been to draw as little water as possible, and at the Same time to preserve a form of small resistance; they may be considered as experimental boats.
I have been unsuccessful in finding at New Orleans a good watch beating Second for the use of our red river party.
I have the honor to be with the highest respect and attachment. Your most obed. Servant, William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington. Jan. 16.06
Dear Sir
Your unacknoleged letters of July 9. Oct. 8 & Nov. 10 prove I have been long in arrears with you. You have probably known before this that the Colo. Freeman thought of for the Red river expedition was a different person from the military officer. The one proposed for this expedition is now here, and will be the bearer of this letter. He is well qualified for the geographical part of the business and we hope we have procured a good botanist to accompany him. The Secretary at War will give orders that the officer who under former orders keeps up a patrole in the neighborhood of Bayou Pierre attends to the unmolested passage of Colo. Freeman's party clear of danger from that settlement. I inclose you Doctr. Barton's account of the Botanical specimens you sent me from the Washita. As it was material to have the map of the Washita ready drawn, engraved & struck off for Congress, we had put your notes into the hands of Mr. King, a skilful person, who had done the business, and I now send you one of the engraved charts. Yours will be preserved to enter into the General Map of the US. which on the return of our exploring parties we shall endeavor to have composed & published. We have capt. Lewis's notes of the Missouri to his wintering place at Fort Mandan, and a map of the whole country watered by the Missouri & Columbia composed by himself last winter on very extensive information from Indians & traders, in which he expresses a good deal of confidence. You will have percieved that my suggestion of a method of finding the longitude and land without a timepiece was that of a theorist only, not a practical astronomer. It was founded too in the use of the Equatorial the only instrument with which I have any familiarity. I never used the Quadrant at all, and had thought of importing three or four Equatorials for the use of the parties. They get over all difficulty in finding a meridian. The suggestion however of my imperfect method has had the good effect of producing those less so. Your own founded in practical skill will doubtless answer it's end. I inclose you a method devised by Mr. Joshua Moore of this place. Colo. Freeman will communicate to you one of Mr. Patterson's. He will have an opportunity of deciding from experience which is preferable of the whole. We have no certain information of Capt. Lewis since he left Fort Mandan. But we have through Indians an account of his having entered on the passage over the highlands dividing the Missouri from the waters of the Pacific. Accept my friendly salutations & assurances of great esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 18th. March 1806
Dear Sir
I have the honor of receiving your letter of the 12th January by Mr. Freeman; I am extremely glad of his arrival, as not time ought now to be lost; the waters will begin to fall with the advancement of our Summer. Mr. Freeman is well qualified for the geographical part of the Expedition, but he did not seem fond of astronomical observation when I Knew him on the line of demarkation, but I presume he has had occasion to improve himself since that time: I am much pleased that he brings with him a good Chronometer, we will endeavour to have it here for 10 or more days before the boats arrive, to enable us to ascertain its rate of going by the help of my astronomical Clock and Celestial observation, if it be found to go well, the longitudes may be ascertained as frequently and as easily as the latitudes.
I am greatly obliged by Doctor Barton's observations and the new proposed methods for finding the Longitudes: I observe that all those methods Suppose an asistant; and altho' Mr. Patterson speaks of his last method as requiring only one person with a Sextant, yet it appears that Some Species of a timepiece is indispensible to enable him to bring into order his lunar distance and the altitudes of the two bodies, so that the whole may be referred to the same instant of time. This method has been taught not only by MacKay but by Mansfield.
With respect to my own method by the moon's greatest altitude near the meridian requiring neither assistant nor time-piece, having lately for the first time seen MacKay's treatise on the longitude, I there find one of his problems for finding the longitude is deduced from the Moon's meridian altitude; I at first Supposed myself anticipated in my proposed method, but upon examination I find the subject treated much too lightly and no investigation given of the Correction for the meridian altitude, altho' it is acknowledged that the greatest altitude is not on the meridian; for this reason perhaps MacKay treats the method as not susceptible of accuracy, & more over he requires to have his apparent time previously Known from the Supposed longitude, which is not necessary by my method. As I consider myself inlet Tyro in astronomy, I shall be glad to learn the objections which will be made to this method by Persons of eminent talents: In my own hands the results have been uniformly Satisfactory.
I am much pleased to observe Mr. King's Copy of the Map of the Washita so much resembling my own that they might be taken for Copies of each other; they would perhaps have been perfectly so, had I not contracted a little the Scale to accommodate it to the map which is preparing by Lafon of Louisiana. Mr. Briggs has returned from the 33d degree of Latitude on the Missisippi, & he has favored me with some of his observations, but I have not yet found time to make Calculations, tho' I already see that we shall remove Mr. Ellicott's missisippi farther East so as to leave more space between that and the Washita. As soon as I shall ascertain the Correction I will myself the pleasure of forwarding it.
I have the honor to be with perfect respect and attachment.
Your most obedient Servant, ... William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington Mar. 28.06
Dear Sir
Your letter of Dec. 17 did not get to my hands till Feb. 11. I did not answer it immediately because I was about communicating to Congress the information we had collected as to Lousiana which I thought would be immediately printed & I wished at the same time to send you a copy of it. The printer however has taken till this time to do his duty. I send you a copy & with the more justice as you have contributed so much towards it yourself.
Immediately on the receipt of your letter I asked information from Mr. Gallatin, on your account, as well as on that of another person who had applied to me about the same time whether the duties could be dispensed with on mathematical instruments, books &c. I inclose you his answer by which you will perceive that the law has given no such discretionary power.
Whether our party had better go up the Red river or the Arcansa first you are best able to judge, who are nearer & better acquainted with the circumstances which must decide. We would rather have had the Red river first surveyed; but the difference is not important. Your proposition to ascertain interesting points of the alluvial country is too desireable not to be accepted, and the Secretary at War sends orders accordingly to the commanding officer at Fort Adams. As soon as we shall have actual surveys of the Missisipi, Missouri, Arcansa & Red river we propose to have an accurate map made, towards which what you propose will be a valuable contribution. I am endeavoring to get through Congress an allowance for Mr. Briggs's services on the road to N. Orleans. As soon as that is accomplished I meant to write to him. In the meantime be so good as to inform him that my personal knolege of him furnishes an evident of his integrity too firm to be shaken by the maneuvres practised against him. Accept my friendly salutations & assurances of real esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Natchez 6th. May 1806
Dear Sir
I have had the honor of recieving your letter of the 28th March accompanied by the printed account of discoveries on the Missouri &c which I have read with particular satisfaction. Mr. Freeman with his party left this place the 28th April for the Red River, very comodiously fitted out with Lieut. Humphrey as geographical assistant, he is a young officer of considerable talents: Lieut. Gaines having at last declined going, it was fortunate that we met with Mr. Humphrey who bears an excellent character in every respect; Mr. Freeman and he seem already particularly attached. All are in hopes that both he & Mr. Custis will be able to take celestial altitudes so as to form a Complete set of observers with Mr. Freeman.
In consequence of the permission given by your orders & instructions to the Conductor of the Party, I have taken the liberty of adding a few hints derived from my own experience, which may be useful to the Gentlemen.
Mr. Briggs' measurement across between the Mississippi and Washita makes a very material change in the relative position of the two rivers, this appears to be 50 miles. The observations for the Longitude (he informs me) will remove Mr. Ellicots Mississippi farther East, but he has not completed his Calculations.
The Mississippi is so remarkably low this Season as not to flow into the bayous or outlets which are generally brim-full at this time, the Atchafalaya which is always open is probably the only small outlet which derives any water from the Mississippi; altho this is not unfavorable for operations by Chain & Compass &c yet it does not admit of that facility of transport favorable to my views in ascertaining the position of points of the Alluvial Country by astronomical observation; I cannot therefore take advantage of your indulgence for this Season; next year may rove more favorable & may not probably be too late. Mr. Briggs is much gratified by the communication which I made him.
I have the honor to be with perfect respect and attachment, Your most obedient Servant, William Dunbar
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
[April 14, 1804]
To
The government of the US being desirous of informing itself of the extent of the country ceded to them under the name of Louisiana to have the same with it's principal rivers geographically delineated to learn the character of it's soil, climate productions and inhabitants you are appointed to explore for these purposes the interesting portion of it which lies on the Arkansa and Red rivers from their confluence with the Missisipi to the remotest source of the main stream of each, and the highlands connecting the same, and forming a part of the boundary of the province.
You will recieve from the Secretary of war information and instructions as to the provision to be made of men, arms, ammunition, medicine, subsistance, clothing, covering camp utensils, instruments of observation & of measuring, boats, light articles for barter & presents ams. the Indns. and other necessaries, all of which are to be collected at Natchez, which is to be considered as the point of departure.
From Natchez you are to proceed to ascend the Red river taking observations of lat. & long. at it's mouth, at all remarkable points in it's course, & especially at the mouths of rivers, at rapids, islands and other place & objects distinguished by such natural marks and characters, of a durable kind, as that they may with certainty be recognized hereafter. The courses of the river between these points of observation may be supplied by the compass, the log. line & by time, corrected by the observations themselves. The variations of the compass too, in different places are to be noted.
In this way you will proceed to the remotest source of the main stream of the Red river and thence that of the Arkansa along the high lands which divide their waters from those running into the Rio Norte, or the Pacific ocean, ascertaining by the cain & compass (with due corrections for variation) the courses E extent of the said highlands and by careful and multiplied observations the longitude & latitude of the said remotest sources of the main stream of each river. Your are then to descend the Arcansa from it's source to it's moth, ascertaining by like observations all remarkable points in the said river, supplying it's courses between these points by the compass the log-line & by time as directed for the Red river; and using peculiar care to fix with accuracy the lat. & long. of the mouth of the river.
Altho' we have before said you are to ascend the Red river & descend the Arkansa on a presumption that the former is the least rapid, yet if the fact be known to be otherwise, or any other circumstances over weigh this, you are at liberty to reverse this order, & to ascend the Arkansa & descend the Red river, observing in all other points the instructions before given.
Your observations are to be taken with great pains and accuracy, to be entered distinctly & intelligibly for others as well, as yourself to comprehend all the elements necessary, with the aid of the usual tables to fix the latitude & longtitude of the places at which they were taken, and ar to be rendered to the war-office for the purpose of having the calculations made concurrently by proper persons within the US. several copies of these, as well as of your other notes, should be made at leisure times, & put into the care of the most trustworthy of your attendants, to guard, by multiplying them, against the accidental losses to which they will be exposed. A further guard perhaps would be that one of these copies should be on the paper of the birch, as supposed less liable to injury from damp than common paper.
The following objects, in the country adjacent to the river along which you will pass, will be worth of notice.
the soil & face of the country, it's growth & vegetable productions, especially those not of the maritime states.
the animals of the country generally and especially those not known in the maritime states.
the remains & accounts of any which may be deemed extinct.
the mineral productions most worth notice, but more particularly metals, limestone, gypsum, pitcoal, salt petre, rock salt & saltsprings, and mineral waters, noting the temperature of the last, & such circumstances as may indicate their character.
Volcanic appearances.
climate, as characterised by the thermometer, by the proportion of rainy, cloudy and clear days; by lightening, hail, snow, ice, by the access & recess of frost, by the winds prevailing at different seasons, the dates at which particular plants put forth or lose their flower or leaf-times of appearance of particular birds reptiles or insects. Most of these articles may be entered in a Calendar or Table, so as to take little room or time in entering.
Court an intercourse with the natives as extensively as you can. Treat them on all occasions in the most friendly & conciliatory manner which their conduct will admit; allay all jealousies as to the object of your journey; make them acquainted with the position, extent, character, peaceable & commercial dispositions of the US. inform them that their late fathers, the Spaniards, have agreed to withdraw all their troops from the Missisipi & missouri, and from all the countries watered by any rivers running into them; that they have delivered to us all their subjects, Spanish & French settled in those countries, together with their posts and territories in the same: that hence forward we become their fathers & friends; that our first wish will be to be neighborly, friendly & useful to them, and especially to carry on commerce with them on terms more reasonable & advantageous for them than any other nation ever did; confer with them on the points most convenient as mutual emporiums for them & us; say that we have sent you to enquire into the nature of the country & the nations inhabiting it, to know their wants, and the supplies they will wish to dispose of, and that after you shall have returned with the necessary information, we shall take measures with their consent for settling trading houses among them, at suitable places: that in the mean time, the same traders who reside among, or visit them, & who are now become our citizens, will continue to supply them as usual, and that they will find us in all things just & faithful friends & patrons.
You will endeavor, as far as a diligent pursuit of your journey will admit, to learn the names & numbers of the nations through which your route lies;
the extent & limits of their professions;
their relations with other tribes & nations;
their language, traditions, monuments;
their ordinary occupations in agriculture, fishing, hunting, war, arts, & the implements for these:
their food, clothing & domestice accomodations;
the diseases prevalent among them, & the remedies they use, moral & physical circumstances which distinguish them from the tribes we know;
peculiarities in their laws, customs & dispositions;
and articles of commerce they may need or furnish & to what extent.
And considering the interest which every nation has in extending & strengthening the authority of reason & justice among the people around them,
it will be useful to acquire what knolege you can of the state of morality, religion, & information among them; as it may better enable those who may endeavor to civilize & instruct them, to adapt their measures to the existing notions & practices of those on whom they are to operate.
As it is impossible for us to foresee in what manner you will be recieved by those people, whether with hospitality or hostility, so is it impossible to prescribe the exact degree of perseverance with which you are to pursue your journey. We value too much the lives of citizens to offer them to probable destruction. Your numbers will be sufficient to secure you against the unauthorized opposition of individuals or of small parties, but if at any time a superior force, authorised or not authorised by a nation, should be arrayed against your further passage, & inflexibly determined to arrest it, you must decline it's farther pursuit and return. In the loss of yourselves, we should lose also the information you will have acquired. By returning safely with that, your may enable us to renew the essay with better calculated means. To your own discretion therefore must be left the degree of danger you may risk, and the point at which you should decline; only saying we wish you to err on the side of your safety, and to bring back your party safe, even if it be with less information.
As far up the rivers as the white settlements extend, an intercourse probably exists with Natchez or New Orleans; and as far as traders go, they may furnish a conveyance for your letters to either of those places; beyond that, you may perhaps be able to engage Indians to bring letters for the government, on promising that they shall recieve, at either of those places, such special compensation as you shall have stipulated with them, and measures will be taken there to ensure a fulfilment of your stipulations. Avail yourself of all these means to comunicate to us, at seasonable intervals, copies of your journal, notes, & observations of every king.
Doctr. George Hunter of Philadelphia will accompany you, as a fellow labourer & counsellor in the same service, while the ultimate direction of the expedition is left to yourself. He is to make observations, to note courses and to enquire into the same subjects recommended to you, but seperately; as it is supposed that the two different accounts may serve to corroborate or to correct each other; he is to participate with you in the conveniences & comforts provided, and to recieve from you whatever aid and facility you can yield for his pursuits, consistently with due diligence in the prosecution of your journey. Should the accident of death happen to you, he is to succeed to the direction of the expedition, and to all the powers which you possess. Should he also die, the officer attending you, & subject to your orders, will immediately return with his party in the way he shall deem best bringing the papers & other effects belong to the mission.
As the great distance between this & the point of your departure leaves it impracticable for these instructions or those of the Secretary at war to go into all the details which may be necessary to prepare & expedite your departure, I have requested William Dunbar esquire of the Natchez to take on himself the direction of every thing supplementory & additional to our instructions, to superintend & take order in whatsoever further may be necessary in the course of your preparations, departure, going and returning. You will therefore consider his further instructions, and proceedings as emanating from myself and conform to them accordingly; and you will make him, during your journey, the centre of communication between yourself & the government; and on your return & arrival at the Natchez you will report yourself to him, & recieve from him the information & instructions proper for the occasion & which shall have been furnished by the government. These shall particularly provide for the immediate paiment to yourselves of what shall be due to you and of arrearages to the officer & men, which shall have incurred since their departure, and such as shall have faithfully and obediently performed their duty during the tour, shall be recommended to the liberality of the legislature for the grant of a portion of land to each in proportion to their grade or condition.
Given under my hand and seal at Monticello this 14th day of April 1804 and of the independance of the US. the 28th. Th: J
Draft in the hand of Thomas Jefferson, Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Philadelphia July 13th. 1805 N.W. Corner of Chestnut & 9th Streets
Sir
I take the liberty of enclosing you a plate and explanation of an improved and highly finished Sextant which I have procured here, and on trial find to be a very accurate one. There is to be had her also, a small acromatic Refracting Telescope of three feet length, and of sufficient Magnifying power to determine the Longitude of places within two or three seconds of the best Instrument of the kind.
The method of determining Longitude by the Right Ascension of the Moon, without the aid of Time, which you done me the favor to ask my opinion of, I have examined with all the ability I was capable, and am of opinion it will not answer in its resent shape. Knowing your wish to have it fully investigated and feeling Diffidence in my own knowledge on that subject, I have take the liberty of communicating it to me friend Mr. Patterson, Professor of Mathematics in the University here. He has not yet made known to me his opinion of its merits, and thro' delicacy I cannot ask him for his remarks on it, believing it to be his wish to communicate those remarks to you himself if required.
Amongst the various methods of ascertaining the Longitude of places, The most expeditious, and perhaps the most accurate, is by an Observation of the Moon's Transit over the Meridian. The requisites are:
The Apparent time of the Transit of the Moon's Limb over the meridian to find the Longitude of the place of Observation. To solve this problem is only to determine the apparent time of the Moon's passage over the Meridian of Greenwich. Which is to be had from the Sun's and Moon's Right Ascension. This method nearly agrees with the second method you proposed.
In Lunar Observations, if the Sun or Star, should be near the prime Verticle at the time of Observation, The apparent time deduced from the Observation, will be preferable to the time given by a watch and equal to that of a good Time piece.
I have the honor to Sir your Obdt. Servant Thos. Freeman
Sunday 10th [November 1805]
Thos. Freeman will do himself the honor of Dining with the President of the United States on tuesday, next agreeably to invitation.
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress. Endorsed by Jefferson: "Freeman Thos. Nov. 9. 05"
Washington Nov. 16. 05.
Th. Jefferson asks the favor of Mr. Freeman, as he will be in the Mathematical shop in Philadelphia to endeavour to procure for him an accurate compass for surveying, with 2 pair of sights moving concentrically, an outer graduate circle with a Norius to take angles accurately without regard to the needle, with it's ball & socket & staff. He believes they are called Circumferentors, but is not certain. He has seen them made to turn down vertically, so as to take altitudes with a plummet: but this is not material to his object. If Mr. Freeman finds such a one which he thinks good, if he will be so good as to drop a line mentioning the price & where to be had, Th. J. will immediately remit the price to the person & desire it to be sent on. He salutes Mr. Freeman with respect.
FC in the hand of Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Philada. S.W. Corner of Market & 5th Streets. Novr. 25th. 1805.
Sir
I have the honor to acknowledge the receit of your Note of the 16th Inst. by Mr. Patterson.
The Instrument you Described, I have met with of three different qualities & prices, at 30, 50, and 60, dollars, the two former are in Baltimore, and the latter is here. I shall take care to select the best of them and take it with me to Washington or have it sent round by water.
There are several Time pieces here valued at 220 to 280 Dollars, I have selected one which is now in the hands of the watch maker at 265$ and as soon as it is accurately adjusted I shall be ready to return to Washington, from whence I can proceed without Delay to Natchez. I have procured a few other articles which I think necessary to have with me in addition to those already procured at Natchez for the Expedition.
Doctor Barton who is generally resorted to for information respecting Botanists &c. Says he knows of no person here qualified as a Botanist who would go on the expedition. There are two gentlemen at or near Natchez (Doctor Garret Pendergast and Dr. Fred. Seip) either of whom he recommends for that service. The arrival of Dr. Lattimer at Washingtn. from Natchez which may be looked for in a few Days, will afford an opportunity of acquiring the necessary information respecting these gentlemen. I shall continue my enquireys whilst here for a suitable person in that line.
I have the honor to be. Sir, Your Obdt. Servant. Thos. Freeman
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Lancaster Apl. 20th 1803.
Sir,
With a view to forward as much as possible the preparations which must necessarily be made in the Western country previous to my final departue, as also to prevent the delay, which would attatch to their being made after my arrival in that quarter, I have taken the following measures, which I hope will meet your approbation; they appear to me to be as complete as my present view of the subject will admit my making them and I trust the result will prove as favorable as wished for.
I have written triplicates to Mr. John Conner accepting his services as an Interpreter; he is the young man I recollect mentioning to you as having proffered his services to accompany me: to him I have communicated the real extent and objects of my mission, but with strict injunctions to secresy. He is directed to bring with him two Indians, provided he can engage such as perfectly answer the description given him. I have informed him of the military posts at which I shall touch on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and the probable time of my arrival at each, leaving it discretionary with himself to meet me at either: in these letters are inclosed triplicates addressed to the Commandants of those posts, recommending Mr. Conner to their good offices, and requesting for him every aid in their power to bestow, should he be in want of assistance to enable him to get forwad in due time. The circumstance of Mr. Conner's residence being at the Delleware Town on White river, and distant of course from any post office, induced me to give these letters different conveyances, which I did by inclosing them by different mails to three gentlemen of my acquaintance in that country, two of whom, Capts. M'Clelland & Hamilton, live within twenty seven miles of the town; they are requested, and I am confident will find the means of conveying the letters to him; the other with a similar request was inclosed to Capt. Findley of Cincinatti, in whose exertions tho' more distant, I have equal confidence.
I have also written to Mjr. MacRea, the Commandant of South West Point, and to several officers of my acquaintance who constitute that garrison, stating to them that my destination was up the Mississippi for the purpose of accomplishing the objects, which we agreed on as most proper to be declared publicly: the qualifications of the men are mentioned, and they are requested to look out in time for such volunteers as will answer that description; the inducements for those persons engaging in this service were also stated. The garrison of South West Point must form my first resourse for the scelection of my party, which I shall afterwards change as circumstances may seem to recommend; and with a view to this change, I have written in a similar manner to the officers commanding the posts of Massac, Kaskaskais and Illinois, the posts at which I shall touch previous to ascending the Missouri, and subsequent to my departure from S.W. Point. The men in every instance are to be engaged conditionally, or subject to my approval or otherwise.
I have also written to Dr. Dickson, at Nashville, and requested him to contract in my behalf with some confidential boat-builder at that place, to prepare a boat for me as soon as possible, and to purchase a large light canoe: for this purpose I inclosed the Dr. 50. Dollars, which sum I did not concieve equal by any means to the purchase of the two vessels, but supposed it sufficient for the purchase of the canoe, and to answer also as a small advance to the boat-builder: a discription of these vessels was given. The objects of my mission are stated to him as beforementioned to the several officers.
I have also written to Genl. Irwine of Philadelphia, requesting that he will have in a state of prepareation some articles which are necessary for me, and which will be most difficult to obtain, or may take the greates length of time in their prepareation.
My detention at Harper's Ferry was unavoidable for one month, a period much greater than could reasonably have been calculated on; my greatest difficulty was the frame of the canoe, which could not be completed without my personal attention to such portion of it was would enable the workmen to understand the design perfectly; other inducements seemed with equal force to urge my waiting the issue of a full experiment, arising as well from a wish to incur no expence unnecessarily, as from an unwillingness to risk any calculation on the advantages of this canoe in which hereafter I might possibly be deceived; experiment was necessary also to determine it's dementions: I therefore resolved to give it a fair trial, and accordingly prepared two sections of it with same materials, of which they must of necessity be composed when completed for servise on my voyage; they were of two discriptions, the one curved, or in the shape necessary for the stem and stern, the other simicilindrical, or in the form of those sections which constitute the body of the canoe. The experiment and it's result wer as follow.
Dementions
Curved Section ... F. I. ... Simicilindrical Section. F. I.
Length of Keel from ... Length of Keel ... 4 6
junction of section ... ditto beam ... 4 10
to commencement of curve ... 1 2
Length of curve ... 4 5 ... Note-The curve of the body
Width of broad end ... 4 10 ... of the canoe was formed by a
Debth of Do. Do. ... 2 2 ... suspended cord.
... Weight of the Materials
Curved Section. ... lbs. ... Semicilindrical Section
Iron ... 22 ... Iron ... 22
Hide ... 25 ... Hide ... 30
Wood ... 10 ... Wood ... 12
Bark ... 21 ... Bark ... 25
Total ... 78 ... Total ... 89
... Competent to a
Burthen of 850 lbs. ... Burthen of 920 lbs.
... Necessary to be transported by land.
Iron and Hide of Curved Section ... 47
Iron and Hide of Simicilindrical Do. 52 ... 99 lbs.
Burthen of Curved Section ... 850
Do. Do. Simicilindrical ... 920 ... 1,770 lbs.
Thus the weight of this vessel competent to the burthen of 1,770 lbs. amount to no more than 99 lbs. The bark and wood, when it becomes necessary to transport the vessel to any considerable distances, may be discarded; as those articles are reaidily obtained for the purposes of this canoe, at all seasons of the year, and in every quarter of the country, which is tolerably furnished with forest trees. When these sectons were united they appeared to acquire an additional strength and firmness, and I am confident that in cases of emergency they would be competent to 150 lbs. more than the burthen already stated. Altho' the weight of the articles employed in the construction of a canoe on this plan, have considerably exceeded the estimat I had previously made, yet they do not weigh more than those which form a bark canoe of equal dementions, and in my opinion is much preferable to it in many respects; it is much stronger, will carry its burthen with equal ease, and greater security; and when the Bark and wood are discarded, will be much higher, and can be transported with more safety and ease. I was induced from the result of this experiment to direct the iron frame of the canoe to be completed.
My Rifles, Tomahawks & knives are preparing at Harper's Ferry, and are already in a state of forwardness that leaves me little doubt of their being in readiness in due time.
I arrived at this place yesterday, called on Mr. Ellicot, and have this day commenced, under his direction, my observations &c. to perfect myself in the use and application of the instruments. Mr. Ellicot is extreemly friendly and attentive, and I am confident is disposed to render me every aid in his power: he thinks it will be necessary I should remain here ten or twelve days.
Being fully impressed with the necessity of seting out as early as possible, you may rest assured that not a moment shall be lost in making the necessary preparations. I still think it practicable to reach the mouth of the Missouri by the 1st of August. I am Sir, with much esteem and regard Your Most Obt. Servt. Meriwether Lewis
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington Apr. 23, 1803.
Dear Sir
I have not been able to hear any thing of you since Mar. 7 till two or three days ago. Lieut. Wilson told me you would leave Frederic the 18th inst. & that you had been detained till then at Harper's ferry, where Capt. Murray also told me he had seen you. I have no doubt you have used every possible exertion to get off, and therefore we have only to lament what cannot be helped, as the delay of a month now may lose a year in the end. Will you be so good as to call on Doct. Bollman with my compliments & pay him for some wine sent me? I suppose it will be about 12 Doll. but it must be whatever he says. I will also thank you to purchase for me a Leopard or tyger's skin, such as the covers of our saddles were cut out of. In North 3d street & North 4th street a few doors only from Market street there used to be a considerable furrier's store in each. At one of these it was that I saw a robe of what they called the Peruvian sheep, and I took to be of the Lama or Vigogna. it was made up of several skins, & was of the price of 12 D. If there be such a thing there now, you can either observe & report it to me, or if you think it good (for I have almost forgot it) I would take it at once. Let me hear from you on your receipt of this, and inform me of your prospect of getting off. I have letters here for you from your friends in Albemarle. Accept my affectionate salutations. ... Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington April 27. 1803
Dear Sir
Your's of the 20th from Lancaster was recieved the night before last. Not having heard from you since the time of my leaving Washington, I had written to you on the 23d and lodged it in Philadelphia. You will therefore probably receive that & this together. I inclose you a copy of the rough draught of the instructions I have prepared for you, that you may have time to consider them & to propose any modifications which may occur to yourself as useful. Your destination being known to Mr. Patterson, Doctrs. Wistar, Rush & Barton, these instructions my be submitted to their perusal. A considerable portion of them being within the field of the Philosophical society, which once undertook the same mission*, I think it my duty to consult some of it's members, limiting the communication by the necessity of secrecy in a good degree. These gentlemen will suggest any additions they will think useful, as has been before asked of them. We have recieved information that Connor cultivates in the first degree the patronage of the British government; to which he values ours as only secondary. As it is possible however that his passion for this expedition may overrule that for the British, and as I do not see that the British agents will necessarily be disposed to counterwork us, I think Connor's qualifications make it desireable to engage him, and that the communication to him will be as useful, as it was certainly proper under our former impression of him. The idea that you are going to explore the Missisipi has been generally given out: it satisfies public curiosity, and masks sufficiently the real destination. I shall be glad to hear from you, as soon after your arrival at Philadelphia as you can form an idea when you will leave, & when be .... Accept my assurances of my constant & sincere affection. Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
*See André Michaux, 1793.
Washington Apr. 30. 1803.
I think we spoke together of your carrying some steel or cast iron corn mills to give to the Indians or to trade with them, as well as for your own use. Lest however I should be mistaken, I mention them now. I make no doubt you have consult with Mr. Ellicot as to the best instruments to carry. I would wish that nothing that passed between us here should prevent your following his advice, which is certainly the best. Should a time-piece be requisite, it is probable Mr. Garnet can furnish you one. Neither Ellicot nor Garnet have given me their opinion on the substituting a meridian at land, instead of observations of time. for ascertaining longitude by the lunar motions. I presume therfore it will not answer. Accept my affectionate salutations.
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Philadelphia, May 14th 1803.
Dear Sir,
In your instructions to me you mention that the instruments for ascertaining by celestial observations the geography of the country through which I shall pass, have been already provided: I shall not therefore purchase any articles of that discription until I hear further from you on this subject. Will you be so good as to inform me what instruments have been provided? and where they are? it may be possible that some instrument has been omitted, which Mr. Patterson, Mr. Ellicot and those gentlemen to whom you have referred me in this place, may deem necessary for me, and if so the deficiency can be supplyed in time.
Mr. Patterson and Mr. Ellicott both disapprove of the Theodolite as applicable to my purposes; they think it a delicate instrument, difficult of transporation, and one that would be very liable to get out of order; they also state that in it's application to any observations for obtaining the Longitude, it would be liable to many objections, and to much more inacuracy than the Sextant. The instruments these gentlemen recommend, and which indeed they think indispensibly necessary, are, two Sextants, (one of which, must be constructed for the back observation,) an articial Horizon or two; a good Arnald's watch or Chronometer, a Surveyor's Compass with a ball and socket and two pole chain, and a set of plotting instruments. By means of the Sextant fixed for the back observation and an artificial Horizon also constructed for the purpose, the meridian altitude of the Sun may always be taken, altho it should even exceed eighty degrees: for this valuable problem I am indebted to Mr. Patterson.
As a perfect knolege of the time will be of the first importance in all my Astronomical observations, it is necessary that the time-keeper intended for this expedition should be put in the best possible order, if therefore Sir, one has been procured for me, and you are not perfectly assured of her being in good order, it would be best perhaps to send her to me by some safe hand (should any such conveyance offer in time); Mr. Voit could then clean her, and Mr. Ellicott has promised to regulate her, which, I believe he has the means of doing just now, more perfectly than it can be done any where else in the U. States.
I cannot say what day it will be in my power to leave this place. Your different orders have been attended to, and the result you shall have in a day or two. I am Sir, with every sentiment of gratitude and respect. Your most Obt. & very Humble Servt.
Meriwether Lewis
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington May 16. 1803.
Dear Sir
Yours of the 14th is this moment received, & I hasten to answer it by return of post, that no time may be lost. The copy of instructions sent you are only a rough draught for consideration. They will not be signed or dated till your departure. Presuming you would procure all the necessary instruments at Philadelphia, which is a principal object of your journey there, the instructions say that the necessary instruments ' have been provided,' which will be true when they receive their ultimate form, date & signature, tho' nothing was provided at the time of writing the rough draught. This will serve to correct the impression which has been misunderstood, and to let you know you are relied on to provide every thing for yourself. With respect to the Theodolite, I wish you to be governed entirely by the advice of Mr. Patterson & Mr. Ellicott: as also as to the time piece & whatever else they think best. Mr. Garnett told us he had some good ones still on hand; which I remind you of, lest you should not be able to get one in Philadelphia. Accept my affectionate salutations. Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Philadelphia May 29th 1803.
Dear Sir,
I have at length so far succeeded in making the necessary preparations for my intended journey as to be enabled to fix on the sixth or seventh of June as the probable time of my departure for Washington. All the article have been either procured, or are in such state of forwardness in the hands of the workmen as to induce me to hope that my stay here after that period will be unnecessary; indeed it is probable that I might set out by the middle of this week, was it not for a wish to attend Mr. Patterson a few days longer; this, Mr. Patterson recommends: he has been extreemly obliging to me since my arrival here, but his avocations for the last ten days have been such, as rendered it impossible for him to afford me the benefit of his instructions; in the mean time I have employed my self in attending more immediately to the objects of my equipment, and am now more at leasure to pursue with effect the subjects to which, he may think proper to direct my attention.
Agreeably to your instructions the draught of your orders prepared for my government, has been submitted to Mr. Patterson, and to Drs. Rush Barton & Wister; they approve of them very highly: Dr. Rush has favored me with some abstract queries under the several heads of Physical History, medicine, Morals and Religeon of the Indians, which I have no doubt will be servicable in directing my inquiries among that people: Drs. Barton and Wister have each promised to contribute in like manner any thing, which may suggest itself to them as being of any importance in furthering the objects of this expedition. Dr. Barton has sometimes flattered me with the pleasure of his company as far as the Illinois; this even would be extreemly pleasing to me for many reasons; I fear the Dr. will not carry this design into effect; he tells me that his health has been pretty good latterly, and that he is determined to travel in some direction two or three months during the ensuring summer and autumn.
I paid Mr. Dufief 74$ and Dr. Bolman 18$. I have also purchased a Vigogna Blanket, of which I hope you will approve; it is about the size of a common three point Blanket, the skins appear to be too thin for rought service, tho' it is a very pretty thing; it is the best I could find, the price was 10$. The Tiger's skin you requested I have not been able to procure, those I have seen appear to be too small for your purpose, perhaps they may be had in Baltimore if so, I will get one at that place. The 2 pole chain & 2 pair of fleecy socks have also been procured. I received your watch this morning from Mr. Voigt, who tell me she is well regulated and in perfect order. Mr. Whitney has not yet repaired your sextant tho' it was put into his hands immediately on my arrival; he has promised however, after repeated applications, that it shall be ready tomorrow evening: he seemed unwilling to undertake the alteration you wished in the brass Sextant stand, I therefore declined have the alteration made; I was further induced to this resolution from the opinion of Mr. Ellicott, who thought that the ball and socket would be reather a disadvantage than otherwise, and that in every event he concieved the advantages of the ball & socket would not be equivalent to the expence attending the alteration.
I have written again to Dr. Dickson at Nashville, (From whom I have not yet heard) on the subject of my boat and canoe. i have recieved an answer from Majr. Mac Rea, Comdt. at S.W. point: his report is reather unfavorable to my wishes: he tells me that out of twenty men who have volunteered their services to accompany me, not more than three or four do by any means possess the necessary qualifications for this expedition, or who answer the discription which I had given him; this however I must endeavour to remedy by taking with me from that place a sufficient number of the best of them to man my boat, and if possible select others of a better discription as I pass the Garrisons of Massac, Kaskaskais & Illinois.
You will receive herewith inclosed some sketches taken from Vancouver's survey of the Western Coast of North America; they were taken in a haisty manner, but I believe they will be found sufficiently accurate to be of service in composing the map, which Mr. Gallatin was so good as to promise he would have projected and compleated for me. Will you be so obliging Sir, as to mention to Mr. Gallatin that I have not been able to procure Danvill's map. The maps attatched to Vancouver's voyage cannot be procured seperately from that work, which is both too costly, and too weighty, for me either to purchase or carry. I have the honor to be with the most sincere esteeem & attachment Your Obt. Servt.
Meriwether Lewis
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress
[ante June 20 1803]
To <Captain> Meriwether Lewis esq. Capt. of the 1st. regimt, of Infantry of the US. of A.
Your situation as Secretary of the President of the US. has made you acquainted with the objects of my confidential message of Jan. 18. 1803 to the legislature; you have seen the act they passed, which they expressed in general terms, was meant to sanction these objects, and you are appointed to carry them into execution.
Instruments for ascertaining by celestial observations, the geography of the country through which you will pass, have been already provided. Light articles for barter and presents among the Indians, arms for your attendants, say from 10. to 12. men, boats, tents, & other travelling apparatus with ammunition, medicine, surgical instruments and provisions you will have prepared with such aids as the Secretary at War can yield in his department; & from him also you will recieve authority to engage among our troops, by voluntary agreement, the number of attendants above mentioned, over whom you, as their commanding officer, are invested with all the powers the laws give in such a case.
As your movements while within the limits of the US. will be better directed by occasional communications, adapted to circumstances as they arise, they will not be noticed here. What follows will respect your proceedings after your departure from the United States.
Your mission has been communicated to the ministers here from France, Spain & Great Britain, and through them to their governments; & such assurances given them as to it's objects as we trust will satisfy them. The country <of Lousiana> having been ceded by Spain to France, <and possession by this time probably given,> the passport you have from the minister of France, the representative of the present sovereign of the country, will be a protection <against> with all its subjects, & that from the minister of England will entitle you to the friendly aid of any traders of that allegiance with whom you may happen to meet.
The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri river, & such principal stream of it as by it's course and communication with the waters of the Pacific ocean whether the Columbia, Oregon, Colorado or any other river may offer the most direct & practicable water communication across this continent for the purposes of commerce.
Beginning at the mouth of the Missouri, you will take <careful> observations of latitude & longitude at all remarkable points on the river, & especially at the mouth of rivers, at rapids, at islands, & other places & objects distinguished by such <durable> natural marks & characters of a durable <nature> kind as that they may with certainty be recognized hereafter. The course of the river between these points of observation ma be supplied by the compass, the log-line & by time, corrected by the observations themselves. The variations of the compass too, in different places should be noticed.
The interesting points of the portage between the heads of the Missouri, & of the water offering the best communication with the Pacific ocean, should also be fixed by observation, & the course of that water to the ocean, in the same manner as that of the Missouri.
Your observations are to be taken with great pains & accuracy, to be entered distinctly & intelligibly for others, as well as yourself, to comprehend all the elements necessary, with the aid of the usual tables, to fix the latitude and longitude of the places at which they were taken, and are to be rendered to the war office for the purpose of having the calculations made concurrently by proper persons within the US. several copies of these as well as of your other notes should be made at leisure times, & put into the care of the most trust-worthy of your attendants, to guard by multiplying them against the accidental losses to which they will be exposed. A further guard would be that one these copies be on the paper of the birch, as less liable to injury from damp than common paper.
The commerce which may be carried on with the people inhabiting the line your will pursue, renders a knolege of those people important. You will therefore endeavour to make yourself acquainted <with> as far as a diligent pursuit of your journey shall admit, with the names of the nations & their numbers;
the extent & limits of their possessions;
their relations with other tribes of nations;
their language, traditions, monuments;
their ordinary occupations in agriculture, fishing, hunting, war, arts & the implements for these;
their food, clothing, & domestic accomodations;
the diseases prevalent among them, & the remedies they use;
moral & physical circumstances which distinguish them from the tribes we know;
peculiarities in their laws, customs & dispositions;
and articles of commerce they may need or furnish & to what extent.
And considering the interest which every nation has in extending & strengthening the authority of reason & justice among the people around them, it will be useful to acquire what knolege you can of the state of morality, religion, & information among them; as it may better enable those who may endeavor to civilize & instruct them, to adapt their measures to the existing notions & practices of those on whom they are to operate.
Other objects worthy of notice will be
the soil & face of the country it's growth & vegetable productions, especially those not of the US.
the animals of the country generally, & especially those not known in the US.
the remains & accounts of any which may be deemed rare or extinct;
the mineral productions of every kind; but more particularly metals; limestone, pit-coal, & salt-petre; salines & mineral waters, noting the temperature of the last & such circumstances as may indicate their character;
volcanic appearances;
climate, as characterized by the thermometer, by the proportion of rainy, cloudy, & clear days, by lightening, hail, snow, ice, by the access & recess of frost, by the winds prevailing at different seasons, the dates at which particular plants put forth or lose their flower, or leaf, times of appearance of particular birds, reptiles or insects.
Altho' your route will be along the channel of the Missouri, yet you will endeavor to inform yourself, by enquiry, of the character & extent of the country watered by it's branches & especially on it's Southern side, the North river or Rio Bravo which runs into the gulph of Mexico, and the North river, or Rio colorado which runs into the gulph of California, are understood to be the principal streams heading opposite to the waters of the Missouri, and running Southwardly. Whether the dividing grounds between the Missouri & them are mountains or flat lands, what are their distance from the Missouri, the character of the intermediate country, & the people inhabiting it, are worthy of particular enquiry. The Northern waters of the Missouri are less to be enquired after, because they have been ascertained to a considerable degree, & are still in a course of ascertainment by English traders, and travellers. But if you can learn any thing certain of the most Northern source of the Missisipi, & of it's position relatively to the lake of the woods, it will be interesting to us.
<Two copies of your notes at least & as many more as leisure will admit, should be made & confided to the care of the most trusty individuals of your attendants.> Some account too of the path of the Canadian traders from the Missisipi, at the mouth of the Ouisconsing to where it strikes the Missouri, & of the soil and rivers in its <traverses> course, is desirable.
In all your intercourse with the natives, treat them in the most friendly & conciliatory manner which their own conduct will admit; allay all jealousies as to the object of your journey, satisfy them of it's innocence, make them acquainted with the position, extent character, peaceable & commercial dispositions of the US. of our wish to be neighborly, friendly, & useful to them, & of our dispositions to a commercial intercourse with them; confer with them on the points most convenient as mutual emporiums, and the articles of most desireable interchange for them & us. If a few of their influential chiefs within practicable distance, wish to visit us, arrange such a visit with them, and furnish them with authority to call on our officers, on their entering the US. to have them conveyed to this place at the public expence. If any of them should wish to have some of their young people brought up with us, & taught such arts as may be useful to them, we will recieve, instruct & take care of them. Such a mission whether of influential chiefs or of young people would give some security to your own party.Carry with you some matter of the kinepox; inform those of them with whom you may be, of it's efficacy as a preservative from the smallpox; & instruct & encourage them in the use of it. This may be especially done wherever you winter.
As it is impossible for us to foresee in what manner you will be recieved by those people, whether with hospitality or hostility, so is it impossible to prescribe th exact degree of preserverance with which you are to pursue your journey. We value too much the lives of citizens to offer them to probable destruction. Your numbers will be sufficient to secure you against the unauthorised opposition of individuals or of small parties: but if a superior force authorised, or not authorised by a nation, should be arrayed against your further passage, and inflexibly determined to arrest it, you must decline it's farther pursuit, and return.In the loss of yourselves, we should lose also the information you will have acquired. By returning safely with that, you may enable us to renew the essay with better calculated means. To your own discretion therefore must be left the degree of danger you risk, and the point at which you should decline, only saying we wish you to err on the side of your safety, and to bring back your party safe even if it be with less information.
As far up the Missouri as the white settlements extend, an intercourse will probably be found to exist between them & the Spanish posts of St. Louis opposite Cahokia, or Ste. Genevieve opposite Kaskaskia. From still further up the river, the traders may furnish a conveyance for letters. Beyond that, you may perhaps be able to engage Indians to bring letters for the government to Cahokia or Kaskaskia, on promising that they shall there recieve such special compensation as you shall have stipulated with them. Avail yourself of these means to communicate to us, at seasonable intervals, a copy of your journal, notes & observations, of every kind, putting into cypher whatever might do injury if betrayed.
Should you reach the Pacific ocean inform yourself of the circumstances which may decide whether the furs of those parts may not be collected as advantageously at the head of the Missouri (convenient as is supposed to the waters of the Colorado & Oregan or Columbia) as at Nootka sound, or any other point of that coast; and that trade be consequently conducted through the Missouri & U.S. more beneficially than by the circumnavigation now practised.
On your arrival on that coast endeavor to learn if there by any port within your reach frequented by the sea-vessels of any nation, & to send two of your trusty people back by sea, in such way as <they shall judge> shall appear practicable, with a copy of your notes: and should you be of opinion that the return of your party by the way they went will be eminently dangerous, then ship the whole, & return by sea, by the way either of cape Horn, or the cape of good Hope, as you shall be able. As you will be without money, clothes or provisions, you must endeavor to use the credit of the U.S. to obtain them, for which purpose open letters of credit shall be furnished you, authorising you to draw upon the Executive of the U.S. or any of it's officers, in any part of the world, on which draughts can be disposed of, & to apply with our recommendations to the Consuls, agents, merchants, or citizens of any nation with which we have intercourse, assuring them, in our name, that any aids they may furnish you, shall be honorably repaid, and on demand. Our consuls Thomas Hewes at Batavia in Java, Wm. Buchanan in the Isles of France & Bourbon & John Elmslie at the Cape of good Hope will be able to supply your necessities by draughts on us.
Should you find it safe to return by the way you go, after sending two of your party round by sea, or with your whole party, if no conveyance by sea can be found, do so; making such observations on your return, as may serve to supply, correct or confirm those made on your outward journey.
On re-entering the U.S. and reaching a place of safety, discharge any of your attendants who may desire & deserve it, procuring for them immediate paiment of all arrears of pay & cloathing which may have incurred since their departure, and assure them that they shall be recommended to the liberality of the legislature for the grant of a souldier's portion of land each, as proposed in my message to Congress; & repair yourself with your papers to the seat of government <to which I have only to add my sincere prayer for your safe return>.
To provide, on the accident of your death, against anarchy, dispersion, & the consequent danger to your party, and total failure of the enterprize, you are hereby authorized, by any instrument signed & written in your own hand, to name the person among them who shall succeed to the command on your decease, and by like instruments to change the nomination from time to time as further experience of the characters accompanying you shall point out superior fitness: and all the powers and authorities given to yourself are, in the event of your death, transferred to, & vested in the successor so named, with further power to him, and his successors in like manner to name each his successor, who, on the death of his predecessor, shall be invested with all the powers & authorities given to yourself.
Given under my hand at the city of Washington this 20th day of June 1803.* ... Th. J. Pr. U.S. of A.
MS in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
*Dateline and signature were written on a later date and with a different pen and ink, than the body of the document, which had been sent to Lewis, James Madison, Levi Lincoln, and Albert Gallatin for their comments in April.
Washington. U.S. of America. July 4. 1803.
Dear Sir
In the journey which you are about to undertake for the discovery of the course and source of the Missouri and of the most convenient water communication from thence to the Pacific ocean, your party being small, it is to be expected that you will encounter considerable dangers from the Indian inhabitants. Should you escape those dangers and reach the Pacific ocean, you may find it imprudent to hazard a return the same way, and be forced to seek a passage round by sea, in such vessels as you may find on the Western coast. But you will be without money, without clothes, & other necessaries; as a sufficient supply cannot be carried with you from hence. Your resource in that case can only be in the credit of the U.S. for which purpose I hereby authorise you to draw on the Secretaries of State, of the Treasury, of War & of the Navy of the U.S. according as you may find your draughts will be most negociable, for the purpose of obtaining money or necessaries for yourself & your men: and I solemnly pledge the faith of the United States that these draughts shall be paid punctually at the date they are made payable. I also ask of the Consuls, agents, merchants & citizens of any nation with which we have intercourse or amity to furnish you with those supplies which your necessities may call for, assuring them of honorable and prompt retribution. And our own Consuls in foreign parts where you may happen to be, are hereby instructed & required to be aiding & assisting to you in whatsoever may be necessary for procuring your return back to the United States. And to give more entire satisfaction & confidence to those who may be disposed to aid you, I Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States of America, have written this letter of general credit for you with my own hand, and signed it with my name. ... Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
12. O'Clock. Harper's Ferry July 8th 1803.
Dear Sir,
The waggon which was employed by Mr. Linnard the Military Agent at Philadelphia, to transport the articles forming my outfit, passed this place on the 28th Ulto. The waggoner determined that his team was not sufficiently strong to take the whole of the articles that had been prepared for me at this place and therefore took none of them; of course it became necessary to provide some other means of geting them forward; for this purpose on the evening of the 5th at Fredercktown I engaged a person with a light two horse-waggon who promised to set out with them this morning, in this however he has disappointed me and I have been obliged to engage a second person who will be here this evening in time to load and will go on early in the morning. I shall set out myself in the course of an hour, taking the rout of Charlestown, Frankfort, Uniontown and Redstone old for to Pittsburg, at which place I shall most probably arrive on the 15th.
Yesterday I shot my guns and examined the several articles which had been manufactured for me at this place; they appear to be well executed.
My complyments to Mr. Harvie, & accept the assureance of my sincere wishes for your health and happiness. Your friend & Obt. Servt.
... Meriwether Lewis
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington. July 11. 03.
I inclose you your pocket book left here. If the dirk will appear passable by post, that shall also be sent, when received. Your bridle, left by the inattention of joseph in packing your saddle, is too bulky to go in that way. We have not received a word from Europe since you left us. Be so good as to keep me always advised how to direct to you. Accept my affectionate salutations & assurances of constant esteem.
MS in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington July 15. 1803.
Dear Sir
I dropped you a line on the 11th inst. and last night recieved yours of the 8th. Last night also we received the treaty from Paris ceding Louisiana according to the bounds to which France had a right. Price 11¼ millions of Dollars beside paying certain debts of France to our citizens which will be from 1 to 4 millions. I received also from Mr. La Cepede at Paris, to whom I had mentioned your intended expedition a letter of which the following is an extract. 'Mr. Broughton, one of the companions of Captain Vancouver went up Columbia river 100. miles, in December 1792. He stopped at a point which he named Vancouver lat. 4527' longitude 23750'E. Here the river Columbia is still a quarter of a mile wide & from 12. to 36. feet deep. It is far then to it's head. From this point Mount Hood is seen 20. leagues distant, which is probably a dependence of the Stony mountains, of which Mr. Fiedler saw the beginning about lat. 40 and the source of the Missouri is probably in the Stony mountains. If your nation can establish an easy communication by rivers, canals, & short portages between N. York for example & the city [they were building] or [to be built] [for the badness of the writing renders it uncertain, which is meant, but probably the last] at the mouth of the Columbia, what a route for the commerce of Europe, Asia, 7 America.' Accept my affectionate salutations. ... Th. Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Pittsburgh July 22nd 1803.
Dear Sir
Yours of the 11th & 15th Inst. were duly recieved, the former on the 18th inst., the latter on this day. For my pocketbook I thank you: the dirk could not well come by post, nor is it of any moment to me, the knives that were made at Harper's ferry will answer my purposes equally as well and perhaps better; it can therefore be taken care of untill my return: the bridle is of no consequence at all. After the reciept of this letter I think it will be best to direct to me at Louisville Kentuckey.
The person who contracted to build my boat engaged to have it in readiness by the 20th inst.; in this however he has failed; he pleads his having been disappointed in procuring timber, but says he has now supplyed himself with the necessary materials, and that she shall be completed by the last of this month; however in this I am by no means sanguine, nor do I believe from the progress he makes that she will be ready before the 5th of August; I visit him every day, and endeavour by every means in my power to hasten the completion of the work: I have prevailed on him to engage more hands, and he tells me that two others will join him in the morning, if so, he may probably finish the boat by the time he mentioned: I shall embark immediately the boat is in readiness, there being no other consideration which at this moment detains me.
The Waggon from Harper's ferry arrived today, bringing every thing with which she was charged in good order.
The party of recruits that were ordered from Carlisle to this place with a view to descend the river with me, have arrived with the exception of one, who deserted on the march, his place however can be readily supplyed from the recruits at this place enlisted by Lieut. Hook.
The current of the Ohio is extreemly low and continues to decline, this may impede my progress but shall not prevent my proceeding, being detemined to get forward though I should not be able to make a greater distance than a mile pr. day. I am with the most sincere regard Your Obt. Servt.
... Meriwether Lewis
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Pittsburgh July 26th 1803.
Dear Sir,
I have recieved as yet not answer from Mr. Clark, in the event of Mr. Clark's declining to accompany me Lieut. Hooke of this place has engaged to do so, if permitted; and I think from his disposition and qualifications that I might safely calculate on being as ably assisted by him in th execution of the objects of my mission, as I could wish, or would be, by any other officer in the Army. Lieut. Hooke is about 26 years of age, endowed with a good constitution, possessing a sensible well informed mind, is industrious, prudent and persevering, and withall intrepid and enterprising: he has acted as Military Agent at this place for a few months past, and of course will have some public accounts to adjust, tho' he tells me that he can settle those accounts, deliver the public stores to the person who may be directed to take charge of them, and prepare to go with me, at any time, within the course of a day or two. Should I recieve no answer from Mr. Clark previous to my leaving this place, or he decline going with me, I would be much gratifyed with being authorized to take Lieut. Hooke with me, first directing him to settle his public accounts, and make such disposition of the publick stores as the Secretary of War may think proper to direct. There is a Capt. Reed of the Artly. here, who will probably not leave this place untill an answer can be recieved, or if he should, Majr. Craig of Pittsburgh would take charge of the stores untill an officer could be ordered on for that purpose.
It is probable that you will have left Washington before this letter can reach that place, and if so, knowing the delay incident to a communication between yourself and the Secretary of War at such a distance, and concieving that it would be necessary that he should decide whether from the nature of his arrangements Lieut. Hooke could leave his present station with propriety or not, or his place be supplyed without injury to the public service, I have thought it best to inclose this letter to him unsealed, with a request that should you be absent, he would read it and give me an answer on the subject of it as early as possible. It is most probable that I shall leave Pittsburgh before an answer can be returned to this letter, I take the liberty therefore to suggest, that the answer to me had better be inclosed to Lieut. Hooke, sets out twenty days after me, by taking the rout of Limestone, Louisville and Vincennes he will reach the mouth of the Missourie as early as I shall. I am with the most sincere attachment Your Obt. Servt. ... Meriwether Lewis
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Wheeling, September 8th 1803.
Dear Sir,
It was not until 7 O'Clock on the morning of the 31st Ultmo. that my boat was completed, she was instantly loaded, and at 10. a.m. on the same day I left Pittsburgh, where I had been moste shamefully detained by the unpardonable negligence of my boat-builder. On my arrival at Pittsburgh, my calculation was that the boat would be in readiness by the 5th of August; this term however elapsed and the boat so far from being finished was only partially planked on one side. In this situation I had determined to abandon the boat, and to purchase two or three perogues and descend the river in them, and depend on purchasing a boat as I descended, there being none to be had at Pittsburgh; from this resolution I was dissuaded first by the representations of the best informed merchants at that place who assured me that the chances were much against my being able to procure a boat below; and secondly by the positive assureances given me by the boat-builder that she should be ready on the last of the then ensuing week, (the 13th): however a few days after, according to his usual custom he got drunk, quarrelled with his workmen, and several of them left him, nor could they be prevailed on to return: I threatened him with the penalty of his contract, and exacted a promise of greater sobriety in future which, he took care to perform with as little good faith, as he had his previous promises with regard to the boat, continuing to be constantly either drunk or sick. I spent most of my time with the workmen, alternately presuading and threatening, but neither threats, presuasion or any other means which I could devise were sufficient to procure the completion of the work sooner than the 31st of August; by which time the water was so low that those who pretended to be acquainted with the navigation of the river declared it impracticable to descend it; however in conformity to my previous determination I set out, having taken the precaution to send a part of by baggage by a waggon to this place, and also to procure a good pilot. My days journey have averaged about 12 miles, but in some instances, with every exertion I could make was unable to exceed 4½ & 5 miles pr. day. This place is one hundred miles distant from Pittsburgh by way of the river and about sixty five by land.
When the Ohio is in it's present state there are many obstructions to it's navigation, formed by bars of small stones, which in some instances are intermixed with, and partially cover large quntities of driftwood; these bars frequently extend themselves entirely across the bed of the river, over many of them I found it impossible to pass even with my emty boat, without geting into the water and lifting her over by hand; over others my force was even inadequate to enable me to pass in this manner, and I found myself compelled to hire horses or oxen from the neighbouring farms and drag her over them; in this way I have passed as many as five of those bars, (or as they are here called riffles) in a day, and to unload as many ore more time. The river is lower than it has ever been known by the oldest settle in this country. I shall leave this place tomorrow morning, and loose no time in geting on.
I have been compelled to purchase a perogue at this place in order to transport the baggage which was sent by land from Pittsburgh, and also to lighten the boat as much as possible. On many bars the water in the deepest part dose not exceed six inches. I have the honour to be with the most perfect regard and sincere attatchment Your Obt. Servt. ... Meriwether Lewis, Capt.
... lst U.S. Regt. Infty.
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
On board my boat opposite Marietta September 13th 1803.
Dear Sir
I arrived here at 7. p.m. and shall pursue my journey early tomorrow. This place is one hundred miles distant from Wheeling, from whence in descending the water is reather more abundant than it is between that place and Pittsburgh, insomuch that I have been enabled to get on without the necessity employing oxen or horses to drag my boat over the ripples except in two instances; tho' I was obliged to cut a passage through four or five bars, and by that means past them; this last operation is much more readily performed that you would imagin; the gravel of which many of these bars are formed, being small and lying in a loose state is readily removed with a spade, or even with a wooden shovel and when set in motion the current drives it a considerable distance before it subsides or again settles at the bottom; in this manner I have cut a passage for my boat of 50 yards in length in the course of an hour; this method however is impracticable when driftwood or clay in any quantity is intermixed with the gravel; in such cases Horses or oxen are the last resort: I find them the most efficient sailors in the present state of the navigation of this river, altho' they may be considered somewhat clumsey. I have the honour to be with much respect Your Obt. Servt.
... Meriwether Lewis, Capt.
... 1st U.S. Regt. Infty.
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Cincinnati, October 3rd 1803.
Dear Sir,
I reached this place on the 28th Ult.; it being necessary to take in a further supply of provisions here, and finding my men much fatiegued with the labour to which they have been subjected in descending the river, I determined to recruit them by giving them a short respite of a few days, having now obtained the distance of five hundred miles. On the evening of the 1st inst. I again dispatched my boat with orders to meet me at the Big Bone lick, to which place I shall pass by land, it being distant from hence only seventeen miles while by water it is fifty three, a distance that will require my boat in the present state of the water near three days to attain.
The late reserches of Dr. William Goforth of this plase at that Lick has made it a place of more interesting enquiry than formerly, I shall therefore seize the present moment to visit it, and set out early tomorrow morning for that purpose.
Dr. Goforth in the begining of May last with a view to obtain a complete skelton of the Mammoth, sunk a pitt 30 feet square and eleven feet in debth in a moist part of the Big Bone Lick, from which he obtained a large number of specimens of the bones of this animal, tho' generally in a very imperfect and mutilated state; he also obtained from the same pitt several grinders of the anamal generally supposed to be an Elephant from their affinity to the teeth of that anamal, these last are very perfect: a part of this collection of bones the Dr. has in his possession at this place and has been so obliging as to favour me with an examinetion of them; the other part of the Dr.'s collection is yet at the Lick, these he informs me are much more perfect than those he shewed me, particularly the upper portion of a head, and some other specimens which had been obtained from a small pitt, sunk in a dryer part of the Lick by a young man to whom, in his absence he had confided the prosecution of his researches; among these specimens the Dr. also mentioned a tusk of an immence size, the dementions of which he could not furnish me with, not having yet seen it, but from the information of his assistant, states it's weight at 180 lbs.; this tusk is said to be in a good state of preservation. The Dr. informed me that he had been interdicted by the Agent of Mr. David Ross of Virginia, (the proprietor of the Lick) from removing these bones, as he was also from the further prosecution of his researches; he is much chagrined at this occurrence, and seems very anxious that some measure should be taken by which to induce Mr. Ross to suffer him to prosecute his enquiries. The Doctr. presented me with two handsome specimens, the one a grinder of the Elephant, the other, that of the Mammoth, the former weighs ten and ½ pounds, the latter I have not weighed, from the circumstance of it's roots being attatched to a lump of clay, without seperating from which, it's weight could not be accurately ascertained; I concluded it would be better to forward it in it's present state, as the clay will not only guard this part of the tooth from injury in transporting it, but will at the same time furnish a good specimen of the earth of which the lick is formed. Dr. Goforth was so good as to grant me his permission to take from those bones now at the Lick the large tuck before noticed, and any other bones that are to be found among his collection at that place: Capt. Findley who accompanys me to the Lick says he is well acquainted with the Agent of Mr. Ross, and thinks that he can obtain his permission also for the same purpose; should I succeed you may expect to recieve through Mr. Trist, this large tusk together with the two grinders before mentioned, and such other specimines as I may be enabled to procure, and which, I may think worthy your acceptance.
All the bones, which I observed in the possession of Dr. Goforth appear to be those of the Mammoth, accept only the Elephant-like griners; the most remarkable among them was a portion of the lower or larger part of a tuck; measuring one foot ten inches in circumpherence and five feet eight inches in length, the Dr. informed me when he first obtained it, it was upwards of six feet in length and weighed one hundred pounds; the greates circumpherence of the tusks of Mr. Peale's skelton I believe is not more than one foot six ½ inches. As the anatomy of the Mammoth has already been so well ascertained by the skelton in the possession of Mr. Peal (the upper portion of the head excepted) I confined my enquiries mearly to a search for this part of the skelton, and for such specimens of the tusks as would enable me to deside a question which appears not yet fully to have been satisfyed (viz) Whether the flated or sythe-shaped tusks so frequently found in the same bed with the acknowledged tusks of the Mammoth, ar the tusks of that anamal, or a different one?
With regard to the fist of these enquiries I was unsuccessfull, finding only one mutilated specimen of the upper portion of the head, the frontal bone of which had entirely decayed; I was therfore unable to form any just idea of it's shape; as to the second, I was more fortunate, obtaining many specimens of both the acknowledged Mammoth tusks, as well as those of the flat tusks, both in a sound and an imperfect state; these I compared with attention; but before I proceed to express an opinion with respect to the homogeniallogy of these tusks I will give a short description of those specimens, in order Sir, that you make from thence draw your own inferences, and make your own deduction.
The tucks of the Mammoth were conical, much Curved, and also spiral or twisted; the fragments of whatever portion of the tuck were homologus to the same part of a complete tusk; when by decay the end of a section of any large part of the tusk was observed, th ends of the broken lateral stratas of the lamina, formed a number of circular rings, each imbracing and inclosing the other from the center to the circumpherence of the tusk, these rings however were of unequal thickness; when perfet the lamina assumes a yellowish white or creem colour and consistance (see No. 2. specn. inclosed); the surface of the tuck sometimes assumes partially a black colour, which from it's resembleance to the Buffaloe horn might on a slite examineation be taken for a similar substance, but on a more minute investigation it appears to be ivory, or the common lamina of the tusk, which, has acquired that colour from some cause, most probably, from the properties of the clay in which they had been so long deposited; this black Ivory (No. 2) is rarely more than two lines in thickness, gradually loosing it's hue inwards, untill it becomes the common colour of the tusk.
The flat or sythe-like tusks assumed a great variety of figures, tho's uniformly curved; one was flat on both sides near the large end of the tuck, where it was connected with the head; this was rendered conspicuous from the conic concavity common to this part as well of the Mammoth, as these tusks at the larger end; and so much was it stated, that this end of the tusk was left in a forked shape, while the smaller end assumed the curved, and connic shape, and was also spiral, as is that of the Mammoth: several were slated unequally on both sides near the small extemity of the tusk, the larger end being conical, curved, and spiral; while others were flat on one side only throughout the whole extent of the tusk: the lamina of these tusks whether perfect, decayed, or assuming the horn-like appearance, is the same substance precisely of the Mammoth tusk: in every instance where the tusk is flatened, the circular rings of lamina are perfect when the diameter of those rings do not exceed the thickness of the tusk, which last I found unequal in the different specimens; and when the rings of lamina exceed the thickness of the tusk they are broken, but still we find the corrisponding parts of these broken rings, attatched to either side of the perfect one, and succeeding each other throughout the whole width of the tusk; thus presenting the exact figure of the Mammoth's tusk reduced to a flat surface on both sides by being grownd down.
I also observed that several bones that were in a good state of preservation, appeared to have been woarn away in the same manner, or from the same cuase which had flattened the tusks, particularly a large grinder of the Mammoth which struck my attention, it was unconnected with the jaw bone; one third of the volume of this tooth seemed to have been woarn away, as if reduced on one side by being grown down to a plane surface; th enamel with the bone of the tooth and presented a smooth surface; no part of this tooth shewed any sharp fracture which, might induce a belief that it was reduced to it's prsent shape by a violent or sudden stroke.
Finding that the upper part of the tusk was flattened, which shape it could not have acquired during the existance of the living anamal, it being that part of the tusk which by bone or cartilage must have been united with the head; that in every case where the same specimen united both the character of the Mammoth and flat tusk, that portion resembleing the Mammoth tusk was in all respects it's prototipe; that the tusk of the Mammoth is well defined, and that it's characteristics strongly mark it; that the lamina of both the flat and the conic tusks, are invariably the same in similar states of preservation; and that in all instances where the tusk is flattened the laterial laimina shews evedent marks of violence; I can therefore have no remaining doubt of these flat or sythe-like tusks being the tusks of the Mammoth; and from the appearance of the flatten grinder of the Mammoth before noticed, I am strongly disposed to believe that these flat tusks of the Mammoth have acquired that shape in consequence of the sand and gravel passing over them for a great length of time caused by a runing stream or agitated water.
The Elephants teeth which I saw in the possession of Dr. Goforth weigh from four to eleven pounds, and appear to me precisely to resemble a specimen of these teeth which, I saw in the possession of Dr. Wister of Philadelphia; and which if my recollection serves me Dr. Wister informed me was found in S. Carolina: the Dr. has since assured me, that from a comparison of this specimen with the plates representing the teeth of the Asiatic Elephat contained in the late Vols. of the British philosophical transactions, that he is perfectly convinced that it is the tooth of the Asiatic Elephant or an anamal very much resembleing it. Relative to these teeth it may not be unworthy of remark, that so far as I have been able to inform myself, they are never found adjacent to the bones of any anamal of their comparitive size, except those of the Mammoth; or such as from their affinity to the anatomy of that anamal, have always been admitted to be the bones of the Mammoth. These teeth are never found attatched to the bones of the jaw; and not withstanding the high state of preservation in which those Elephant's teeth are found, that no other pat of it's fraim should yet have ben discovered in America. From the shape and termination of both extremities of these grinders they each appear to have completely filled it's respective jaw bone.
Not any of the bones or tusks which I saw were petrifyed, either preserving their primitive states of bone or ivory; or when decayed, the former desolving into earth intermixed with scales of the header or more indissoluble parts of the bone, while the latter assumed the appearance of pure white chalk.
I would thank you for forward me some of the Vaxcine matter, as I have reason to believe from several experiments made with what I have, that it has lost it's virtue.
Conner, the interpreter I had calculated on engaging, has declined; however I do not feel much disappointment at this occurrence, being well assured that a suitable person of that discription can be procured at St. Louis.
So soon Sir, as you deem it expedient to promulge the late treaty, between the United States and France I would be much obliged by your directing an official copy of it to be furnished me, as I think it probable that the present inhabitants of Lousiana, from such an evidence of their having become the Citizens of the United States, would feel it their interest and would more readily yeald any information of which, they may be possessed relative to the country than they would be disposed to do, while there is any doubt remaining on that subject.
As this Session of Congress has commenced earlyer than usual, and as from a variety of incidental circumstances my progress has been unexpectedly delayed, and feeling as I do in the most anxious manner a wish to keep them in good humour on the subject of the expedicion in which I am engaged, I have concluded to make a tour this winter on horseback of some hundred miles through the most interesting portion of the country adjoining my winter establishment; perhaps it may be up the Canceze River and towards Santafee, at all events it will bee on the South side of the Missouri. Should I find that Mr. Clark can with propiety also leave the party, I will prevail on him also to undertake a similar excurtion through some other portion of the country: by this means I hope and am pursuaded that by the middle of February or 1st of March I shall be enabled to procure and forward to you such information relative to that Country, which, if it dose not produce a conviction of the utility of this project, will at least procure the further toleration of the expedition.
It will be better to forward all letters and papers for me in future to Cahokia.
The water still continues lower in the Ohio that it was ever known. I am with every sentiment of gratitude and respect Your Obt. Servt.
... Meriwether Lewis. Capt.
... lst. U.S. Regt. Infty.
RC in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington Nov. 16. 1803
Dear Sir
I have not written to you since the 11th & 15th of July, since which yours of July 15, 22, 25, Sep. 8, 13, & Oct. 3. have been recieved. The present has been long delayed by an expectation daily of getting the inclosed 'account of Louisiana' through the press.* The materials are received from different persons, of good authority. I inclose you also copies of the Treaties for Louisiana, the act for taking possession, a letter from Dr. Wistar, & some information collected by myself from Truteau's journal in MS. all of which may be useful to you. The act for taking possession passes with only some small verbal variations from that inclosed, of no consequence. Orders went from hence, signed by the King of Spain & the first Consul of France, so as to arrive at Natchez yesterday evening, and we expect the delivery of the province at New Orleans will take place about the close of the ensuing week, say about the 25th inst. Govr. Claiborne is appointed to execute the powers of Commandant & Intendant, until a regular government shall be organized here. at the moment of delivering over the posts in the vicinity of N. Orleans, orders will be dispatched from thence to those in Upper Louisiana to evacuate & deliver them immediately. You can judge better than I can when they may be expected to arrive at these posts, considering how much you have been detained by low waters, how late it will be before you can leave Cahokia, how little progress up the Missouri you can make before the freezing of the river; that your winter might be passed in gaining much, information by making Cahokia or Kaskaskia your head quarters, & going to St. Louis & the other Spanish posts that your stores &c. would thereby be spared for the winter, as your men would draw their military rations, all danger of Spanish opposition avoided. We are strongly of opinion here that you had better not enter the Missouri till the spring. But as you have a view of all circumstances on the spot, we do not pretend to enjoin it, but leave it to your own judgment in which we have entire confidence. One thing however we are decided in: that you must not undertake the winter excursion which your propose in yours of Oct. 3. Such an excursion will be more dangerous than the main expedition up the Missouri, & would, by an accident to you, hazard our main object, which, since the acquisition of Lousiana, interests every body in the highest degree. The object of your mission is single, the direct water communication from sea to sea formed by the bed of the Missouri & perhaps the Oregon. By having Mr. Clarke with you we consider the expedition double manned, & therefore the less liable to failure, for which reason neither of you should be exposed to risques by going off of your line. I have proposed in conversation, & it seems generally to be assented to, that Congress shall appropriate 10. or 12,000 D. for exploring the principal waters of the Missisipi & Missouri. In that case I should send a party up the Red river to it's head, then to cross over to the head of the Arcansa, & come down that. A 2d party for the Pani & Padouca rivers, & a 3d perhaps for the Moingona & St. Peters. As the boundaries of interior Lousiana are the high lands inclosing all the waters which run into the Missisipi or Missouri directly or indirectly, with a greater breadth on the gulph of Mexico, it becomes interesting to fix with precision by celestial observations the longitude & latitude of the sources of these rivers, and furnishing points in the contour of our new limits. This will be attempted distinctly from your mission, which we consider as of major importance, & therefore not to be delayed or hazarded by any episodes whatever.
The votes of both houses on ratifying & carrying the treaties into execution have been precisely party votes, except that Genl Dayton has separated from his friends on these questions & voted for the treaties. I will direct the Aurora & National Intelligencer to be forwarded to you for 6 months at Cahokia or Kaskaskia, on the presumption you will be there. Your friends & acquaintances here & in Albemarle are all well as far as I have heard; and I recollect no other small news worth communicating present my friendly salutations to Mr. Clarke, & accept them affectionately yourself.
... Th: Jefferson
[Enclosure]
Extracts from the Journal of M. Truteau, Agent for the Illinois trading company, residing at the village of Ricara, up the Missouri.
This company was confirmed in 1795, with the exclusive right for 10 years to trade with all the nations above the Poncas, as well to the South, and the West, as to the North of the Missouri with a premium of 3000 prs. for the discovery of the South Sea: and a gratification of 10,000 prs. which the King of Spain is to pay for the support of a milice. The company however have...In the Missouri river there is depth sufficient to carry a frigate as far up as it is known. It has no cataracts, no portages. The winds on it are so violent that the periogues are sometimes obliged to lie by one, two, three, or four days, and sometimes take as long time to descend as to ascend the river. The Canadians employed in the trading voyages on it have 250 " to 300" for 18 months and take it often in goods, on which the merchant gains half. The soil of the Missouri is the most fertile in the Universe. The rivers falling into it are all navigable more or less from 50 or 100 to 200 or 300 leagues.
The Ricaras, are a branch of the Panis, residing up the Missouri, about 430 leagues from the Illinois. There are 2 villages of them, half a league apart, the one 800 yds. from the river, the other 100 yards. They are a mild people, having about 300 warriors. There is no timber on the Missouri for 50 leagues above or below them.
The Crow nation inhabit near the Rocky mountain.
The Sioux inhabit the Northern part of the Missisipi, and are hostile to the Ricaras, Mendanes, big-bellies and others. Others of them live on the river St. Pierre. They have from 30 to 10.00 men, and abound in fire-arms. They are the greatest beaver hunters; and could furnish more beavers than all the nations besides, and could bring them to a depot on the Missouri rather than to St. Pierre, or any other place. Their beaver is worth the double of the Canadian for the fineness of it's fur and parchment;
The Chayennes, Panis Mahas, Mendannes, Big bellies are in the neighborhood of the Ricaras.
The Pados are 80 leagues form the Ricaras, South, on a branch of the river.
The Cayoguas, Caminaiches and Pitapahatos are to the South and S.W. of the Ricaras, on a branch of the Missouri. They have had no communication with the Whites. This river is wide but too shallow for a periogue.
The Grand Osages are from 7 to 800 men. They furnish 20,000 skins of the small deer, and take 14 to 15 M. pcs. de Mes. [qu. whether these character pcs de Mes. mean pieces de Marchandis or piastres de Mexique?
The Petits Osages are 250 to 300 men. Furnish 7 to 8000 fine deer skins and take 4 to 5 M. pcs. des Mes.
The Kansas, 250 to 300 men. Furnish and take the same as the Petits Osages.
With the three last nations the hunt continues to Oct. Nov. and even the middle of Dec. The hunters then meet, fix their prices, which are a blanket of 2½ points for 6, 7, or 8 deerskins. In 2 days the whole are sold, and, if the ice did not hinder, the traders could be returned by Christmas, whereas they do not return till April or May. These nations are very certain of the arrival of traders among them, but those above are often disappointed; because the merchants at St. Louis receive their goods from Mackinac, or Montreal, and they do not arrive at St. Louis early enough to reach the upper nations in time for the season. Through th Ohio the goods might be brought in time to reach the uppermost nations.
The Otoctatas take 2 M to 2,500 pcs. marchse. and furnish 3500 to 4000 fine peltries of Deer, and ¼ of that of beaver.
The Mahas are from 4 to 500 men. The Poncas 200 to 250 men. These two nations furnish and take each about the same as the Otoctatas, but more beaver. The English however drove them off by land to the river Moingona.
The Panis of the 2 villages are from 4 to 500 men. Take 2000 to 2500 pcs Marche. and furnish 4000 skins, robes and ...of the 1st quality. Those of the Republic (Loups) are from 400 to 500 men. Take and furnish about half as much as the last. They are 50 to 100 leagues apart.
The Loups, which are Panis also are from 200 to 250 men.
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson in Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
* An Account of Louisiana, being an abstract of documents, in the offices of the Departments of State, and of the Treasury (Washington, 1803).
Washington Jan. 13. 1804.
Dear Sir
I wrote you last on the 16th of Nov. since which I have recieved no letter from you. The newspapers inform us you left Kaskaskia about the 8th of December. I hope you will have recieved my letter by that day or very soon after; written in a belief it would be better that you should not enter the Missouri till the spring; yet not absolutely controuling your own judgment formed on the spot. We have not heard of the delivery of Louisiana to us as yet, tho' we have no doubt it took place about the 20th of December, and that orders were at the same time expedited to evacuate the upper posts, troops of ours being in readiness & under orders to take possession. This change will probably have taken place before you recieve this letter, and facilitate your proceeding. I now inclose you a map of the Missouri as far as the Mandans, 12 or 1500 miles I presume above it's mouth. It is said to be very accurate, having ben done by a Mr. Evans by order of the Spanish government. But whether he corrected by astronomical observations or not we are not informed. I hope this will reach you before your final departure. The acquisition of the country through which you are to pass has inspired the public generally with a great deal of interest in your enterprize. The enquiries are perpetual as to your progress. The Feds. alone sill treat it as philosophism, and would rejoice in it's failure. The bitterness increases with the diminution of their numbers, and despair of a resurrection. I hope you will take care of yourself, and be the living witness of their malice and folly. Present my salutations to Mr. Clarke, assure all your party that we have our eyes turned on them with anxiety for their safety & the success of their enterprize. Accept yourself assurances of sincere esteem & attachment.
... Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington Jan. 22. 1804.
Dear Sir
My letters since your departure have been of July 11 & 15. Nov. 16 and Jan. 13. Yours recieved are of July 8, 15, 22, 25, Sep. 25, 30 & Oct. 3. Since the date of the last we have no certain information of your movements. With mine of Nov. 16. I sent you some extracts made by myself from the journal of an agent of the trading company of St. Louis up the Missouri. I now inclose a translation of that journal in full for your information. In that of the 13th inst. I inclosed you the map of a Mr. Evans, a Welshman, employed by the Spanish government for that purpose, but whose original object I believe had been to go in search of the Welsh Indians, said to be up the Missouri. On this subject a Mr. Rees of the same nation, established in the Western parts of Pennsylvania, will write to yo. N. Orleans was delivered to us on the 20th of Dec. and our garrisons & government established there. The order for the delivery of the Upper posts were to leave N. Orleans on the 28th and we presume all those posts will be occupied by our troops by the last day of the present month. When your instructions were penned, this new position was not so authentically known as to effect the complection of your instructions. Being now become sovereigns of the country, without however any diminution of the Indian rights of occupancy we are authorised to propose to them in direct terms the institution of commerce with them. It will now be proper you should inform those through whose country you will pass, or whom you may meet, that their late fathers the Spaniards have agreed to withdraw all their troops from all the waters & country of the Missisipi & Missouri, that they have surrendered to us all their subjects Spanish & French settled there, and all their posts & lands: that henceforward we become their fathers and friends, and that we shall endeavor that they shall have no cause to lament the change: that we have sent you to enquire into the nature of the country & the nations inhabiting it, to know at what places and times we must establish goods among them, to exchange for their peltries: that as soon as you return with the necessary information we shall prepare supplies of goods and persons to carry them and make the proper establishments: that in the mean time, the same traders who reside among or visit them, and who now are a part of us, will continue to supply them as usual: that we shall endeavor to become acquainted with them as soon as possible, and that they will find in us faithful friends and protectors. Although you will pass through no settlements of the Sioux (except seceders) yet you will probably meet with parties of them. On that nation we wish most particularly to make a friendly impression, because of their immense power, and because we learn they are very desirous of being on the most friendly terms with us.
I inclose you a letter which I believe is from some one on the part of the Philosophical society. They have made you a member, and your diploma is lodged with me; but I suppose it safest to keep it here & not to send it after you. Mr. Harvie departs tomorrow for France as the bearer of the Louisiana stock to Paris. Capt. William Brent takes his place with me. Congress will probably continue in session through the month of March. your friends here & in Albemarle, as far as I recollect are well. Trist will be the Collector of N. Orleans, & his family will go to him in the spring. Dr. Bache is now in Philadelphia & probably will not return to N. Orleans. Accept my friendly salutations & assurances of affectionate esteem & respect.
... Th: Jefferson
FC in Thomas Jefferson's hand. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
St. Louis March 26th 1804.
Dear Sir,
I send you herewith inclosed, some slips of the <great> Osages Plums,and Apples. I fear the season is too far advanced for their success. Had I earlyer learnt that these fruits were in the neighbourhood, they would have been forwarded at a more proper time. I would thank you to send a part of them to Messrs. John Mason, & william Hamilton. Should they not succeed, Mr. Charles Gratiot, a gentleman of this place, has promised me that he would with pleasure attend to the orders of yourself, or any of my acquaintances, who may think proper to write him on the subject. Mr. Gratiot can obtain the young plants at the proper season, and send them very readily to Mr. trist if requested to do so. I obtained the cuttings, now sent you, from the garden of Mr. Peter Choteau, who resided the greater portion of his time for many years with the Osage nation. It is from this gentleman, that I obtained the information I possess with respect to these fruits.
The Osage's Plum appears to be a native of the country bordering on the vilages of that nation, situated on the Osage river, a south branch of the Missouri, about two hundred and sixty miles west from St. Louis. The shrub, which produces this fruit is remarkably small, seldom rising to a greater hight than five feet; it is much branced, and the smaller boughs are armed with long thorn-like or pinated tweigs; in their native state they grow very thickly together, and I think from their appearance, might with a little attention, be made to form an ornimental and usefull hedg. They produce their fruit every year, and generally in great abundance. The fruit is a large oval plum, of a pale yellow colour and exquisite flavor. With other fruits of this family it's matrix is comparitively small; it comes to maturity about the begining of July, and continues to ripen in succession on the same plant untill the 20th or last of that month.
The Osage Apple is a native of the interior of the continent of North America, and is perhaps a nondiscript production; the information I have obtained with respect to it is not so minute as I could wish, nor such as will enable me to discribe it in a satisfactory manner. Mr. Peter Coteau, who first introduced this tree in the neighborhood of St. Louis, about five years since, informed me, that he obtained the young plants at the great Osage vilage from an Indian of that nation, who said he procured them about three hundred miles west of that place. The general contour of this tree, is very much that of the black haw, common to most parts of the U. States, with these differences however, that the bark is of a lighter colour, less branced, and arrives to a larger size, sometimes rising to the hight of thirty feet. It's smaller branches are armed with many single, long, & sharp, pinated thorns. The particular form of the leaf or flower I have been unable to learn. So much do the savages esteem the wood of this tree for the purpose of making their bows, that they travel many hundred miles in quest of it. The particular with respect to the fruit, is taken principally from the Indian discription; my informant never having seen but one specimen of it, which was not fully ripe, and much shrivled and mutilated before he saw it. The Indians gave an extravigant account of the exquisite odour of this fruit when it has obtained maturity, which takes place the latter end of summer, or the begining of Autumn. They state, that at this season they can always tell by the scent of the fruit when they arrive in the neighbourhood of the tree, and usually take advantage of this season to obtain the wood; as it appears not be a very abundant growth, even in the country where it is to be found. An opinion prevails among the Osages, that the fruit is poisonous, tho' they acknowledge that they have never tasted it. They say that many anamals feed on it, and among others, a large species of Hare which abounds in that country. This fruit is the size of the largest orange, of a globular form, and a fine orange colour. The pulp is contained in a number of conacal pustules, covered with a smooth membranous rind, having their smaller extremities attatched to the matrix, from which, they project in every direction, in such manner, as to form a compact <globular> figure. The form and consistancy of the matrix and germ, I have not been able to learn. The trees which are in the possession of Mr. Choteau have as yet produced neither flowers nor fruit.
From the description of this anamal, it is in point of colour, figure, and habits very much the same species with the European Hare, and is a large, if not large than that anamal. This large hare of America, is found on the upper part of the Arkansas River, and in the country lying from thence South, and West, to the mountains which seperate us from New Mexico, it is said to be remakably fleet, and hard to be overtaken on horseback even in their open plains. I have the honour to be with sincere esteem Your Obt. Servt.
... Meriwether Lewis
... Capt. 1st U.S. Infty.
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Fort Mandan, April 7th 1805.
Dear Sir.
Herewith inclosed you will receive an invoice of certain articles, which I have forwarded to you from this place. Among other articles, you will observe by reference to the invoice, 67 specimens of earths, salts and minerals; and 60 specimens of plants; these are accompanyed by their rispective labels expressing the days on which obtained, places where found, and also their virtues and properties when known. By means of these labels, reference may be made to the Chart of the Missouri forwarded to the Secretary at War, on which, the encampment of each day s have been carefully marked; thus the places at which these specimens have been obtained may be easily pointed out, or again found, should any of them prove valuable to the community on further investigation. These have been forwarded with a view of their being presented to the Philosophical society of Philadelphia, in order that they may under their direction be examined or analyzed. After examining these specimens yourself, I would thank you to have a copy of their labels made out, and retained untill my return. The other articles are intended particularly for yourself, to be retained, or disposed off as you may think proper.
You will also receive herewith inclosed a part of Capt. Clark's private journal, the other part you will find inclosed in a seperate tin box. This journal is in it's original state, and of course incorrect, but it will serve to give you the daily detales of our progress, and transactions. Capt. Clark does not wish this journal exposed in it's present state, but has no objection, that one or more copies of it be made by some confidential person under your direction, correcting it's gramatical errors &c. Indeed it is the wish of both of us, that two of those copies should be made, if convenient, and retained until our return; in this state there is no objection to your submitting them to the perusal of the heads of the departments, or such others as you may think proper. A copy of this journal will assist me in compiling my own for publication after my return. I shall dispatch a canoe with three, perhaps four persons, from the extreem navigable point of the Missouri, or the portage betwen this river, and the Columbia river, as either may first happen; by the return of this canoe, I shal send you my journal, and some one or two of the best of those kept by my men. I have sent a journal kept by one of the Sergeants, to Capt. Stoddard, my agent at St. Louis, in order as much as possible to multiply the chances of saving something. We have encouraged our men to keep journals, and seven of them do so, to whom in this respect we give every assistance in our power.
I have transmitted to the Secretary at War, every information relative to the geography of the country which we possess, together with a view of the Indian nations. containing information relative to them, on those points with which, I conceived it important that the government should be informed. If it could be done with propriety and convenience, I should feel myself much obliged by your having a copy taken of my dispatches to the Secretary at War, on those subjects, retaining them for me untill my return. By reference to the Muster-rolls forwarded to the War Department, you will see the state of the party; in addition to which, we have two Interpreters, one negroe man, servant to Capt. Clark, one Indian woman, wife to one of the interpreters, and a Mandan man, whom we take with a view to restore peace with the Snake Indians, and those in this neighbourhood amounting in total with ourselves to 33 persons. By means of the Interpreters and Indians, we shall be enabled to converse with all the Indians that we shall probably meet with on the Missouri.
I have forwarded to the Secretary at War, my public Accounts rendered up to the present day. They have been much longer delayed than I had any idea that they would have been, when we departed from the Illinois, but this delay, under the circumstances which I was compelled to act, has been unavoidable. The provision perogue and her crew, could not have been dismissed in time to have returned to St. Louis last fall without evedently in my opinion, hazarding the fate of the enterprise in which I am engaged, and I therefore did not hesitate to prefer the sensure that I may have incurred by the detention of these papers, to that of risking in any degree the success of the expedition. To me, the detention of those papers have formed a serious source of disquiet and anxiety; and the recollection of your particular charge to me on this subject, has made it still more poignant. I am fully aware of the inconvenience which must have arisen to the War Department, from the want of these vouchers, previous to the last session of Congress, but how to divert it was out of my power to devise.
From this place we shall send the barge and crew early tomorrow morning with orders to proceed as expeditiauly as possible to St. Louis, by her we send our dispatches, which I trust will get safe to hand. Her crew consists of ten ablebodied men well armed and provided with a sufficient stock of provision to last them to St. Louis. I have but little doubt but they will be fired on by the Siouxs; but they have pledged themselves to us that they will not yeald while there is a man of them living.
Our baggage is all embarked on board six small canoes and two perogues; we shall set out at the same moment that we dispatch the barge. One or perhaps both of these perogues we shall leave at the falls of the Missouri, from whence we intend continuing our voyage in the canoes and a perogue of skins, the frame of which was prepared at Harper's ferry. This perogue is now in a situation which will enable us to prepare it in the course of a few hours. As our vessels are now small and the current of the river much more moderate, we calculate on traveling at the rate of 20 or 25 miles pr. day as far as the falls of the Missouri. Beyond this point, or the first range of rocky mountains situate about 100 miles further, any calculation with rispect to our daily progress, can be little more than bar conjecture. The circumstance of the Snake Indians possessing large quantities of horses, is much in our favour, as by means of horses, the transportation of our baggage will be rendered easy and expeditious over land, from the Missouri, to the Columbia river. Should this rive not prove navigable where we first meet with it, our present intention is, to continue our march by land down the river untill it becomes so, or to the Pacific Ocean. The map, which has been forwarded to the Secretary at War, will give you the idea we entertain of the connection of these rivers, which has been formed from the corresponding testimony of a number of Indians who have visited the country, and who have been seperately and carefully examined on that subject, and we therefore think it entitled to some degree of confidence.
Since our arrival at this place we have subsisted principally on meat, which our guns have supplyed us amply, and have thus been enabled to reserve the parched mean, portable soup, and a considerable portion of pork and flour, which we had intended for the more difficult parts of our voyage. If Indian information can be credited, the vast quantity of game with which the country abounds through which we are to pass leaves us but little to apprehend from the want of food.
We do not calculate on completeing our voyage within the present year, but expect to reach the Pacific Ocean, and return, as far as the head of the Missouri, or perhaps to this place before winter. You may therefore expect me to meet you at Montachello in September 1806.
On our return we shal probably pass down the yellow stone river, which from Indian informations, waters one of the fairest portions of this continent.
I can foresee no material or probable obstruction to our progress, and entertain therefore the most sanguine hopes of complete success. As to myself individually I never enjoyed a more perfect state of good health, than I have since we commenced our voyage. My inestimable friend and companion Capt. Clark has also enjoyed good health generally. At this moment, every individual of the party are in good health, and excellent spirits; zealously attatched to the enterprise, and anxious to proceed; not a whisper of discontent or murmur is to be heard among them; but all in unison, act with the most perfect harmony. With such men I have every thing to hope, and but little to fear.
Be so good as to present my most affectionate regard to all my friends, and be assured of the sincere and unalterable attachment of Your most Obt. Servt. ... Meriwether Lewis Capt.
... 1st U.S. Regt. Infty.
[Enclosure]
Invoice of articles forwarded from Fort Mandan to the President of the United States brought through Captn. Stoddard at St. Louis and Mr. H. B. Trist the Collector of the Port of New Orleans.
No. ... Package ... Contents
1 ... Box ... Skins of the Male and female Antelope, with their skeletons [came. P.]
" ... do. ... 2 Horns and ears, of the Black tail, or Mule Deer.
[came]
" ... do ... A Martin skin [came] containing the skin of a weasel
[came. P.] and three small squirels of the Rocky
Mountains & the tail of a Mule deer fully grown.[came]
" ... " ... Skeletons of the small, or burrowing wolf of the Prairies
the skin having been lost by acedent. [some skeletons came, not distinquishable, sent to P.]
" ... " ... 2 skeletons of the White Hare. [as above.P.]
" ... " ... A Mandan bow with a quiver of arrows [came] the quiver
containing some seed of the Mandan tobacco.[came]
" ... " ... A carot of Ricara tobacco. [came.]
2 ... Box ... 4 Buffalow robes,[came] and an ear of Mandan corn.
3 ... Box ... Skins of the Male and female Antelope, with their skeletons [undistinguishable. P.] and the skin of a
brown, or yellow Bear.
4 ... Box ... Specimens of earths, salts, and minerals, numbered from
1 to 67. [came]
" ... " ... Specimens of plants numbered from 1 to 60. [came.]
[A. Ph. Society]
" ... " ... 1 earthen pot, such as the Mandans manufacture, and use
for culinary purposes [came]
" ... " ... 1 tin box containing insects mice &c.
" ... " ... a specimen of the fur of the Antilope.
" ... " ... a specimen of a plant, and a parsel of its roots, highly
prized by the natives as an efficatious remidy in the cure
of the bite of the rattle snake, or mad dog.
in a large Trunk Skin of a Male and female Braro, or burrowing Dog of the
Praries, with the skeleton of the female. [came. P.]
" ... in a large Trunk 1 skin of a red fox containing a Magpie [came.]
" ... " ... 2 cased skins of the white hare. [came. P.]
" ... " ... 1 Minetarre Buffalow robe, [came] containing some articles
of Indian dress. [came.]
" ... " ... 1 Mandan Buffalow robe, [came] containing a dressed skin of the Lousivire [came] and two cased skins of the burrowing squirels of the praries. [came P.]
" ... " ... 13 red fox skins [came]
" ... " ... 4 horns of the mountain ram, or big horn [came]
" ... " ... 1 Buffalow robe painted by a Mandan man representing
a battle which was faught 8 years since, by the Sioux
& Ricaras, against the Mandans, Minitarras & Ahwahharways.
[came.]
6 ... Cage ... Containing four liveing Magpies [1. came. P.]
7 ... do ... Containing a liveing burrowing squirel of the praries.
[came.P.]
9 ... do ... Containing one liveing hen of the Prarie.
10 ... 1 large par of Elk's horns connected by the frontal bone.
RC and MSS in the hand of Meriwether Lewis. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
St. Louis September 23rd 1806.
Sir,
It is with pleasure that I announce to you the safe arrival of myself and party at 12 OClk. today at this place with our papers and baggage. in obedience to your orders we have penitrated the Continent of North America to the Pacific Ocean, and sufficiently explored the interior of the country to affirm with confidence that we have discovered the most practicable rout which dose exist across the continent by means of the navigable branches of the Missouri and Columbia Rivers. Such is that by way of the Missouri to the foot of the rapids five miles below the great falls of that river a distance of 2575 miles, thence by land passing the Rocky Mountains to a navigable part of the Kooskooske 340; with the Kooskooske 73 mls. a South Easterly branch of the Columbia 154 miles and the latter river 413 mls. to the Pacific Ocean; making the total distance from the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi to the discharge of the Columbia into the Pacific Ocean 3555 miles. The navigation of the Missouri may be deemed safe and good; it's difficulties arise from it's falling banks, timber imbeded in the mud of its channel, it's sand bars and steady rapidity of it's current, all which may be overcome with a great degree of certainty by taking the necessary precautions. The passage by land of 340 miles from the Missouri to the Kooskooske is the most formidable part of the tract proposed across the Continent; of this distance 200 miles is along a good road, and 140 over tremendious mountains which for 60 mls. are covered with eternal snows; however a passage over these mountains is practicable from the latter part of June to the last of September, and the cheep rate at which horses are to be obtained from the Indians of the Rocky Mountains and West of them, reduces the expences of transportation over this portage to a mere tifle. The navigation of the Kooskooske, the South East branch of the Columbia itself is safe and good from the 1st of April to the middle of August, by making three portages on the latter; the first of which in descending is that of 1200 paces at the great falls of the Columbia, 261 mls. from the Ocean, the second of two miles at the long narrows six miles below the falls, and the 3rd also of 2 miles at the great rapids 65 miles still lower down. The tides flow up the Columbia 183 miles, or within seven miles of the great rapids, thus far large sloops might ascend in safety, and vessels of 300 tons burthen could with equal safety reach the entrance of the river Multnomah, a large Southern branch of the Columbia, which taking it's rise on the confines of Mexico with the Callarado and Apostles river, discharges itself into the Columbia 125 miles from it's mouth. From the head of tide water to the foot of the long narrows the Columbia could be most advantageously navigated with large batteauxs, and from thence upwards by perogues. The Missouri possesses sufficient debth of water as far as is specifyed for boats of 15 tons burthen, but those of smaller capacity are to be prefered.
We view this passage across the Continent as affording immence advantages to the fur trade, but fear that the advantages which it offers as a communication for the productions of the East Indies to the United States and thence to Europe will never be found equal on an extensive scale to that by way of the Cape of Good hope; still be believe that many articles not bulky brittle nor of a very perishable nature may be conveyed to the United States by this rout with more facility and at less expence than by that at present practiced.
The Missouri and all it's branches from the Chyenne upwards abound more in beaver and Common Otter, than any other streams on earth, particularly that proportion of them lying within the Rocky Mountains. The furs of all this immence tract of country including such as may be collected on the upper portion of the River St. Peters, Red river and the Assinniboin with the immence country watered by the Columbia, may be conveyed to the mouth of the Columbia by the 1st of August in each year and from thence be shiped to, and arrive in London. The British N. West Company of Canada were they permitted by the United States might also convey their furs collected in the Athabaske, on the Saskashawan, and South and West of Lake Winnipic by that rout within the period before mentioned. Thus the productions nine tenths of the most valuable fur country of America could be conveyed by the rout proposed to the East Indies.
In the infancy of the trade across the continent, or during the period that the trading establishments shall be confined to the Missouri and it's branches, the men employed in this trade will be compelled to convey the furs collected in that quater as low on the Columbia as tide water, in which case they could not return to the falls of the Missouri until about the 1st of October, which would b so late in the season that there would be considerable danger of the river being obstructed by ice before they could reach this place and consequently that the commodites brought from the East indies would be detained until the following spring; but this difficulty will at once vanish when establishments are also made on the Columbia, and a sufficient number of men employed at them to convey annually the productions of the East indies to the upper establishment on the Kooskooske, and there exchange them with the men of the Missouri for their furs, in the begining of July. By this means the furs not only of the Missouri but those also of the Columbia may be shiped to the East indies by the season before mentioned, and the commodities of the East indies arrive at St. Louis or the mouth of the Ohio by the last of September in each year.
Although the Columbia dose not as much as the Missouri abound in beaver and Otter, yet it is by no means despicable in this rispect, and would furnish a valuable fur trade distinct from any other consideration in addition to the otter and beaver which it could furnish. There might be collected considerable quantities of the skins of three species of bear affording a great variety of colours and of superior delicacy, those also of the tyger cat, several species of fox, martin and several others of an inferior class of furs, besides the valuable Sea Otter of the coast.
If the government will only aid, even in a very limited manner, the enterprize of her Citizens I am fully convinced that we shal shortly derive the benifits of a most lucrative trade from this source, and that in the course of ten or twelve years a tour across the Continent by the rout mentioned will be undetaken by individuals with as little concern as a voyage across the Atlantic is at present.
The British N. West Company of Canada has for several years, carried on a partial trade with the Minnetares Ahwayhaways and Mandans on the Missouri from their establishments on the Assiniboin at the entrance of Mouse river; at present I have good reason for beleiving that they intend shortly to form an establishment near those nations with a view to engroce the fur trade of the Missouri. The known enterprize and resources of this Company, latterly strengthened by an union with their powerfull rival the X. Y. Company renders them formidable in that distant part of the continent to all other traders; and in my opinion if we are to regard the trade of the Missouri as an object of importance to the United States; the strides of this Company towards the Missouri cannot be too vigilantly watched not too firmly and speedily opposed by our government. The embarrasments from which the navigation of the Missouri at present labours from the unfriendly dispositions of the Kancez, the several bands of Tetons, Assinniboins and those tribes that resort to the British establishments on the Saskashawan is also a subject which requires the earliest attention of our government. As I shall shortly be with you I have deemed it unnecessary here to detail the several ideas which have presented themselves to my mind on those subjects, more especially when I consider that a thorough knowledge of the geography of the country is absolutely necessary to their being undestood, and leasure has not yet permitted us to make but one general map of the country which I am unwilling to wrisk by the Mail.
As a sketch of the most prominent features of our perigrination since we left the Mandans may not be uninteresting, I shall indeavour to give it to you by way of letter from this place, where I shall necessarily be detained several days in order to settle with and discharge the men who accompanyed me on the voyage as well as to prepare for my rout to the City of Washington.
We left Fort Clatsop where we wintered near the entrance of the Columbia on the 27th of March last, and arrived at the foot of the Rocky mountains on the 10th of May where we were detained untill the 24th of June in consequence of the snow which rendered a passage over the those Mountains impracticable untill that moment; had it not been for this detention I should ere this have joined you at Montichello. In my last communication to you from the Mandans I mentioned my intention of sending back a canoe with a small party from the Rocky Mountains; but on our arrival at the great falls of the Missouri on the 14th of June 1805, in view of that formidable snowey barrier, the discourageing difficulties which we had to encounter in making a portage of eighteen miles of our canoes and baggage around those falls wer such that my friend Capt. Clark and myself concieved it inexpedient to reduce the party, lest by doing so we should lessen the ardor of those who remained and thus hazard the fate of the expedition, and therefore decline that measure, thinking it better that the government as well as our friends should for a moment feel some anxiety for our fate than to wrisk so much; experience has since proved the justice of our dicision, for we have more than once owed our lives and the fate of the expedition to our number which consisted of 31 men.
I have brought with me several skins of the Sea Otter, two skins of the native sheep of America, five skins and skelitons complete of the Bighorn or mountain ram, and a skin of the Mule deer beside the skins of several other quadrupeds and birds natives of the countries through which we have passed. I have also preserved a pretty extensive collection of plants, and collected nine other vocabularies.
I have prevailed on the great Cheif of the Mandan nation to accompany me to Washington; he is now with my frind and colligue Capt. Clark at this place, in good health and sperits, and very anxious to procede.
With rispect to the exertions and services rendered by that esteemable man Capt. William Clark in the course of late voyage I cannot say too much; if sir any credit be due for the success of that arduous enterprize in which we have been mutually engaged, he is equally with myself entitled to your consideration and that of our common country.
The anxiety which I feel in returning once more to the bosom of my friends is a sufficient guarantee that no time will be unnecessarily expended in this quarter.
I have detained the post several hours for the purpose of making you this haisty communication. I hope that while I am pardoned for this detention of the mail, the situation in which I have been compelled to write will sufficiently apologize for having been this laconic.
The rout by which I purpose traveling from hence to Washington is by way of Cahokia, Vincennes, Louisvill Ky., the Crab orchard, Abington, Fincastle, Stanton, and Charlottesville. Any letters directed to me at Louisville ten days after the reciept of this will most probably meet me at that place. I am very anxious to learn the state of my friends in Albemarle particularly whether my mother is yet living. I am with every sentiment of esteem Your Obt. and very Humble servent. ... Meriwether Lewis Capt.
1st. U.S. Regt. Infty.
N.B. The whole of the party who accompanyed me from the Mandans have returned in good health, which is not, I assure you, to me one of the least pleasing considerations of the Voyage. ... M.L.
RC in the hand of Meriwether Lewis. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Washington June 4. 07
Dear Sir
The seeds & other light articles which you entrusted to me for your friends in Albemarle were safely delivered. Your mother returned from Georgia in good health a little before I left Monticello. the horns, which I could not take on with me, were packed in one of 25 boxes, barrels, &c. which I sent round by water. The vessel was stranded, and every thing lost which water could injure. The others I am told are saved, & consequently the horns.
They have not yet however got to Richmond. I brought with me from Monticello Mr. Randolph's & my daughter's watches, which I have forwarded on to Mr. Voight, being too valuable to be trusted to a common hand. It is important I should recieve these & my own before I leave this in July for Monticello. Mr. Gallatin will be in Philadelphia on his return to this place 3 weeks hence. Mr. Briggs will be returning from there in about the same time. Each of them have promised to bring one watch if ready, and by yourself I shall hope for the cd, and trust that Mr. Voight will be so obliging as to have them ready, it being difficult to get good opportunities of conveying a watch safely from Philadelphia to this place. Mr. Randolph has perfectly recovered his health, & all your friends in Albemarle were well. According to Mr. Cole's account we have the hope of seeing you here to the 4th of July. Accept my friendly salutations & assurances of constant affection & respect. Th: Jefferson
FC in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Philadelphia June the 27th 1807.
Dear Sir.
I transmit you by Genl Dearborn your ring and Majr. Randolph's watch. The ring has been reset with the addition of four new brilliants. Knowing it to be a family piece, I directed the workman to reset it in the same stile it formerly was, but regardless of the charge he took the liberty of consulting his own taste on the subject and has made it such as I fear will not prove pleasing to you.
The watch of Mrs. Randolph is in readiness and shall be forwarded by Mr. Gallatin whom I hourly expect from New York on his way to the city of Washington.
Your watch is not yet repared altho' she was put in the possession of Mr. Voight immediately on my arrival at this place; my visits to him on that subject have not been unfrequent since, and he has after many apologies for having retained her so long promised me that she shall be ready in the curse of a few days; should I not meet with an earlier opportunity I shall bring her with me on my return to Washington about the 15th of the next month.
Mr. Briggs has not called nor can I learn that he has yet been in Philadelphia.
I sincerely regret the loss you sustained in the articles you shiped for Richmond; it seems peculiarly unfortunate that those at least, which had passed the continent of America and after their exposure to so many casualties and wrisks should have met such destiny in their passage through a small portion only of the Chesapeak.
Mr. Peal is preparing for you the head and horns of the American Argali or big horn, which as soon as complete shall be forwarded to Mr. George Jefferson at Richmond. With the most sincere and unalterable frindship Your Obt. Servt.
Meriwether Lewis
RC in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
[January 23, 1793]
Whereas Andrew Michaux, a native of France, inhabitant of the U.S. hath undertaken to explore the interior country of North America, from the Missisipi along the Missouri and Westwardly to the Pacific ocean, or in such other direction as shall be advised by the American Philosophical society, and on his return to communicate to the said society, the information he shall have acquired of the geography of the said country, it's inhabitants, soil, clime <productions> animals, vegetables & minerals & other circumstances of note:
We the subscribers, desirous of obtaining for ourselves relative to the land we live on, and of communicating to the world information so interesting to curiosity, to science, & to the future prospects of mankind, promise for ourselves, our heirs, excrs. & adms., that we will pay to the sd Andrew Michaux or his assigns the sums herein affixed to our names respectively, one fourth part thereof on demand, the remaining three fourths whenever, after his return, the sd Philosophical society shall declare themselves satisfied that he has performed the sd. journey & that he has communicated to them freely all the information which he shall have acquired & they demanded of him or if the sd Andrew Michaud shall not proceed to the Pacific ocean & shall reach the sources of the waters running into it, then we will pay him such part only of the remaining three fourths as the said Philosophical society shall deem duly proportioned to th extent of unknown country explored by him in the direction prescribed, when compared with that <not> omitted to so explored.
And we consent that the bills of exchange of the sd Andrew Michaux for monies said to be due to him in France <to the amount of 200 Louis> shall be received to the among of 200 Louis & shall be <and> negotiated by the sd Philosophical society and the proceeds thereof <money> retained in their hands to be delivered to the sd Andrew Michaux on his return after having performed the journey to their satisfaction or <otherwise> if not to their satisfaction, then to be applied towards reimbursing the subscribers the fourth of their subscription advanced to the sd Andrew Michaux.
We consent also that the sd Andrew Michaux shall take <enjoy have> to himself all benefit arising from the publication of <any discov botanical> the discoveries he shall make in the three departments of Nat. hist. animal, vegetable & mineral, he concerting with the sd Philosophical society such measures for securing to himself the sd benefit, as shall be consistent with the due publication of the said discoveries <producing it>.
In witness whereof we have hereto subscribed our names and affixed <thereto> the sums we engage respectively to contribute.
MS undated in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
[post January 23, 1793]
To Mr. Andrew Michaud.
Sundry persons having subscribed certain sums of money for your encouragement to explore the country along the Missouri, & thence Westwardly to the Pacific ocean, having submitted the plan of the enterprise to the direction of the American Philosophical society, & the Society having accepted of the trust, they proceed to give you the following instructions.
They observe to you that the chief objects of your journey are to find the shortest & most convenient route of communication between the US. & the Pacific ocean, within the temperate latitudes, & to learn such particulars as can be obtained of the country, through which it passes, it's productions, inhabitants & other interesting circumstances.
As a channel of communication between these states & the Pacific ocean, the Missouri, so far as it extends presents itself under circumstances of unquestioned preference. It has therefore been declared as a fundamental object of the subscription (not be dispensed with) that this river shall be considered & explored as a part of the communication sought for. To the neighborhood of his river therefore, that is to say to the town of Kaskaskia, the society will procure you a conveyance in company with the Indians of that town now in Philadelphia.
From thence you will cross the Missisipi and pass by land to the nearest part of the Missouri above the Spanish settlements, that you may avoid the risk of being stopped.
You will then pursue such of the largest streams of that river, as shall lead by the shortest way, & the lowest latitudes to the Pacific ocean.
When, pursuing these streams, you shall find yourself at the point from whence you may get by the shortest & most convenient route to some principal river of the Pacific ocean, you are to proceed to such river, & pursue it's course to the ocean. It would seem by the latest maps as if a river called Oregon interlocked with the Missouri for a considerable distance, & entered the Pacific ocean, not far Southward of Notka sound. But the Society are aware that these maps are not be trusted so far as to be the ground of any positive instruction to you. They therefore only mention the fact, leaving to yourself to verify it, or to follow such other as you shall find to be the real truth.
You will, in the course of your journey, take notice of the country you pass through, it's general face, soil, rivers, mountains, it's productions animal, vegetable, & mineral so far as they may be new to us & may also be useful or very curious; the latitude of places or materials for calculating it by such simple methods as your situation may admit you to practice, the names numbers, & dwellings of the inhabitants, and such particularities as you can learn of their history, connection with each other, languages, manners, state of society & of the arts & commerce among them.
Under the head of Animal history, that of the Mammoth is particularly recommended to your enquiries, as it is also to learn whether the Lama, or Paca of Peru is found in those parts of this continent, or how far North they come.
The method of preserving your observations is left to yourself, according to the means which shall be in your power. It is only suggested that the noting them on the skin might be best for such as are most important, and that further details may be committed to the bark of the paper birch, a substance which may not excite suspicions among the Indians, & little liable to injury from wet, or other common accidents. By the means of the same substance you may perhaps find opportunities from time to time, of communicating to the society information of your progress, & of the particulars you shall have noted.
When you shall have reached the Pacific ocean, if you find yourself within convenient distance of any settlement of Europeans, go to them, commit to writing a narrative of your journey & observations, & take the best measures you can for conveying it thence to the society by sea.
Return by the same, or such other route, as you shall think likely to fulfill with most satisfaction & certainly the objects of your mission; furnishing yourself with the best proofs the nature of the case will admit of the reality & extent of your progress. Whether this shall be by certificates from Europeans settled on the Western coast of America, or by what other means, must depend on circumstances.
Ignorance of the country thro' which you are to pass and confidence in your judgment, zeal & discretion, prevent the society from attempting more minute instructions, and even from exacting rigorous observance of these already given, except instead what is the first of all objects that you seek for & pursue that route which shall form the shortest & most convenient communication between the higher parts of the Missouri & the Pacific ocean.
It is strongly recommended to you to expose yourself in no case to unnecessary dangers, whether such as might affect your health or your personal safety, and to consider this not merely as your personal concern, but as the injunction of Science in general which expects it's enlargement from your enquiries, & of the inhabitants of the US. in particular to whom your Report will open new fields & subjects of Commerce, Intercourse & Observation.
If you reach the Pacific ocean & return, the Society assign to you all the benefits of the subscription aforementioned. If you reach the waters only which run into that ocean, the society reserve to themselves the apportionment of the reward according to the conditions expressed in the subscription. If you do not reach even those waters, they refuse all reward, & reclaim the money you may have received under the subscription.
They will expect you to return to the city of Philadelphia to give to them a full narrative of your journey & observations, and to answer the enquiries they shall make of you, still reserving to yourself the benefits arising from the publication of such parts of them as are in the said subscription reserved to you.
MS undated in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
[post January 23, 1793]
To Mr. Andrew Michaud.
Sundry persons having subscribed certain sums of money for your encouragement to explore the country along the Missouri, & thence Westwardly to the Pacific ocean, having submitted the plan of the enterprise to the direction of the American Philosophical society, & the Society having accepted of the trust, they proceed to give you the following instructions.
They observe to you that the chief objects of your journey are to find the shortest & most convenient route of communication between the US. & the Pacific ocean, within the temperate latitudes, & to learn such particulars as can be obtained of the country, through which it passes, it's productions, inhabitants & other interesting circumstances.
As a channel of communication between these states & the Pacific ocean, the Missouri, so far as it extends presents itself under circumstances of unquestioned preference. It has therefore been declared as a fundamental object of the subscription (not be dispensed with) that this river shall be considered & explored as a part of the communication sought for. To the neighborhood of his river therefore, that is to say to the town of Kaskaskia, the society will procure you a conveyance in company with the Indians of that town now in Philadelphia.
From thence you will cross the Missisipi and pass by land to the nearest part of the Missouri above the Spanish settlements, that you may avoid the risk of being stopped.
You will then pursue such of the largest streams of that river, as shall lead by the shortest way, & the lowest latitudes to the Pacific ocean.
When, pursuing these streams, you shall find yourself at the point from whence you may get by the shortest & most convenient route to some principal river of the Pacific ocean, you are to proceed to such river, & pursue it's course to the ocean. It would seem by the latest maps as if a river called Oregon interlocked with the Missouri for a considerable distance, & entered the Pacific ocean, not far Southward of Notka sound. But the Society are aware that these maps are not be trusted so far as to be the ground of any positive instruction to you. They therefore only mention the fact, leaving to yourself to verify it, or to follow such other as you shall find to be the real truth.
You will, in the course of your journey, take notice of the country you pass through, it's general face, soil, rivers, mountains, it's productions animal, vegetable, & mineral so far as they may be new to us & may also be useful or very curious; the latitude of places or materials for calculating it by such simple methods as your situation may admit you to practice, the names numbers, & dwellings of the inhabitants, and such particularities as you can learn of their history, connection with each other, languages, manners, state of society & of the arts & commerce among them.
Under the head of Animal history, that of the Mammoth is particularly recommended to your enquiries, as it is also to learn whether the Lama, or Paca of Peru is found in those parts of this continent, or how far North they come.
The method of preserving your observations is left to yourself, according to the means which shall be in your power. It is only suggested that the noting them on the skin might be best for such as are most important, and that further details may be committed to the bark of the paper birch, a substance which may not excite suspicions among the Indians, & little liable to injury from wet, or other common accidents. By the means of the same substance you may perhaps find opportunities from time to time, of communicating to the society information of your progress, & of the particulars you shall have noted.
When you shall have reached the Pacific ocean, if you find yourself within convenient distance of any settlement of Europeans, go to them, commit to writing a narrative of your journey & observations, & take the best measures you can for conveying it thence to the society by sea.
Return by the same, or such other route, as you shall think likely to fulfill with most satisfaction & certainly the objects of your mission; furnishing yourself with the best proofs the nature of the case will admit of the reality & extent of your progress. Whether this shall be by certificates from Europeans settled on the Western coast of America, or by what other means, must depend on circumstances.
Ignorance of the country thro' which you are to pass and confidence in your judgment, zeal & discretion, prevent the society from attempting more minute instructions, and even from exacting rigorous observance of these already given, except instead what is the first of all objects that you seek for & pursue that route which shall form the shortest & most convenient communication between the higher parts of the Missouri & the Pacific ocean.
It is strongly recommended to you to expose yourself in no case to unnecessary dangers, whether such as might affect your health or your personal safety, and to consider this not merely as your personal concern, but as the injunction of Science in general which expects it's enlargement from your enquiries, & of the inhabitants of the US. in particular to whom your Report will open new fields & subjects of Commerce, Intercourse & Observation.
If you reach the Pacific ocean & return, the Society assign to you all the benefits of the subscription aforementioned. If you reach the waters only which run into that ocean, the society reserve to themselves the apportionment of the reward according to the conditions expressed in the subscription. If you do not reach even those waters, they refuse all reward, & reclaim the money you may have received under the subscription.
They will expect you to return to the city of Philadelphia to give to them a full narrative of your journey & observations, and to answer the enquiries they shall make of you, still reserving to yourself the benefits arising from the publication of such parts of them as are in the said subscription reserved to you.
MS undated in the hand of Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
Richmond Sepr.9. 1780.
Dear Sir
Your kindness & attention to me in this & a variety of other instances has really put me under such obligations to you that I fear I shall hardly ever have it in my power to repay them. But believe me in whatever situation of life the chance of fortune may place me, no circumstance can happen wh. will give me such pleasure or make me so happy, at present or during my progress thro' life, as to have it in my power to convince you of the proper impressions they have made on me. A variety of disappointments with respect to the prospects of my private fortune previous to my acquaintance with yr Excellency, upon wh. I had built as on ground wh. cod. not deceive me & wh. fail'd in a manner wh. cod. not have been expected, perplex'd my plan of life & expos'd me to inconveniences wh. had nearly destory'd me. In this situation had I not form'd a connection with you I shod. most certainly have retir'd from society with a resolution never to have enter'd on the stage again. I cod. never have prevail'd on myself to have taken an introduction to the Country, or to have deriv'd any advantages or even to have remain'd in connection with one by whom I felt myself injur'd, but whose near relationship & situation in life put it in his power to serve me. In this situation you became acquainted with me & undertook the direction of my studies & believe me I feel that whatever I am at present in the opinion of others or whatever I may be in future has greatly arisen from yr. friendship. My plan of life is now fixd, has a certain object for its view & does not depend on other chance or circumstance further than the same events may affect the publick at at large. In the late instance when we were threatened by an invasion from the south , our prospects were so gloomy & the danger so iminent that I thought it the duty of every citizen to turn out & bear a part in repelling the invasion. The attention of yr Excellency & Council paid me in calling on me to perform the duties of so important a trust at so critical a time if it had gone no further than intimating the good opinion you severally entertain'd of me, I knew did me honor & gave me more pleasure than any pecuniary compensation I cod.. Possibly derive from it. I was happy in undertaking the charge with a view of performing some service to the country & also of assuring you, that even in an affair wh. had so distant a relation to you, how effectually you might command my small services. My plan of taking nothing for any little service I might do the publick in this cause did not commence with my late employment: during the greater part of my service in the army I had not my expences borne, & as in this instance, I have only acted the part wh. the opinion of the duty I owe to the publick dictated & wh. many worthy Republicans are now acting without even a similar compensation, it is my wish not to deviate from it. Under the present direction my prospects are fix'd & altho' my private fortune is but small still it is sufficient for my maintenance in the pursuit of them. Colo. Dawson waited on me the other day & propos'd my bearing part with him in his present undertaking. I excus'd myself by every argument wch. my situation & the nature of his plan wod. admit of & had been happy to have evaded it altogether. I represented to him the nature of things in that country & that the ultimate advantage wh. the success of his plan cod. effect wod. be the driving the enemy into Chas.town from wh. they might advance so soon as the militia moulder'd away. I wish'd him, as Council are making every exertion in their power for the defence of that Country to change his view & rather form a corps within the state or one more immediately for its defence rather than to go in search of adventures more remote wh. promise at best but little advantage to our friends while it exhausts & weakens ourselves. But promis'd if he cod. get no one more capable or whose private circumstances wod. better dispense with their absence than myself, if his plan succeeded I wod. bear a part. If I can possibly avoid it I mean not to leave my study a day, but if in the progress of things I shod. be so circumstanc'd as in yr opinion I ow'd it to myself or the publick to bear a part, so far as the publick interest will be forwarded by furnishing myself or the troops I command with necessaries so far I shall be happy to receive them. You will forgive the liberty I have taken in writing you a letter of this kind. Yr. kindness has really led me into it & at the same time it enables me to explain some part of my conduct I am happy that it gives an opportunity of assuring you how just a sense I have of yr good offices. I have the honor to be Dear Sir with great respect & esteem yr. sincere friend & very humble servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Fredericksbg. ... June 18. 1781.
Dear Sir
I some time since address'd a letter to you from a small estate of mine in King George whither I had retir'd to avoid the enemy from the one I lately dispos'd of on the Patommack river. I had then the pleasure to congratulate you on yr. safe retreat from Richmd to Charlotsville & anticipated the joy yr. self & family must have felt on yr. arrival at Montichello from wh. the misfortune of the times has long separated you. I lament yr. felicity on that head was of but short duration. I hope howe'er that neither yrself nor Mrs. Jefferson has sustain'd injury from these obtrusions of the enemy. In former I advis'd you I wod. not stay at home in the present state of the country & shod. be happy to bear some part in her defence. For that purpose I sate out to join the Marquis' Army to act in any line either himself or Council wod. employ me in. Being confin'd here some few days with small indisposition Gen'l Weedon has requested me to sit out his Evg. to manage the Brittish flag on its way to Alexandria. So soon as I disengage myself from this affair, I shall join the army & serve till the enemy leave this State. I earnestly wish to leave the Continent & shall not alter my plan unless our publick affairs change materially. Whither you continue in your determination to retire from office I hope to see both yrself & family in the course of the year. If we ... & in the former instance I shod. find you at Stanton on my way to the Springs. Otherwise God knows where we shall be. Be so kind as to make my best respects to Mrs. Jefferson & believe me with the greatest esteem & regard yr. friend & servant,
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Caroline ... Oct. 1. 1781.
Dear Sir
I propos'd to myself the pleasure of visiting yrself & family before this at Monticello but the prospects below & the arrival of Genl. Washington in the State induced me to postpone the trip of pleasure to the less agreeable one to camp upon the idea of bearing some small part in bringing about the event we all so anxiously wish for. With this view I waited on Gov. Nelson & solicited some command in the Militia but was inform'd the Militia in the field was officer'd & of course that I cod. procure none whatever. This wod. have mortified me much had I not discover'd during my continuance with the army that Genl. W. had under his command 15000 regular troops, a force certainly very sufficient to reduce the post at York. On the contrary upon being inform'd of our force & the propriety of the appointments thro' the whole, I was the rather surpris'd the militia were detained at all, more especially when we take into consideration the difficulty of supply, for surely in the present state of things the militia will not render sufficient service to counterbalance the quantity of provisions they consume. I had, however, the good fortune to effect a point wh since the interruption of our civil affairs in this state I have been very desirous to accomplish & in the expedience whereof was so happy as to have yr. Concurrence when with you last at Richmd. Colo. Josiah Parker has a ship just ready to sail to France & has been so kind as to offer me a passage in her, wh. I have accepted. I shod. be happy to wait on you before I sail & shall be sincerely sorry to leave the continent without wishing yr.self & family health & happiness in person, but as we sail the 10th or 12th of next month from some port south of Portsmouth & I have much business to transact in these few days I shall be at home, am unfortunately depriv'd of that pleasure. I have to desire of you a letter to each of our Ministers & also yr. Advice upon the plan I had better pursue as also where I had better visit. Since my return from Richmd. I have liv'd a very sedentary life upon a small estate I have in King Georges in course of wh. time have read all the books you mention on the subject of law. I have made such a disposition of the property I sold in Westmoreld. as to give me an interest nearly competent to my purpose without injuring the principal. I mean to convey to you that altho' I shall most probably be glad some time hence to acquire more by the practice of the law (if I have it in my power) I wod. still wish to prosecute my studies on the most liberal plan to qualify myself for any business I might chance to engage in. This if not profitable will be agreeable , for surely these acquirements qualify a man not only for publick office, but enable him to bear prosperity or adversity in the capricious turns of fortune, with greater magnanimity & fortitude, by giving him resources within himself, of pleasure & content wh otherwise he wod. look for in vain from others. I wish you to say whether if I am so fortunate as to sail & arrive safe you wod. advise me to reside altogether in the South of France or (if possible) spend a year in the Temple in London before by return. I write you on my return home from below from Mr. Taliaferros & as I have not a moment to lose have only time to add that whatever commands you will favor me with I shall be happy to execute & that I am with my best respects for Mrs. Jefferson, yr. sincere friend & very humble servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond ... May 6. 1782
Dear Sir
Mr. Short being just sitting out for Monticello I am happy to take the opportunity to assure you how sincerely I thank you for the late instance of yr. kindness and attention to me, wh.. I particularly value as a testimony of yr. regard for me, & at the same time to assure you that nothing but a series of disappointments in the vessels I had appointed to sail in, deprivd me of the opportunity of availing myself in that instance of the advantage it wod. have given me. Mr. Short will inform you of my appointmt. in the House, upon declining the other plan, & how very anxiously I wish yr. arrival & how very sincerely I join the better part of this community in my desire that a few days more will give us yr. aid in the House & society to yr. friends. I have only time to desire my best respects to Mrs. Jefferson & assure I am with great respect & esteem yr. sincere friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Richmond ... 11 May. 1782.
Dear Sir
As I so lately wrote you by Mr. Short & have since daily expected to see you here I did not propose writing you till after I shod. have that pleasure; but as I begin to fear you will not abate that firmness & decision wh. you have frequently shewn in the service of yr. country even upon this occasion & as I have had an opportunity since I wrote last of being better inform'd of the sentiments of those whom I know you put the greatest value on, I think it my duty to make you acquainted therewith. It is publickly said here that the people of yr. country inform'd you they had frequently elected you in times of less difficulty & danger than the present to please you, but that now they had call'd you forth into publick office to serve themselves. This is a language wh. has been often us'd in my presence & you will readily conceive that as it furnishes those who argue on the fundimental maxims of a republican government with ample field for declamation, the conclusion has always been, you shod. not decline the service of yr. Country. The present is generally coneiv'd to be an important era wh. of course makes yr. attendance particularly necessary, & as I have taken the liberty to give you the public opinion & desire upon this occasion, & as I am warmly interested in whatever concerns the public interest or has relation to you, it will be unnecessary to add it is earnestly the desire of, Dear Sir, yr. sincere friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Monticello ... May 20. 1782.
Dear Sir
I have been gratified with the receipt of your two favours of the 6th and 11th inst. It gives me pleasure that your county has been wise enough to enlist your talents into their service. I am much obliged by the kind wishes you express of seeing me also in Richmond, and am always mortified when any thing is expected from me which I cannot fulfill, & more especially if it relate to the public service. Before I ventured to declare to my countrymen my determination to retire from public employment I examined well my heart to know whether it were thoroughly cured of every principle of political ambition, whether no lurking particle remained which might leave me uneasy when reduced within the limits of mere private life. I became satisfied that every fibre of that passion was thoroughly eradicated. I examined also in other views my right to withdraw. I considered that I had been thirteen years engaged in public service, that during that time I had so totally abandoned all attention to my private affairs as to permit them to run into great disorder and ruin, that I had now a family advanced to years which require my attention & instruction, that to this was added the hopeful offspring of a deceased friend whose memory must be for ever dear to me who have no other reliance for being rendered useful to themselves & their country, that by a constant sacrifice of time, labour, loss, parental and friendly duties, I had been so far from gaining the affection of my countrymen which was the only reward I ever asked or could have felt, that I had even lost the small estimation I before possessed: that however I might have comforted my self under the disapprobation of the well-meaning but uninformed people yet that of their representatives was a shock on which I had not calculated: that this indeed had been followed by an exculpatory declaration, but in the mean time I had been suspected and suspended in the eyes of the world without the least hint then or afterwards made public which might restrain them from supposing I stood arraigned for treasons of the heart and not mere weaknesses of the head. And I felt that these injuries, for such they have been since acknowleged, had inflicted a wound on my spirit which will only be cured by the all-healing grave. If reason & inclination unite in justifying my retirement, the laws of my country are equally in favor of it. Whether the state may command the political services of all it's members to an indefinite extent, or if these be among the rights never wholly ceded to the public power, is a question which I do not find expressly decided in England. Obiter dictums on the subject I have indeed met with, but the complection of the times in which these have dropped would generally answer them, and besides that, this species of authority is not acknowleged in our profession. In this country however since the present government has been established the point has been settled by uniform, pointed, & multiplied precedents. Offices of every kind, and given by every power, have been daily & hourly declined & resigned from the declaration of independence to this moment. The Genl assembly has accepted these without discrimination of office, and without ever questioning them in point of right. If a difference between the office of a delegate & any other could ever have been supposed, yet in the case of Mr. Thompson Mason who declined the office of delegate & was permitted by the house so to do that supposition has been proved to be groundless. But indeed no such distinction of offices can be admitted; reason and the opinions of the lawyers putting all on a footing as to this question and giving to the delegate the aid of all the precedents of the refusal of other offices, the law then does not warrant the assumption of such a power by the state over its' members. For if it does where is that law? Nor yet does reason, for tho' I will admit that this does subject every individual if called on to an equal tour of political duty yet it can never go so far as to submit to it his whole existence. If we are made in some degree for others, yet in a greater are we made for ourselves. It were contrary to feeling and indeed ridiculous to suppose a man had less right in himself than one of his neighbors or all of them put together. This would be slavery and not that liberty which the bill of rights has made inviolable and for the preservation of which our government has been changed. Nothing could so completely divest us of that liberty as the establishment of the opinion that the state has a perpetual right to the services of all it's members. This to men of certain ways of thinking would be to annihilate the blessing of existence; to contradict the giver of life who gave it for happiness, & not for wretchedness, and certainly to such it were better that they had never been born. However with these I may think public service & private misery inseparably linked together, I have not the vanity to count myself among those whom the state would think worth oppressing with perpetual service. I have received a sufficient memento to the contrary. I am persuaded that having hitherto dedicated to them the whole of the active and useful part of my life I shall be permitted to pass the rest in mental quiet. I hope too that I did not mistake the mode any more than the matter of right when I preferred a simple act of enunciation to the taking sanctuary under those many disqualifications (provided by the law for other purposes indeed but) which affording asylum also for rest to the wearied. I dare say you did not expect by the few words you dropped on the right of renunciation to expose yourself to the fatigue of so long a letter, but I wished you to see that If I had done wrong I had been betrayed by a semblance of right at least.
I take the liberty of inclosing to you a letter for Genl. Chattlux for which you will readily find means of conveyance. But I meant to give you more trouble with the one to Pelham who lives in the neighborhood of Manchester & to ask the favor of you to send it by your servant express which I am in hopes may be done without absenting him from your person but during those hours in which you will be engaged in the house. I am anxious that it should be received immediately. Mrs. Jefferson has added another daughter to our family. She has been ever since & still continues very dangerously ill. It will give me great pleasure to see you here whenever you can favor us with your company. You will find me still busy but in lighter occupations. But in these & all others you will find me to retain a due sense of your friendship & to be with sincere esteem Dr Sir Your mo. Ob. & mo. Hble. Servt.
P.S. Did you ever receive a copy of the Parl. Debates and Histor. Register with a letter left for you with Mr. Jas. Buchanan?
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Richmond June 28. 1782.
Dear Sir
I am sorry to have had no opportunity or shod. have answer'd yr. favor by yr servant sooner, indeed shod. have wrote by him but was so unlucky as not to see him in town. I have been much distress'd upon the subject of Mrs. Jefferson & have fear'd, as well from what you suggested yrself as what I have heard from others, that yr. report of each succeeding day wod. inform me she was no more. Indeed this was a while reported & believ'd, but I flatter myself that in this instance I shall experience that common fame, who when she has propagated reports unfavorable to myself & friends I have rarely found to be groundless, has fail'd & that it may please heaven to restore our amiable friend to health & thereby to you a friend whose loss you wod. always lament, & to the children a parent who no change of circumstance cod. ever compensate for. You will forgive this obtrusion on an affair wh. tho' greatly you are not singly interested it, & as I necessarily suppose you are entirely engaged in an attention to & discharge of those tender duties wh. her situation unhappily requires, from you & so anxious & deeply interested in the prospect of an event wh. so materially concerns the peace & tranquility of yr. family, I shall forbear to trouble you with an answer to that part of yr. letter wh. respects yr. retreat from public service. This I shall postpone either till I see you or till I hear the situation of yr. family will leave yr. mind more at ease & leisure to attend to a disquisition of the kind & in the meantime beg leave to assure you that nothing will give me so much pleasure as to hear of Mrs. Jefferson's recovery, & to be inform'd of it from yourself. I forgot in my last to inform you I had receiv'd the parliamentary debates & annual register from Mr. Buchanan & to assure you I will keep them for ever as a testimony of your friendship & esteem. Believe me to be, Dear Sir, very sincerely your friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
P.S. Your letter to Pelham I sent off instantly & receiv'd a verbal message by my servant that no answer was necessary. You have perhaps heard of my appointmt. in Council. Engag'd as you are in domestic duties permit me to assure you I wish, so soon as circumstances will permit you, to correspond regularly with you & to have yr. advice upon every subject of consequence.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Feby. 8.. 1783.
Dear Sir
fear this will not reach you, but risque it for 'tis probable you may be detain'd a few days, at Baltimore. I take the liberty to enclose you a cypher of men & places wh. will perhaps in some instances form the subject of a correspondence. I beg of you to accept my most sincere acknowledgm'ts for yr. kind offer. As yet I can not possibly determine how to act but shall consult Mr. Short if peace does not shortly take place, we will most probably join you. I most sincerely wish you & yr. family a safe & happy arrival to the destin'd port, & am yr. affec. friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Annapolis May 14. 1784.
My Dear Sir,
I hope before this you have safely arriv'd in Phila.. I very sensibly feel your absence not only in the solitary situation in wh. you have left me but upon many other accounts. What direction the delegation may take even for the short space that we shall remn. here, upon the few important subjects that are before us, is to me altogether incertain. The same men still act on the same principles & upon points where not personal objects are in view on either side, accommodation on the part of those gent'n. is , if possible, more difficult to be attain'd. As I have not been able to finish our cypher I can only give you an acct. of one or two measures, by the next post I will send it & before your departure give you information of whatever hath or may happen. We have appointed Colo. Humphreys secretary to the embassy or commission. The report upon taking possession of the western posts hath been before Congress. Hand moved for its postponement to take up a plan of his own, more concise, but not very explicit; his plan is to dismiss the troops at West Point & elsewhere, & enlist others for this service which he supposes may be effected in a very few weeks & in time to serve the purpose of the Indian Comrs. I wish you to inform me what posts you think troops had better be station'd at. I recollect you had thought on this subject & made some amendmt. in the plan propos'd by Gen'l Washington. I am rather an advocate for the dismission of these troops for a variety of reasons which will occur to you & if the levy of others can be effected in time for the western purposes think the difficulty you had in the winter will be remov'd. I have sent your trunks by the packet to Baltimore & instructed the master of the packet to deliver to deliver them himself. I have also forwarded yr. letter to Mr. Curson. Do you recollect anything further here that I should attend to besides those you gave me in charge? Every thing relative to the negotiations are completed so that you will of course receive the instructions immediately. I think you left town before a particular clause had recd. its negative. It was the only
one which remain'd undecided on so that you will comprehend me without my particularizing it. Your letters by post I shall forward to you: the one from Mr. Hopkinson if it arrives I shall attend to & apply the contents as you desir'd me.
I am yr. affec. frnd. & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
P.S. Partout & myself agree very well only now & then we require the aid of an interpreter. I have had one or two comfortable solitary dinners upon little more than vegetables & coffee cream. He says "comme vous dinez Monsieur tout seul il est tres necessaire pour reduire la provision et pour accomoder la depense a cette changement."
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Annapolis May 20. 1784.
Dear Sir
I have recd. Mr. Hopkinson's letter enclosing from the office of finance a bill containing 506 2/3 dolrs which I will negotiate agreeably to your desire, pay the Intendant the sum you owe him & transmit the balance. The committee, of which I am a member, appointed to view the country around Georgetown under the Princeton engagement set out this morning upon that business. I think with you that it will be proper to effect this business before the adjournment & no time may better be spar'd than the present. For four or 5 days past the qualification of the Delegates from R.I. hath been the only subject before us. The motion respecting them was from Mr. Read. This brought forward the report of the committee which was agnst them & conformable to the principles establish'd in the case of Delaware. Upon the question shall the resolution stand? 4 States voted in the affirmative, 2 in the negative & 3 were divided. Of course it was enter'd in the journals that it was lost. The question then was, are they under this vote delegates? On the side of those in the negative the arguments are-if 7 states were on the floor represented generally by but two members & the question was, shall a delegation retain its seat, or any particular member, the time of service having actually expir'd, the vote of one member only wod. keep him in Congress. 2. that the question is not, shall they be turn'd out? It is not an ordinary legislative act, but a judicial one & the confederation the law & to be applied to the case in question, it is a question of right. Does it or not exist-if it does what number of States are necessary to confirm it. That in all judicial decisions the majority of the commission. That here it is more essentially necessary, that the majority of the U.S. in Congress assembled are competent only to the inferior duties of govt.:that 9 states are necessary to the most important acts: that a scrupulous attention to the object & principles of the confederation wod. perhaps require that the number necessary to govern the States shod. concur in the opinion of the validity of their respective credentials, but that neither the policy of the confederation nor any principle of gov'ts will admit that the consent of less than 7 States shall be necessary, that in this case there is not only a minority of the U.S. in Congress assembled in their favor but a minority of those present. On the other side, it was argued 1. that having their seats 7 States are necessary to turn them out, that the power of excluding delegations from their character & office shod not be committed to a less number: that if the question was shall a delegation be admitted under indisputable credentials from his State, the number present being as before stated, & only one member voted ag'nst it, it wod. be negativ'd, that this wod be a dangerous engine in the hands of party men, that the resolution of the committee ag'nst them was negativ'd & of course they remain members. I submit to you the reasons on both sides as they occur to me at present but perhaps I do not recollect the whole, for being just ready to mount our horses I have not time to be so particular as I cod. Wish. Give me yr opinion upon this affr. I have negotiated the affr. of the bill, pd. the Intendant 7 £, 10s & inclose you the balance except three doll'rs wh. he gave me in money & wh. I retain not being able to send it. I inclose you a cypher which I hope you will be able to read, but upon examining it I find it incomplete & must therefore leave it with Mr. Clerici to be finish'd & sent by post. The gentlemen wait for me & have only time to add that I am yr. affecte. Friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Annapolis [May] 25. 1784.
Dear Sir
I recd.. this moment yours of the 21st. My letter by the last post will inform you of the occasion wh.. pointed that as the favorable moment for a trip to Georgetown & of our availing ourselves of it. Yesterday evening we return'd. Our report will be in favor of the Maryland side & of a position near the town. Upon our return we found that business had been conducted as we expected. The affr. of Rhode Isld. had not been setled till Monday (yesterday) & that in a very extraordinary way. I inform'd you whence the motion for inquiry originated & I believe, of the warmth with wh.. it was conducted. I never saw more indecent conduct in any Assembly before. The dispute was more pointed between Mercer & Howell. After exhausting each other, the earnest desire to proceed to business existing with the other part of Congress prevail'd & this consideration being forc'd to give way to that Mercer & Read had only the alternative of withdrawing or putting their protest upon the journals. Virginia & S. Carolina stand, I hear, for as yet I have seen nothing formally enter'd, in protest agnst. the continuance of these delegates or their right to vote, under their present authority. I am told this is in the name of the delegations on behalf of their respective States. What hath this business to do with Virginia or Virginia with it, more than any other state in the U.S.? & wherefore is she bro't so intemperately & actively on the field? To-day we resume (I am inform'd) the consideration of the western posts. What will be the result is incertain. New York, I hear, will put restraint on every measure till she attains the object of her memorial or statemt. handed in before you left us. Other States will be perhaps for doing nothing & some persons who cannot perhaps attain what they wish may attempt to mar the whole. We have now only 8 days before the adjournment so that the prospect of effecting these & other objects before us is unfavourable. My last letter gave you the balance of what Mr. Jenefer inform'd me from his memory, for he had no memorandum abt. him, & the post admitted not of delay, wh. I pd. him. I understood the whole was for yrsrelf & transmitted it to you in bank bills except abt. 7 or 8 dolrs. For wh.. I cod. not procure a bill. By y'r. letter I am incln'd to suspect I have been mistaken & that I shod. have given the balance to Mr. Hardy, but his or any other mistake you will please to rectify & give me the necessary information & let me do it. I shall go instantly upon the business of yr. other commands. Forw'd, if not yet gone, yr. instructions &c, & will attempt giving you the powers to negotiate with F. if you have them not, but I suppos'd you had, for so I think it was reported & I do not recollect that it was negativ'd. It is certainly necessary something shod.. be done respecting the restraint on tobo in France, to extricate it from the monopoly of the farmers genl. contrary in my opinion to the spirit of the treaty, but I am not sufficiently inform'd on this subject to take it up & wish y'r. advice. The cypher I find is imperfect, I have only us'd it for the present purpose. It appears to me only to want one to write by & in that case we may remedy the inconvenience. Otherwise I will make a new one & forw'd. it by Mr. Lucerne or some other gentleman of distinction. I shall write you constantly, as well before you quit the continent as after. I have the pleasure to inform you that I have information from Mr. Jones that the facilities will eventually be of as great convenience to our State as any in the Union, & that their admission is consider'd as a great eas'ment to the State. Yr. fri'd. & serv't. Jas. Monroe
P.S. Be so kind as assure Mr. Hopkinson that I consider'd the part of his letter you allude to was only intended for yrself & that I have kept it as secret as his utmost delicacy wod. require, assure him further that in yr. absence by any letters address'd to me he shall most fully command my services. I have wrote to the Merct.. at B. to desire Mr. Curson to forward me his acct. which I shall pay immediately & also to inquire abt. the books. I still owe you wh. you tell me to whom I shall make payment.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cypher by Monroe.
Annapolis, June 1. 1784.
Dear Sir
I have been favor'd with yours of the 25 by the last post with its enclosures & will pay due attention to the contents. Two points have been effected since my last; the putting the office of finance into commission & establishment of the committee of the States & appointmt. of the members. Each State nominated its own member, & Congress confirmd the preference. The committee consist of Mr. Blanchard, Dana, Ellery, Sherman, DeWitt, Dick, Hand, Chase, Hardy, Spaight & Read; for the States not represented on the floor any member who produces credentials may take his seat. The members also may release each other at pleasure. These resolutions were introduc'd by Mercer & supported by Read by wh. the appointment, if this rule continues (longer than the present Congress or rather committee) is taken out of the hands of Congress & rested in the delegation of each State & of course given to whomever the chance of a popular vote, may place at the head of a delegation, for those who pay a delicate attention to the sense of the State must take that sense from such evidence as appears to them. The powers of the committee are confined so that no injury can be effected. Sherman & Dana will necessarily govern it. Read & Spaight will be together. Hardy will perhaps be of the same society & as the part they will act will perhaps be rather an intemperate one, they will have no weight themselves & throw the indifferent states into the other scale. I shall sit out a day or two after the adjournment for Virga. & propose, if possible, to effect the purchase of the land from Markes & if necessary will go to Albemarle. I intend also to put into execution the plan I had in view of visiting the western country if no difficulties arise upon my arrival in Virga. You will please direct yr. letters for me to Fredericksburg thro' whomever you think proper here. I shall hurry Mr. Short on if he comes by Annapolis but suspect he hath pass'd by Baltimore before this. I shall write you by the next post after the adjournment of Congress & give you information of our ultimate proceedings; the western posts are still before us & will probably receive their final arrangm't tomorrow. The plan is (the two points having pass'd by the vote of 7 States, the whole being consider'd as one ordinance) to send 350 of the troops from W. point immediately to take possession of the posts, & to raise 700 men to supply their places. I think it will pass. The collection of military stores, arrangment &c. will be put under the direction of Genl. Knox. I am sincerely your friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
P.S. The inclos'd proceedings of the Committee of our Asembly were forwarded to me for you to carry to Europe with you.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cypher by Monroe.
King George. July 20. 1784.
Dear Sir
By Mr. Short I have the pleasure to forward you a more complete cypher in which we will correspond in future. He will find you, I hope, safely arriv'd in Paris & recover'd from the fatigues of your voyage & situated with Miss Patsy agreeably to your wish. In my letters from Annapolis I inform'd you of the latter proceedings of Congress & as I address'd them to Boston hope you rec'd them. Mr. Madison, whom I saw lately at Richmond, will give you the proceedings of the Assembly; three important objects have, I find, imploy'd their attention; the enlarging the powers of Congress, regulation of the commerce of the State & the recommendations of Congress under the treaty. Their resolutions in the first instance I enclos'd to you for Boston. In the 2d, they have establish'd a port on each river, to wh. They have restricted the vessels of foreign nations in the reception & unlading of their cargoes. They have defer'd the commencemt. of the operation of this law to the expiration of two years in the expectation that the craft necessary for the river carriage will be prepar'd by that time, so that from the commencmt. it may effect no injury to the people; but this I think a visionary hope. Those who otherwise wod. turn their attention to the subject, will think it too incertain an event to calculate on, & the operation of the law will find not a single vessel, prepar'd to supply the exigency it will require; from this circumstance, I fear a repeal will be attempted; I hope, however, it will fail & that this is only a step to a more wise & mature system of policy. If too many ports are admitted will the objects of the State be attain'd, or on the contrary will they not serve as subsidiary to Baltimore & the other towns on the continent who aim at our trade? Will it not be an exertion to promote their interest by collecting the produce of the State to particular ports, & thereby throw it more particularly into the vortex of Baltimore, since the operation of each town will be confin'd to the river on wh. it is plac'd? It appears to me unwise to attempt erecting more than one great town at a time, since they will fail altogether while the exertion is beyond the means necessary to effect it. You will inform me under the treaties which subsist what regulations we may make that will at least make the advantages arising from our intercourse with those nations reciprocal.. If Spn., for instance, takes off her duties or makes them lighter on any produce of these States, then the other powers with whom we are or may be connected, they refusing us such privileges, can we & is it consistent with the usage of nations to give her reciprocal advantages here, the treaties between us & each power being, as that with France, on the principle of the right of the "most favor'd nation." rdquo;I make the enquiry more for information of the usage of nations than from any difficulty abt. the usual import of the words. Hath there been any investigation at the instance of any nation that you can find, of the extent of the sense of these words & of the obligations enter'd into under this form? Is our tobo. restrain'd in its sale in the first instance to the farmers genl. alone, & if this is the case is it not contrary to the spirit of the treaty? Shod. not our ministers be instructed to attempt its removal? You will be so kind as give me every information upon these subjects you think necessary, for perhaps my inquiries may not extend to every object upon wh. I shod. be informd. I beg of you also to turn my attention to those other great objects which in yr. opinion it shod. be applied, for a variety of points may arise to you when you look back on our country, in wh. our policy may no doubt be much improv'd. The laws prohibiting the executions for recoevery of Brith. debts are still in force. Ad address or some thing of that nature is made to Congress upon that subject, desiring their sense of the propriety of keeping them in form until satisfaction is made for the removal of the negroes from N. York. Of this, however, Mr. Short will give you further information. The day after to-morrow I sit out upon the route thro the western country. I have chang'd the direction & shall commence for the westward upon the No. river by Albany &c. I shall pass through the lakes, visit the posts, & come down to the Ohio & thence home. This route will necessarily take me all the time during the recess of Congress. Of course I shall not be able to attend the committee of the States agreeably to engagement made between my colleagues, & to accommodate wh. generally, a resolution pass'd authorizing such relief to each other. The first act of the committee was to adjourn to the 26 since wh. I believe they have not met. Mr. Short will inform you of the result of Colo. Harvie's negotiation for me with Marks for his land. My failure in this instance will not abate my desire to effect a settlement in that country, it will still form one of my capital objects & will put it in execution as soon as possible. I had hopes of receiving a copy of yr. answer to the queries of Mr. Marbois, but suspect you fail'd in obtaining yr. desire in Phila. Will you effect it in Paris upon terms agreeable to yr. wishes? I shall certainly be in Trenton on the 30th of October. In the trip I shall take, I may perhaps acquire a better knowledge of the posts wh. we shod. occupy, the cause of the delay of the evacuation of the Brith. troops, the temper of the Indians towd. us, as well as of the soil, waters & in genl. the natural view of the country. Captn. Denny, whom we saw at Annapolis, accompanies me. I am sensible of the fatigue I shall undergo but am resolv'd to sustain it. I am with my best wishes for yr. health yr. affectionate friend & servant.
... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
New York August 9th 1784.
Dear Sir
I wrote you lately by Mr. Short from Richmd. He intended sailing in a few days from Warwick so that by this time or at least before this reaches you, you will have recd it. I am so far on my way in performance of my trip thro' the Lakes, rivers &c. You will observe by this that I have chang'd my route & commence for the Westwd. here up the No. river, thence to the Lakes, thro' the Lakes to Detroit & thence to the Ohio-from the Ohio home. Upon the Ohio I purchase horses. Perhaps I may visit Montreal. Had I a month more to spare, I wod. go to Boston, up the Kennebeck river, to Quebec & thence on. I will certainly see all that my time will admit of. It is possible I may lose my scalp from the temper of the Indians, but if either a little fighting or a great deal of running will save it I shall escape safe. I sit out up the No. river in very agreeable company, Mr. Vaughn & family are of the party. I am yr. affect. frnd. etc. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Trenton Novr. 1. 1784.
Dear Sir
Two days since I arriv'd here after performing a tour up the North river by fort Stanwix down the wood-creek, thro' the oneida Ontario & (by the Niagara falls) part of lake Erie, thence back by Niagara thro' the Ontario by Coolton Island thro' the St. Laurence to Montreal & from Montreal over lake Champlain by Albany to N. York again. You find I have taken a route different from the one I intended, as my object was to take in my view the practicability also of a communication from Lake Erie down the Potowmack, But from this I was dissuaded by an accident wh. happen'd to some of the party upon lake Erie, with whom I came from fort Stanwix to Niagara. I had seperated from them by accident three days before the event. They landed near some Indian huts (a Mr. Teller from Schenactady with four men in a batteaux) & were fir'd on by those Indians, Mr. Teller & two men killed & a 4th wounded; the latter with the 5th made their escape. The indian chiefs highly reprehended the act & were , at the earnest instigation of the gentlemen of the Brith. garrison, endeavoring to detect & bring the villains to justice. Upon advice of this disaster Colo. Depeister, commanding at Niagara, sent an Express to me just entering upon Lake Erie advising my return, with wh. I complied & took the above route to this place. My excursion hath been attended with great personal exposure & hardship & much greater expence than I had expected. It hath, however, I hope been advantageous to me in some respects. I have ascertain'd I believe with some accuracy the different degrees of difficulty from Michelemachinac down the Grand river to Montreal, thro' the Lakes to Montreal and by the North river. The preference is, at least so far in favor of the North River.. The first leisure time I have I will take the route of Fort Pitt to Lake Erie & from some estimate in that direction.
Here I find the country from Montreal much richer than I had expected although I am of opinion L'd Sheffield's expectations are visionary in his calculation that it will supply the Islands with flour & lumber. Still I think it has great resources in those articles, but the best timber is high up the river, wh. together with the difficulty of getting it down the rapids & thro' the gulph of the St. Lawrence to the West Indies must make it an expensive trade to them, more expensive I am told than that from the Baltic. If I were to estimate the present or the probably future value of Canada to the Brith. dominion, consider'd in a commercial light and compare it with the expense necessarily incurr'd if they keep up a military establishment in supporting it, I shod think Britain wod act a politic part in relinquishing it and he not doing it satisfies me she either has or will have other objects. Under the bounds of the U.S. by the late treaty, the principal part of the fur trade must leave it & run in some channel within the U.S. The merchants established or connected in it, the batteaux men and other dependents will take the same course. This will increase the expense of their government in supplying their upper ports in Canada as the price of hands will be higher and the means scarcer. In addition to those difficulties which nature has thrown in her way, others will exist under their government to which ours will be a stranger at present No merchant is allowed to build vessels on the lakes, but must, if he takes the course, avail himself of those of government and this exposes them to constant and most oppressive impositions. Their peltries are subject to duties and preference passes from Lake Superior to Montreal. The duties may be taken off but the preference passes can not be prevented;.while the restraints on their trade are high it will be our policy to increase them in every instance wherein they depend on us; while we give those within our bounds great indulgences we must prohibit under high penalties all commerce between the U.S. and Canada; prohibit their landing or storing their goods on our side under at least thirty per cent ad valorem at the place where landed. Canada I consider as standing upon different ground with regard to use from any other part of the Dominions. A free intercourse between us and the people of Canada can, in my opinion, only be advantageous to them & will defeat any political arrangement we can adopt respecting them. By prohibiting them the participation of the advantages which we possess, we occasion them great difficulty. Their merchants might get their goods much cheaper up the North river than the St. Lawrence and until we permit them to navigate on our shore from the commencement of the Ontario they are derpiv'd of the possibility of navigating it except in vessels of considerable burden. If they take the North instead in batteaux they must go round the lake seventy miles above Niagara & down the other side before they reach it for the passage is impracticable there. I submit to you these observations that you may judge what right they shod. have in forming a treaty of commerce. The English ministry will, I am satisfied, readily agree it shall be so framed as to exclude the U.S. from a free intercourse with Canada. Their jealousy will tell them to beware how they admit it lest the sweets of those rights which we enjoy might invite them to us; but the people of Canada will be more sensible of our blessings by the restraints laid on them. They will feel their own misfortunes and envy the blessings to be attained under the protection of the federal arm. In the meantime the acquisition of Canada is not an object with us, we must make valuable what we have already acquired & at the same time take such measures as to weaken it as a British province.
As yet we have not a representation of the States but expect it in a few days. This will certainly be a veryimport and interesting session. In Canada I was informed that the commanding officer had received orders not to evacuate the posts and that many of the vessels laid aside under the provisional treaty had again been put in commission on the Lakes, a measure s'd to be founded upon the supposed violating of the treaty by New York and Virginia. The latter in not repealing the laws prohibiting the recovery of British debts & the former in confiscations. But if their conduct is unauthoriz'd is this the way to obtain redress? I trust that the conduct of Congress upon this occasion will be firm though temperate but indeed we are in a poor condition for war; we may lose much but can gain nothing. The minister of finance has arriv'd here to present his comm'n to Congress. Those lately appointed in his stead are too diffident I am told of themselves to succeed him; two I hear have resign'd; the situation is difficult but the road for Congress to take appears to me a plain one; an arrangement superseding his office hath taken place. He must bid us farewell; if those already appointed will not serve, others must be appointed in their stead. Our Indian commissioners have quarreled with the State of New York: the State also held a treaty with the Indians which preceeded ours: to this they took exception; the affair will, same; however, easily be accommodated. The delegations are generally the Williamson is here, but it is said Spaight will dispute his right to sit. Pinckney instead of Beresford; Georgia has a Houston and Gibbons here, the former has been to Europe to leave behind him what little wit he had, and the latter I believe never had any, or very little; he is, however, a married man & I hear well intentioned. The court of Pennsylvania sentenc'd the man who made the attack on Mr. Marbois to pay the fine of 200 dolrs & to suffer two years imprisonment. With this he is dissatisfied. Will the court of France be so. I will write you very fully so soon as we have a Congress & by every packet & private opportunity & beg of you to do the same. I have not heard from you since you left Phil'a; perhaps your letters to me are in Virga. If you have wrote. I reach'd New York 10 days after Mr. Short left it. I wish'd to have seen him. I hope yourself & Miss Patsy are well. Where shall I address to you? I am with the greatest respect & esteem, Dear Sir, your friend & servant,
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
Trenton, Decr. 14, 1784
Dear Sir
Upon my arrival here I wrote you & committed my letter to the care of the secretary of Congress who said he wod. transmit it thro' Mr. Morris. I hope you have recd. it. It gives you a concise acct. of my late route to the lakes &ce., as well as some observations wh I thought worthy your attention in the formation of a commercl. treaty with Great Britain, respecting Canada. It was late in Novr. before we formed a Congress but at present we have 9 States on the floor with a member from all the States except Maryld & in a few days we expect her delegation on. Fr. N.H. we have Mr. Foster agn. B.. hath given place to some other gent'n whose name I do not recollect. From Massachts we have Mr. Gerry, Holten, Partridge, King, & Gorham is appointed but hath not take his seat. Chancelor Livingston, Jay, Benson their Attorney Genl. & a Mr. Lansing from N.York; from R.I. H. & E. agn. A Mr. Johnson hath taken the place of Sherman & Colo. Cook of Wadsworth in Connecticut. Jersey hath the same members with Mr. Houston formerly in Congress. Pensa. hath chang'd her members & with others appointed Mr. Reid, their late President. S. Chase, Smallwood, Stevens & McHenry are I hear from Maryld. This is a respectable Congress & I am happy to inform you they have hitherto acted with perfect good temper & propriety not only in the manner of conducting the business, but of a mind comprehensive of the interests of the Union as well as an inclination upon the most genl. & liberal principles to promote it. I really promise great good to the Union from this Congress. Our affrs. with Spain & G.B. are before us. They are referr'd to committees & I flatter myself that the necessary measures will be effected respecting those two courts. I mean here, with those to whom they ae committed in the manag'mt. With each will the subseq't success depend. You know how difficult it is to ascertain this latter point. It seems to be an opinion generally given into that a minister shall be appointed to the Court of Britain. That one shall also be appointed to take the place of Franklin; whom the former will be, is altogether incertain but I think it beyond a doubt you will be the latter. It is also probable that you may be appointed to negotiate that particular business with Spain but this is only probable. If Franklin hath left France it may be proper you sho'd not leave the court in case of that appointment. The French gentn here are very desirous of it. Monr. LaFayette hath been recd with very high marks of attention by Congress; they appointed a joint Committee to receive him & give him the thanks of Congress. Congress have also wrote a letter to the King in his favor. Propositions for the arrangement of commerce, to be handed to the States requiring that they invest Congress with the power of levying the duties upon imports & exports are before them. I think recommendations to that effect will pass. A distinction will be made between the revenue & the regulation; the former unless ceded by the State to go to the State. As yet we have heard nothing from you except in a letter from on bd. Ship to Mr. Hardy on the committee of the States. It will give us pleasure to hear from you as well for the information you will give us of our afrs. abroad and when we shod so hear, as to be assur'd of your health & welfare. The Marquis of Fayette will know every thing wh. I have not mention'd of the affrs. of the Union in every part wh. will supersede the necessity of my detaining you longer for the present. Short hath I hope join'd you. I very sincerely hope You are all well & am with my affectionate wishes that you may remain so yr. friend & servant, Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
N. York April 6. 1785.
Dear Sir
Mr. Cowper a gentn. of No. Carolina will present you this. he intends to establish himself in London or at the Hague for the purposes of commerce. He was presented to me by the gentn. of the No. Carolina delegation & Mr. Hardy as a person of note & probity in his line, and in that view I beg leave to make him known to you & to request such attentions to him as his station may entitle him to expect. I am yr. affectionae friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
New York April 12th. 1785.
Dear Sir
Since my last I have recd. yours of the 11th of Novr. & 10th of Decr. The former by Col. LeMaire, from whom however I did not receive it altho' I saw him, nor untill after his arrival nearly a month & then I believe by post from Phila. I have had the same difficulty with the cypher but from a different cause. The copy of that I sent by Mr. Short I left in Virga. When I sate out for the wstwd. & have not since been able to command it, but shall most probably by the next post, so that whether you send me one or not our embarrassment will in future be at an end. That you may read my first letter I send you the cypher by which it was wrote. Fully impress'd with the disadvantages which must always arise to the States from a free intercourse with Canada I propos'd an instruction founded on the principles which my letter contains, to the ministers authoriz'd to form the treaty with G.B. The committee have reported in favor of it, but the delicacy of our situation with that court, upon t hat of the posts & other subjects, is a consideration wh. inclines me to decline for the present bringing it to the view of Congress. The restrictions on this intercourse can only be carried into effect by possession of the posts and the more disadvantageous to them, their surrender will be, the longer they may delay it.
I enclose you the report of a committee in favor of a change of the first paragraph of the 9th of the articles of confederation for the purpose of investing Congress with almost the entire regulation of the commerce of the Union, in exclusion of the particular States. I am inclin'd to think it will be best also to postpone this for the present. Its adoption must depend on the several Legislatures & to carry it with them the preferable way perhaps may be to let it stand as it now is. It hath been brought so far without a prejudice agnst. it. If carried farther here prejudices will take place, at least I fear so, & those who oppose it here will in their [.] The way then will be to present it to them in its present state wh. may be effected by obtaining the permission of Congress for such delegation to take copies for that purpose. If this shod.. be its course I shall have time for your answer & opinion on it. A Committee is appointed to revise & report what alterations if any are necessary in the instructions to the comrs. authoriz'd to form commercl. treaties. What will be the result I know not, but the object of the appointmt. was, to change the principle upon wh. those existing were form'd. To instruct them to make the best bargain they can with each power, such an one as the advantages wh. they respectively derive from a commercl. intercourse with us, entitle us to expect. If the convenience & advantage of the trade of either of these powers with us is equal, the conditions upon wh. it is conducted for commercl. & other national purposes, shod. be equal also. The object is to connect us with each power independently of other powers, & to extricate us from the complicated system with which their connections with each other is involv'd. A system which they will understand, have been long accustom'd to the exercise of, & to turn to their particular advantages by every possible means of fraud and chicane. I doubt much the advantage of forming treaties for the present with any of the powers with whom you are authoriz'd to treat (the piratical States excepted) for what advantages can we give here in consideration of advantages there, or rather in consideration that they remove some of the restraints wh. now exist, which they do not at present possess, or possessing that we can deprive them of. The more I investigate this subject the more I am confirm'd in this opinion. But all these embarrassments in the restrictions laid upon us by other powers, will I am persuaded have a good effect. They will operate more powerfully than the utmost force of argument cod. do for the strength'ning our govt.
From Spain we expect a Mr. Gardoqui in quality of chargé des affrs. All our measures with court have of course ceas'd untill his arrival wh. is weekly expected. Whatever we have to transact with the ct. of G.B. is committed to Mr. Adams, the formation of a commercl. treaty only excepted. Upon his removal from the Hague it was resolv'd to appoint a minister in his room; Mr. Rutledge & Mr. R.H. Harrison, C. Justice of Maryld. are in nomination as is likewise Govr. Livingston of Jersey; it is not known whether either will serve. My first letter will advise you of our embarrassment respecting a particular affr. upon which you wrote me as you left Phila. An attention to which falls now within your province. It is unfortunate upon this acct. Your cypher wod. not expose it to you. You will please write me as soon as possible upon this subject. You will receive instructions respecting the piratical states of Barbary. I fear from the information you give me they will not obtain fully the objects which they have in view. From what I have been able to collect here a treaty commenc'd on our own ground independent of any European power, will be most successful, since I am told they disregard the most powerful among them as much as they do us, & in that instance we might plead ignorance of the presents or amount, which would be acceptable to them. It is agreed to raise 700 men for the purposes of guarding the publick stores & giving security to the frontier settlements of the States. At Annapolis Mr. Gerry protested agnst the right of Congress to require men in time of peace; his conduct was approv'd by his State & the delegation instructed to oppose & protest upon all occasions agnst the exercise of the power. It is agreed that by requisition men cannot be rais'd upon a few states or less than the whole but under particular circumstances of some, & then under a particular modification. It was thought in this instance necessary to have them in the field, in a short time, to protect the surveyors of the land & as this consideration superseded the propriety of a rquisitn. On the whole it was agreed to recommend it to the States, most contiguous, to raise them. The land office is not yet open'd. A report drawn principally by Colo. Grayson will be deliver'd in a few days. It deviates I believe essentially from the one at Annapolis, but in what points I cannot say as I have not compar'd them together. The object of this is to have the lands survey'd previous to the sale, & after the survey to have the lots drawn for in the right of the States & sold in each by the loan officer officer at publick vendue for specie or certificates. I shall transmit you the journals of Congress as far as they are printed. They will give you at least the resolutions wh. determine the erection of buildings at the falls of the Delaware & our intermediate residence here. Our dependence for their erection at Georgetown had been on the Southern States & as soon as Congress conven'd we found they had given it up. All further opposition we therefore consider'd as useless. One hundred thousand dolrs. We appropriated to it. Between Phila. & this place we were indifferent as a temporary residence. We consider'd our State as no otherwise interested than as it might respect the delegates attending in Congress; upon federal principles that this shod. have the preference. It must have a good appearance for the federal govt. to pay attention to the part wh. hath suffer'd most, from the depredations of the war; add to this the province of Canada is in possession at present of the fur-trade. The first exertion of the States must be to draw it thence & afterwards it may take its direction thro' the Potowmk. or whatever channel is open'd to it-but the 100,000 dolrs. are upon no fund. Whether they are to be requir'd from the States or not will be come the question. It wod. be fortunate if a delay cod. Take place. The conduct of our delegation at Trenton was founded upon an acquiescence with the voice of the majority of the Union. We acted together & voted unanimously upon every point respecting these measures. Grayson only was absent. Be the event of this town as it may I think the proportion wh. will fall to our State will be well dispos'd of if it annexes the Idea of stability to our councils & measures. I cod. Wish no more movements untilll we take our final position.
I send you this by Colo. Smith, Secry. to the legation for London. Mr. Trumbull only was his competitor. He was formerly an Aid de Camp to Genl. Washington. He is desirous of being known to you & as I hear from every person who knows him a fair & respectable character, I take the liberty to present these circumstances in his favor to your knowledge.
Be assur'd I shall pay particular attention to that circumstance which is more personally interesting to yrself mention'd in your first letter. What can or will be done is incertain but satisfied of the justice of the measure, I shall with the utmost pleasure seek the attainment of it in a manner wh. will be most delicate & honorable to you. Indeed I think all our Ministers shod. have 5 or 600 £ stirg. more annually. I thank you for subscribing for me for the Encyclopedia. I have not at present the money but will send it as soon as possible. I sincerely wish it were in my power to join you this summer but it is impossible. The next I have it in contemplation & shall then be under no necessity to hurry myself so quickly back, & I cod. Wish to remn. in Europe, if I ever visit it, at least 12 months. Col. Smith hath my instruction not to send this by post but some safe hand provided he doth not deliver it himself. Whether Congress will or not adjourn during the summer is incertain. I think they shod. not, but the fact is our application to business hath been so close during the winter that we wish a relaxation. I think Congress shod. sit untill our affrs. with every for: power were finally & most amicably settl'd; and untill the commerce of the Union was properly regulated. The confederacy might then stand secure & not be exposed to injury or danger. Mr. Butler, Walcot & A. Lee were on the Indian treaty at fort Stanwix; the State of N. York also held a treaty; they quarell'd with the comrs. of N. York & disgusted the State. This is attributed to one of those gentn. only. Mr. Mercer hath been absent since we left Trenton & hath married Miss Sprigg. Mr. Read hath been less active than at Annapolis-he is sd. to be engag'd to K. Vanhorne of this place, he left this for So. Carolina 2 months since it is sd. to prepare matters for this event. A Mr. Carbonneau from the Kaskaskias petiton'd Congress to take the people under their protection; a committee hath reported wh. is so far adopted that a comr. be appointed to repair thither, instructed &c. Mr. A. Lee is in nomination. The three comrs. of the treasury elected at Annapolis declin'd serving, in consequence of wh. Gervais, Osgood & a Walter Livingston were elected. Gervais hath declin'd & Mr. A. Lee who hath upon every occasion been a candidate is agn. in nomination. Mercer & himself were in nomination at Trenton & we gave the former preference. The fact is we can get none better than Mr. A. L. & shall upon this occasion vote for him.
Your letters still contain doubts of the event of the interfering claims between the Emperor & the Netherlands. Mr. V. Berckel hath presented a full & able statement of those of the U. Neth: & of the progress of either party to the commenc'ment of the winter in support of their pretensions. A war between them cannot be injurious to us; provided our merchts. have enterprise as we stand on neutral ground, they may turn it to their & the genl. advantage. Believe me, etc. Jas. Monroe
P.S. The alteration wh. this report proposes in the whole system of our govt. will be great. It is in fact a radical change of it. I beg of you to write your sentiments fully on it. If it is carried it can only be by thorough investigation and a conviction carried to the minds of every citizen that it is right. The slower it moves on therefore in my opinion the better.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
New York June 16. 1785.
Dear Sir
By Colo. Smith, Secry. to the London Legation I wrote you in April last very fully upon our transactions previous to that date. I also inclos'd you the journals that were then printed with the copy of a report upon the first paragraph of the 9th of the Articles of Confederation proposing a change in it and the absolute investment of the U.S. with the controul of commerce. I now enclose you a copy of the journals as well those sent by Colo. Smith as those since printed, likewise an ordinance for surveying and disposing of the lands beyond the Ohio. Unfortunately I have not been able to command my cypher from Virga. So that yr. communications in the last & preceding letters, have been hid from my view. I left it with Mr. Jones who hath plac'd it among his papers but where he knows not. He promises to search agn. on his return home which will be shortly. I hope to receive the one by young Mr. Adams wh. will terminate the difficulty. The report upon the 9th article hath not been taken up. The importance of the subject & the deep and radical change it will create in the bond of the Union together with the conviction that something must be done, seems to create an aversion or rather a fear of acting on it. If the report shod. ultimately be adopted it will certainly form the most permanent and powerful principle in the confederation. At present the alliance is little more than an offensive and defensive one, and if the right to raise troops at pleasure is denied, merely a defensive one. The political economy of each State is entirely within its own direction and to carry into effect its regulations with other powers to attain any substantial ends to the State, they must apply as well to the States of the Union as other powers, and such a course as this will produce very mischievous effects. On the other hand the effect of this report wd. be to put the commercial economy of every state entirely under the hands of the Union, the measure necessary to obtain the carrying trade, to encourage domestic by a tax on foreign industry, or any other ends which in the changes of things become necessary, will depend entirely on the Union. In short you will perceive that this will give the union an authority upon the States respectively which will last with it & hold it together in its present form longer than any principle it now contains will effect. I think the expedience in a great degree of the measure turns on one point (especially to the Southern States) whether the obtainmt. of the carrying trade and the extention of our National resources is an object. And this depends entirely upon the prospect of our connection with other powers; if like the empire of China we were separated and perfectly independent of them it might perhaps be unnecessary: but even in the event a question arises wh. may be of consequence, "whether the giving our own citizens a show in the carrying trade will not otherwise be advantageous to them than as it obtains the particular object wh. the regulations necessary to effect it have in view; whether it will not in effect increase the value of land, the number of inhabitants, the proportion of circulating medium, and be the foundation upon which all those regulations which are necessary to turn what is call'd 'the balance of trade' in our favor, must be form'd." A preference to our own citizens is the foundation of the carrying trade and upon it I suspect will depend all these consequences. Yet an opinion seems to be entertain'd by the late commercl. writers and particularly a Mr. Smith on the wealth of nations that the doctrine of the balance of trade is a chimera in pursuit of wh. G.B. hath expos'd herself to great injury. If it shod. be found that the carrying trade was only useful as it added to the national strength & it of no great consequence I shod. suspect that the apprehensions already entertain'd and which will no doubt form great embarrassment to the passage of this or any such measure, shod. have great weight.-"that the pursuit of this object will put it in the power of those States more immediately interested in it, to carry the regulations further than the attainment of it may make necessary, so as to give them advantages that will be almost exclusive & operate essentially to our prejudice: so as to lessen the price of our produce, discourage its cultivation & throw the monopoly in the purchase principally in their favor." Whether this under the report will probably be the case or possibly is doubtful: the regulation of the fishery is as much under our controul, even without the bounds of the States, as the tobo. of Virga. And all the states have produce, so that I am inclin'd to hope that the productions of the South, though disproportionate to that of the East wod. not induce, more especially as the revenue accrues to the State, and not the Union, any unequal restrictions. The subject is of great magnitude and I very earnestly wish to hear from you on it before it obtains its fate and this I am persuaded may be the case especially if the letter by Colo. Smith obtained a ready conveyance. I informed you in my letter by Mr. Smith that a Committee was appointed to revise the instructions subsisting to our Commissrs. authoriz'd to form commercl. treaties and report what alterations if any were necessary . This Committee hath reported and repeal'd the two first articles. I think it will be adopted. As I have no cypher I cannot risque anything upon this head further than to observe than the letter I allude to will serve to give you some idea of the alteration. It is prefac'd with reasoning upon the propriety of the alteration, upon which it is form'd and of course if the reasoning is illy founded the superstructure falls to the ground. I hope the whole will either be adopted or negativ'd for it will, if adopted, enable our ministers to investigate the truth of the positions and represent them to us, which their situation enables them to effect. There seems in Congress an earnest disposition to wind up our affairs as they respect foreign nations, exclude their interests totally from our Councils, and preserving our faith with the utmost punctuality with those to whom it is plighted, make such regulations as will effectually promote our interests. Information and a knowledge in what it consists are the only points in which they are defective. I have never seen a body of men collected in which there was less party, for there is not the shadow of it here; I think there will be no adjournment and I sincerely wish there may not be for I fear it will not be easy to collect men from the States with more upright intentions. That you may have in view whatever is in agitation respecting the western country, to judge of the system if there is one I enclose you the copy of a report now before Congress wh. comprehends whatever is propos'd to be done respecting it for the present. Upon the report of the Indian Commissrs. the matter will again be taken up and then it will be determin'd what authority Congress will exercise over the people who may settle within the bounds of either of the new States previous to the establishment of a temporary govt. whether they will leave them to themselves or appoint Magistrates over them-I think the enclos'd report will be adopted; it hath been several times before Congress & each time there were 8 states; to-morrow it is believed there will be 9. The plan of a requisition is before Congress. The States have fail'd essentially during the last year in making their payments. Virga. hath pd. I believe more than all the rest. The present plan is the proposal of the requisition of 8,000,000 as was that of last year. The amt. Necessary for the current year abt. 3,000,000-1. for the interest upon the foreign debt & expenses of govt. & 2. the domestic debt. For the latter purpose facilities are propos'd to be admitted. I must confess I doubt the propriety of pressing old requisitions & think it wod. be better to ascertain what had been pd. by the several states upon that requisition, & upon the apportionment under it, what claims those paying most had on the others, and then begin anew making also a new apportionment. This wod. be more simple & better understood. I am also rather doubtful of the propriety of doing anything whatever in the domestic debt. Several of the States, Pena. in particular hath appropriated her money to her own citizens only. From her & the other states, taking the same course, we shall have no support. It appears then better to recommend it to the States to take on themselves the debts of the U.S. to their citizens respectively, let them be pd. by State operations & then after liquidating the whole, and the quota of each is ascertain'd, of the proportion of the expences, of the late war, let the balance which either shall have advanced beyond its proportion be paid it by the Union. This is a new idea nor do I know that I shall suggest it further, but perhaps may hereafter more especially if it shall appear founded in justice and expedience. During the recess of Congress last year No. Carolina made a cession of territory to the U.S. Authorizing her Delegates to make the deed. Before Congress conven'd she repeal'd it. Lately a motion was made & a report upon it accepting the cession supposing the acceptance conclusive on the state. I was surpris'd to find it had so many advocates, there being six States in favor of it. I suspected it wod. have again been taken up but was agreeably disappointed. The act gave Congress a year to accept it in & uses the term at the end of it "provided it shall not be accepted within that time it shall revert to the State." Yet I cod. not conceive it obligatory on the State untill accepted by the U.S., and of course until that event within the controul of the State. The people within the said territory had separated themselves from the State & declar'd themselves an independent state under the name of Franklin. Their agent was also here at the time upon that subject. He recd. no countenance whatever, and all that was done relative to it was to renew the recommendation to the State to make a 2d cession. It is in contemplation to send a Committee to No. Carolina and Georgia upon the subject of western land & of finance to press their attention to those subjects-but of this as well as of the other objects to which their attention may be turn'd I will write you more fully in my next. The great points which will be fore the Union as well in those lines as that of commerce, will perhaps have taken their ultimate direction here in a few months or in the course of the year and then the several legislatures will be the theater of investigation. Committees of Congress may perhaps expedite their passage. I shod. not have wrote thus freely without the cover of a cypher but from the confidence I repose in Mr. Mazzei. He will deliver it to you personally. He hath been here about a fortnight and sails to-day in the packet. I have been much concern'd for an accident which happen'd to him here. While with us one evening his room was found open & his trunk with papers & money taken out. He recov'd everything except abt. 40 guineas. As my colleagues write Mr. Short I must beg his excuse for the present. I hope he is well. I am with great respect & estem yr. affec: friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Paris June 17. 1785.
Dear Sir
I received three days ago your favor of Apr. 12. You therein speak of a former letter to me, but it has not come to hand, nor any other of later date than the 14th of December. My last to you was of the 11th of May by Mr. Adams who went in the packet of that month. These conveiances are now becoming deranged. We have had expectations of their coming to Havre which would infinitely facilitate the communication between Paris and Congress: but their deliberations on the subject seem to be taking another turn. They complain of the expence, and that their commerce with us is too small to justify it. They therefore talk of sending a packet every six weeks only. The present one therefore, which should have sailed about this time, will not sail till the 1st of July. However the whole matter is as yet undecided. I have hopes that when Mr. St. John arrives from New York he will get them replaced on their monthly system. By the bye what is the meaning of a very angry resolution of Congress on this subject? I have it not by me and therefore cannot cite it by date, but you will remember it, and will oblige me by explaining it's foundation. This will be handed you by Mr. Otto who comes to America as Chargé des affaires in the room of Mr. Marbois promoted to the Intendancy of Hispaniola, which office is next to that of Governor. He becomes the head of the civil as the Governor is of the military department. I am much pleased with Otto's appointment. He is good humoured, affectionate to America, will see things in a friendly light when they admit of it, a rational one always, and will not pique himself on writing every trifling circumstance of irritation to his court. I wish you to be acquainted with him, as a friendly intercourse between individuals who do business together produces a mutual spirit of accomodation useful to both parties. It is very much our interest to keep up the affection of this country for us, which is considerable. A court has no affections. But those of the people whom they govern influence their decisions even in the most arbitrary governments. The negociations between the Emperor and Dutch are spun out to an amazing length. At present there is no apprehension but that they will terminate in peace. This court seems to press it with ardour, and the Dutch are averse, considering the terms cruel and unjust, as they evidently are. The present delays therefore are imputed to their coldness and to their forms. In the meantime the Turk is delaying the demarcation of limits between him and the emperor, is making the most vigorous preparations for war, and has composed his ministry of warlike characters deemed personally hostile to the emperor. Thus time seems to be spinning out both by the Dutch and Turks, and time is wanting for France. Every year's delay is a great thing to her. It is not impossible therefore but that she may secretly encourage the delays of the Dutch, and hasten the preparations of the Porte, while she is recovering vigour herself also, in order to be able to present such a combination to the emperor as may dictate to him to be quiet. But the designs of these courts are unsearcheable. It is our interest to pray that this country may have no continental war till our peace with England is perfectly settled. The merchants of this country continue as loud & furious as ever against the Arret of August 1784, permitting our commerce with their islands to a certain degree. Many of them have actually abandoned their trade. The ministry are disposed to be firm, but there is a point at which they will give way. That is if the clamours should become such as to endanger their places. It is evident that nothing can be done by us, at this time, if we may hope it hereafter. I like your removal to N. York, and hope Congress will continue there and never execute the idea of building their federal town. Before it could be finished a change of members in Congress, or the admission of new states would remove them somewhere else. It is evident that when a sufficient number of the Western states come in, they will remove it to George town. In the mean time it is our interest that it should remain where it is, and give no pretensions to any other place. I am also much pleased with the proposition to the states to invest Congress with the regulation of their trade , reserving it's revenue to the states. I think it a happy idea, removing the only objection which could have been justly made to the proposition. The time too is the present, before the admission of the Western states. I am very differently affected towards the new plan of opening our land office by dividing the lands among the states and selling them at vendue. It separates still more the interest of the states which ought to be made joint in every possible instance in order to cultivate the idea of our being one nation, and to multiply the instances in which the people shall look up to Congress as their head. And when the states get their portions they will either fool them away, or make a job of it to serve individuals. Proofs of both of these practices have been furnished, and by either of them that invaluable fund in lost which ought to pay our public debt. To sell them at vendue, is to give them to the bidders of the day, be they many or few. It is ripping up the hen which lays golden eggs. If sold in lots at a fixed price as first proposed, the best lots will be sold first. As these become occupied it gives a value to the interjacent ones, and raises them, tho' of inferior quality, to the price of the first. I send you by Mr. Otto a copy of my book. Be so good as to apologize for Mr. Thomson for my not sending him one by this conveiance. I could not burthen Mr. Otto with more on so long a road as that from her to l'Orient. I will send him one by a Mr. Williamos who will go ere long. I have taken measures to prevent it's publication. My reason is that I fear the terms in which I speak of slavery and of our constitution may produce an irritation which will revolt the minds of our countrymen against reformation in these two articles, and thus do more harm than good. I have asked of Mr. Madison to sound this matter as far as he can, and if he thinks it will not produce that effect, I have then copies enough printed to give one to each of the young men at the college, and to my friends in the country. I am sorry to see a possibility of Arthur Lee's being put into the Treasury. He has no talents for the office and what he has will be employed in rummaging old accounts to involve you in eternal war with Morris and he will in a short time introduce such dissentions into the Commission as to break it up. If he goes on the other appointment to Kaskaskia he will produce a revolt of that settlement from the United States. I thank you for your attention to my outfit for the articles of household furniture, clothes and a carriage. I have already paid twenty eight thousand and have still more to pay. For the greatest part of this I have been obliged to anticipate my salary from which however I shall never be able to repay it. I find that by a rigid economy bordering however on meanness I can save perhaps five hundred livres a month in the summer at least. The residue goes for expences so much of course and of necessity that I cannot avoid them without abandoning all respect to my public character. Yet I will pray you to touch this string which I know to be a tender one with Congress with the utmost delicacy. I had rather be ruined in my fortune than in their esteem. If they allow me half a year's salary as an outfit I can get thro my debts in time. If they raise the salary to what it was or even pay our house rent and taxes I can live with more decency. I trust that Mr. Adams's house at the Hague and Doctor Franklin's at Passy the rent of which has been always paid will give just expectations of the same allowance to me. Mr. Jay however did not charge it but he lived economically and laid up money. I will take the liberty of hazarding to you some thoughts on the policy of entering into treaties with the European nations, and the nature of them. I am not wedded to these ideas, and therefore shall relinquish them chearfully when Congress shall adopt others, and zealously endeavor to carry theirs into effect. First as to the policy of making treaties. Congress, by the Confederation have no original and inherent power over the commerce of the states. But by the 9th article they are authorised to enter into treaties of commerce. The moment these treaties are concluded the jurisdiction of Congress over the commerce of the states springs into existence, and that of the particular states is superseded so far as the articles of the treaty may have taken up the subject. There are two restrictions only on the exercise of the powers of treaty by Congress. 1st. That they shall not by such treaty restrain the legislatures of the state from imposing such duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to: 2dly. nor from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any particular species of goods. Leaving these two points free, Congress may be treaty establish any system of commerce they please. But, as I before observed, it is by treaty alone they can do it. Tho' they may exercise their other powers by resolution or ordinance, those over commerce can only be exercised by forming a treaty and this probably by an accidental wording of our confederation. If therefore it is better for the states that Congress should regulate their commerce, it is proper that they should form treaties with all nations with whom we may possibly trade. You see that my primary object in the formation of treaties is to take the commerce of the states out of the hands of the states, and to place it under the superintendance of Congress, so far as the imperfect provisions of our constitution will admit, and until the states shall by new compact make them more perfect. I would say then to every nation on earth, by treaty, your people shall trade freely with us, and ours with you, paying no more than the most favoured nation, in order to put an end to the right of individual states acting by fits and starts to interrupt our commerce or to embroil us with any nation. As to the terms of these treaties, the question becomes more difficult. I will mention three different plans. 1. That no duties shall be aid by either party on the productions of the other. 1. That each may be permitted to equalize their duties to those laid by the other. 2. that each may be permitted to equalise their duties to those laid by the other. 3. that each shall pay in the ports of the other such duties only as the most favoured nations pay. 1. Were the nations of Europe as free and unembarrassed of established system as we are, I do verily believe they would concur with us in the first plan. But it is impossible. These establishments are fixed upon them, they are interwoven with the body of their laws and the organisation of their government, & they make a great part of their revenue; they cannot then get rid of them. 2. The plan of equal imposts presents difficulties insurmountable. For how are the equal imposts to be effected? Is it by laying in the ports of A an equal percent on the goods of B. with that which B has laid in his ports on the goods of A? But how are we to find what is that percent? For this is not the usual form of imposts. They generally pay by the ton, by the measure, by the weight, and not by the value. Besides if A sends a million's worth of goods to B and takes back but the half of that, and each pays the same percent, it is evident that A pays the double of what he recovers in the same way with B. This would be our case with Spain. Shall we endeavour to effect equality then by saying A may levy so much on the sum of b's importations into his ports, as B does on the sum of A's importations into the ports of B? But how find out that sum? Will either party lay open their customhouse books candidly to evince this sum? Does either keep their books so exactly as to trouble to do It? This proposition was started in Congress when our instructions were formed, as you may remember, and the impossibility of executing it occasioned it to be disapproved. Besides who should have a right of deciding when the imposts were equal. A would say to B my imposts do not raise so much as yours; I raise them therefore. B would then say you have made them greater than mine. I will raise mine, and thus a kind of auction would be carried on between them, and a mutual irritation, which would end in any thing sooner than equality, and right. 3. I confess then to you that I see no alternative left but that which Congress adopted, of each party placing the other on the footing of the most favoured nation. If the nations of Europe from their actual establishments are not at liberty to say to America that she shall trade in their ports duty free, they may say she may trade there paying no higher duties than the most favoured nation and this is valuable in many of these countries where a very great difference is made between different countries. There is no difficulty in the execution of this contract, because there is not a merchant who does not know, or may not know, the duty paid by every nation on every article. This stipulation leaves each party at liberty to regulate .their own commerce by general rules; while it secures the other from partial and oppressive discriminations. The difficulty which arises in our case is, with the nations having American territory. Access to the West Indies is indispensably necessary to us. Yet how to gain it when it is the established system of these nations to exclude all foreigners from their colonies. The only chance seems to be this. Our commerce to the mother countries is valuable to them. We must endeavor then to make this the price of an admission into their West Indies, and to those who refuse the admission we must refuse our commerce or load theirs by odious discriminations in our ports. We have this circumstance in our favor too that what one grants us in their islands the others will not find it worth their while to refuse. The misfortune is that with this country we gave this price for their aid in the war, and we have no nothing more to offer. She being withdrawn from the competition leave Gr. Britain much more at liberty to hold out against us. This is the difficult part of the business of treaty, and I own it does not hold out the most flattering prospect. I wish you would consider this subject and write me your thoughts on it. Mr.. Gherry wrote me on the same subject. Will you give me leave to impose on you the trouble of communicating this to him? It is long, and will save me much labour in copying. I hope he will be so indulgent as to consider it as an answer to that part of his letter, and will give me his further thoughts on it.
Shall I send you so much of the Encyclopedie as is already published or reserve it here till you come? It is about 40 vols. , which probably is about half the work. Give yourself no uneasiness about the money. Perhaps I may find it convenient to ask you to pay trifles occasionally for me in America. I sincerely wish you may find it convenient to come here. The pleasure of the trip will be less than you expect but the utility greater. It will make you adore your own country, it's soil, it's climate, it's equality, liberty, laws, people and manners. My god! How little do my countrymen know what precious blessings they are in possession of, and which no other people on earth enjoy. I confess I had no idea of it myself. While we shall see multiplied instances of Europeans going to live in America, I will venture to say no man now living will ever see an instance of an American removing to settle in Europe and continuing there. Come then and see the proofs of this, and on your return add your testimony to that of every thinking American, in order to satisfy or countrymen how much it is their interest to preserve uninfected by contagion those peculiarities in their government and manners to which they are indebted for these blessing. Adieu my dear friend. Present me affectionately to your collegues. If any of them think me worth writing to, they may be assured that in the epistolary account I will keep the debit side against them. Once more Adieu.
June 19.
Sincere writing the above we receive the following account. Monsr. Pilatre de Rosieres, who has been waiting some months a Boulogne for a fair wind to cross the channel, at length took his ascent with a companion. The wind changed after a while and brought him back on the French coast. Being at a height of about 6000 feet, some accident happened to his baloon of inflammable air, it burst, they fell from that height, and were crushed to atoms. There was a Montgolfier combined with the ballon of inflammable air. . It is suspected the heat of the Montgolfier rarified too much the inflammable air of the other and occasioned it to burst. The Montgolfier came down in good order.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in code by Jefferson.
Paris July 5. 1785.
Dear Sir
I wrote you by Mr. Adams May 11 and by Mr. Otto June 17. The latter acknoleged the receipt of yours of Apr. 12 which is the only one to come to hand of later date than Dec. 14. Little new has occurred since my last. Peace seems to shew herself under a more decided form. The emperor is now on a journey to Italy, and the two Dutch plenipotentiaries are set out for Vienna there to make an apology for their state having dared to fire a gun in defence of their invaded rights. This is insisted on as a preliminary condition. The emperor seems to prefer the gory of terror to that of justice, and to satisfy this tinsel passion plants a dagger in the heart of every Dutchman which no time will extract. I enquired lately of a gentleman who lived long at Constantinople in a public character and enjoyed the confidence of that government insomuch as to become well acquainted with it's spirit and it's powers, what he thought might be the issue of the present affairs between the emperor and porte. He thinks the latter will not push matters to a war, and that if they do they must fail under it. They have lost their warlike spirit, and their troops cannot be induced to adopt the European arms. We have no news yet of Mr. Lambe. Of course our Barbary proceedings are still at a stand. This will be handed you by Mr. Franklin. He has a separate letter of introduction to you. I have never been with him enough to unravel his character with certainty. It seems to be good in the main. I see sometimes an attempt to keep himself unpenetrated which perhaps is the effect of the cause-lessons of his grandfather. His understanding is good enough for common uses but not great enough for uncommon ones. However you will have better opportunities of knowing him. The doctor is extremely wounded by the inattention of a congress to his applications for him. He expected something to be done as a reward for his own services. He will preserve a determined silence on this subject in future. Adieu. Your's affectionately.
P.S. Europe fixes an attentive eye on your reception of Doctr. Franklin. He is infinitely esteemed. Do not neglect any marks of your approbation which you think just or proper. It will honour here.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in code by Jefferson.
New York July 15. 1785.
Dear Sir
By Mr. and Mrs. Macauly Graham I have the pleasure to transmit this. They intend immediately for the south of France and as from yours in March I had reason to suspect you intended thither I have suggested to them the probability of their meeting you in that quarter. This lady is the author of the history under her name. She hath been on a visit to Mount Vernon, hath been well receiv'd by Genl Washington and returns to Europe under the most favorable impressions of him. If you should not be in the south of France as Mr. Graham intends visiting Paris I have thought proper to inclose you by him the journals publish'd since the departure of Mr. Mazzai. The report respecting the treaty with the western indians hath been adopted, except in the change of the place at which it will be held, being the mouth of the Big Miami or the falls of the Ohio, instead of Post Vincent, and the article respecting the people of the Kaskaskias and neighboring villages, which altho' first adopted was afterwards repeald, from an apprehension it would create too great an expence. The report proposing a change in the first paragraph of the 9th of the articles of confederation hath been before Congress in a committee of the whole for two days past. The house are to take it up again on Monday in the same manner. It hath been fully discuss'd and in my opinion the reasons in favor of it are conclusive. The opposition however is respectable in point of numbers as well as talents, in one or two instances. From our State you will readily conjecture the sentiments of one, Hardy, is for it. Grayson doubtful but I think rather in favor of it. Some gentlemen have inveterate prejudices against all attempts to increase the powers of Congress, others see the necessity but fear the consequences . It is propos'd by the latter and former classes that Congress form and recommend a navigation act to the states, to continue in form for a limited time. What will or will not be done ultimately in this business is uncertain. The report upon the instructions hath been before Congress, and is referr'd to the consideration of some day next week. It will most probably be adopted. I have it in contemplation after a few weeks to sit out for the Ohio to attend the treaty above mention'd. This will complete my tour thro' the western country. I hope you have recovered your health. Short also is I hope in good health and Miss Patsy. I am sorry to request you to inform Mr. Mazzai that I have heard nothing from those he left in pursuit of the money he lost. I fear it hath not been found. I am with great respect and esteem yr. friend & servant, Jas. Monroe
P.S. Don diego de Gardoqui hath been present to Congress. He produc'd a letter from the King with full powers to treat upon the subjects arising between us, yet his stile is Encarjado de negotios. We have had some difficulty in regulating the etiquette respecting him, whether to consider him as a minster or Encarjado de Negotios, or chargé des affaires, and to avoid giving offence we have us'd the terms us'd by his master. We hope it will have the desir'd effect. A letter from the King with full powers I should suppose constituted the minister to be the term or stile what it may.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
New York August 15th. 1785.
Dear Sir
I have had the pleasure to receive yours by Mr. Adams with the cypher accompanying it & am happy to hear of the recovery of your health. I have only fail'd writing you by two of the packets the first of which sail'd before I had been advis'd she wod. & the 2d while I was ill of a pleurisy wh. I caught by walking in the rain to Congress & had like to have given me my final repose. Colo. Smith, Mazzei & Mrs. Macaulay Graham have since carried my letters to you, or rather took charge of them for that purpose. In those letters I gave you full information of the previous transactions in Congress as well as of the important business still before us. It therefore now remains to give you the progress since that time. The report proposing to invest Congress with the power to regulate commerce hath been twice before Congress in committee of the whole. It met with no opponant except the president. By this I do not mean that there were no others oppos'd to it, for the contrary is the case. They however said but little or rather committed their side of the question to his care. In favor of it there were but few speakers also. The committee came to no conclusion but desir'd leave to sit again. A second plan hath been propos'd, a navign. Act digested here & recommended to the states. This hath not been presented but probably will be. One wod. expect in a particular quarter of the Union perfect concert in this business. Yet this is not altogether the case. The 2d plan above allud'd to takes its origin with McHenry. The Eastern people wish something more lasting & will of course in the first instance not agree to it. They must therefore come in with that propos'd in the report. You will ask me why they hesitate? To be candid I believe it arises from the real magnitude of the subject, for I have the most confidential communications with them & am satisfied they act ingenuously. They fear the consequences may possibly result from it. The longer it is delay'd the more certain is its passage thro' the several States ultimately. Their minds will be better inform'd by evidences within their views of the necessity of committing the power to Congress, for the commerce of the united states is daily declining; the merchants of this town own I am told not more than two ships. I wish much to hear from you upon this subject. I expect it will be brought on again shortly, if for the purpose only of committing it to the journals, it may then be delay'd for some time until we may obtain full information on it. The report changing the instructions for forming commercial treaties will I believe be adopted. It changes the principle & puts an end to that of the right of the most favor'd nation. The policy of forming a treaty with powers not having possessions in the U.S. is doubted. Since from them we can obtain as much without as with a treaty, and such treaties whether upon that or any other principle in effecting the main object we have in view, the opening the islands by treaty with those who have them, may embarrass us. This is conceiv'd to be the only end wh. can be obtain'd upon principles of expedience to us by treaty. Of course that with Sweden &c is unfortunate. Mr. Adams seems to suppose the principal object in his mission to the court of London was the formation of a treaty; but the contrary was certainly the case: it was merely to conciliate & prevent a variance wh. seem'd to threaten at that time. He might however readily make this mistake under the present instructions. A treaty is not expected & I am satisfied the majority here wish al propositions on that head to cease, at least for the present, and untill our restrictions on their commerce have effected a different disposition. Mr. Jay is authorised to treat with Mr. Gardoqui upon the subjects arising between the two parties. He is to lay every proposition before Congress before he enters into any engagement with him. As yet we have heard nothing from him. The Consulate convention lately formed with France is universally d isapproved. It was formed under instructions but in the opinion of the secretary of foreign affairs hath been deviated from. I have not had time to examine it attentively so cannot decide as to this fact. I shall sit out on the first of Sepr. for the Indian treaty on the Ohio & return thence thro' Virga. & provided I shall be continued in Congress, to this place. I shall however attend the federal court for the trial of the controversy between Massachusetts & New York in Novr. So that I doubt whether I shall reach this before Decr. or Jany. next. The requisition will pass I expect this week & most of the important business remaining in a train for decision or be postpond for the winter. I have however no expectation that Congress will adjourn for the present year. I intended to have given you something of domestic news but am inform'd the mail is just closing. By this however, do not suppose that I have any thing worthy communication for the contrary is the case. I shod. be forc'd to look about me to find out anything you wod. have patience to read. A. Lee is elected in the Bd. of Treasury-we were under the necessity of having some one from the State & advocated his appointment. How is Miss Patsy? How is Short? How are they pleas'd with France? I must observe that Congress seem to expect the court of France will send a Minister here. To visit you wod. give me infinite pleasure. Whether I shall be able or not depends on circumstances. If I do it will be in the Spring after Congress adjourn or at least the most importt. Business is finish'd. I send you the journals and am dear Sir yr. affectionate friend & servt,
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics written in cipher by Monroe.
New York August 25th. 1785.
Dear Sir
Since my last nothing very material hath taken place here. I leave this merely to inform you of my departure hence for the Indian treaty on the Ohio wh. will be in abt. two hours. The two commercial p ropositions are as they were. Although Congress will, I believe, not adjourn yet I apprehend the business of consequence will be postpon'd for the present, perhaps till the winter. There is but a thin represn. of the States & of course not the ability if the inclination to act on these subjects. I intend to take within my view the country lying between Lake Erie & the Ohio, & the Potowmack or Jas. River, as it may suit me to return by the northern or southern part of the State. I pass thro' Lancaster & Carlisle at the latter of wh. posts I join Genl. Butler. The people of Kentucky intend I hear to petition the legislature for a separation. I must confess, I am one of those who doubt the policy of this measure (for I make no doubt it will be granted) either upon State or Federal principles. My opinion is we cod. so model our regulations as to accommodate our g overnment to their convenience, and unquestionably the more we diminish the State, the less consequence she will have in the Union. On the part of the Union or rather the States upon the Atlantic, it is, in my opinion, their policy to keep a prevailing influence upon the Ohio, or to the westward. What unites us to them, or rather them to us when the Missispi shall be open, remov'd at a distance from whatever may effect us beyond the water they will necessarily be but little interested in whatever respects us; beside they will outnumber us in Congress unless we can fix their numbers as much as possible. In my opinion this matter shod. be well investigated before any measure is hastily adopted. I direct your letters to be forwarded to me to Fredericksburg. So soon as I return to the settled country I shall advise you of it & am your affectionate friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
Paris Aug. 28. 1785.
Dear Sir
I wrote you on the 5th of July by Mr. Franklin &on the 12th of the same month by Monsr. Houdon. Since that date yours of June 16 by Mr. Mazzei is received. Every thing looks like peace here. The settlement between the Emperor & the Dutch is not yet published, but it is believed to be agreed. Nothing is done as yet between him & the Porte. He is much wounded by the Confederation of several of the Germanic body at the head of which is the king of Prussia, & to which the king of England as elector of Hanover is believed to accede. The object is to preserve the constitution of that empire. It shews that these princes entertain serious jealousies of the ambition of the emperor, and this will very much endanger the election of his nephew as king of the Romans. A late arret of this court against the admission of British manufactures produces a great sensation in England. I wish it may produce a disposition there to receive our commerce in all their dominions on advantageous terms. This is the only balm which can heal the wounds that has received. It is but too true that that country furnished markets for three fourths of the exports of the eight northernmost states, a truth not proper to be spoken of, but which should influence our proceedings with them. How that negociation advances you are probably better informed than I am. The infidelity of the post offices rendering the communication between Mr. Adams and myself difficult, the improvement of our commerce with France will be advanced more by negociations at Saint James' than at Versailles.
The July French packet being arrived without bringing any news of Mr. Lambe, if the English one of the same month be also arrived without news of him, I expect Mr. Adams will concur with me in sending some other person to treat with the Barbary states. Mr. Barclay is willing to go, & I have proposed him to Mr. Adams but have not yet received his answer. The peace expected between Spain & Algiers will probably not take place. It is said the former was to have given a million of dollars. Would it not be prudent to send a minister to Portugal? Our commerce with that country is very important, perhaps more so than with any other country in Europe. It is possible too that they might permit our whaling vessels to refresh in Brazil or give some other indulgencies in America. The lethargic character of their ambassador here gives a very unhopeful aspect to a treaty on this ground. I lately spoke with him on the subject and he has promised to interest himself in obtaining an answer from his court.
I have waited to see what was the pleasure of Congress as to the secretaryship of my office here; that is, to see whether they proposed to appoint a secretary of legation, or leave me to appoint a private secretary. Colo. Humphrey's occupation in the dispatches & records of the matters which relate to the general commissions does not afford him leisure to aid me in my office, were I entitled to ask that, and, in the mean time the lengthy papers which often accompany the communications between the ministers here & myself, & the other business of the office absolutely require a scribe. I shall therefore on Mr. Short's return from the Hague appoint him my private secretary till Congress shall think proper to signify their pleasure. The salary allowed Mr. Franklin in the same office was 1000 Dollars a year. I shall presume that Mr. Short may draw the same allowance from the funds of the U.S. here. As soon as I shall have made this appointment I shall give official notice of it to Mr. Jay, that Congress may, if they disapprove of it, say so.
I am much pleased with your land ordinance, & think it improved from the first in the most material circumstances. I had mistaken the object of the division of the lands among the states. I am sanguine in my expectations of lessening our debts by this fund, and have expressed my expectations to the minister & others here. I see by the public papers you have adopted the dollar as your money unit. In the arrangement of coins I had proposed, I ought to have inserted a gold coin of 5 dollars, which being with 2/ of the value of a guinea will be very convenient. The English papers so incessantly repeating their lies about the tumults, the anarchy, the bankruptcies & distresses of America, these ideas prevail very generally in Europe. At a large table where I dined the other day, a gentlemen from Switzerland expressed his apprehensions for the fate of Doctr. Franklin as he said he had been informed he would be received with stones by the people who were generally dissatisfied with the revolution & incensed against all those who had assisted in bringing it about. I told him his apprehensions were just, & that the people of America would probably salute Dr. Franklin with the same stones they had thrown at the Marquis Fayette. The reception of the Doctor is an object of very general attention, and will weigh in Europe as an evidence of the satisfaction or dissatisfaction of America with their revolution. As you are to be in Williamsburgh early in November, this is the last letter I shall write you till about that time; I am with very sincere esteem Dr. Sir Your friend & servt., ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in code by Jefferson.
Paris Dec. 11. 1785
Dear Sir
I wrote you by the Mr. Fitzhughs on the 28th of August and since that have received yours of Aug. 15 & 25. This intermission on my part has been owing to your information that you would not return to Congress till about Christmas: to which must be added the want of opportunity since the derangement of the French packets. Be so good as to inform Mr. Jay that the last is the cause he has not heard from me since the Mr. Fitzhughs went, as my dispatches are of a nature not to admit their passing thro' a gentleman going to London, & who calls on me this instant, so that I must be short.
The treaty between the Emperor & Dutch is signed. Another between the latter & France is also settled. This is fatal to Engld. in case of a war with France. It is called indeed only a defensive treaty. Yet all the world sees that by the guarantee reciprocally made of all this possessions in every part of the world, & that if the force stipulated to be lent shall not suffice each will aid the other with their whole force, these two powers have it in contemplation to make common cause in every event. France & England agree to keep an equal naval force in the East Indies. But in case of a war, France can in the instant avail herself of the Dutch force in that quarter & demolish the English at once. We believe here that the court of London made great offers to the Dutch to prevent this treaty; to wit, to pay the ten millions of florins to give them Negapatnam & to relax their navigation act in favor of the Dutch. The communication of the English minister to the States general would be stupid if we did not suppose something to have preceded it which has not been published. Perhaps that infatuated court may be awakened by this to a fear that we also may be led into a similar connection by an adequate price; and that a free admission into the French W. Indies would be an adequate price. How goes on the disposition to confer the regulation of our commerce on Congress? On this side the Atlantic we are viewed as objects of commerce only, and as little to be relied on even for this purpose while it's regulation is so disjointed. There being nothing of moment here to communicate, and the gentleman called for my letter, I shall only add assurances of the esteem. With which I am Dear Sir Your sincere friend & servt., Th. Jefferson
[P.S.] Pray send the inclosed letter in as safe a way as you can, as it is of a very interesting nature to me.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
New York, Jany. 19, 1786.
Dear Sir
My last advis'd you of my departure hence on the 24th of August last for the westwd. With the intention to take a view of the Indian treaty to be held at the mouth of the big Miami, and of the country lying between lake Erie, and the head waters of the James or Potomk, rivers, with those wh. empty from either side into the Ohio. Thence to attend the federal court on the 15th of Novr. At Wmsburg, but the danger from the Indians made in imprudent for me to pass the river, and the delay at fort Pitt, and upon the Ohio, the water being low, consum'd so much of the time alloted for this excursion, that I was forc'd to leave the Commissrs. at limestone and take my course directly thro' the Kentucky settlements & the wilderness to Richmond, so that I was neither gratified with a view of the treaty, or to such a degree with that of the country as I had propos'd. I arrived at Richmond on the 14th of Novr. & found there letters for me from agents of the two States with advice that the session of the ct. had been deferr'd. I therefore prepar'd as soon as possible to sit out for this place & arriv'd on the 18 of Decr. I found in Virginia & in this town letters from your of 17 of June, the 5 & 12 of July, & have had the pleasure to receive that addressed by Mr. franklin of the 4th from himself. He was here a few days since upon some private business & was so kind as to favor me frequently with his company. I have also been much pleas'd with an acquaintance with Mr. Otto. He hath made an impression here very flattering to himself & favorable to the idea you entertain of him. It hath been matter of great surprise & concern here that the dispatches respecting the barbary powers shod. have been so long in reaching you. This Mr. Lambe was presented to some of the gentlemen in Congress, by the late president Huntington. At that time it was propos'd, & for wh. purpose a report was brought in to carry on these treaties immediately from the U.S. & to appoint the persons & despatch them hence to fit out the Alliance, load her with naval stores & present her to the Emperor. By this procedure it was presum'd we might, by telling these Powers that we ere as yet unacquainted with them or their wants, succeed better than even under the mediation of France. And the secretary of foreign affairs having reported that this man was fit for the negotiation the comrs. advised that he be employed, but it was rejected. We have since heard that he was from his station in life & probable talents, by no means worthy such a trust. We have lately heard from Mr. Adams that Mr. Barclay with Frankes are sent to the Emperor & that Mr. Lambe & a Mr. Randall to Algiers. These pirates have already made a great impression upon our trade and unless these negocens. Prove successful will materially injure it. I am happy to receive yr. sentiments upon the subject of commercial t reaties & will with pleasure communicate mine to you more fully than I heretofore have done. With great propriety you have in the first instance taken up with reference to the powers of Congress, for upon those does the whole depend, and I intirely agree with you that they have no original inherent jurisdiction over the commerce of the states, and that it commences & can be exercis'd only by treaties with other nations; how then will this circumstance affect us? When we propose to them to form treaties they will enquire do we labor under any inconveniences wh. thereby we can remove; they will examine their situation in our ports to ascertain whether treaties can obtain, fairer or more equal terms to them, are these temporary or so founded in the nature of their government that they will be perpetual? If then it shall appear that we can give them nothing they do not at present enjoy, and that we cannot deprive them of these advantages, I think it will follow they will lay themselves under no restriction it wod. not otherwise be their interest to do. To obtain reciprocal advantage then cannot possibly be the object with other powers in treating with us, for more than this they now possess. But nations are often benefited as much by obtaining restrictions upon others in the ports of a particular one which do not apply to themselves, as by particular stipulations in their own favor. As upon this principle treaties are some times form'd as was the case in that between Britain & Portugal. How stand the powers of the Union and how their interests with respect to a treaty of this kind? For instance can they stipulate with France that British goods shall pay ten per cent higher duties here than those of France in consideration for a free trade with her islands. This certainly does not come within the provisos contain'd in the Confedn. And is of course within the powers of Congress nor have I any doubt of its expedience, if it cod. be obtain'd. Treaties of this kind wod. be more favorable to us and successful, as to the particular objects it might seek, than an entire prohibition of commerce with the powers with whom we have none. By seeking this power it wod. seem as if we were satisfied with our situation with those with whom we have treaties that those with whome we have not were culprit nations & that we wod. exercise it immediately on them. If then we are dissatisfied with our treaties with France & the Netherlands this right of prohibition can never avail us with respect to them. And it its exercise upon other powers it may give a dangerous shock to our c ommerce & a monopoly of it to other powers. And if holding the power we proceeded wisely with it & endeavor'd to turn it to the best acct. we cod. and to make it a condition with France that we wod. put it in force against her for such or such other considerations, yet cod. we not obtain the same ends for less expence; for instance for the imposition of ten per cent upon her commerce. Every expedient is unquestionably inferior to the complete & absolute controul over commerce in the hands of the U.S. But this plan of a treaty appears to me to be a better succedaneum for the defect than any other I have heard, since it creates the restriction we wd. wish to effect upon the offending nation and brings us at the same time upon the ocean as a commercial people. They might be of short duration. Those treaties wh. stipulate to each other the rights of the most favoured nation obtain none of these ends and appear to me to fetter us as to the powers with whom they are made. It fetters us as to the imposition of higher duties on them than we impose on others or subjects us to a variance, while it admits on their part of a constant deviation from the spirit of the treaty by the explication wh. it authorizes them to make of the compensation. Nothing hath been done on this subject since my last. In my next I may add something further on it. The commission will expire soon but as an other may be given or instructions form'd respecting it. I beg you to give me further yr. sentiments on it. My several routs westwd. With the knowledge of the country I have thereby obtain'd, have impress'd me fully with a conviction of the impolicy of our measures respecting it. I speak not in this instance of the ordinance for the survey and disposal of it., but of those wh. became necessary & were founded upon the act of cession from the State of Virga. I am clearly of opinion that to many of the most important objects of a federal government their interests, if not oppos'd will be but little connected with outs'; instead of weakening theirs & making it subservient to our purposes we have given it all the possible strength we cod. weaken it we might also and at the same time ( I mean reducing the number of the States) render them substantial service. A great part of the territory is miserably poor, especially that near lakes Michigan & Erie & that upon the Mississippi & the Illinois consists of extensive plains wh. have not had from appearances & will not have a single bush on them, for ages. The districts therefore within wh. these fall will perhaps never contain a sufficient number of Inhabitants to entitle them to membership in the confederacy, and in the mean time, the people who may settle within them will be govd. by the resolutions of Congress in wh. they will not be represented. In many instances I observ'd above, their interests will be oppos'd to ours. I will mention one wh. arises from their relative situation to other powers. Their eastern frontiers will be covd. from the nations of Europe by the 13 old States, & I may say that their Northern & Southern, also will, for no power will march an army to attack them by the Mississippi or St. Lawrence without making a powerful impression on these States at the same time, or indeed after subduing them; In all questions in wh. we were parties, the attack wod. be on us; upon us therefore wod. the burden & event of the contest depend, & we must be parties in all cases while they are of the Confederacy. The tendency wh. at present prevails for a dismemberment of the old States not only increases their strength but will also add to the diversity of interest. At the instance of which of the states hath the right to the navigation of the Mississippi been carried thus far, and if you lop off the western parts of those states by whom it was brought about will you not necessarily withdraw them from that pursuit? Whatever shall be done or attempted on this subject I will transmit you. The subject of the mint was taken up last summer & determin'd that the unit shod. be a dolr. It was afterwards postpon'd. It will be taken up agn. so soon as we have 9 or ten States (for at present we have but 7). The proposition for recommending it to the states to vest the U. S. to regulate their trade is still before Congress. What will be its fate is incertain.. Accept my acknowledgements for yr. book wh. I have read with great pleasure & improvement & be assur'd I will keep it as private as you might wish, until you shall consent to its publication wh. I hope will be the case. I shod. suppose the observations you have made on the subject you allude to wd. have a very favorable effect, since no consideration wd. induce them but a love for the rights of man & for your country. Whether I shall be able to visit you is still doubtful. My dependence is almost altogether on the bar-by my late absence I have left the door open to others, the sooner I therefore return to it the better is will be for me. I feel myself returning to the same train of thoughts upon this subject as when I had finish'd my studies. I am thinking of settling at Richmond, building an house, &c. Will you be so kind as transmit me a plan-suppose the house when finish'd to cost 3 or 4000 dolrs. ( a part to be finish'd only at first). I shall I believe commence it as soon as I receive it. Be assur'd I will attend to those circumstances wh. you mention of a private nature so soon as we shall have a sufficient number of States to do it with effect. This must be shortly. If I shall have time before the packet sails, I shall write mr. Short, if however I shod. fail you will make my apology. Of the death of our worthy friend Mr. Hardy you have heard. He had been indisposed of a bilious complaint wh. had been badly cur'd & weaken'd thereby his system to such a degree as to have fail'd under the fatigue of a ride to Kings bridge. A vein broke or some vessel within him-wh. ultimately carried him off. His loss to me is considerable not only as a person with whom I shod. been happy to have liv'd in intimacy hereafter, but in the delegation, more especially as I am unacquainted with those added to it, Colo. Carrington & Henry Lee of the horse. Mr. Gerry is lately married to a Miss Thomson of this city-a polite and amiable woman abt. 22 years of age. I am with my best wishes for yr. health & happiness yr. affectionate friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
Paris Jan. 27. 1786.
Dear Sir
I wrote you on the 11th of December, and on the 11th of this month I received your favor of July 15 entrusted to Mrs. McCaulay Graham. I do not know from what place she sent it. The last papers from America present us a very disagreeable altercation between Mr. Jay and a young man from whom he had deserved better things. Mr. Carmichael will I fear too think himself involved. With him I am unacquainted personally; but he stands on advantageous ground in the opinion of Europe, and most especially in Spain. Every person whom I see from there speaks of him with great esteem. I mention this for your private satisfaction, as he seemed to be little known in Congress. Mr. Jay however knows him well, and, notwithstanding their little brouillerie, his candour will do him justice. Dumas is a great favorite both of Holland and France. You will be sensible of this from the Ct. de Vergennes. Mr. Van Berkel had sollicited for him before I came from America. This is a delicate matter, and the more so as I believe Congress had set the example by a letter to the king last year. True there is no comparison between the characters sollicited for. The death of Mr. Hardy was matter of sincere concern to us. He had excellent virtues, and only one foible, that of being too good-humoured. This intelligence was written to me from London by Colo. Humphreys who went there in November last. There being nothing going on here under the commissioners to which he is Secretary, and some little matter there he will probably stay there some while yet, or perhaps divide his time between that place and this. I send by this packet drawings for the Capitol and prison at Richmond. They are addressed to the Directors of the public buildings. If you have a curiosity to see them, open the round package which goes herewith, only being so good as to do them up again in the same way and send them off by the first post. I think they will be a gratification to yourself and such members as like things of that kind. You see by my writing to you of American persons and things that I have nothing for you from this quarter. Europe enjoys the most perfect repose, and will do so at least for another year. I have been in expectation of receiving instructions from you as to your Encyclopedie, but none being come I will endeavor to send it to you by this conveiance, if it can be got to l'Orient in time for the packet. The re-establishment of these vessels is still doubtful; and till they be re-established my correspondence will be very irregular. I have only to add assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am Dear Sir, Your friend & servant, Th. Jefferson
P.S. If I should be able to send on your copy of the Encyclopedie, it will be accompanied by one for Dr. Currie, which I will pray you to forward to Richmond by land or water as you see best.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Paris May 10. 1786.
Dear Sir
My last to you was of Jan. 27. Since that I have received yours of Jan. 19. Information from other quarters gives me reason to suspect you have in negotiation a very important change in your situation. You will carry into the execution all my wishes for your happiness. I hope it will not detach you from a settlement in your own country. I had even entertained hopes of your settling in my neighborhood; but these were determined by your desiring a plan of a house for Richmond. However reluctantly I relinquish this prospect, I shall not the less readily obey your commands by sending you a plan. Having been much engaged since my return from England in answering the letters and dispatching other business which had accumulated during my absence, and being still much engaged, perhaps I may not be able to send the plan by this conveyance. If I do not send it now, I will surely by the first conveiance, after this. Your Encyclopedie, containing 18 livraisons, went off last night for Havre, from whence it will go in a vessel bound to N. York. It will be under the care of M. la Croix a passenger, who, if he does not find you in N. York, will carry it to Virginia and send it to Richmond. Another copy, in a separate box, goes for Currie. I pay here all charges to N. York. What may occur afterwards I desire him to ask either of you or Currie, as either will pay for the other, or to draw on me for them.
My letters to Mr. Jay will have informed you of the objects which carried me to England; and that the principal one, the treaty with Portugal has been accomplished. Tho' we were unable to procure any special advantages in that, yet we thought it of consequence to ensure our trade against those particular checks and discouragements which it has heretofore met with there. The information as to the Barbary states, which we obtained from Abdrahman the Tripolene Ambassador was also given to Mr. Jay. If it be right, the scale of proportion between those nations which we had settled be also right, eight times the sum required by Tripoli will be necessary to accomplish a peace with the whole, that is to say about two hundred and fifty thousand guineas. The continuance of this peace will depend on their idea of our power to enforce it, and on the life of the particular Dey or other head of the government with whom it is contracted. Congress will no doubt weigh these circumstances against the expence and probable success of compelling a peace by arms. Count d'Estaing having communicated to me verbally some information as to an experiment formerly made by this country, I shall get him to put it into writing and I will forward it to Congress, as it may aid them in their choice of measures. According to this, a force, which after the first outfit, might cost about three thousand guineas a month sufficed in a short time. However which plan is most eligible can only be known to yourselves who are on the spot and have under your view all the difficulties of both. There is a third measure that of abandoning the Mediterranean carriage to other nations. With respect to England, no arrangements can be taken. The merchants were certainly disposed to have consented to accomodation as to the article of debts. I was not certain when I left England that they would relinquish the interest during the war. A letter received since from the first character among the American merchants in Scotland satisfies me they would have relinquished it to ensure the capital and residue of interest. Would to heaven all the states therefore would settle a uniform plan. To open the courts to them so that they might obtain judgments, to divide the executions into so many equal annual instalments as that the last might be paid in the year 1790, to have the paiments in actual money, and to include the capital and interest preceding and subsequent to the war, would give satisfaction to the world, and to the merchants in general. Since it is left for each nation to pursue their own measures in the execution of the late treaty, may not Congress with propriety recommend a mode of executing that article respecting the debts, and send it to each state to be passed into law. Whether England gives up the posts or not, these debts must be paid, or our character stained with infamy among all nations and to all times. As to the satisfaction for slaves carried off, it is a bagatelle which if not made good before the last instalment becomes due, may be secured out of that. I formerly communicated the overtures for a treaty which had been made by the Imperial Ambassador. The instructions from Congress being in their favor, and Mr. Adams's opinion also, I encouraged them. He expected his full power when I went to England. Yet I did not think, not did Mr. Adams, that this was of importance enough to weigh against the objects of that journey. He received them soon after my departure, and communicated it to me on my return, asking a copy of our propositions. I gave him one, but observed our Commission had then but a few days to run. He desired I would propose to Congress the giving new powers to go on with this, and said that in the mean time he would arrange with us the plan. In a commercial view no great good is to be gained by this, but in a political one it may be expedient. Our national respect needs strengthening in Europe. It will certainly receive reinforcement by our being received into alliance by the second power and what will shortly be the first character in Europe. He is at the head too of the other great European confederacy, and may serve us with all the powers in that scale. As the treaty would of course be in the terms of those of Prussia and Portugal, it will give us but little additional embarrassment in any commercial regulations we may wish to establish. The exceptions from these which the other Treaties will require, may take in the treaty with the Emperor. I should be glad to communicate some answer as soon as Congress shall have made up their minds on it. My information to Congress on the subject of our commerciable articles with this country has only come down to Jan. 27. Whether I shall say any thing on it in my letter to Mr. Jay by this conveiance depends on it's not being too early for an appointment I expect hourly from the Count de Vergennes to meet him on this and other subjects. My last information was that the lease was too far advanced to withdraw from it the article of tobacco, but that a clause is inserted in it empowering the king to discontinue it at any time. A discontinuance is therefore the only remaining object, and as even this cannot be effected till the expiration of the old lease, which is about the end of the present year, I have wished only to stir the subject from time to time so as to keep it alive. This idea led me into a measure proposed by the M. de la Fayette whose return from Berlin found the matter in that point to which my former report to Congress has conducted it. I communicated to him what I had been engaged on, what were my prospects, and my purpose of keeping the subject just open. He offered his services with that zeal which commands them on every occasion respecting America. He suggested to me the meeting two or three gentlemen well acquainted with this business. We met. They urged me to propose to the Ct. de Vergennes the appointing a committee to take this matter into consideration. I told them that decency would not permit me to point out to the Ct. de Vergennes the mode by which he should conduct a negotiation, but that I would press again the necessity of an arrangement, if whilst that should be operating on his mind they would suggest the appointment of a committee. The Marquis offered his service for this purpose. The consequence was the appointment of a committee, and the Marquis as a member of it. I communicated to him my papers. He collected other lights wherever he could, and particularly from the gentlemen with whom we had before concerted, and who had a good acquaintance with the subject. The Marquis became our champion in the committee and two of it's members, who were of the corps of Farmers general entered the lists on the other side. Each gave in memorials. The lease indeed was signed while I was gone to England, but the discussions were and still are continued in the Committee from which we derive two advantages. 1. that of shewing that the object is not to be relinquished and 2. to enlighten government as to it's true interest. The Ct. de Vergennes is absolutely for it, bit it is not in his department. Calonnes is his friend, and in this instance his principle seems to be Amica veritas, sed magis amicus Plato. An additional hope is founded in the expectation of a change of the minister of finance. The present one is under the absolute controul of the farmers general. The committee's views have been somewhat different from mine. They despair of a suppression of the farm, and therefore wish to obtain palliatives which would coincide with the particular good of this country. I think that so long as the monopoly in the sale is kept up, it is of no consequence to us how they modify the pill for their own internal relief; but on the contrary the worse it remains, the more necessary it will render a reformation. Any palliative would take from us all those arguments and friends who would be satisfied with accomodation. The Marquis, the differing opinion from me in this point has however adhered to my principle of absolute liberty or nothing. In this condition is the matter at this moment. Whether I say any thing on the subject to Mr. Jay will depend on my interview with Ct. de Vergennes. I doubt whether it will be in time. I therefore state thus much to you, that you may see the matter is not laid aside.
I must beg leave to recommend Colo. Humphreys to your acquaintance and good offices. He is an excellent man, an able one, and in need of some provision. Besides former applications to me in favor of Dumas, the Rhingrave of Salm (the effective minister of the government of Holland, while their two Ambassadoors here are ostensibly and) who is conducting secret arrangements for them with this court, presses his interests on us. It is evident the two governments make a point of it. You ask why do they not provide for him themselves? I am not able to answer the question but by a conjecture that Dumas's particular ambition prefers an appointment from us. I know all the difficulty of this application which Congress has to encounter. I see the reasons against giving him the primary appointment at that court, and the difficulty of his accomodating himself to a subordinate one. Yet I think something mut be done in it to gratify this court, of which we must be always asking favours. In these countries personal favours weigh more than public interest. The minister who has asked a gratification for Dumas has embarked his own feelings and reputation on that demand. I do not think it was discreet by any means. But this reflection might perhaps aggravate a disappointment. I know not really what you can do but yet hope something will be done. Adieu my dear Sir and believe me to be your's affectionately, Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in code by Jefferson.
New York May 11. 1786.
Dear Sir
Since my last I have recd. yours of Decr. 11th & Jany. 27th last. Untill lately we have had so thin a Congress that few acts of consequence have pass'd, a very pointed recommendation to those States who have hitherto declin'd to accede to the recommendns. Respecting a revenue system only excepted. Since R. Island & Georgia have acceded to the impost fully, so that it now depends on New York, who has granted it but under restrictions as to the officers to carry it into effect, & Pena. & Delaware who have limited the operation of that part wh. respects the impost to the adoption of the other or supplementary funds by all the States, having adopted both themselves. I am inclin'd to believe this measure will pass the Union in the course of the year, so as to be carried into operation. We have now 11 States present & a member from the other two-it is expected we shall have the 13 shortly.
The Commissrs. for treating with the Western & Southern Indians have concluded treaties in both instances with the principal tribes & return'd a statement lately of their proceedings to Congress. The object for wh. these commissions was instituted seems to be now fully obtain'd, and as further management of those tribes so as to regulate the trade & keep up a good understanding with them, is to be effected by some permanent arrangement, I apprehend these commissions will be annull'd and such system adopted. The subject is now before a Committee. In my last I mentioned to you that the propriety of the acts of Congress founded on the condition of the acts of cession from the States, fixing the limits of the States westwd. Was question'd-a proposition or rather a report is before Congress recommending it to Virga. & Mass: to revise their Acts as to that condition so as to leave it to the U.S. to make what division of the same future circumstances may make necessary, subject to this proviso, "that the sd. territory be divided into not less than two nor more than five States." The plan of a temporary govt. to be instituted by Congress & preserv'd over such district untill they shall be admitted into Congress is also reported. The outlines are as follows. Congress are to appoint as soon as any of the lands shall be sold, a govr., Council, Judges, secretary to the Council, & some other officrs; the govr. & Council, Judges, secretary to the Council to have certain powers untill they have a certain number of inhabitants, at wh. they are to elect representatives to form a Genl. Assembly, to consist of the Govr. & Council & sd. house of representatives. It is in effect to be a Colonial Govt. similar to that wh. prevail'd in these States previous to the revolution, with remarkable & important difference that when such district shall contain the number of the least numerous of the "13 original States for the time being" they shall be admitted into the confederacy. The most important principles of the Act at Annapolis are you observe preserv'd in this report. It is generally approv'd of but has not yet been taken up. The treaty with Prussia will be shortly ratified & forwarded for exchange. Upon the subject of commerce I have nothing new to give you. The plan of a convention at Annapolis which I believe will be carried into effect, has taken the subject from before Congress. As it originated with our State, we think it our duty to promote its object by all the means in our power. Of its success I must confess I have some hopes. The investigation of the subject will always be of advantage since truth & sound State policy in every instance will urge the commisn. of the power to U.States. You will be surpris'd to hear that I have form'd the most interesting connection in human life, with a young lady in this town, as you know my plan was to visit you before I settled myself. But having form'd an attachment to this young Lady (a Miss Kortright, the daughter of a gent. of respectable character & connections in this State tho' injured in his fortunes by the late war) I have found that I must relinquish all other objects not connected with her. We were married abt. three months since. I remain here untill the fall at wh. time we remove to Fredericksbg. In Virga. where I shall settle for the present in a house prepar'd for my by Mr. Jones to enter into the practice of the law. I intended to have made you a remittance by this packet to replace the money you have advanc'd for the Encyclopedia, but have been unable. I shall not neglect this. We were unfortunate in an imposition at Annapolis-but yrs. I hope ended there-mine has since been increas'd. A young Mr. Grymes in the most imminent distress, prevail'd on me lately to be responsible for his payment of 50£ Virga. currency-he moved off & the payment fell on me. I have since made application to his father in Orange who I hears disowns him & will have nothing to say to his engagements. My friend Short will I hope pardon my not writing him at present-a variety of circumstances have interrupted me for a few days since, so as to put it out of my power. If the packet does not sail tonight I will. I observe that the King of France has issued an edict to encourage his own fisheries. I mention this more for the purpose of suggesting to you that the event has reach'd us circuitously-that this circumstance has been noted here-there are always some who deal in things of this kind and although it was no sooner suggested & that in private than an apology was made for the suggestion , yet I have though proper to bring it to your view. Believe me most sincerely your friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
N. York June 16. 1786.
Dear Sir
Since my last but little hath been done in Congress. We have had generally no more than 7 States present. The only time that 9 were their time was employed upon the subject of the Connecticut cession, which ultimately was accepted; whereby she cedes all the land lying westward of a line to be drawn westward of the Pena. line parallel with the same. Our State voted against it but were in sentiment for it. It is hop'd it will terminate the variance respecting the Wyoming settlement by enabling Connecticut to give the claimants other land in lieu and thereby establish the government of Pena. in the benefit of the decree of Trenton. Other reasons there are which apply to the geographic position of the land & the influence that consideration may have on the councils of Connecticut. We voted against it under the sentiment upon which our State hath always acted of her right to the northwest line from the northern extremity of her charter limits, which we suppos'd should be regarded, even after the right was given to the U.S. by the delegation.
What shall finally be done with Spain respecting the Mississippi becomes an interesting question, and one presd on us for a decision. Gardoqui has been long labouring it's occlusion with Jay. For some time I have been perfectly satisfied the latter required no arguments to bring him into the same sentiment; the proposition is that it be shut for thirty years, in consideration for which Spain will admit us into her ports, upon a footing with her own subjects, we reciprocating. This you may recollect was rejected at Annapolis upon its own merits only. It is however magnified here as a great advantage and equivalent to the consideration required. We are also threatened with the project of a treaty between Spain (in case this fails) and Britain. Yet I cannot comprehend upon what principle it can take effect. Jay stated difficulties in the management of this business with the minister and propos'd without bringing any of these circumstances to view that a committee be appointed with power to controul all circumstances respecting the treaty with a view of evading his instructions and concluding the treaty before they were known. But as they were known to some who had markd the progress of the business each proposition was discuss'd on its own particular merits in the first instance. A committee was appointed to report. Jay attended it. Of this I was a member. To us he could make no communication we did not already know, so that the plan fail'd in not carrying a committee in the first instance for the purpose. This was a fortnight past and as yet we have made no report. I have given circumstantially the state of this business as it has appear'd to me, not on evidence absolutely presumptive only. I intended to have wrote you more fully but am just advis'd the packet will sail immediately. With my sincerest wishes for your health and happiness I am dear Sir yr. friend & servant,
Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] Pray apologize for me to Short. Tell him I will write a letter which shall have retrospect to what I should have said in this and shall also whatever shall intervene
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
Paris July 9. 1786.
Dear Sir
I wrote you last on the 10th of May, since which your favor of May 11 has come to hand. The political world enjoys great quiet here. The King of Prussia is still living, but like the snuff of a candle which sometimes seems out, and then blazes up again. Some think that his death will not produce any immediate effect in Europe. His kingdom, like a machine will go for some time with the winding up he has given it. The King's visit to Cherbourg has made a great sensation in England & here. It proves to the world that it is a serious object to this country, and that the King commits himself for the accomplishment of it. Indeed so many cones have been sunk that no doubt remains of the practicability of it. It will contain, as is said, 80 ships of the line, be one of the best harbours in the world, & by means of two entrances on different sides will admit vessels to come in and go out with every wind. The effect of this in another war with England defies calculation. Having no news to communicate I will recur to the subjects of your letter of May 11.
With respect to the new states were the question to stand simply in this form, How may the ultramontane territory be disposed of so as to produce the greatest & most immediate benefit to the inhabitants of the maritime states of the union? the plan would be more plausible of laying it off into two or three states only. Even on this view however there would still be something to be said against it which might render it at least doubtful. But it is a question which good faith forbids us to receive into discussion. This requires us to state the question in it's just form, How may the territories of the Union be disposed of so as to produce the greatest degree of happiness to their inhabitants? With respect to the Maritime states nothing, or little remains to be done. With respect then to the Ultramontane states, will their inhabitants be happiest divided into states of 30,000 square miles, not quite as large as Pennsylvania, or into states of 160,000 square miles each, that is, to say three times as large as Virginia within the Alleghaney? They will not only be happier in states of a moderate size, but it is the only way in which they can exist as a regular society. Considering the American character in general, that of those people particularly, and the inergetic nature of our governments, a state of such extent as 160,000 square miles would soon crumble into little ones. These are the circumstances which reduce the Indians to such small societies. They would not be broken into such small pieces because they are more habituated to subordination, & value more a government of regular law. But you would surely reverse the nature of things in making small states on the ocean & large ones beyond the mountains. If we could in our consciences say that great states beyond the mountains will make the people happiest, we must still ask whether they will be contented to be laid off into large states? They certainly will not; and if they decide to divide themselves we are not able to restrain them. They will end by separating from our confederacy and becoming its enemies. We had better then look forward & see what will be the probable course of things. This will surely be a division of that country into states of a small, or at most of a moderate size. If we lay them off into such, they will acquiesce, and we shall have the advantage of arranging them so as to produce the best combinations of interest. What Congress has already done in this matter is an argument the more in favour of the revolt of those states against a different arrangement, and of their acquiescence under a continuance of that. Upon this plan we treat them as fellow citizens. They will have a just share in their own government, they will love us, & pride themselves in an union with us. Upon the other we treat them as subjects, we govern them, & not they themselves; they will abhor us as masters, & break off from us in defiance. I confess to you that I can see no other turn that these two plans would take, but I respect your opinion, and your knowledge of the country too much, to be over confident in my own.
I thank you sincerely for your communication that my not having sooner given notice of the arrets relative to fish gave discontent to some persons. These are the most friendly offices you can do me, because they enable me to justify myself if I am right, or correct myself if wrong. If those who thought I might have been remiss would have written to me on the subject, I should have loved them for their candour & thanked them for it; for I have no jealousies nor resentments at things of this kind where I have no reason to believe they have been excited by a hostile spirit, & I suspect no such spirit in a single member of Congress. You know there were two arrets, the first of Aug. 30. 1784, the 2d of the 18th, & 25th of September 1785. As to the first it would have been a sufficient justification of myself to say that it was in the time of my predecessor, nine months before I came into office, & that there was no more reason for my giving information of it when I did come into office than of all the other transactions which preceded that period. But this would seem to lay a blame on Dr. Franklin for not communicating it which I am conscious he did not deserve. This government affects a secrecy in all it's transactions, whatsoever, tho they be of a nature not to admit a perfect secrecy. Their arrets respecting the islands go to those isalnds and are unpublished and unknown in France except in the bureau where they are formed. That of Aug. 1784 would probably be communicated to the merchants of the seaport towns also. But Paris having no commercial connections with them, if any thing makes it's way from a seaport town to Paris, it must be by accident. We have indeed agents in these seaports; but they value their offices to little that they do not trouble themselves to inform us of what is passing there. As a proof that these things do not transpire here, nor are easily got at, recollect that Mr. Adams, Doctr. Franklin, and myself were all here on the spot together from Aug. 1784 to June 1785, that is to say 10 months, and yet not one of us knew of the Arret of Aug. 1784. On Sep. 18 and 25 1785 the second was passed & here alone I became responsible. I think it was about 6 weeks before I got notice of it, that is in November. On the 20th of that month writing to Count de Vergennes on another subject I took occasion to remonstrate to him on that. But from early in November when the Fitzhughs went to America, I had never a confidential opportunity of writing to Mr. Jay from hence directly for several months. In a letter of Dec. 14 to Mr. Jay I mentioned to him the want of opportunity to write to him confidentially, which obliged me at that moment to write by post via London & on such things only as both post offices were welcome to see. On the 2d January Mr. Bingham setting out for London, I wrote to Mr. Jay, sending him a copy of my letter to Ct. de Vergennes, and stating something which had passed in conversation on the same subject. I prayed Mr. Bingham to take charge of the letter, & either to send it by a safe hand or carry it himself as circumstances should render most adviseable. I believe he kept it to carry himself. He did not sail from London till about the 12th of March, nor arrive in America till the middle of May. Thus you see what causes had prevented a letter which I had written on the 20th of November from getting to America till the month of May. No wonder then if notice of this arret came first to you by the way of the W. Indies, and in general I am confident that you will receive notice of the regulations of this country respecting their islands by the way of those islands before you will from hence. Nor can this be remedied but by a system of bribery which would end in the corruption of your own ministers, & produce no good adequate to the expence. Be so good as to communicate these circumstances to the persons who you think may have supposed me guilty of remissness on this occasion.
I will turn to a subject more pleasing to both, and give you my sincere congratulations on your marriage. Your own dispositions and the inherent comforts of that state will ensure you a great addition of happiness. Long may you live to enjoy it, & enjoy it in full measure. The interest I feel in every one connected with you will justify my presenting my earliest respects to the lady, and of tendering her the homage of my friendship. I shall be happy at all times to be useful to either of you & to receive your commands. I inclose you the bill of lading of your Encylclopedie. With respect to the remittance for it, of which you make mention, I beg you not to think of it. I know by experience that proceeding to make a settlement in life, a man has need of all his resources; and I should be unhappy were you to lessen them by an attention to this trifle. Let it lie till you have nothing else to do with your money. Adieu my dear Sir and be assured of the esteem with which I am your friend & servt., ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
New York July 16th.1786
Dear Sir
I have not heard from you for several months past, the last being dated sometime previous to your removal to London. Not knowing you would have staid so long I have wrote you by every packet to France. We have now present 12 States & hope this will be the case for some time. Soon after my arrival here in the winter I suggested to you my apprehensions that the condition of the act of cession from Virga. which respected the extent of the States to be erected over the ceded territory was an impolitick one & that it might be proper to recommend it to the State to alter it. A proposition of this effect was submitted to Congress which ultimately pass'd advising that it be vested in Congress to divide the said territory into not less than 3 nor more than 5 States. But the investigation of this subject has open'd the eyes of a part of the union so as to enable them to view the subject in a different light from what they have heretofore done. They have therefore manifested a desire to rescind every thing they have heretofore done in it, particularly to increase the number of Inhabitants which should entitle such States to admission into confederacy, and to make it depend on their having one 13th part of the free inhabitants of the U.S. This with some other restrictions they wish to impose on them evinces plainly the policy of these men to be to keep them out of the confederacy altogether. I consider this as a dangerous & very mischievous kind of policy & calculated to throw them into the hands of Britain. I know not with certainty whether they will be able to carry this point but if it is press'd & a probability of being carried we shall object to the power of the U.S. to determine the numbers without the consent of the State. It having been left open in the act, does by no means put it in the powr of the U.S. to make such restrictions on this head as to defeat the condition altogether. If they do not therefore agree with the delegation to leave it upon the ground of April 23d 1784 we shall propose a subsequent convention between the parties as to that point, & deny the right of the U. S. to act otherwise in it. In my last I advis'd you of an intrigue on foot under the mangement of Jay to occlude the Missisipi supported by the delegation of Massachusets. Since my last no further measures have been open taken in the business, yet it is not relinquish'd. As yet there hath not been a fair tryal of the sense of Congress on the subject. I have a conviction in my own mind that Jay has manag'd this negociation dishonestly. On the other hand I am persuaded that the minister here has no power on the subject, yet I am firmly persuaded that he has conducted himself in such manner in this business as to give him and his court hopes which the sense of Congress nor his instructions authorise. Having been on all foreign business lately, indeed since you left us, I have had an opportunity of knowing him well, & this communication is founded in circumstances this opportunity hath given me. The Massachusetts delegates except the president whose talents & merits have been greatly overrated (tho preferable greatly in the latter instance to his brethren) are without exception the most illiberal I have ever seen from that state. Two of these men whose names are Dane and King are elected for the next year which is my motive for making known to you this circumstance. It may be possibly be of some service to you, as I shall leave Congress, to possess information of this kind. The former is I believe honest but the principles of the latter I doubt. It has been propos'd and supported by our State to have a Colonial government establish'd over the western districts and to cease at the time they shall be admitted into the confederacy; we are fully persuaded it will be beneficial to the setlers and to the U.S. & especially those to whose frontiers such establishment form'd an immediate barrier. This hath not been decided on, & hath only been postpon'd in consequence of the inordinate schemes of some men above alluded to as to the whole policy of the affairs of that country. I am not aware of any thing else that I can give you new. In October I shall leave this for Virga. and shall settle in Fredericksburg for the purpose of commencing the practice of the law. I hope by this you have reachd Paris again & at home, that you have been well pleasd with your trip. Mr. Madison writes me today he is at Phila.& intends in a few days a visit here. I am Dear Sir yr. affectionate friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
Paris Aug. 11. 1786
Dear Sir
I wrote you last on the 9th of July & since that have recieved yours of the 16th of June with the interesting intelligence it contained. I was entirely in the views you have of it. The difficulty on which it hangs is a sine qua non with us. It would be to deceive them & ourselves to suppose that an amity can be preserved while this right is witheld. Such a supposition would argue not only an ignorance of the people to whom this is most interesting, but an ignorance of the nature of man, or an inattention to it .Those who see but half way into our true interest will think that that concurs with the views of the other party. But those who see it in all it's extent will be sensible that our true interest will be best promoted by making all the just claims of our fellow citizens, wherever situated, our own, by urging & enforcing them with the weight of our whole influence, & by exercising in this as in every other instance a just government in their concerns & making common cause even where our separate interest would seen opposed to theirs. No other conduct can attach us together; & on this attachment depends our happiness.
The king of Prussia still lives, and is even said to be better. Europe is very quiet at present. The only germ of dissension which shews itself at present is in the quarter of Turkey. The Emperor, the Empress, and the Venetians seem all to be pecking at the Turks. It is not probable however that either of the two first will do any thing to bring an open rupture while the K. of Prussia lives.
You will perceive by the letters I inclose to Mr. Jay that Lambe, under the pretext of ill health, declines returning either to Congress, Mr. Adams or myself. This circumstance makes me fear some malversation. The money appropriated to this object being in Holland, and having been always under the care of Mr. Adams, it was concerted between us that all the draughts should be on him. I know not therefore what sums may have been advanced to Lamb. I hope however nothing great. I am persuaded that an Angel sent on this business, & so much limited in his terms, could have done nothing. But should Congress propose to try the line of negociation again, I think they will perceive that Lamb is not a proper agent. I have written to Mr. Adams on the subject of a settlement with Lamb. There is little prospect of accomodation between the Algerines & the Portuguese & Neapolitans. A very valuable capture too, lately made by them on the Empress of Russia, bids fair to draw her on them. The probability is therefore that these three nations will be at war with them, & the possibility that, could we furnish a couple of frigates, a convention might be formed with those powers, establishing a perpetual cruize on the coast of Algiers which would bring them to reason. Such a convention, being left open to all powers willing to come into it, should have for its object a general peace, to be guarantied to each by the whole. Were only two or three to begin a confederacy of this kind, I think every power in Europe would soon fall into it except France, England, & perhaps Spain & Holland. Of these there is only England, who would give any read aid to the Algerines, Marocco, you perceive, will be at peace with us. Were the honour & advantage of establishing such a confederacy out of the question, yet the necessity that the U.S. should have some marine force, & the happiness of this as the ostensible cause for beginning it, would decide on it's propriety. It will be said there is no money in the treasury. There never will be money in the treasury till the confederacy shews it's teeth. The states must see the rod; perhaps it must be felt by some one of them. I am persuaded all of them would rejoice to se every one obliged to furnish it's contributions. It is not the difficulty of furnishing them which beggars the treasury, but the fear that others will not furnish as much. Every national citizen must wish to see an effective instrument of coercion, & should fear to see it on any other element but the water. A naval force can never endanger our liberties, nor occasion bloodshed; a land force would do both. It is not in the choice of the states whether they will pay money to cover their trade against the Algerines. If they obtain a peace by negociation they must pay a great sum of money in the form of insurance; and in either way as great a one, & probably less effectual than in the way of force. I look forward with anxiety to the approaching moment of your departure from Congress. Besides the interest of the Confederacy & of the State I have a personal interest in it. I know not to whom I may venture confidential communications after you are gone. Lee I scacely know, Grayson is lazy, Carrington is industrious but not always as discreet as well meaning yet on the whole I believe he would be the best. If you find him disposed to the correspondence engage him to begin it. I take the liberty of placing here my respects to Mrs. Monroe and assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am Dear Sir your friend & servant, Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Jefferson.
New York Augt. 19. 1786.
Dear Sir
My last advis'd you of the progress of Spanish negotiation. Until that time the reference of Jay's letter to a committee was, I believe, the point at which it rested; but to enable you to form a satisfactory opinion of the object of that letter I transcribe you only operative paragraph in it," I take the liberty therefore of submitting to the consideration of Congress whether it might not be adviseable to appoint a committee with power to instruct and direct me on every point and subject relative to the proposed treaty with Spain." You are to observe his only ultimata were respecting the Mississippi and the boundaries; the committee, consisting of a member from Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and myself, kept it about two months, and at length two of them reported that they be discharged, the letter referred to a committee of the whole and himself ordered to attend. It was agreed to with this alteration that he attend Congress to explain the difficulties stated in his letter and to lay before them a state of the negotiation. He accordingly came and being aware objections would be made to his entering into debate, produce a long written speech which he read by virtue of his office and which was in substance as follows. France against our right of the navigation of the Mississippi and, in case of a variance with Spain upon that point, against us. Well to be on good terms with Spain therefore on that account as well as to avail ourselves of her influence in the councils of Portugal, the Italian States, and the Barbary Powers, as also in those of France herself. That Great Britain would rejoice to see us at variance with Spain, and therefore would foment dissentions between us that in case this treaty failed, Spain, mortified and disappointed in the eyes of all Europe would enter into engagements with Britain (or in resentment) so as to exclude us from her ports. For these reasons and fully to obtain the confidence & good wishes of that power, as also her good services in the lines above said, he thought it wise to forebear the use of the navigation of Mississippi for twenty-five years or thirty, if necessary, as a condition to obtain at the same time the following liberal articles as the basis of a commercial treaty. 1. All commercial regulations shall be reciprocal, Spanish merchants in the ports of and American merchants in those of Spain and the Canaries to have the rights of native merchants of the two countries. 2. To establish consuls in their respective countries. 3. The bona fide manufactures and productions of both parties, tobacco excepted, to be admitted in the ports aforesaid in the vessels of both parties upon the same footing as if they were their own manufactures and productions; and further that all such duties and imposts as may be mutually be thought necessary to lay on them by either party s hall be regulated on principles of exact reciprocity by a tariff to be form'd within one year after ratification of this treaty, and in the mean time they shall severally pay in the ports of each other those of natives only. 4. Masts and timber for the navy to be bought provided they be as cheap as in other countries. This was the amount of his communications as to the project which he urged our adopting by all the arguments he could think of, such as, we cant obtain the use, and therefore of no consequence; we must now decide; must terminate in accomodation, war, or disgrace, the last the worst, the second unprepar'd for, the first the preferable course that we should avail ourselves of the moment or Britain would; therefore no time to lose with others of the same kind. This subject hath, since the above communication, engaged the attention of Congress for ten days past. The delegates of Massachusetts who are his instruments on the floor moved in committee to repeal his ultimata with a view of suffering him to proceed at pleasure, and upon this point hath the debate turn'd. It hath been manifest they have had throughout seven
states and we five. They, to Pennsylvania inclusive, and Delaware being absent, the rest against him. We deny the right in seven states to alter an instruction so as to make it a new one but they will proceed, be that as it may, the treaty in that event be form'd and soon presented for ratification. To prevent this we have told them we would give notice to the secretary of the incompetency of his powers as also to the resident of Spain to justify Congress in refusing to ratify, if they should chuse it. In this state it remain'd without any new proposition untill yesterday, being friday. We stated however in the close of the day that we would agree that a treaty be form'd upon the following conditions. That exports be admitted thro the Mississippi, paying at New Orleans a duty of two and half per cent ad valorem to Spain, to be carried thence in Spanish American and French bottoms. That imports be prohibited in that line. If this should be adopted we propose to change the secene of negotiation and to carry it to Madrid, to take it out of the present and put iit into yours and Adams's hands. We fear however and with too much reason that this will fail. Nothing could have been more unfortunate than even the agitation of this subject. It hath lessen'd the ground on which we stood and given Spain hopes she had no reason to calculate on. What prospects to the general interest might be calculated on as resulting from the deliberations of the convention at Annapolis must be diminished. In short the measure strikes me as every way highly injurious . I am sorry to inform you that our affairs are daily falling into a worse situation, arising more from the intrigues of designing men than any real defect in our system or distress of our affairs. The same party who advocate this business have certainly held in this city committees for dismembering the confederacy and throwing the states eastward the Hudson into one government. As yet this business hath not gone far but that there should be a party in its favor, and a man, heretofore so well respected but in my opinion so little known, engag'd in it is to me is very alarming. Congress have again requir'd money for the insuing year, including the part of the principal of the foreign loans that becomes due in that time. All the States except New York & Pena. have acceded to the impost to the acceptation of Congress, the former hath granted the revenues accruing from it but hath not made the collectors so amenable to Congress as the system requires & the other states have done; & Pena. hath granted the impost but suspended its operation until all the states shall have granted the supplemental funds. A committee is appointed to attend the legislature of Pena. on this subject, & recommendation pass'd to the Executive of New York to convene the legislature to take the said system again into consideration. They meet in the usual term in the fall or commencement of the winter. They have pass'd an ordinance regulating the coin. I have been appriz'd of the arrival of the Encyclopedie at Baltimore upon the cover of a letter address'd from Mr. Mazzai, forwarded thence here, but have not heard in whose ship or under whose care it is except from your letter. I have since my last received yours of the 10 of May. Your late communications on the commercial subject have given great satisfaction to Congress. We hope the monopoly of our tobacco in hands of the farmers general will ultimately be abolish'd. The services of Monsr. LaFayette are acknowledg'd with gratitude by Congress. I shall leave this after the first of Octr. for Virginia, Fredericksburg. Believe me I have not relinquish'd the prospect of being your neighbour. The house for which I have requested a plan may possibly be erected near Monticello. To fix there & to have yourself in particular with what friends we may collect around for society is my chief object, or rather the only one which promises to me with the connection I have form'd real & substantial pleasure, if indeed by the name of pleasure it may be call'd . I inclose you some letters for yourself and Miss Patsy to whom be so kind as make my best respects. I am Dear [Sir] very affectionately yr. friend & servant, Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
New York Octr. 12. 1786.
Dear Sir
Since my last I have receiv'd yours of the 9 of July, I advis'd you therein of the progress that had been made by Mister Jay in the Spanish negociation, that he had brought a project before Congress for shutting the Mississippi and not for opening it for the term of twenty five or thirty years combin'd with some commercial stipulations, the latter to be the price of the former, although admitted they opened no new port nor admitted us into those now open upon better terms than those we now enjoyed. Since this project was presented, the negociation has been more with Congress to repeal the ultimata than with Spain to carry the instructions into effect. I inform'd you of the proposition from Massachusetts for the repeal in Committee of the Whole. This was carried by Pennsylvania inclusive eastward, Maryland inclusive southward being against it. Delaware was absent. In the house we move'd to postpone the report of the Committee in order to take up propositions to the following effect. That the negotiation as to the Mississippi and the boundaries to be taken out of the hands of the Secretary and committed to Carmichael. The following points to be agreed on thee and afterwards concluded here. 1st that New Orleans be made an entrepot for exports, that they be shipp'd thence in the bottoms of American, Spain and France under the regulations of each party. 2d. That they pay at said port a duty of 2« pr. centm.ad valorem to the crown of Spain as a compensation for port duties. 3d. That imports be prohibited. 4th. That the instructions of Annapolis be reviv'd as the basis of a treaty of commerce. 5th. That two additional commissioners be appointed with equal powers with the secretary to conclude the same. Upon this there was precisely the same division. The question was then taken on the report & carried by 7 states. Upon this the following proposition was mov'd, "is the repeal constitutionally carried by 7 states so as to give a new instruction materially different from the former" & set aside by the previous question. We are told he will proceed, but of this have no certain information. It is extraordinary he should have taken up the subject of trade, as powers upon principles that applied to all nations alike had already been given under a commission which had at the time his were, near one year to run to form a treaty with Spain, which were not repeal'd by these nor the subject mention'd except by a distant implication. I do suspect the business rests for the present untill the new Delegates take their seats, in which case he will be govern'd by circumstances. I suspect the point will ultimately be carried, but his is yet doubtful. I forgot above to mention the negotiation was to have been carried on in our propositions under the mediation of France. I sit out tomorrow for Virginia with Mrs. Monroe by land. My residence will be for the present in Fredericksburg. My attention is turn'd to Albemarle for my ultimate abode. The sooner I fix there the more agreeable it will be to me. I should be happy to keep clear of the bar if possible & at present I am wearied with the business in which I have been engag'd. It has been a year of excessive labor & fatigue & unprofitably so. What you find in the journals, especially the regulation of the coin, pass'd upon the report of the Board of treasury without examination, or with very little. Our minds were generally at the time otherwise engag'd. Mr. Madison and myself have been desirous if possible of forming an engagment for land in this State which would hereafter put us at ease. He promise'd me to advise you of it, and to tell you of our little plan. If it were an object with you to your property in my estimation a better opportunity cannot present itself. I shall write you more fully on my arrival home on many public affairs, which at present I have not leasure for. Tell Short he has the friendship of the delegation & always will have it. No appointment of secretary of legation will take place to that court & if one did he would have the good wishes of our State. I am affectionately your friend & servt.,
... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
Paris Dec. 18. 1786.
Dear Sir
Your letters of Aug. 19 & Oct. 12 have come duly to hand. My last to you was of the 11th of August. Soon after that date I got my right wrist dislocated, which has till now deprived me of the use of my pen: & even now I can use it but slowly & with pain. The revisal of the Congressional intelligence contained in your letters makes me regret the loss of it on your departure. I feel too the want of a person there to whose discretion I can trust confidential communications, and on whose friendship I can rely against the unjust designs of malevolence. I have no reason to suppose I have enemies in Congress: yet it is too possible to be without that fear. Some symptoms make me suspect that my proceedings to redress the abusive administration of tobacco by the Farmers general have indisposed towards me a powerful person in Philadelphia, who was profiting from that abuse. An expression in the inclosed letter of M de Calonnes 'il a eté arrete, non que le marche fait avec M. Morris seroit rompu, mais qu'aprés l'expiration de ce contrat il n'en seroit plus fait de pareil.' This expression, I say, would seem to imply that I had asked the abolition of Mr. Morris's contract. I never did; on the contrary I always observed to them that it would be unjust to annul that contract. I was led to this by principles both of justice and interest. Of interest, because that contract would keep up the price of tobacco here to 34.36. and 38 livres from which it will fall when it shall no longer have that support. However I have done what was right, & I will not so far wound my privilege of doing that, without regard to any man's interest, as to enter into any explanations of this paragraph with him. Yet I esteem him highly, & suppose that hitherto he had esteemed me. You will see by Calonne's letter that we are doing what we can to get the trade of the U.S. put on a good footing. I am now about setting out on a journey to the South of France, one object of which is to try the mineral waters there for the restoration of my hand, but another is to visit all the seaports where we have trade, & to hunt up all the inconveniencies under which it labours, in order to get them rectified. I shall visit & carefully examine too the Canal of Languedoc. On my return, which will be early in the spring I shall send you several livraisons of the Encyclopedie, & the plan of your house. I wish to heaven you may continue in the disposition to fix it in Albemarle. Short will establish himself there, & perhaps Madison may be tempted to do so. This will be society enough, & it will be the great sweetener of our lives. Without society, & a society to our taste, humans are never contented. The one here supposed we can regulate to our minds, and we may extend our regulations to the sumptuary department, so as to set a good example to a country which needs it, and to preserve our own happiness clear of embarrasment. You wish not to engage in the drudgery of the bar. You have two asylums from that. Either to accept a seat in the council, or in the judiciary department. The latter however would require a little previous drudgery at the bar, to qualify you to discharge your duty with satisfaction to yourself. Neither of these would be inconsistent with a continued residence in Albemarle. It is but 12 hours drive in a sulky from Charlottesville to Richmond, keeping a fresh horse always at the half way, which would be a small annual expence. I am in hopes that Mrs. Munroe will soon have on her hands domestic cares of the dearest kine, sufficient to fill her time & ensure her against the tedium vitae; that she will find that the distractions of a town, & waste of life under these, can bear no comparison with the tranquil happiness of domestic life. If her own experience has not yet taught her this truth, she has in it's favor the testimony of one what has gone through the various scenes of business, of bustle, of office, of rambling, & of quiet retirement, & who can assure her that the latter is the only point upon which the mind can settle at rest. Tho not clear of inquietudes, because no earthy situation is so, they are fewer in number, & mixed with more objects of contentment than in any other mode of life. But I must not philosophize too much with her let I give her too serious apprehensions of a friendship I shall impose on her. On the subject of the lands in New York, I have written fully to Mr. Madison who will communicate to you. The prospect is very slender not to say desperate. The bickerings between Russia & the Porte are patched up by this court for the present. Those between Spain & Naples never had a tendency towards war. How the affairs of Holland will be settled is not very certain. The new king of Prussia is much more disposed to support the Stadholder than the old one was, and this court will support the patriotic party even at the expence of war. It is thought the K. of Prussia will relax. There has been some fear that this circumstance might shift him into the scale of Austria, Russia & England which would very soon engender a war much to the disadvantage of this country. I shall hope a continuance of your correspondence. State politics and small news, of infinite value at this distance, will furnish you more copious materials than I shall be able to repay. I am with very real esteem Dear Sir your sincere friend and servt., ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredericksburg. July 27. 1787.
Dear Sir
I can scarcely venture on an apology for my silence for sometime past but hope notwithstanding to be forgiven. Since I left N. Yk. I have been employ'd in the discharge of duties entirely new to me, oftentimes embarrassing & of course highly interesting, but which have sought the accomplishment of only a few objects. In Octr. Last I was admitted to the bar of the courts of appeal & chy & the April following of the genl court. In the course of the winter I mov'd my family to this town, in wh I have taken my residence with a view to my profession. These pursuits tho' confin'd have not been attended with the less difficulty. A considerable part of my property has consisted in debts, and to command it or any part of it, hath been no easy matter. Indeed in this respect I have fail'd almost together. Several considerations have induc'd me to prefer this place for the present, the principal of wh is the command of an house and other accomodations (the property of Mr. Jones) upon my own terms. My standing at the bar hath been so short that I cannot judge of it in that respect, tho' am inclin'd to believe it, not an ineligible position for one of that profession. But I consider my residence here as temporary, merely to serve the purpose of the time, and as looking forward to an establishment somewhere on this side the mountains, and as convenient as possible to Monticello. Mr. Jones is in ill health & begins to be satisfied his existence depends in a great degree upon a similar position. I have earnestly advis'd him to move up & at least make the experiment. Mrs. Monroe hath added a daughter to our society who tho' noisy, contributes greatly to its amusement. She is very sensibly impress'd with your kind attention to her, & wishes an opportunity of shewing how highly she respects & esteems you. With the political world I have had little to do since I left Congress. My anxiety however for the general welfare hath not been diminished. The affairs of the federal government are, I believe, in the utmost confusion; the convention is an expedient that will produce a decisive effect. It will either recover us from our present embarrassments or complete our ruin; for I suspect that if what they recommend shod be rejected this wod be the case. But I trust that the presence of Genl. Washington will have great weight in the body itself, so as to overawe & keep under the demon of party, & that the signature of his name to whatever act shall be the result of their deliberations will secure its passage thro' the union.
The county in which I reside have plac'd me in the Legislature. I have been mortified however to accept this favor from them, at the expence of Mr. Page. I supposed it might be serviceable to me in the line of my profession. My services have been abroad, & the establishment others have gain'd at the bar in the mean time requires every effort in my power to repair the disadvantage it hath subjected me to. The governor, I have reason to believe if unfriendly to me & hath shewn (If I am well inform'd) a disposition to thwart me; Madison, upon whose friendship I have calculated, whose views I have favored, & with whom I have held the most confidential correspondence since you left the continent, is in strict league with him and hath I have reason to believe concurr'd in arrangements unfavorable to me ; a suspicion, supported by some strong circumstances, that this is the case, hath given me great uneasiness.
I shall I think be strongly impress'd in favor of & inclined to vote for whatever they will recommend. I have heard from Beckley tho' not from himself (who accompanied the Governor up, in expectation of being appointed clerk) they had agreed on giving the United States a negative upon the laws of the several States, if it can be done consistently with the constitutions of the several States. Indeed it might be well to revise them all, and incorporate the fedl. constitution in each. This I shod think proper. It will if the body is well organized, be the best way of introducing uniformity in their proceedings that can be devised, of a negative kind, or by a power to operate indirectly. But a few months will give us the result be it what it may.
You mentioned in yr. last the injury you had sustained in yr. wrist. How did it happen? I hope you found yr. trip to the south of advantage. Yr. Daughters I hope are well. Nothing be assur'd will give me more pleasure than to hear from you frequently. If I can be of service in yr. private affairs in any line, or with respect to Peter Carr I beg of you to command me. It will always be convenient for me to attend to any thing of that kind, either in person or my a suitable messenger. I am Dear Sir your affectionate friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] Where is Short? How is he. Remember me to him.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
Paris Aug. 5. 1787.
Dear Sir
A journey of between three and four months into the Southern parts of France and Northern Italy has prevented my writing to you. In the mean time you have changed your ground, engaged in different occupations, so that I know not whether the news of this side the water will even amuse you. However it is all I have for you. The storm which seemed to be raised suddenly in Brabant will probably blow over. The Emperor on his return to Vienna pretended to revoke all the concessions which had been made by his governors general to the Brabantine subjects: but he at the same time called for deputies from among them to consult with. He will use their agency to draw himself out of the scrape, and all there I think will be quieted.. Hostilities go on occasionally in Holland. France espouses the cause of the Patriots as you know, and England and Prussia that of the Stadholder. France and England are both unwilling to bring on a war, but a hasty move of the king of Prussia will perplex them. He has though the stopping his sister sufficient cause for sacrificing a hundred or two thousand of his subjects, and as many Hollanders and French. He has therefore ordered 20,000 men to march without consulting England, or even his own ministers. He may thus drag England into a war, and of curse this country against their will. But it is certain they will do every thing they can to prevent it, and that in this at least they agree. Tho' such a war might be gainful to us, yet it is much to be deprecated by us at this time. In all probability France would be unequal to such a war by sea and by land, and it is not our interest, or even safe for us that she should be weakened. The great improvements in their constitution, effected by the Assembleé des Notables, you are apprized of. That of partitioning the country into a number of subordinate governments under the administration of provincial assemblies chosen by the people, is a capital one. But to the delirium of joy which these improvements gave the nation, a strange reverse of temper has suddenly succeeded. The deficiencies of their revenue were exposed, and they were frightful. Yet there was an appearance of intention to oeconomize and reduce the expences of government. But expences are still very inconsiderately incurred, and all reformation in that point despaired of. The public credit is affected; and such a spirit of discontent arisen as has never been seen. The parliament refused to register the edict for a stamp tax, or any other tax, and call for the States general, who alone, they say can impose a new tax. They speak with a boldness unexampled. The king has called them to Versailles tomorrow where he will hold a lit de justice and compel them to register the tax. How the chapter will finish, we must wait to see. Bu a vessel lately sailed from Havre to New York I have sent you some more livraisons of the Encyclopedie, down to the 22d inclusive. They were in a box with Dr. Currie's and addressed to Mr. Madison who will forward them to Richmond. I have heard you are in the assembly. I will beg the favor of you therefore to give me at the close of the session a history of the most remarkable acts passed, the parties and views of the house, &c. This with the small news of my country, crops and prices, furnish you abundant matter to treat me, while I have nothing to give you in return but the history of the follies of nations in their dotage. Present me in respectful & friendly terms to Mrs. Monroe, and be assured of the sincere sentiments of esteem & attachment with which I am dear Sir your firend & servt., ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond April 10. 1788.
Dear Sir
I must depend on your kindness to pardon my omission in not writing you oftener, for I will not pretend to justify it. I should have wrote you as before, and can give no satisfactory reason even to myself why I have not, for that my communications will not be of much importance I do not urge as an excuse. I will however make amends in future. The real pleasure of my life, which consists in being at home with my family, has been interrupted by an attendance at the bar and service in the legislature since I left N.Yk. Altho' neither of these employments has many allur'ments in it, yet I think the latter rather a more uncomfortable one than the former. Perhaps however I obtain'd a seat in it, at a very unfortunate period, both as to publick affrs. and my own temper of mind. I doubt whether I can enumerate to you the several acts wh. pass'd the last assembly at present; I mean those that are worthy of note: the most material however were those respecting the revenue, and the Judiciary department: of the general court after this term, nothing is left but the name, and in its stead 18 district courts are establish'd. Each district court bears the same relation to the county cts. within it that the genl. ct. did to all the counties within the Commonwealth. Over these is organis'd the crt. of appls., consisting of the Judges of all the courts (4. additional having been added to the genl. ct., Prentis, Tucker, Parker and G. Jones the latter of whom having declin'd acceptance White has been appointed in his room) with similar powers over the district that they have over the county courts; 3. Judges form a district ct. The plan is I believe unpopular with the former Judges, and is most probably highly defective. It is however not improbable the putting the matter in motion may produce some beneficial effects. Tis presumeable the Judges may examine the subject themselves, for I hear some of them doubt the practicability of its execution as the law now stands, and suggest such amendments as they think necessary. The reduction of the number of districts to 1/3 wod perhaps be greatly for the better. The taxes are reduc'd, those on slaves under 12 and on white male tithables are repeal'd.
The Convention of this State is to meet in June to take up the report from Phila. The people seem much agetated with this subject in every part of the State The principal partizans on both sides are elected. Few men of any distinction have fail'd taking their part. Six States have adopted it, N.Hampshire the 7th that took the subject up adjourned until late in June with a view it is presum'd, to await the decision of those States who postpon'd their meeting to the latest day as Virga. N.Yk. and No. Carolina, and from the circumstance suppos'd least friendly to it. The event of this business is altogether uncertain, as to its passage thro the Union. That it will no where be rejected admits of little doubt, and that it will ultimately, perhaps in 2 or three years, terminate, in some wise and happy establishment for our country, is what we have good reason to expect. I have it not in my power at present to commit to cypher any comments on this plan but will very soon, I mean concisely as to its organization and powers: nor to give you the arrangement of characters on either side, with us. I write by Colo. Carrington and he leaves this immediately. It will give me infinite pleasure to hear from you occasionally. My county has plac'd me among those who are to decide on this question; I shall be able to given you a view of its progress that may be interesting to you. Can you command my services in any instance? Are you in health, how happened the dislocation of your wrist and is it well? I think I mention'd to you in my last Mrs. M had made us happy by giving us a daughter who is now 16 months old an begins to talk. I hope Miss Patsy and Polly are well. I shall write you again soon and am affectionately your friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] Present my respects to Mr. Short.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredericksburg July 12. 1788
Dear Sir
Altho I am persuaded you will have received the proceedings of our convention upon the plan of government submitted from Phila. Yet as it is possible this may reach you sooner than other communications I herewith enclose a copy to you. These terminated as you will find in a ratification which must be consider'd; so far as a reservation of certain rights go, as conditional, with the recommendation of subsequent amendments. The copy will designate to you the part which different gentlemen took upon this very interesting & important subject. The detail in the management of the business, from your intimate knowledge of characters, you perhaps possess with great accuracy, without a formal narration of it. Pendleton tho much impaired in health and in every respect in the decline of life shewed as much zeal to carry it, as if he had been a young man. Perhaps more than he discover'd in the commencement of the late revolution in his opposition to G. Britain. Wythe acted as chairman to the committee of the whole and of course took but little part in the debate, but was for the adoption relying on subsequent amendments. Blair said nothing, but was for it. The Governor exhibited a curious spectacle to view: having refused to sign the paper every body supposed him against it. But he afterwards had written a letter and having taken a part which might be called rather vehement than active he was constantly labouring to shew that his present conduct consistent with that letter and the letter with his refusal to sign: Madison took the principal share in the debate for it. In which together with the aid I have already mention'd he was somewhat assisted by Innes, H. Lee, Marshall, Corbin, and G. Nicholas as Mason, Henry and Grayson were the principal Supporters of the opposition. The discussion as might have been expected where the parties were so nearly on a balance, was conducted generally with great order, propriety & respect of either party to the other, and its event was accompanied with no circumstance on the par t of the victorious that marked extraordinary exultation, nor of depression on the part of the unfortunate. There was no bonfire illumination &c. and had there been I am inclin'd to believe, the opposition wod. have not only express'd no dissatisfaction, but have scarcely felt any at it, for them seemed to be governed by principles elevated highly above circumstances so trivial & transitory in nature.
The conduct of Genl. Washington upon this occasion has no doubt been right and meritorious. All parties had acknowledged defects in the federal system, and been sensible of the propriety of some material change. To forsake the honourable retreat to which he had retired and risque the reputation he had so deservedly acquir'd, manifested a zeal for the publick interest, that could after so many and illustrious services, & at this stage of this life, scarcely have been expected from him. Having however commenc'd again on the publick theatre the course which he takes becomes not only highly interesting to him but likewise so to us: the human character is not perfect; if he partakes of these qualities which we have too much reason to believe are almost inseparable from the frail nature of our being the people of American will perhaps be lost; be assured his influence carried this government; for my own part I have a boundless confidence in him nor have I any reason to believe he will ever furnish occasion for withdrawing it. More is to be apprehended if he takes a part in the public councils again as he advances in age from the designs of those around him than from any dispositions of his own.
In the discussion of the subject an allusion was made I believe in the first instance, by Mr. Henry to an opinion you had given on this subject, in a letter to Mr. Donald. This afterwards became the subject of much inquiry & debate in the house, as to the construction of the contents of such letter & I was happy to find the great attention & universal respect with which the opinion was treated; as well as the great regard and high estimation in which the author of it was held. It must be painful to have been thus made a party in this transaction but this must have been alleviated by a consideration of the circumstances I have mention'd.
From this first view I had of the report from Phila. I had some strong objections to it and as I had no inclination to inlist myself on either side, made no communication or positive declaration of my sentiments until aftr the Convention met. Being however desirous to communicate them to my constituents I address'd the enclos'd letter to them, with intention of giving them a view thereof eight or ten days before it me, but the impression was delayed so long, and so incorrectly made, and the whole performance upon reexamination so loosely drawn that I thought it best to suppress it. There appear'd likewise to be an impropriety in interfering with the subject in that manner in that late stage of the business. I inclose it you for your perusal and comment on it.
You have not doubt been apprized of the remonstrance of the Judges to the proceedings of the Legislature in the passage particularly of the district court law, as likewise of its contents. The subject will be taken up in the fall, The legislature altho assembled for the purpose they passed an act suspending the operation of the district court law untill sometime in Decr. Or Jany. Next. Altho different modifications may be made of it yet I think the bill will not be retained in its principal features.
I still reside here and perhaps shall continued to do so whilst I remain at the bar, especially if the district court law holds its ground. I hold a seat in the legislature and believe I shall do it for some time. The absence from my family is painful but I must endeavor to have them with me as much as possible. I hope you enjoy your health well. I have heard nothing to the contrary. I hope also that Miss Patsy and Molly are well. Short I likewise hope is in health. Remember me to them and believe me most affectionately your friend & servant,
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
Paris Aug. 9. 1788.
Dear Sir
Since my last to you I have to thank your for your favors of July 27. 87 & Apr. 10. 88. and the details they contained, and in return will give you now the leading circumstances of this continent. The war between the two empires & the Turks seemed to be in a languid state when Paul Jones was called into the Russian service with the rank of rear admiral and put at the head of their ships of war on the Black sea, consisting of 5 frigates & 3 ships of the line. The last however was shut up in Cherson. The Prince of Nassau was put over their fleet of gallies & gun boats. The Captain Pacha with 57 gallies & gun boats attacked the prince of Nassau's fleet of 27. P. Jones happened to be present & commanded the right wing . The Turks were repulsed, losing 3 vessels. Eight days after (about the last of June) the Pacha brought up his ships of war to attack the Prince of Nassau, but unskilfully got his fleet up into the swash near the mouth of the Boristhenes, so imbedded in mud that they could not move. The Pr. of Nassau burnt 6 took 2 & made 3 or 4000 prisoners. The Captain Pacha escaped on a small vessel. The Swedes have now entered into the war, and an action has taken place on the Baltic between their fleet & the Russian. We have as yet only the Swedish account which gives to themselves the victory with the loss of one ship on their part & two on that of the Russians. It seems as if the Danes, should they take any part at all, would still be against the Swedes. Should the war become general therefore the arrangement would be France, Spain, the two empires & Denmark, against England, Prussia, Holland, Sweden, & Turkey. This nation is at present under great internal agitation. The authority of the crown on one part & that of the parliaments on the other, are fairly at issue. Good men take part with neither, but have raised an opposition, the object of which is to obtain a fixed & temperate constitution. There was a moment when this opposition was so high as to endanger an appeal to arms, in which case perhaps it would have ben crushed. The moderation of government has avoided this, and they are yeilding daily one right after another to the nation. They have given them provincial assemblies which will be very perfect representations of the nation, & stand somewhat in the place of our state assemblies. They have reformed the criminal law, acknoleged the king cannot lay a new tax without the consent of the states general, & they will call the states general the next year. The object of this body when met will be a bill of rights, a civil list, a national assembly meeting at certain epochs, & some other matters of that kind. So that I think it probable this country will within two or three years be in the enjoiment of a tolerably free constitution, & that without it's having cost them a drop of blood. For none has yet been spilt, tho' the English papers have set the whole nation to cutting throats.
I heartily rejoice that 9 states have accepted the new constitution. As yet we do not hear what Virginia, N. Carolina & N. York have done, & we take for granted R. isld. is against it. This constitution forms a basis which is good, but not perfect. I hope the states will annex to it a bill or rights securing those which are essential against the federal government; particularly trial by jury, habeas corpus, freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom against monopolies, & no standing armies. I see so general a demand of this that I trust it will be done. There is another article of which I have no hopes of amendment because I do not find it objected to in the states. This is the abandonment of the principle of necessary rotation in the Senate & Presidency. With respect to the last particularly it is as universally condemned in Europe, as it is universally unanimadverted on in America.. I have never heard a single person her speak of it without condemnation, because on the supposition that a man being once chosen will be always chosen, he is a king for life, & his importance will produce the same brigues & cabals foreign and domestic which the election of a king of Poland and other elective monarchies have ever produced, so that we must take refuge in the end in hereditary monarchy, the very evil which grinds to atoms the people of Europe.
I sincerely take part with you in your domestic felicity. There is no other in this world worth living for. The loss of it alone can makes us know its full worth. It would indeed be a most pleasing circumstance to me to see you settle in the neighborhood of Monticello, for thither all my views tend, and not a day passes over my head without looking forward to my return. This would be much hastened could I see such a society forming there as yourself, Madison, & Short. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Monroe, and learn the little girl to consider me as a very friendly tho' at present invisible being, and be assured yourself of the sincerity of those sentiments of esteem & attachment with which I am Dear Sir your affectionate friend & servt.,
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredericksbg. Feby. 15. 1789.
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 9th of August last has been recd. before this I doubt not mine of a date subsequent to those you acknowledge has reach'd you. It gave you a detail of the proceedings of the convention of this state. Since which the eleven that have adopted the govt., under the act of Congress that was necessary to put them in motion, have taken the necessary measures for its organization; except New York whose operations have been retarded, by some misunderstanding between the senate & the other branch of the government. This obstacle will however I doubt not be remov'd since I have reason to believe, it has on neither side any other object in view than some arrangement suited to the prejudices of the pre-existing parties of that state. The publick papers say it respects the mode of appointing Representatives.
The letter from the Convention of the State was suppos'd to have suggested the mode of obtaining amendments that would be most likely to succeed. After all the preparitory arrangments
were carried for organizing the government, it was taken up here and approv'd. In consequence whereof an application was made to the Congress of the new government to be presented when conven'd, to call a convention for that purpose. The weight of business that would devolve on the government itself if not other consideration might occur was suppos'd a sufficient reason why this trust shod. be repos'd in another body. It cod. in no event be productive of harm for the discussion of subjects however important by the deliberative bodies of America, create little heat or animosity except with the parties on the theatre. The draft was revis'd and corrected by Bland and partakes of his usual fire and elegance.
This Commonwealth was divided in to 10 districts from each of which a member was to be placed in the House of Representatives. A competition took place in many, and in this, consisting of Albemarle, Amherst, Fluvanna Goochland Louisa Spotsylva. Orange and Culpeper, between Mr. Madison and myself. He prevail'd by a majority of about 300. It wod. have given me concern to have excluded him, but those to whom my conduct in public life had been acceptable, press'd me to come forward in this govt. on its commencement, and that I might not loose an opportunity of contributing my feeble efforts, in forwarding an amendment of its defects nor shrink from the station those who confided in wod. wish to place me, I yielded. As I had no private object to gratify so a failure has given me no private concern.
It has always been my wish to acquire property near Monticello. I have lately accomplish'd it by the purchase of Colo. G. Nicholas improvements in Charlotte ville and 500 acres of land within a mile, on the road to the R. fish gap. To those of Gilmour he has added others of Stoner of considerable value so as to have expended in that line £2200. The land is tolerably good and great part in wood. I give him in western property to be valued as such property wod. sell upon two years credit £2500 and if I dislike the valuation I may retain the land and pay the money at the expiration of 6 years with interest. Whether to move up immediately or hereafter when I shall be so happy as to have you as a neighbour I have not determin'd.. In any event it puts it within my reach to be contiguous to you when the fatigue of publick life, shod. dispose you for retirment and in the interim will enable me in respect to your affairs, as I shall be frequently at Charlotte ville as a summer retreat, and in attendance on the district court there, to render you some service. You will I doubt not command me with that freedom the pleasure I shall have in executing your desires will authorize. Peter Carr was with me a few days since, he came from Wmsbburg. For his health, having been indisposed with the ague and fever,& has found the trip of service. I think him well inform'd & a promising young man. Mr. Short has entirely forgotten me. I have heard of his intention to return this year and hope he will not disappoint the wishes of his friends in that respect. I hope you enjoy your health, and that your daughters are favor'd with same blessing. I have latterly heard nothing of Mr. Mazzai. I fear the want of punctuality in my correspondence has lessen'd me in his esteem a circumstance I shod. much lament as I respect him for his virtues & talents. Commend me to them all and be assurd of the sincerity with which Iam your affectionate friend and servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredbg. June 7. 1790.
Dear Sir
I wrote you lately by Judge Wilson whom I accompanied to the circuit court at Charlottesville. I have since been to the chancery wh. clos'd as to business of consequence on Saturday. Our child who hath been dangerously ill hath so far recover'd as to admit of her removal home. We sit out thither tomorrow, where I shall remain until the appeals abt. the 25th.
This will be presented to you by Mr. Garnett a merchant of character & merit, in this town. Whilst a resident here, he was kind & attentive to me, and as a proof of my regard I have taken the liberty to make him known to you. Accept our best wishes for your health & believe me with great respect & esteem yr. affectionate friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
New York June 11. 1790.
My dear Sir
This will be handed you by Mr. Garland Jefferson, a relation of mine, not otherwise known to me than by the good account I receive of him from his uncle Mr. Garland. He goes to study the law in our neighborhood, to have the benefit of my books. Permit me to recommend him to your notice & counsel, which I hope he will endeavor to merit. As soon as he shall be far enough advanced in the theory, I may ask your assistance to introduce him to the means of learning the practical part of the law, but before that I shall have the pleasure of seeing you in Albemarle which I purpose to visit in the ensuing fall. I am with cordial esteem, my dear Sir Your sincere & affectionate friend, ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond July 3. 1790.
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 20th of June I have recd.& am happy to hear of yr. restoration to health. Mrs. Monroe & family are in Albemarle whither I sit out in a day or two. They are well.
The assumption of the state debts is disliked here, & will create great disgust if adopted under any shape whatever. The minds of all are made up on it & I doubt whether even the immediate removal to the Potowmk. wod. reconcile them to it. I merely mention this as a fact wh. I consider as well establish'd, without entering at present into its merits, further than to observe, that I am of opinion it is in every point of view impolitick; that its advocates have put the publick name & interests in jeopardy, & that it will be hard if they will still press forward & sacrifice these important considerations, if we do not yield upon terms which are improper. It is however much to be wish'd a revenue bill could pass satisfactory to al parties. For this is certainly essential to the publick welfare. We still hope for the establishmt. of the seat of govt. on the Potowk. if a permanent one is fix'd on. Tho' I must confess I consider a vote to that purpose at present to take effect hereafter as of but little importance.
I observe a bill has pass'd for settling the claims of Individual States with the US. & that under it 2 Comrs. are to be appointed. Virga. wod. surely have a member at that board. If so Mr. Dawson of the Council would be happy in obtaining it. I have known him for sometime past and really think him well qualified for it. He is a young man of sound judgment, parts & attention to business, & am persuaded in the discharge of that trust, would merit the approbation of the government. An impression perhaps took place some years since, on his first commencement, that he was somewhat dissipated. If this was even at that time well founded, yet be assur'd it has been since done away. He has been lately appointed to Congress & the Council & in my opinion possess'd of the publick confidence. As I think him fit for the station & really wish him well, & on that account as well as from a desire to avail the publick of his services, am anxious for his promotion. For this purpose I have taken the liberty to mention him to you, that so far as you concur with me in an opinion of his merit, he may be avail'd of your aid. I shall write you from Albemarle upon a presumption you have your cypher on a subject somewhat interesting to myself. With the best wishes for your welfare I am yr. affectionate friend & servant, Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle July 18. 1790.
Dear Sir
My last from Richmond in ansr. to yours of the 20th of June has no doubt been recd. The more I have reflected on the subject, the better satisfied I am on the impolicy of assuming the state debts. The diminishing the necessity for State taxation will undoubtedly leave the national government more at liberty to exercise its powers & encrease the subjects on wh. it will act, for that purpose, and if that were absolutely a necessary power of the govt., and no objections applied to the transfer itself of the publick creditors from one govt. to the other, without their consent, (for such a modification as leaves them not even a plausible alternative, amounts to the same thing, & such I understand the report to be) or to the probable inefficiency of the national govt. comparatively with those of the States in raising the necessary funds, I shod. perhaps have no objections to it at present. Even in our time we may hope to see the whole debt extinguish'd or nearly so, & we must be the favor'd people, if no occasion should hereafter arise, that wod. make it necessary for the genl. govt. to tax highly, & raise considerable revenues. Such exigency can never apply hereafter to those of the States, so that merely for the sake of preserving an equality at present, I shod. think it useless to balance the debt, between them. But as I believe this (upon speculation only) a defect in the government, & presume thro that medium, the preponderance of one over the other, will be settled , I wod. avoid throwing any thing occasionally into that scale from which I apprehended most danger. On the other hand as the govt. now rests on its own means, for the discharge of its engagements, I wod. always use its powers for the purpose, nor wod. I endanger the publick credit rather than exercise a power, wh. was of questionable propriety, or in some instances thought so. Thus things wod. have their regular course, proper experiments wod. be made and we shod. ultimately be landed where we should be. The weight of all the State creditors thrown into the national scale at present, might also perhaps produce some disorder in the system, as it wod. occasion a fortuitous but severe pressure from that quarter, affecting them from the heart to the extremities, before either their legislators by moderate experiments, had acquir'd sufficient knowledge for the purpose, or the people given sufficient proof of what they could, and what they would bear. Will not this from necessity as well as policy, compell them to glean whatever they can from trade, pressing that resource upon trial likewise, beyond what perhaps for the sake of revenue, it can bear, & introducing a system of oecnomy in other respects very oppressive on some parts of the U. States: For in the present State of arts & industry in America, the moment that medium is pass'd, that forms the basis of a wise commercial policy for the whole, diffusing its beneficial effects to every part, will it degenerate into a tyranous sacrifice of the interests, of the minority to that of the majority; and that precise medium which will be most productive in point of revenue & beneficial in other respects, can only be discover'd by gradual operation & gentle experiments, which the assumption, for the reasons above will entirely prevent. As to the residence I will only hazard one Idea. We find that for its removal to Phila. the representatives of that State rely on those of this, & the other southern States or some of them. They do not expect that the Eastern States will vote to remove it further from them-place it in Phila. & how doth this principle apply? Will our & their members harmonize so well afterwards, will they unite in forwarding it to Georgetown? Or will it not rather immediately being about an harmony of sentiment & cooperation elsewhere? And shall we not be left dependant on a resolution of Congress which holds its tenure upon the pleasure of 8 States, who (whatever their true interests may be) have always shewn they consider'd it as consisting in keeping the seat of govt. as near home as they could. As soon as they get fix'd in Phila. (and the shorter the term allotted for their residence there the more active will this principle be) the representatives of that State will look with a jealous eye toward their brethren of the South. Any attempts to forward the erection of buildings at Georgetown will at first be recd. coolly & afterwards with disgust. Common interest in this as in other respects will unite them, and we shall soon find a well form'd plan, regularly pursued, that shall be best calculated to promote them. We have often found that an union on some great question, which was consider'd as primary or ruling in the view of parties, gave a tone to their proceedings on mnay others; how much more reasonable then is it to expect it, when there are so many predisposing causes to promote it? I shod. therefore wish to see the funds appropriated & comrs. appointed to carry on the work, plac'd as completely without the reach of Congress as possible afterwards, before we acceded to any thing upon this subject only; much less wod. I give a consideration for any thing less.
I hinted in my last I would mention to you a subject of importance to myself in cypher, but as you expected to return to France when you left it tis possible you omitted to bring it with you. As tis a matter which does not press immediately, and wh. perhaps you may conjecture, & tis possible we may meet before I come to any decision on it unless I have a private opportunity, I shall decline mentioning it untill one of those events takes place. We are well & hope you are completely restor'd. I am with the greatest respect & esteem your affectionate friend & servant, Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Charlottesville July 26. 1790.
Dear Sir
A few days past your favor of June 11 was presented me by yr. relation Mr. G. Jefferson expressive of yr. friendly & benevolent wishes toward that young gentleman. Colo. Jervis is on a visit to Bedford, so that whatever depends on him will remain in suspense, untill his return, wh. will be in a few days. In the interim he will remain with me, & indeed he shall be comfortably establish'd in the neighbourhood. Be assure'd I shall be happy to render him every possible service in my power, being gratified with an opportunity of shewing my regard to whomever you may wish to possess it, especially so near a connection of your own.
Tis reported here that the subject of residence has recd. a final decision, wh. has terminated in favor of the headwaters of the Potowk. as the permanent, & Phila. as the tempy. Seat. The precise modificatn. has not reach'd us: if they have not plac'd it too high up the country in the 1st instance, suffer'd it to remain too long in Phila. In the next, & left the erection of the buildings in some measure dependent on subsequent votes of Congress, I shall heartily approve of it. If they have plac'd the latter business under the direction of the Executive it will most probably succeed. If this interesting subject has been clos'd in the manner represented to us, & shall be bona fide executed, I shall consider it as a liberal & magnanimous trait in the operations of the govt. wh. will do them who discharge its functions the highest credit. And altho' I did not expect upon this subject, from their former conduct on it, such a decision, yet as nature has pass'd no inhibiting law to the contrary, I shall conclude it is the case. I am sincerely your affectionate friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Octr. 20. 1790.
Dear Sir
After the most mature reflection I have at length yielded to my inclinations to suffer my name to be mention'd for a publick appointment. If it takes place, unless some unpleasant reflections on probable future events shod. press on me, it will contribute greatly to my own & the gratification of Mrs. M. as it will place us both with & nearer our friends. Not be be candid there is not that certainty in the event we seem'd to suppose. Mr. Harvie, Mann Page, Walker & Govr. Harrison are in or rather will be in the nomination, and as some of them are active in their own behalf it is extremely doubtful how it will terminate. Colo. Lee & Mr. Marshall are for others. How a particular character of whom we spoke is dispos'd, I know not, but other circumstances have intervened to make his inclination in my favor more questionable. There are but a few men of any weight in the house & I really know none on whom I can rely with certainty. I have reason however to believe that with the body of the house I stand well, but the body if well dispos'd requires a head to keep it in a proper direction. I shall write further by the next opportunity & am sincerely yr. friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Octr. 22d. 1790.
Dear Sir
I wrote you a few days past in great hurry by the Albemarle post which I presume has been recieved. You have been able to collect from that communication, that my services will be offr'd for the Senate, unless upon the information of my friends it shall appear probable they will be rejected. I gave you then a detail of circumstances relative to that business, & can only now add that as far as I know it will equally suit their present situation; unless indeed the activity of some gentn. professedly candidates for that station shod. have occasion'd a change; one additional competitor only excepted, Colo. Lee. You will observe that I only give you what I hear for I know nothing of myself. It is proposed by some to continue the present gentn. untill march. I have determin'd in great measure in case of my election to abandon my profession. You find my letters contain little foreign intelligence; that I engross the whole to myself. I may probably be up at the county court. I am with the greatest respect & esteem sincerely your friend & servant, ... Jas. Monroe
P.S. It is also said that Mr. Mathews the Speaker will be nominated & the chair has latterly been a step to other offices.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredericksburg Novr. 26. 1790.
Dear Sir
Since my appointment I have not before had leasure to acknowledge the rect. Of your obliging favor from Monticello. The arrangment of my business in the different courts, & other affairs, has given me full employment & detain'd me so long that it will be difficult to reach Phila. by the day appointed for the meeting of the Congress. This however I shall attempt & for this purpose sit out hence on Monday, unless detain'd by bad weather wh. threatens much at present. I shod. most chearfully accept yr. kind offer to procure us lodgings upon our first arrival; if we were deetermin'd to proceed in the first instance to Phila; but tis probable we may call upon a Mr. Chs. Willing an uncle by marriage of Mrs. Monroe, where she may remain a few days, untill I shall be able to procure the necessary accomodation. If this shod. not be the case I shall proceed to the city tavern, from whence I shall soon be able to find you, to avail myself of yr. aid to better our situation. Mrs. House's wod. be our object, but we shod. only interfere with her interest, by excluding for the time more permanent lodgers. I believe we will take the rout of annapolis & the Eastern shore. I hope to reach Phila. on Sunday evening. I am sincerely your friend & servant,
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. Decr. 15. 1790.
Dear Sir
I send you the letters mention'd last night, among wh. you will find two from Mr. Fitzhugh & Mr. Page each, cover'd by one from the old gentn. his father recommendatory of a young Mr. Mortimer. He is extremely anxious to have him admitted into yr. office & under yr. care. The young man appears to be amiable in temper & manner, sensible, prudent, and is well esteem'd among his acquaintances in these respects; but the two gentn. who have mention'd him to your are better acquainted with his merits than I am, and to their subscription no addition will be requir'd from me. I told him it was probable the duties of yr. office had forc'd on you before this the disposition of appointments of this ind, so that altho he most earnestly wishes it yet he is in some measure prepar'd to receive a negative. With real esteem & regard I am sincerely yr. friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. Jany. 17. 1791
Dear Sir
I wrote you soon after my arrival here relative to the wishes & pretentions of a Mr. Mortimer, son of Dr. M. of Fredbg, to an appointment in yr. office. As I understood mine was accompanied with letters from Mr. Fitzhugh & Mr. Page I suppos'd an answer wod. have been communicated to these gentn. Latterly I have recd. several applications on that subject from the Dr. & his friends. I have therefore to request that you will enable me give him satisfactory information on that point. I have just recd. a letter from Colo. Bell who informs that Mr. & Mrs. Randolph are well. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. Feby. 17. 1791.
Dear Sir
This will be presented by Mr. Yard at present residing in this city, but lately from St. Croix, whither also he proposes shortly to return. Presuming the establishment of consuls will be extended to that Island, and being willing to accept of such appointment, he has requested me to make his pretensions known to you. His connection with Mrs. Monroe's family has given me the pleasure of his acquaintance, & I am happy to assure you that I believe him to be possess'd, in a high degree of all the qualifications necessary for the discharge of the duties of that office. As Mr. Yard is possess'd of an ample fortune, he is desirous of this trust more, in gratification of his feelings, as a proof of the public confidence, than from any view of emolument & as he is extensively connected in that Island & with those of the first estimation, this perhaps may furnish an additional reason for employing him. Having resided there for sometime he is well acquainted with its trade; information in this respect in detail, may perhaps be serviceable to you, & whether he succeeds or not in the above object he will be happy to possess you with whatever he knows on the subject. I am with the greatest respect & esteem & Sir your friend & servant
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Charlottesville March 29. 1791.
Dear Sir.
When I left this for Phila. last Novr., from a desire to place my brother without the reach of bad example in a quiet good family & where he might pursue his studies to the best advantage, I engag'd lodgings for him with old Mr. Jas. Kerr. The genl. opinion of my acquaintance here was in favor of this preference for his house & society, wh. was the more confirmed on my part form a knowledge that I had render'd him services & had a claim to his attention. You will readily conceive my astonishment when you hear that on my way up yesterday I was informed he was married to Mr. Kerr's daughter. That by his managment the young man had been artfully kept from the society of any of my friends & contrary to his own wishes, who urg'd the impropriety of it, had been precipitated into it before my return; although it was well known I shod certainly be in by this time. As I have had the care of this youth since I have been able to take care of myself, have expended much money in the previous part of his education, & hoped whatever might be the indiscretions of his early life to make him as a more mature age useful to himself & to others, & particularly if any accident shod. bereave my family of my support to make him a parent to them as I have been to him; believe me this has been the most heartfelt & afflicting stroke I have ever felt. If his education had been complete & himself establish'd in life, both to take care of a family, to me it wod. have been a matter of indifference with whom he connected himself. But being yet a minor & quite unfinishd'd in these respects the injury appears to be almost without remedy. It is likewise surprising, considering the circumstance of his minority, as that his guardianship was intrusted to me, who was daily expected, that he license was granted or that the clergyman Mr. Maury married him-however such have been the facts.
I heard yesterday evening on my arrival that Mr. and Mrs. Randolph were well. I set out in the morning for the district court at Staunton. Our journey in was slow & tedious beyond our expectation. Mr. M.& child are at Fredbg. The latter by her indisposition detain'd us almost a week at Bal. I am dear Sir very affectionately yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond June 17. 1791.
Dear Sir
I have been favor'd with 2 letters from you since my arrival with Paine's pamphlet in one, & shod. have answer'd them sooner, but knew of yr. departure Eastward, & of course that it wod. not have been sooner red. By the 25th we shall be settled in Albemarle upon my plantation, the unfinish'd state of the buildings having prevented removal there sooner. The Appls. & Genl. court are siting. Their respective terms will not expire so as to enable me to get home by that time, but my own business will be finish'd, & I shall not stay longer.
Upon political subjects were perfectly agree, & particularly in the reprobation of all measures that may be calculated to elevate the government above the people, or plan it in any respect without it natural boundary. To keep it there nothing is necessary, but virtue in a part only (for in the whole it cannot be expected) of the high publick servants, & a true development of the principles of those arts wh. have a contrary tendency. The bulk of the people are for democracy, & if they are well inform'd the ruin of such enterprizes will infallibly follow. I shall however see you in Sepr. at wh. time we will confer more fully on these subjects.
I have been associated in the room of Mr. Pendleton with the comsrs. For revising the laws of this State. The appointment was communicated to me yesterday by the executive, & as it was neither wish'd nor expected, I can given no information of the extent of the duty or the time it will take to execute it. Upon the hope of completing what is expected from us before the meeting of the next Congress I have accepted the appointment.
I am extremely anxious to procure rooms near you for the next session if such shod. be known to you wh. may be preingag'd to be occupied on the commencement of the session, shall thank you to contract for them in my behalf. I shall certainly be there at that time for having accepted this appointment I am resolv'd to pursue & not be diverted from it by any consideration whatever. Remember me to Mr. Madison. Mrs. M. was well when I left her.
With great respect & esteem I am affectionately yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Wmsburg, July 25, 1791
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 10th found me here upon the business mention'd in my last. I left Mrs. M. at Monticello to remain till my return. I have been here near three weeks, shall leave it tomrrow on my way back. We have gone thro' the business, allotted to each his duty and are to meet again in Fredbg. On the 1st of Octr. next. A part of our duty was to consolidate (when many were drawn) all the Acts on one subject-the object, to make the alw more perspicuous, by drawing its scatter'd parts into onve view & repealing all preceeding laws on such subject. A question arose in the Committe whether they were bound by this to prepare a bill conformable to the law as it stands, or provided they confin'd themselves to the subject, might propose on it any new project they thought fit. Of the latter opinion were Tazewell, Tucker & Lee, Prentis, Nelson & myself of the former. We were willing however that any member who conceiv'd the policy defective might propose a bill for the purpose of amending it, wh. (having the approbation of the Committee) , might accompany the other, with the preference of the board, thus giving the legislature a fair alternative between them. In point of importance & labor the business is pretty equally divided between the members, but how these gent. above referr'd to, particularly Tucker & Lee, will execute their part in this respect is doubtful; we shall observe the principle contended for on our part strictly. An attempt was made to protract our meeting untill that of the Assembly, to have it likewise at Richmond, with a view by management of procuring admission into the house for the purpose of supporting the report. This has been urg'd by most of them and altho the time of meeting has been yielded, yet the other object is not abandon'd. It is sought no doubt with other views by several than merely that of explaining the bills that will be submitted. Some of them certainly wish to avail themselves of such an opportunity of gaining the good wishes of that body for other purposes. The context of Burke & Paine, as reviv'd in America with the different publications on either side is much the subject of discussion in all parts of this State. Adams is universally believ'd to be the author of Publicola & the principles he avows, as well as those of Mr. B as universally reprobated. The character of the public officers is likewise pretty well known. At first it was doubted whether you wod. not be compell'd to give your sentiments fully to the publick, whether a respect for yourself & the publick opinion wod. not require it of you. Whilst the fever was at the highest the opinion preponderated in favor of it. At present it appears unsettled, especially as Adams is not the avow'd author of Publicola, and so many writers have taken up the subject in your favor. Your other engagements wh. employ so much of yr. time necessarily, are certainly to be taken into the calculation & must have great weight. The publick opinion however will before long fully disclose itself on the subject of government, and as an opportunity has & is in some measure offer'd you to give the aid of yr. talents & character to the republican scale, I am aware you must have experienc'd some pain in repressing yr. inclinations on the subject. Your sentiments indeed, if they had been previously question'd, are made known as well by the short note prefix'd to Paines pamphlet, as a vol. Cod. do it. Dr. Lee is almost the only man I have heard censure that pamphlet: or support that of his antagonist. Tis said however that his whole family are in harmony with him.
I am particularly thankful for yr. attention to our accommodation. We shall be happy in whatever you do in that respect & the more so as the nearer you place us to yr. self. Remember me to Mr. Madison. We are on our plantatn. surrounded by trees &c. Very affecty. I am dear Sir, sincerely yr. friend & servant
... Jas.. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. April 2. 1792.
Dear Sir,
I have been requested by Mr. Dawson to make known to you his willingness to accept the office of Director of the Mint, to which bill the President has this day announced his assent. As my opinion of this gent'n was communicated to you on a former occasion & he is known personally to you, 'tis not necessary that I sho'd add any further on the subject. With the greatest respect & esteem, Dear Sir, Your friend & servant. ... Jas.. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Senate Chamber, April 11, 1792.
Dear Sir,
Be so kind as to inform me whether in consequence of our conversation respecting the nominations for command of & inferior appointments in the army, there is any executive calculation on my conduct. An opposition will probably be made to the Commander, but most certainly if there is in the most distant degree, I shall not join in it, especially as 'tis possible (as it has been hinted by King-viz. the opposition) it may not bring forward, if successful, a more suitable person. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Philadelphia, May 1, 1792.
Dear Sir,
In April 1791 in the district Court of Fredericksburg in the case of Mitchell against Wallis, in which the law of the State was plead in bar of the debt, the following were the circumstances. Mitchell, a native of Great Britain residing and trading in Virginia, having debts due him to great amount, conveyed them with other property just before the war to the use of his creditors in Great Britain, and of one creditor in Virginia. In this situation, the debts remained through the war, and the action was brought in favor of the British Creditors in 1788 or 89, and judgment rendered for the plaintiffs. Several other judgments were entered in favor of the same parties, in that and the subsequent term. This must be deemed such a debt as was supposed to be prohibited, and provided for by the treaty. It was so argued on the part of the defendant, whose Counsel I was, and yet judgment was given against him.
I have not known of any other instances wherein the right to recover was regularly contested. It was, however, always the Opinion of the ablest Counsel at the bar, that those debts were recoverable, that no law prohibited it, and if it were otherwise, that the treaty would controul it. Since the establishment of the present government, upon the resumption there would be no further doubt on the subject, I have likewise heard several of the State Judges say they had entertained the same Opinion.
'Tis true the British Merchants declined generally bringing suits prior to that event, nor indeed have any great number been since brought in the federal courts. For the motive to this conduct, 'tis not necessary to hazard a conjecture, as your enquiries respect only the law and the decisions under it. Certain it is, they have been progressing and with great success since the peace, in the amicable adjustment of their accounts, with their debtors, which has perhaps been more effectual (admitting that there was no dispute about the recovery otherwise than other debts) than any course would have been.
The County Courts, until very lately, have had exclusive jurisdiction of sums under ten pounds only. Upon all sums above that amount, their decisions have been subjects to the revision and controul of the Superior Courts. A late modification gives them original jurisdiction of sums under £30; but as well as I remember, subject as before to correction of the Superior Courts by Appeal or Supersedeas. I believe there are but few debts under that sum of the kind referred to.
In the Federal Court no cause had been put at issue until the last November term, at which time, that of Jones and Walker was argued, but continued over to the present, upon account of the absence of Judge Blair, who left the bench in consequence of the death of his Son.
I have the honor to be with great respect and esteem.
Your most Obedient and very humble Servant, ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond June 17. 1792.
Dear Sir,
I came here a few days past to attend the Ct. of appeals, it being an irregular term & formed of Judges of the general court & some of those of the proper Ct. of appeals, to take cognizance of those causes in which any of the judges of the latter ct. may be interested. Tis likewise expected a meeting of the gentn. appointed for the revision of the laws will be obtained & that business finally concluded as the 15 was appointed for it, & little remains to be done. I left Mrs. M. in Albemarle not perfectly recovered from the fatigue of the journey, but in other respects in tolerable health. Our child was well. We saw Mr. & Mrs. Randolph on our return, who more likewise with Mrs. M. will be with them, part of the time that I shall be about.
The length of the last session has done me irreparable injry in my profession, as it has made an impression on the general opinion that the two occupations are incompatible, and altho' I am satisfied that no future session need be protracted to such length, yet in respect to that opinion and especially to avoid the possibility of neglecting the interest of those who might be disposed to confide in me, have determined to withdraw from those courts where an interference might take place, and in general to make such an arrrangment in my business, as will in other respects leave me more at liberty to discharge the duties of the other station. This will in a great measure, if not altogether, exclude from it the idea of professional imolument; it connects with it however that of a perpetual presence with my family (if the expression is applicable to any thing here) and the almost uninterrupted application of my mind to objects (so far as of a political nature) equally necessary, and where diversified certainly more gratifying. I shall however endeavor to attend the districts near me, and to conduct business regularly in those; my attendance on other courts will be only occasional. In pursuit of this plan I am sorry that my plantation in Alb. is not such as I could wish it. Its position and imrprovments were suited to the other object, and for that they were well calculated, but for this less so, as my dependance will be more on it. I privately wish I could purchase a valuable plantation near there, or indeed if I cod. retain a seat there and procure a productive one elsewhere I shod. be contented, and this perhaps may be done
I find the general sentiment of the people of this state against the fashionable doctrines of some persons in & about the government; founded too and supported in such manner as to forbid the prospect of any change. I have seen nor have I heard of any display of passion but in the sober exercise of this reason they disapprove of them. I mean those doctrines which may be deemed anti-republican or which inculcate or furnish the means for the support of a government by corrupt influence, or indeed by any other than the prior interest of those who formed it. They want information of facts and seem not even to suspect the measures that have been practised under them. But ascribe the whole to a mere difference of opinion in political questions, siding here with the republican party. The appointment of Gr. Morris & Wayne is so generally reprobated that no one appears to vindicate it in either instance. It is said that it wod have been difficult to have found more unfit persons for those stations, even if some industry had been used to select them out. The excise is generally disliked but whether any tax more acceptable could be substituted to raise the same sum I have not been able to collect. The additional impost is likewise complained of. In truth most articles of foreign growth or manufacture are raised in this state to the prices they held in the course of the late war. How there burdens shall be lessened and the publick engagement as now modified fulfilled will require much thought and information. Whether it shod. be attempted at the next session or postponed for further experiment & the increased representation shod. likewise be early examined. I expect to stay here abt. a fortnight, have not heard from you but am told a letter has passed for Alb. I found Gilmer much better, capable of taking sustenance & an appetite for it, but his voice & countenance somewhat altered. I think he will reocver.
I have disposed of my carriage to Chs. Carter perhaps for his mother. The death of the old gent. made it impossible, as Exrs. Were not qualified &c. to take that at Germantown; but as I wished to part with mine & calculate on their engagments to furnish the money to replace it in the fall I let him have it. Our plan is to keep one in Phila.& avail ourselves of some other vehicle for travelling back wd. & forward between home & Phila. A chariot is rather too heavy & too valuable for that purpose. At present we have a Phaeton somewhat like yours but less valuable. I have taken the liberty to inclose a note to Mr. Kerr instructing him to make me a chariot by the time of our arrival there. Will you likewise be so obliging as advise him occasionally upon its parts &c. We wish it a post chariot, light, strong & neat & modified as you think fit .Divers has not forward the money to pay for his. I informed him you were so obliging as to superintend its completion. With great respect & esteem I am dear sir very affectionately your friend & servant,
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Wmsburg July 17. 1792.
Dear Sir
I believe I mentioned in my last that great part of my time wod. be occupied in the completion of our report to the legislature of the revision of the laws. The only act of the committee at Richmond was to adjourn here wh. left me the alternative of returning home & bringing Mrs. M. down with me or abandoning the trust altogether. Mature consideration determined me in favor of the former plan which has been accordingly executed, notwithstanding the distance & extreme heat of the season.
I was favored at Richmond with yours giving a statment of the votes & eventual decison upon the New York election. The declaration in favor of Clinton on the part of the Canvassers was perhaps right, tho' i rquires more accurate information of their election & sheriff laws to determine it that I possess. How far he might with propriety have declin'd the appointment without an imputation upon the rectitude of the Canvassers, seems doubtful, or what wod. have been the intermediate condition of the govt. who have discharged the Executive functions, whither the legislature must have been convened to relieve them from the dilemma., are circumstances which merited attention & no doubt had weight in the decision. The terms however upon which he has accept his re-election are not flattering to him and cast an air upon the whole providing, which how fair soever it may have been, will give the adversary party an advantage they will not fail to avail themselves of certain it is with respect to this gentn, that altho as a center of union to the republican party in that State it may be necessary to support him, yet there are traits in his character and particularly that of extreme parsimony, which are highly exceptionable. No one wod. point to him as a model for imitation, but comparatively with others in that quarter, & especially his late competitor & conferee share no hesitation which to prefer If an unequivocal fact is shown & principles understood, altho in some respects vicious, yet in. any given situation you can determine his course and as the effect of the alloy may be ascertained it may be guarded against. To some few there are as little doubts of the political principles of the other gentn. as of this, but they are not generally known and therefore his advancement the more objectionable.
Whether things have reached their height in the division of parties, relative to govt. in American and will have a regular course hereafter in favor of the principles of either seems doubtful. That the partizans for monarchy are numerous & powerful in point of talents and influence is in my estimation certain. Even the list of those who have been & perhaps still are active is formidible. That of those who temporize between the conflicting interests and whose weight is of course under the pious cloak of federalist thrown into that scale, is I fear equally so. To be passive in a controversy of this kind, unless the person had been bred a priest in the principles of the Romish church is a satisfactory proof he is on the wrong side. Indeed if imbecility 7 indecision had characterized them thro' life, in their impotence, they might find some excuse. But if they had taken a part on the great fiend which America has promished for 16 or 17 years past how can they justify a supineness & inactivity in the preesent occasion? When principles of government, so far as their effect depends on the great mass of the society who are generaly uninformed, take their tone from the opinions of those whom they have been long accustomed to look up to as their leaders, is it a sufficient justification for such to say they leave them to their own operation. As this class moreover will go with that side which preponderates, policy dictates to count them on the republican list. Something may be gained by it & nothing can be lost.
I am well satisfied that republican slate will prevail, but consider its preponderance by no means as completely established yet. What subject may be furnished by the assailing party (for the monarchic has been so heretofore) remains for the next session to shew. If it appears that ground has been gained in the H. of R., it must be considered as a sure indication of the publich sentiment. For that sentiment; if republican will be resisted by a strong party in both branches of the legislature as long as it can be with safety to themselves. Altho' in this State the decided vote of the majority wod. be in all cases of the kind, as it shod. be, yet tis most certain that there is a strong party in favor of the opposit interest. Many of those who censure the measures of the present administration, & by that mean have advanced themselves in the publick estimation, are in this class. The publick are not sufficiently informed upon these heads & it will yet take time to make them so.
I have no news to give you from this quarter that can be interesting. The town seems to be agitated by the competition between two gent. Mr. Bracken (the former professor) & Mr. Henderson, for the professorship of humanity, the visitors having established it. The character of the former you know. The latter is a well informed man of good reputation & who no officiates. The reestablishment of that professorship has brought back to the college a great number of small boys, but in other respects it has experienced no remarkable change. Its funds are respectable & its president a capable & industrious man, yet its services to the community less important than might be expected. May we not hope as the country becomes exonerated from debt, publick & private, some considerable advance may be made for the establishment of such an institution elsewhere? With great erespect & esteem I am dear Sir sincerely your friend & servant
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredericksburg Octr. 16. 1792
Dear Sir
You have before this I presume heard of the death of Colo. Geo. Mason wh. was abt. the 8th of this moth of the gout in the stomack. His patriotic virtues thro the revolution will ever be remembered by the citizens of this country, and his death at the present moment will be sensibly felt by the republican interest. We intended to have rested a day or two with him on our way, and this event will probably render us a day sooner in Phila.
We expect Mr. Madison here tomorrow & to set out on the 20th together. We may possibly stay a day at Mount Vernon so that avoiding accidents we shod. be in Phila. certainly by the 28 or 30th.
R.H. Lee has notified to the assembly his determination to withdraw from his present station & in consequence thereof they have fixed on the 15 to supply his place. The term of the successor to commence immidiately after the election. Dr. Lee, Harvie, & F. Corbin were mentioned to me by the last post as the only competitors. I think it probable some other person may be brought forward, but this is conjecture only.
I hear from Mr. Beckly there is no prospect of comfortable accomodations upon reasonable
terms. I had hopes that one of Seckells houses might have been finished but presume tis not the case. Tis dreadful to take a post off the pavement again. However we will be there in time to look out before the commencment of the session. We shod. like (provided we cannot accomodate ourselves agreeably in yr. neighbourhood) to get the house Burr lived in last winter. I think he told me he did not intend to keep it. Perhaps Mr. Eppes is with you. He might collect the necessary information by the time we get there.
Shall thank you to send the inclosed to the coachmaker Mr. Kerr. I am Dear sir yr. affectionate friend & servant, Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Philadelphia, Novr. 21. 1792.
Dear Sir,
Yesterday in concert with Mr. Izard, to whose wishes I am forced to accommodate, I agreed to the postponement of the report upon weights & measures untill the first Monday in Decr. That Mr. Rittenhouse might in the meantime make the experiment of the rod. It was moved by Mr. Ellsworth & seconded by Mr. Read to postpone it untill the next session, but withdrawn upon this motion. Mr. Sherman objected to delay with a view of going into the temporary plan suggested in yr. report. To this idea many seem to incline-but all are willing to have the subject discussed, & I particularly wish that Mr. R. wod. turn his attention to the above object :& furnish a satisfactory result in time. Very affecy. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. Jany 3. 1793
Dear Sir
My St. Croix friends have mentioned that it might reach you, that a Mr. Durant wod. be more acceptable there as Mr. Yard's successor than any other person. The inclosed letter respects the pretensions of another gentn. for another place & which I have thought expedient to subject to yr. inspection. Sincerely I am yr. affectionate friend & servt ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. Jany 14. 1793
Dear Sir
I have just heard it stated here that the suspension of the payments to France was in the first instance by Mr. Short before the commencment of Mr. Morris's advice & without orders from this place & that the latter only conformed to a rule shewn him- implicating strongly that there never had been any direction from this quarter on the subject. This statement was given by Cabot upon an interrogating of Mr. Adams. If you can give me the facts (without yr. appearing in it) they may be communicated here.
Yrs. affecy. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
[January 30, 1793]
Dear Sir
Mr. Gunn has mentioned to Major Butler the report that his conduct at New York upon some publick questions was influenc'd by some expectation of a foreign mission. He has called on Hamilton whom he did not see but means to chastise those concerned in the charge. Hamilton informed him at the time it took place that the appointment of Short was at yr. instance contrary to his wishes, and that he wanted the President to appoint him (viz. Majr. Butler). As he means to call on you immediately as a friend to confer on this subjectI have thought proper to apprize you of the above. ... Yrs. affecy.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Mar. 12. 1793
The following suits were put into the hands of Mr N. Pope in 1791 to wit.
Against Lewis & Woodson on bond principal & interest to Sep. 30, 1791 were £ ... S ... D
192 12 ... 9½
against Woodson on his Note ... Do ... To do ... 7 14 ... 2
against Lewis on Account of rent balance & interest to Sep. 30, 1791 86 ... 7 ... 0½
286 ... 14 ... 0
Out of these monies when recovered the following orders were given
in favr. of Donald, Scott & co. principal & interest to Sep. 30. 91 ... 139 ... 0 ... 0
... Of Wm & James Donald ... do. ... to do. ... 38 ... 13 ... 6
177 ... 13 ... 6
left a balance of ... 100 ... 0 ... 0
An order for this balance was given in favor of Dobson: but as his departure from the country required prompter payment, prompter resources were resort to for him, of which I adresed Mr. Pope by letter of Sep.25.92. so as to leave this balance free.
Mr. Pope by letter of Jan. 3. 93 informs me has judgments against Lewis and Woodson & execution, which has been replevied; and that the suits against Lewis had been ready for trial, but delayed by the inability of Colo. N. Lewis to attend as a witness: but that he should have judgments the next term. The balances with interest will be upwards of £120.
Mr. N. Pope always giving priority to the orders in favor of Donald, Scott & co.& James Donald, is desired to pay the residue of the money he may receive on the above accounts(clear of costs) to Colo. Monroe or order, or such portion of the residue as Colo. Monroe shall apply for to be disposed of for my uses. ... Th. Jefferson
P.S. No notice is taken above of the suit ordered against Lewis and Ware, because it was countermanded.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Baltimore March 22. 93
Dear Sir
This will be presented you by Judge Symes of the western territory with whom I served in the former Congress & whom I deem a sensible & honest man. He was of service in repelling the attack upon the Mississippi in 1786 by Gardoqui & company. As he is well acquainted with the affrs. of that country I have thought it might be useful for you to know him.
We arrived here last night, the roads having almost exhausted our selves & horses. We stay to day & move on tomorrow early. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredericksburg March 27. 93
Dear Sir
We arrived here on the 25 & sit out to morrow for Albemarle. We have had a more comfortable trip than could well have been expected.
Mr. Madison informed you from Alexa. of the fate of several elections since wh. we have heard that Mr. New of Carolina was preferred to Corbin of Middlesex.. Heth for the Northumberland district. Walker for Albemarle (the latter only a report). If we shod. hear of any other you will be informed by Mr. M. before we sit out. Mr. m. without oppn. for orange.
In every respect so far as we have heard, we find the publick mind perfectly sound in regard to those objects of national policy, at present most interesting. Every member is either as he shod. be, or has gained his place by fraud & imposition.
We find likewise the sentiment universal in favor of yr. continuance thro' the present crisis, and of course that a contrary conduct wod. have proved a publick as well as a very serious private detriment to yr. self. Be so kind as send the enclosed to Mr. Beckly & believe me affectionately yr. friend servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredericksburgh May 8th. 1793.
Dear Sir
I came here a few days past to attend the district court and shall leave this place on the 10th for the chy. in Richmond wh. commences on the 12. In Charlottesville in the case of Barrett the verdict & judgmt. were against you, deducting the interest as you had proposed during the war. He had no proof except that of Colo. Lewis to establish him claim (at the trial). Upon conferring with this latter gentn. I found he had an imperfect recollection of what had passed between him & Barrett, whether he had refused to pay him the whole interest, as well during as since the war, and upon shewing him the paper containing yr. instruction, & upon wh. his proposition must have been founded, he expressed a wish it might be shewn the court & jury in the trial as he could not say he had made any other proposal & the presumption would then be satisfactory that he had not. To this I agreed. Upon the trial I took the opinion of the court whether with out my consent they would avail themselves of Colo. Lewis's evidence, he being yr. trustee which was that they could not. I then admitted it with an assurance to the Ct & jury that if the claim would in any mode be established it would be allowed. Colo. Lewis referred to the paper in my possession & wh. I then produced making it a point whether that paper amounted to an assumpsit being only a conditional proposition, with an absolute decln. you did not believe the debt was due. Tucker was of opinion it was not assumpsit. Roane doubted but both were of opinion it might go to the jury, and their verdict was founded upon yr. apparent willingness to pay it under certain modifications wh. were regarded in it. I moved the court for a new trial as against evidence, & it lay over till the next day., then Roane had left the bench for the residue of the term. Finding that if the verdict had been in yr. favor you were resolved to pay the money in case Barrett wod. from his acct. by affidavit only, & he upon conference assuring me that he wod. not only do it in that mode but by some orders, he was well assured you had forgotten. I saw no benefit resulting from a success in the motion for a new trial especially as in any event you wod. be forced to pay yr. costs of the proceedings. I then proposed to Barrett that if he would permit me to state to the court that if he had known the real contents of yr. instruction to Colo. Lewis (for he declared that Colo. Lewis had refused to pay any interest) he never wod. have brought suit against you, but waited yr. accomodation. I wod. withdraw the motion & to wh. he agreed. Observing further that he knew nothing of the transaction abt. Sheys bond untill after the suit was over-that it was bought up by a brother of his, suit brot. & every operation conducted by his brother & absolutely without his knowledge. I accordingly stated the offer as above agreed & withdrew the motion. Barrett said he wod. wait till the fall for the money but expected interest of wh. I informed him I wod. advise you. Of your other business I will write you from Richmond.
In my rout I scarcely find a man unfriendly to the French revolution as now modified-many regret the unhappy fate of the Marq. of Fayette, and likewise the executn. of the King. But they seem to consider these events as incidents to a much greater one, & which they wish to see accomplished. The sphere of the opposit policy may be considered (exclusive of the tory interest of the late war) as confined to Alexa. a city which certainly comprehends no enlightened man, and Richmond. At the bar here two gentn. only are in this sentiment, Chs. Lee & Bushrod Washington, the former of Alexa. & the latter Richmd. And tis manifest that their opposition to the general sentiment of their country is not confined to the principles of the French revolution only but extends to the general policy of the representation in Congress & particularly the late proceedings & enquiries respecting the use & application of the publick monies. It was declared by the former, and in a manner that shewed it was no vacant conception that Mr. Madison in stating the disobedience of the Secry. of that department to the orders of the President, had placed the merits of the controversy on an improper footing. Col. Mercer, who conducted the argument against him, affirmed the contrary, with other declns. expressive of the strongest disapprobation of his conduct & distrust of his rectitude.
I left Mrs M. in Alb. not well recovered from the fatigue of the journey in other respects tolerably well. Mr. R & family were & had been absent since our return. Gilmer & others well. You have probably heard of a charge of a very heinous kind aganst. R. Rand. & that before the examining court he was acquitted 12 to 2 of the megistrates in his favor, & upon the question for his enlargment. The accts. here are universally in his favor & seem to have impressions that were before deeply fixed. Very affectionately I am yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
P.S. I have not recd. a line from any person there since I left Phila.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle May 23 1793
Dear Sir
I have just replaced myself at home where I hope to enjoy for a while repose. I did not see Mr. Pope at Richmond and of course could not execute the other objects of yr. commission. I shall however now be able to communicate with him thro some one of the gentn. who practice in the Louisa Cty. could & will then apprize you of the result.
At Richmond I was requested by Mr. Robert Gamble to mention to you his desire to be employed as an agent for the French in the purchase of flour &c. I am well satisfied from his connection with the country from Richmond to Staunton, his great industry, and other suitable qualifications, that a more judicious appointment could not be made. Indeed considering his political principles I shod. deem it a desirable object with Mr. Genet to inlist him in the business.
Your letter to the care of Mr. Madison has this moment been put into my hands. It shall be noticed by the next post. I saw Mr. & Mrs. R. yesterday in good health-very sincerely I am your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Alb. May 28. 1793
Dear Sir
My last informed you that I had just recd. yours of the fifth, as I returned from a circuit of professional duties. It communicated to you likewise what I had to communicate respecting yr. own commissions in that line.
The European war becomes daily as it progresses more interesting to us. I was happy to find Mr. Genet whom I passed on the road between Fredbg. & Richmd. Had made a most favorable impression on the inhabitants of the latter city. It furnishes a favorable presage of his impression on a more important tho' if possible not a more prejudic'd theatre.
There can be no doubt that the general sentiment of America is favorable to the French revolution. The minority compared with the strength of those in that interest, if the division could be properly drawn, wod. in my opinion, be as the aggregate of Richmond & Alexa. to Virginia-but general as this sentiment is I believe it is equally so in favor of our neutrality. And this seems to be dictated by the soundest policy even as it may respect the object in view, the success of the French revolution. For if we were to join France we should from that moment put it out of her power to derive any advantage from these States. We could neither aid her with men nor money. Of the former we have none; and of the latter our weak and improvident war with the Indians, together with the debts we have assumed will completely exhaust us. Our declaration would not be felt on the continent. It would produce no effect on the general combination of European powers. Wod. not retard the movements of Brunswick, or any other invading army. It wod. in fact be simply a declaration agnst G. Britain, which would prove beneficial to her, & highly injurious to France, and ourselves. From the view I have of this subject it would relive her from restraints, growing out of the present state of things, which would be both gratifying and advantageous to her. For whilst the rights of neutrality belong to us some respect will be shewn to those rights, nor is it probable that an invasion of them by her will be countenanc'd by her other associates in the war. Under the protection of these rights the ports and the bottoms of America will be free to France; in addition to which every act of gratuity & favor which a generous and gratified people can bestow, without an infringement of them on the other side, will be shewn. France may greatly profit from this situation, for under a wise managment immense resources may be gathered hence to aid her operations & support her cause. And America must flourish under it, if indeed it were generous to count her profits arising from the general misfortunes of mankind. Let it be notic'd as a posterior consideration, after estimating the effect our declaration or neutrality might produce upon the affairs of France. On the other hand I am persuaded our declaration in favor of France, would not only in a correspondent degree injure that nation, & ourselves, but benefit the party we meant to injure. Freed from any embarrassing questions respecting the rights of neutrality, our commerce would in her lawful plunder, and commanding as I presume she will the seas, but little would escape her. Niether the vessels of France nor even our own, would be safe in our ports, unless we raised fortifications in each for their protection. I shall not therefore be surprised to find G.B. indeavoring to draw us into the war, even against her, by every species of insult and outrage which a proud selfish, and vindictive nation, can impose; or that this disposition should shew itself in the impressment of our ships sailors, and other violations of our neutrality. Whether an appeal from such conduct should be made to the general sense even of the combined powers with whom I see no reason why we shod. not stand on good terms, with a view of degrading her among all civilized nations, as the Algiers of Europe, or any other means for the purpose of teaching her better principles and manners, I will not pretend to determine. Certain however I am, at least this is my present impression, that it is our duty to avoid by every possible dexterity a war which must inevitably injure ourselves & our friends and benefit our enemies.
One circumstance seems to press us at present, and which I fear will lessen before any possible remedy can be applied, the benefits of our neutrality and to those for whom they are wished, I mean the scarcity of American bottoms. I am told such cannot be procured, and in consequence that our productions cannot be exported. The injury that must arise from such a course will be universally felt. Can this be otherwise remedied than by allowing the American merchants to buy in the bottoms of other nations for a limited time 12 months for instance. I can perceive no other cause at present which can make the meeting of Congress necessary before, or much before the time appointed; and the fact I hope does not exist, or so partially as will admit of a remedy under the regular operation of the existing law by the encouragement offered to American ships. If such an event shod. take place (a more early meeting of Congress) wh. is much spoken of here by letters from Phila., shall thank you to mention the time you think it will sit, as it will regulate me in my family & law concerns, & particularly whether I shall bring Mrs. M. with me or leave her behind. If such a call shod. be made, however injurious it may be to me, I shall obey it, for whilst I hold the present station, I shall always endeavor to perform its duties. I have troubled you with a long letter upon subjects very familiar to you, and upon which you have no doubt long since made up yr. mind. Mr. R. and family were well two days past and the neighbourhood generally except Mrs. M. who has been indisposed for a few days past. With great respect & esteem I am yr. affectionate friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] Is it not surprising that since my arrival in Virga. I have not recc. one of Freneau's papers,
tho' Fenno's have come regularly. Perhaps they have not been sent. Will you be pleased to enquire & direct them to be sent in case they are not. We shod. know that Davis is, if not in the opposite interest, yet so miserable a tool of it as not to be counted on in any respect. Inclosed for Beckley from Fredbg. for that paper a political jeu d'esprit of a friend who wishes well to the republican cause. If Beckley shod. be absent, as the cover to him was intended merely as one from you, to prevent yr. being troubled with it, could not this be mentioned to the Editor to authorize his stripping it off?
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle June 27. 1793.
Dear Sir
I have been favored with yours of the 4th & shall observe the instruction respecting the fund in the hands of Mr. Pope by directing its immediate application to Mr. Barnett.
In my last I made some observations evincing the prosperity and policy of our neutrality in the present European war, but as that sentiment appears to be general, I refer to it now only as a proof that it is likewise mine. It leaves me more at liberty to comment on the conduct of the Executive since, which I do the more freely as I do not know what part you have borne in it. The measure I particularly refer to is the proclamation declaring this neutrality with the reply to the address of some merchants of Phila. and the order for the prosecution of two marines who had embarked in a privateer licensed by the French minister. I must confess I had considered the proclamation at first as only an admonition to the people to mind their own business, and not interfere in the controversy; and in this view altho I could not perceive the necessity of the measure, yet I was inclined to deem it harmless. As the executive magistrate, the competent authority having not otherwise declared, the President might, if he was distrustful of his constituents, indeavor to restrain them within, the limits such authority had proscribed, or rather allowed; if indeed there exists in the government a right to inhibit the citizens of the states from taking comns from either of the powers at war & fighting in their service. I did not suppose it was intended as a matter of right to declare what shod. be the conduct of these States in relation to this controversy. But the reply to the merchants and the prosecution above mentioned seem to denote the contrary, and to shew that the President meant it was such. Upon this construction I deem it both unconstitutional & impolitick.
I cannot conceive upon what principle the right is claimed. I think the position uncontrovertible that if he possesses the right to say we shall be neutral, he might say we shod. not be. The power in both instances must be in the same hands. For if the Executive could say we shod. be neutral how could the legislature, that we shod. was. In truth a right to declare our neutrality, as a distinct authority, cannot exist, for that is only the natural state of things, when a the positive power of declaring war is not exerted, and this belongs to the legislature only. Any interference therefore with it by the Executive, must be unconstitutional & improper.
As little can in my opinion be said in favor of its policy. Tis possible G. B. might wish to keep us neutral: if such were his disposition it became his interest to cultivate our friendship by surrendering the posts &ca. Whilst our conduct was in suspense that anxiety would be increased; but by this precipitate declaration the point has been given up. And for what object? What do we gain by it? We committed no offence untill we shod. violate the laws of neutrality, and no power could compel us to say what part we would take in the controversy. By holding aloof on that head none could be dissatisfied except France in case she shod. claim the guarantee. Declarations of neutrality I believe generally succeed applications for them, or the contrary course. Had France applied for our aid, or had Britain that we wod. not aid her, then in either case, such notification wod. have been regular. But a declaration like ours is I suspect without precedent. I loses the merit of having not refused France, or of accomodating Britain. It gives us not claim upon either court. France indeed it outrages, for it decries her claim of guarantee, or yeilding it up, the merit of the concession. And Britain it assures of an accomodation.
Again, why prosecute our citizens, for taking comns in the French service against what law have they offended, or upon what principle are they charged? The mere acceptance of the comn. cannot be deemed criminal, and the act of hostility upon the British vessel was without the jurisdiction of these States, as I presume upon the high seas. And the doctrine is well established that no offence can by committed against the laws of any society beyond the limits within wwhich they operate: for instance that an offence, such as murder or the like, committed in France cannot be punished here; and if upon the sea, the principle is the same, unless the party be a pirate, and in that case amenable to the admiralty tribunals of every country. The subsequent act of bringing the vessel into port here, does not I suppose constitute the ground for prosecution, moe than if these men had carried, or aided in carrying her, to the Island of St. Croix, or elsewhere & returned here. For it ie does the purchasers or mariners afterwards hired to take care of her, car equally criminal. This I take to be the doctrine of the common law. Tis certainly the basis upon which separate and independent societies are erected. Nor has it been enlarged by any act of the legislature that I know of; tho' indeed I have not the acts with me. So far upon the idea that the French country gives no separate rights or immunities, to one of our citizens otherwise than if he had none. But does it give none, & of which he may avail himself against the opposit powers, and even against his own country? If taken can he be treated as a pirate? The laws & usages of nation, are otherwise. Can we be made answerable for his conduct? If we had hired him to France, or Britain, as the Swiss in particular do, we cod. not be. As a volunteer then we certainly are not.
I do not absolutely deny the right of a society to restrain its members from the commission of certain enormities, beyond the limits of its own jurisdiction, under such penalties as it may impose. Tho' according to my present view of the subject, but few if any benefits, can be derived from it, and some objections occur. The local tribunal will always be sufficient for his punishment if apprehended & if he escapes, yet the power disposed may surrender him to justice. This I shod. think enough either for the suppression of vice, or national security. But to give our laws cognizance of offences committed in other countries, must be deemed not only sanguinary as it respects our citizens, but a derogation of the sovereignties in which they may be. The offence for instance by a fiction of the law must be considered as committed here. May we demand then & rescue him from their courts to be punished here, or shall he be twice punished for the same offence?
Nor am I an advocate for privateering; on the contrary, could wish the practice suppressed-but presume such reformation shod. be brought about by conventions throughout the world, and not the desultory operations of any one nation. But by taking the laws as they are, I cannot perceive wherein they have offended, or upon what principle the prosecution can be supported. In this position I think myself founded in relation to foreign authorities, for there where the doctrine of allegiance binds the subject in perpetual obedience to his sovereign, it has never been otherwise construed or applied, than to prohibit the right of expatriation and of course the taking up arms agnst his native country. To fight in the service of one Prince agnst another was never denied I believe to any one. I suspect it was never asked unless the party were already in the service of his own. But with us, will not the rights of citizenship be construed more freely? Will that of expatriation be denied? And may not the mere act of accepting a comn in a foreign service be deemed such if the party pleases? In this state there is a law to authorize it, but that law is drawn in such cautious terms, as to leave the point as it stood before, upon foreign authorities, improved by the principles of our revolution, and was intended not to abrogate any rights, but to make sure, what had been doubted.
But admitting it to be an offence and punishable by our l;aws, why prosecute these people untill formally demanded by that court, in case she had a right to demand it? Is it that we affect an extraordinary degree of refinement & political purity? The parties at war will not I apprehend ascribe it to that motive. Nations more generally shelter their citizens from punishment when due and demanded than otherwise. But to commence it ourselves, unauthorized, as I believe, and pursue it with such rigor, will be ascribed to some other. If we so seriously abhorred vice, and were disposed to banish it from our country, has no other instance of enormity presented itself worthy reprehension?
I have but little hope of a fortunate issue from the negotiation in spain, for I observe that it is conducted on the part of that court by Gardoqui a subtile and malignant little wretch, highly incensed against us for defeating him on that point here, and he well knows the support he recd. upon that occasion from a party still high in office and all powerful in the present administration. The association of Carml. too will I fear prove a clog in it, for tis possible he might deem a rapid success as a feather to his colleague taken from himself. And with Britain my expectation is on the same level, for our conduct to her since the adoption of the present govt., as more fully shewn by this declaration of neutrality, and the acceptance of her patronage (for such I presume to be the case by our comrs. taking the rout of Niagara) to obtain our peace with the Indians, must convince them of our subservience to their views, or how extremely impotent and contemptible we are. We forced that nation to abandon those very Indians in her treaty with us, and now when opposed to them alone divided too on their part, and strengthened on ours by alliances with several tribes, we accept if not solicit, her aid to make our peace with those whom they had sacrificed. Either this nation must be among the most unprincipled, or she will indeavor to compensate her allies at our expense. To expect the contrary, unless we have the fullest assurance of his perfidy, must shew the weakness of our councils. I trust that our humiliation has attained its lowest point, when we are capable of placing ourselves in a situation so degrading & shameful. But the solidity of our credit with the brokers at Amsterdam is a medicine of sufficiant virtue to heal every wound that can be given to the national honor & reputation. Excuse this letter which has exceeded the bounds I had contemplated, and be assured of the sincereity withwhich I am you affectionate friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond July 23. 1793
Dear Sir
I came here yesterday upon some business in the office of the Ct. of Chancery. I shall return to morrow. I shall see Barrett to day & give him a time to Mr. Pope for the adjustment of his claim.
Mr. Lewis & Divers have valued Thenia & children but have not furnished me the statement. They will on my return. I am likewise in yr. debt for the Encyclopedia. Be so obliging as state in yr. next the amount & I will include the whole in the same bond. Tis impossible to adjust the transaction in a manner more agreeable to me & therefore hope it will likewise be so to you.
The information contained in yr. last of the prospect of a war with Spain is truly alarming, but I still hope it may be a voided. As it embarks us of course in the genl. war of Europe & puts our fortunes afloat on the event. The unanimity of our Executive councils are the subjects begets strange suspicions with me.
By the proclamation so far as it had a right, we are separated from France. The progress of the war then is not intended to be in great harmony with that nation, as for the support of publick liberty. We shall however be at war with Spain upon a private quarrel of our own-for instance for the Missisippi, & wh. I hear has been lately guaranteed by Britain to that power, but the guarantee has not been published & perhaps not intended to be. The commencement in the object & parties to the war, contains as little hostility to Britain & monarchy as possible; the odium of it too with the present Indian war will be placed to acct of the western country, already unpopular enough throughout the continent. Britain it is obvious will prescribe the terms of the peace & what these may be, in the unsettled state of the world with respect to govt. & the disposition of many with respect to the westn. country & torn to pieces as we are, by a malignant monarchy faction is altogether incertain. Besides upon what principle can it be accounted for, that the certificate party lose the support of Hamilton upon this occasion furnished them upon all others? The certificates are in the dust if we are involved in a war, & he has shewn he cod. bear any kind of indignity from the Bh. Ct. The whole is misterious to me. I fear the party, finding its affrs. desperate and that by fair discussion before the publick it will be crushed and that the publick credit partly by the mismagment of the public finances and partly by the present war whose effect is felt, are disposed to precipitate us into some dreadful catastrophe wh. may end we know not where. The circumstance of a Sph. War is of all others the happiest expedient for them. They have shewn themselves the patrons & advocates for peace by the procla. a war, and for the Missisippi or souther boundaries will not be theirs-its odium will fall elsewhere.
I am (against every invitation to war) an advocate for peace. The insults of Spn. Britain or any other of the continent powers I deem no more worthy our notice as a nation, that those of a lunatic to a man in health. For I consider them as desperate & raving mad. To expose ourselves to their fury if we can get out of their way wod. be as imprudent in the former as the latter case. To preserve peace will no doubt be difficult but by accomplishing it, we shew our wisdom & magnanimity. We secure to our people the enjoyment of a dignified repose, by indulging which they will be prosperous & happy.
There is no sacrifice I wod. not be willing to make for the sake of France & her cause but I think by this course we advance her interests and I am persuaded she must so understand it. In the mean time, whatever the principles of neutrality wod. allow of shod. be granted her.
I observe a curious publication signed "Pacificus" written no doubt by Mr. H. the principles it contains are really novel. The President he says may of himself annull any treaty or part of a treaty he thinks fit, as the organ of communication with foreign powers, that he has done so by the proclm. In respect to the guarantee, wh. he has declared void, & the other two articles he has permitted to remain in force. It contains other doctrines equally exceptionable but wh. I have not time at present to notice nor you I presume to read. With great sincerity I am yr. affectionate friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] I recd. Mr. Freneau's note excusing the omission abt. his paper respecting wh. I return an answer. Is it not surprising the pamphlet entitled "An Examination &c." has not reached this. I never cod. obtain a view of it till the other day a copy was presented me for perusal.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albe: Augt. 21. 1793
Dear Sir
On my return from Richmond I was favored with yours of the 14 of July. I shod. have answerd it sooner had I not been prevented by some peculiar engagements. At present I shod. be more full upon some points but that the favor of Mr. Madisons compny. likewise prevents it. Upon one point I think it necessary to say a few words. You suggest that some indiscretions of Mr. Genet have given an advantage to his adversaries they seem disposed to avoid themselves of by an appeal to the people wh. you fear in the heat of parties & the probable preponderance of the opposit interests may injure his country. Of one fact I am well assured that in case of such an appeal, the people of this State in deciding on the merits of the French minister whilst they wod. consider them of the administratn. As inveterate & malignant vices-they wod. consider his as the effect of the intemperate zeal of an honest heart active in the support of the best of causes, whilst they wod. deem those of his antagonists, as the effect of unsound hearts & wicked heads planning the ruin of that cause.
A variety of considerations incline me to believe that a crisis is rapidly approaching that will produce some great change in our affairs. I consider this gentn. as an important instrument in bringing on that crisis. The publick mind will not be governed by light or trivial incidents but will take the measures of 4 or 5 years together as the data or rule to decide by and if upon the whole the measures of the admin. Partake more of evil than good, let the incident wh. matures the crisis be what if may, they will condemn it. This is not suggested by a mere matter of surmise. I know the principle to be at work & I am well satisfied it will produce fruit in the course of a short time.
The French historians will record the conduct of this country towards theirs. They will note that of individuals also. Those who shall take any part which the world & posterity may not approve, be them who they may, will be handed down in their proper colours.
I understand from Mr. Madison that you have already recd. some intimation of the paper enclosed. I have therefore only to request that you will be so king as forwd it to the gentn. to whom it is addressed.
Mr. Randolph & Mr. Jeff. dined with us today. His family are well. I am Dear sir very affectionately yr. frd. & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Staunton Sepr. 3. 1793.
Dear Sir
I parted from Mr. Madison three days past at my house. He was so kind as shew me yr. letter to him by Mr. Randolph. The state into which the conduct of an indiscreet man on the one part, and some very wicked men on the other, has thrown us in respect to France fills me with extreme concern. That he shod. not have implicitly followed yr. advice in all the affrs. of his country is to me astonishing, as well from yr. known attachment to that nation & her cause as his having mentioned that fact in Richmond on his way to Phila. with respect to him he must follow the fortune he has carved out for himself. It remains for us to prevent the ill effects which menace us from that quarter, by appraising France by every possible explanation &c in our power; & counteracting at home the views of the party who have brought the subject to the publick view.
That the object of this party is to separate us from France & ultimately unite us with Engld. is what I am well assured of-and that the certificate of Messrs. Jay & King was concocted at Phila. as the means of bringing the subject before the publick is likewise what I believe. Tis likewise to be presumed that they had made their arrangements for taking the subject up through out the continent so as to give the proceeding a face that would be highly disgusting to France. I consider the whole however as a mere trick & which wod ultimately recoil on the authors of it. The people will soon perceive they have been abused & hurried into excesses they will be ashamed of as soon as they become cool.
The party in Richmond was soon set in motion, & from what I have understood here have reason to believe they mean to produce the most extensive effect they are capable of. Mr. Marshall had written G. Jones on the subject & the first appearances threatined the most furious attack on the French minister, the pressure to it was ended in a manner honorable to the parties concerned (the mention of that character alone excepted) & he is only classed with Messrs. Jay & King. I am persuaded the subject will likewise be taken up in Albemarle & other parts of the State, and apprehend there is some danger these latter gentn. may be presented by the Grand jury for their improper interference in the affrs. of the Executive. Satisfied I am that in a publick discussion, the sense of the community will be found, in the proportion of 9 to 1 in favor of the French cause & in reprobation of any effort to lessen its merits & interest here. I doubt not yr. sense of the conduct of the individual is confined to a very narrow circle, for the experiment of seperating him from his country, in every view, is of that delicate nature, that is consequences cannot be foreseen. Many here, & since his letter, & the certificate alluded to have been seen, applaud him for his zeal in pressing the cause of his country. But if they believed that you really thot. Him culpable, it would create a despondence that would complete the triumph of the enemies to his country & her cause.
I have been sensible that yr. departure, & especially since the publick mind has been so much agitated, wod. be severely felt & vehemently opposed by a particular character. If I mistake not he fears to be left exposed, in the society of those who would be left behind with him after yr. departure. If yr. opinions had more weight upon the questions agitated, I shod. believe the desire for yr. continuance was not dictated by self love. Permit me to add that I consider yr. situation, the most important & interesting that can be conceived. Its importance is felt by the opposit party in such a degree that altho in one view they wod. be gratified by yr. retreat, yet they fear greater injury to themselves, from that event than yr. continuance, and therefore wish it. They know the solidity of yr. principles founded on reason & reflection, and in case the republican party shod. pass that boundary, count upon yr. restraining them, because they well know that that party repose an unlimited confidence in you. Yr. friends indeed will be happy in yr. continuance because they will be greatly aided by yr. councils. I write you in great hurry, not having indeed leasure to read it over, so that you will find an apology for any impropriety it may contain, knowing the sincerity with which I am yr. affectionate friend and servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Octr. 14. 1793
Dear Sir
The fatigue of my late journey & some concerns wh. require immediate attention will deprive me of the pleasure of being at Monticello till after the arrival of Mr. Madison which will be on Wednesday. Unless the funeral of his brother shod. detain him longer sh. However is not expected.
I send you the Fredb paper containing the proceeding there, wh. terminated in a recommendation to the counties to take the subject up. It commenced in an invitation by Jas. Mercer, Mann Page & others the most respectable inhabitants in that part of the State, to the inhabitants of the district to convene for the purpose of discussing some topics of general concern. Edwd. Stevens who as at that time in town with some associates of the same party took the recommendation up, & (he being in the chair) addressed the inhabitants of Culpeper agnst the meeting- similar efforts were made elsewhere wh. together with the short notice given, & the real difficulty in assembling people from parts so distant, prevented a numerous meeting. The majority therefore was with the town & its dependants. This will acct. for the issue. Those of character, such as Page &c withdrew their names from the committee, & Mercer was retained by his seat in the chair only. The weight of the republican character awed the sects, torries, & their assistants into silence or I believe a most loyal proceeding wod. have been exhibited to the publick. The resolves I have no copy of but they will be published in the paper. I am affecy. Yr. friend & serv. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Philadelphia. Decr. 4. 1793
Dear Sir
I find the establishment of the charge agnst Mr. Genet will depend principally upon what you heard Mr. Dallas say. This latter will deny that he ever said anything like what the certificate states. Jay & King heard it from Hamilton & Knox, these latter from Mifflin & I am told that there is a difference between those gentn. & Mifflin, & likewise between him & Dallas as to what they respectively stated. So that the fact will be disproved aganst them, unless the circumstances they are able to adduce are supported by you. If they procure from the President yr. report to him will not this transfer the business from them to him. I have just heard the above & transmit it for yr. information. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. March 3. 1794.
Dear Sir
The avidity with which I knew you sought retirment and peace, undisturbed by political concerns, with the further consideration that no event of any importance had taken place since you left us, prevented my tresspassing on you sooner. I am perfectly satisfied you will find in that retirment a contentment & tranquility not to be hoped for in publick life. And yours will be the greater because you carry to it, notwithstanding the important and even turbulent scenes you have passed thro', not only approbation of yr. own heart, & of yr. countrymen generally, but the silence & of course the constrained approbation of yr. enemies. I look forward with pleasure to the period, and it shall be no distant one, when I shall occupy as yr. neighbour the adjoining farm. To this and all my plans will hereafter have an undeviating reference, and I consider the death of Mrs. Monroe's father-an event lately taken place lessening her attachment to this quarter of our country, as calculated to precipitate it.
You were aware of the motive in commencing the session by some not connected with the present state of our affrs. founded on the publick sentiment, and which shod. at the same time vindicate our rights & interests, and likewise shun all possible parties for war on the part of the power it was meant to affect. And that the propositions introduced by Mr. Madison were that. Best calculated to accomplish this object. Of their fate so far he says he will inform you, so that I need only add on that subject, that whether they succeed or not, they will certainly tend to open the eyes of the Eastern people respecting the conduct of their representatives as well as of the motive for it. Information is all they want: an opposition to our carrying trade by their own members will affect them, in such a manner, they will all know the fact, & understand the motive. I therefore hope for the best effects from the discussion of these propositions, and think symptoms to the Eastward authorize the expectation it will be verified.
On Friday last the Senate 14 to 12 declared that Mr. Gallatin had not been 9 years a citizen of the U.States when elected & that his seat was vacant. Upon this occasion Mr. N. of N.C. left us wh. prevented a division, & a dicision from the chair. We have reason to believe that decision wod. have been with us, from what has since transpired, upon the principle, his vote shod. not displace the sitting member. Morris had intimated in the beginng. He shod. take no part in the question but finding that Langdon was with us, & the question wod. probably depend on his vote just before the vote was taken he rose and apologised for the necessity he was under from scruples of conscience (being convinced he had no right to his seat) to vote his colleague out. It appeared he had been near 14 years a resident, 7 years in Mass. Where he was a professor of Harvard College, and where there is not citizen law, and inhabitance makes citizenship, by the constitution of that state. In opposition to wh. it was contended that the Englh. Alien laws were in force there & that it was the practice of the State to pass special acts of naturalizn. For foreigners. That "inhabitant" means native or person naturalized and that the confn. (4th article) could not make an inhabt. Tho' for 50 years in that State, not born nor naturalized there a citizen in another imigrating there. The opposit of this doctrine was urged in both instances, and in particular in the , that specl. Acts of naturalizn might be intended to dispense with residence, or as favors, and at best wd. not controul the constn. of the State wh. was paramount & a rule to us. He had not taken the oath of fedelity 9 years when elected nor when he took his seat.
Abt. 3 weekes past a resolve passed the Senate by a majority of one for requesting the President to lay before the Senate the correspondence of Gr. Morris, with out Ex: & with that of France also. Two days past he laid before us a voluminous correspondence, stating "that he had omitted such parts as in his judgment ought not to be communicated." It has not yet been taken up. The opinion however of many is that his discretion shod. extend to time only. But this assumes the controul over the whole subject & in all respects. The removal of Mr. G. if it wod. have been proper in any event to discuss this point (considering the Senate a branch of the legislature) will I presume prevent it.
About a week past the question for opening the doors of the Senate was taken. By the 1st vote it was rejected 14 to 13. Bradley of Verm. finding he cod. carry it moved to reconsider wh gained us immediately three others, & upon the final vote the opposition was reduc'd to 8 or 9 only Ellsworth &c voting for it, to take effect next session.
The Indian treaty formed by Putnam after lengthy discussion was rejected. The arrival of Mr. Fauchet has removed Mr. Genet who is still here & I believe under some difficulty how to shape his course on wh. head nothing final has transpired. Fauchet was recd. with the most profound attention by the party heretofore opposed to his country & her cause. Tis probable they might hope the fate of his predecessor wod. warn him to shun not only his error but likewise the friends of France, upon the idea they were the friends of Mr. Genet. But this calculation cannot be verified. He must soon find that the republican party here are the only friends of that cause in his own country, and that it was owing to a zeal for that cause and a belief the man was honest, that his errors were in any degree tolerated by them. As yet the conduct of Fauchet appears to be reserved and prudent, and tis to be hoped he will finally take a course corresponding with what the interest of his country may require. We are well. Mrs. M. was called abut three weeks past by the illness of Mr. Kortright to N. Yk. where she still is: I hope for her return in a few days. With great respect & esteem I amdear Sir sincerely yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Philadelphia March 16th. 94
Dear Sir
Mr. Madisons propositions are yet depending & their fate uncertain. The probability is they will pass in the H. of R & be rejected in the Senate. The steady zeal with which any thing like a systematic operation on the British commerce or indeed any branch of her interest is opposed, you have long witnessed & can of course readily conceive upon the present occasion. The opposition as you have seen commenced in the most open declarations in favor of G. Britain, justifying her in all her enormities; but latterly it has assumed a new tone passing into the opposit extreme. Mr. Sedgwick introduced the other day a proposition for raising 15,000 provisioned troops founded upon the idea of providing for our defense aganst invasion, & the probability of such an event considering the unfriendly conduct of G.B. towards us for some time past. It is believed this was not only concluded by the leaders of the faction, but that all its members will support it. A change so extry. must have a serious object in view. At first I believed it was only to counteract by a new maneuver the propositions of Mr. M. shewing that the crisis was more urgent thn they cod. remedy & to remove at the same time the imposition their partiality for B. had created among their constituents but I am inclined to think that it contemplates some thing still further and is designed to lay the foundation of measures more destructive to the publick happiness. As they are to be raised in no given quarter & altho' they may be deemed a king of minute men in respect to their situation except in time of war, yet in every other aspect they will be regulars. As such they will be officered by the genl govt. as such paid, and most of the officers will consider it as the commencement of a military establishment, embark in it with that view & in their utmost efforts to convert it into one. The order of Cincinati will be plac'd in the command of it, & being a part of the military establishment, one common chief will be at the head of the whole, as generalisimo, & immediately supercede Wayne. A particular character here is contemplated for this office, & two of our countrymen H. L. & C are spoken of as persons deserving high rank in it. The influence of such an institution upon the measures of the govt. in the patronage it gives &c your will readily conceive. Nor can it be doubted that if it shod. be so disposed as it leaders will be, it may even remodel & form it by the Englh. standard. It will likewise completely supercede the militia, who will afterwards become an useless & dormant body, scarcely retaining arms in their hands. Thus we see this faction in our councils seizing with avidity every incident that may possibly tend to promote the great object of a change in the government.
What course it will be proper for us to take in the present emergency becomes daily more difficult to decide. The aggressions of Britain have increased to a height to silence the view of her friends, or nearly so. She regards no kind of form in the pursuit of our property, seizing whatever she can lay her hands on. Our vessels wh. remain are driven into harbour here & will I apprehend scarcely leave it again for the present. An embargo is proposed with the view of cutting off supplies from the Bh West Indias, necessary in and of her present operations there.
Urgent as the crisis is, the embarrassment increased still further from the consideration that not the least confidence can be reposed in our Executive council.. To embark in a war when the whole force of the country will be in the hands of the enemy of the publick liberty a few characters only excepted will be more dangerous than any now menac'd from B. and yet to take no step seems to evince a pusilanimity wh. will degrade us as a nation, & likewise suffer the ruin of our commerce & every other interest connected with it to take place.
Prior to the excln. of Gallatin several votes had been taken & carried in the Senate wh. indicated a change in the general measures of the body. A particular one calling for the correspondence of G. Morris was more especially felt in a certain quarter. At that period R. informed us that a certain person began to doubt the views & principles of a certain faction & to think more favorably of others. And the members of that faction began to express similar doubts of him. But from the time of his removal we have heard nothing further of those doubts, on his part, and on things the antient spirit of confidence & affection has been revived. What will be the issue of our affrs. time can only develope, but certain it is that at present the prospect is most wretched & gloomy. I had like to have omitted mentioning that as a remedy it was talked of by the fiscal party, to send an Envoy Extry. to Engld. to complain of these injuries & seek redress, & that H. was spoken of for this mission. As the situation is in some measure a parallel one I shod think it more suitable to employ John Dickinson, who I believe drew the last petition of Congress to the King, in the course of the late revolution. With great respect & esteem I am dear Sir yr. affectionate friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Philadelphia March 26. 1794
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 11th reached me yesterday. We were mortified to find that our letters had not reached you, but hope the obstacle at Richmond is removed before this as Mr. M. has written you I shall say nothing at present upon the subject of affrs. here. I shall only commence with the inclosure of yr. correspondence with Hammond wh. after perusal by yr family & any others whom you wish, shall thank you to send to my brother in Charlottesville. I sent Stuart at Staunton a copy, and we mean to transmit one with the one containing the correspondence with Mr. Genet to the Ex: for the legislature. I hope Peter has not failed to attend & pursue yr. advice respecting the fruit trees. We desire to be affectionately rememd. to yr. family. I am sincerely yr. friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila.. March 31. 1794.
Dear Sir
The embargo passed two days since...of some moment in the character...ber of this city was discovered...had opposed the embargo on Friday-and on Monday introduced the proposition himself. It contained a proviso wh. implicit a right that those vessels wh. had already obtained clearance, shod. be exempt from the operation-but this was amended in the Senate. A vessel of his was caught near the capes by a french Frigate & sent up with a British passport wh had cleared out on Saturday.
Propositions for sequestration & organizing the militia are dependant. An Envoy Extry. is spoken of for Britn. & Hamilton, Jay, & King wee those urged by that party. It will probably be one of them unless there shod. be found a vote for their rejection in the Senate wh is not presumable. Either will answer to bind the aristocracy of this country stronger & closer to that of the other. Yrs. affecy. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). MSS damaged.
Phila. April 2. 1794.
Dear Sir
A committee of the H. of R. sit, daily to provide funds for equiping the fleet & other measures connected with the exigency of the times. They have finally I believe agreed on nothing as yet, tho the fiscal party are for excises on tea &c. the citizen party are for a land tax, but seem backward on the subject in very view; regret that an occasion has been made for any great increase; this subject will take time. The fiscal party say to the other, you have taken the business from the Trey. department, shew yrselves equal to it, & bring forward some system. The latter replies, the practice of reference has been condemned by the publick vocie as other things will be when understood; the rejection of it is a tryumph of the people and of the constitution over theirs & its abuse; but the provision of taxes is not the duty of one than the other side, it is particularly that of those who have made taxes necessary. The arrival by way of Hallifax of an acct. of some relaxation in ...from the orders of the 8 of Jany. Suspending the proceeding on the sequestration of debts. ... from Washington is elected in the place of Gallatin. ... perhaps not altogether the man whom the republicans would have chose: but them he was elected in opposition to one Coleman, from Lancaster county. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). MSS damaged.
Phila. May 4: 1794.
Dear Sir
Yours of April 24th reached me yesterday. Since my last the proposition of Mr. Clarke for prohibiting the importation of British goods untill the posts shall be surrendered & compensation made for the depredation in our trade, was rejected in the Senate. Upon the question the first section wh determined the fate of the bill , Jackson and Bradley withdrew which left us 11 only against 14 in consequence of wh. every sect. Was negatived, yet a question was notwithstanding taken whether the bill shod. be read a 3rd time and in favor which these gentn. voted, & Ross the successor of Gallatin taking into his head now to withdraw, the house was equally divided & the casting vote given by the V. President agnst it. Thus the bill was lost, the most mature and likely to succeed of all the propositions respecting G. Britn. Wh have been presented before the legislature during the session. Its fate may be ascribed to an executive maneuvre for whilst it was depending in the Rept. Branch & obviously a great majority in its favor, the nomination of Mr. Jay was introduc'd, as Envoy Extry. For the British court. From that moment it was manifest-the measure wod be lost, and altho' it passed the other branch & perhaps with greater vote than would have been the case, had not the sense of the Senate been clearly indicated by the approbation of the nomination, yet it was plain the prospect of success was desperate. An Extry. Mission was a measure of conciliation, it was urged; prohibitory regulations were of a different character & wod defeat its object. Thus you find nothing has been carried agnst that nation but on the contrary the most submissive measure adopted that cod. be dvised, to court her favor & degrade our character.
Tis said that the Envoy will be armed with extry. powers, that authority to form a commercl treaty with likewise be comprized with his instructions. Under a similar power upon a former occasion, granted too my implication only, this person had well nigh bartered away the Missisippi. What then may we not expect from him upon this present crisis, when the power is expressly granted and the fortune of the party whose agent he is, may be considered as hazarded in the success of his mission? After degrading our country by shewing to the world, that they were more willing to confide in retribution & from their justice & favor, than from the strength of our union & the decision of our councils, will this man return baffled in the interprise & seeke to atone for himself & those who sent him, to the community, by owning his and their folly which had exposed us to such humiliation? And when it is considered that Britain contemplates the conquest of the French & perhaps afterwards of the Spn. Islands, & the downfal of the Spn. Power in this region of the world-a course of policy which will part her not only from Spn. But perhaps from the present combination of powers, is it not probable she will be disposed to seeke an alliance here as well for the purpose of aiding her in these projects as detaching us from France? Some symtoms of discontent have already appeared in the Spn. cabinet and then it is probable will be increased when the conquest of Britn. In the Islands is attended to and his views become further developed. The circumstances of sending an envoy to negotiate with Engld. at the time that the minister of France on the ground & cloathed with similar powers, is only amused with acts of civility, shews that a connection with the former power is the real object of the Executive.
The present French minsiter expressed lately the wish of his country that G. Morris shod. be recalled & in consequence arrangmt. are making for that purpose. Being forced to send a republican character the admin. was reduc'd to the dilemma of selecting from among its enemies or rather than appoint principles, a person who wod. be acceptable to that nation. The offer of the station has been presented to Mr. Livingston as I hear in a letter written by the President. Tis thot he will accept it. Burr's name was mentioned to Randolph but with the success that was previously expected, indeed it was not urged in preference to the others, but only noted for consideration. I thank you for the intilligence respecting my farm near you. I think we shall adjourn in abt. 3 weeks after wh. I shall immediately proceed home. Mrs. M. joins in best wishes for yr. health &that of yr. family & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. May 26. 1794
Dear Sir
The session begins to draw to a close. The 3d of June is agreed on by both houses as the day on which it shall end, and I believe the agreement will be executed. The inclosed paper will shew you the state of things with Engld. This incursion into our country has no pretext to be called or considered otherwise than an actual invasion and as such presume it will be treated by the President whose powers are competent by the existing law to its repulsion. The govr. of Pensyla. has a small farm within 16 miles of Presque Isle, & intends taking possession of the latter post. Within a few days past however it has been notified to him by some Indians that it will be opposed, and in consequence thereof he has ordered out 1000 of the western militia to secure the lodgment. I suspect however those movements were dictated in Nov. last and shod. not be considered as an indication of the temper of the Englh. Ct. at present. They may even be disavowed if a change in circumstances requires it. The incident has been seized you will observe as a ground for pressing an increase of the military forces-in consequence of which a proposition was immediately introduced into the Senate for authorizing the President to raise 10,000 additional troops under provisions more popular than those reject in the Reps. And of course more likely to succeed even there. In the Sente it will pass immediately, for the republican party is intirely broken in that branch. Thus it results that thro the influence of the Executive aided by the personal weight of the President, the republican party notwithstanding it systematic & laborious efforts have been able to accomplish nothing which might vindicate the honor or dvance the prosperity of the country. I believe I intimated to you in my last that the President had offered to Mr. Livingston after the refusal of Mr. Madison the legation to France in the place of Gr. Morris who would be recalled. That Colo. Burr had been a competitor. Since that time Livingston has declined and Burr has continued, under auspcies very favorable to his success, , sole candidate. Present appearances authorize the belief he will be appointed. Of course he goes as a republican and I am inclined to think the President supposes he lays that party under obligations to him for the nomination, for I am persuaded in addition to other considerations he really surmounts some objections of a personal nature in making it. But when it is known that the Jersey members Judge Patterson &c., have promoted his interest our confidence in the steadiness of his political tenets will not be increased. We shall be with you as soon as possible after the adjournment. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] As Mr. M .gives you the paper containing the correspondence referred to and the others containnothing I send none.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. May 27. 1794
Dear Sir
Early yesterday morning & immediately after my last was written I was called on by Mr. R. to answer the question "whether I wod accept the legation to France." The proposition as you will readily conceive surprised me, for I really thought I was among the last men to whom it wod. be made & so observed. He said the President was resolved to send a republican character to that nation; that Mr. Madison & Mr. Livingston had refused, that he wod not appoint Colo. Burr; lest it shod. seem as if he sought persons from that state only, & probably it wod. not have been offered to L. but on acct. of his having been in the department of foreign affrs. & under these circumstances & considerations he was desired by the President to call on me & ascertain whether I wod. act. As I had espoused B. I told Mr. R I could not even think on the subject whilst there was a prospect of his success. He assured me he was out of the question & if I declined it wod. probably be offered to Govr. Pace of Maryld or some person not yet thot. of. That he would satisfy the friends of Colo. B. on this head. Before I wod. consult my friends I requested that this be done & in consequence the above assurance was given some of them, & I presume they were satisfied. This point of delicacy being removed I then desired Mr. Madison-in conference with a few of our friends to determine what answer shod. be given to the proposition. The result was that I shod. accept upon the necessity of cultivating France, & the incertainty of the person upon whom it might otherwise fall. An answer was accordingly given last evening to the presidt. to that effect, & the nomination sent in to day. I have not attended nor shall I till after that vote shall be pleased to decide upon it. If approved it is wished that I embark immediately for France. I am however extremely anxious to visit Albemarle before I sit out taking Mr. Jones in my way. But whether I shall be able to visit either of you is incertain, & will depend in a great measure upon the practicability of getting a vessel about to sail, in a term short of the time, it will take me to perform the journey. Upon this head however I can say nothing untill the nomination is decided on, nor can I say how the decision will be, for my services in the Senate have given me but little claim to the personal regards of the reigning party there. I suspect the nomination created as great a surprize in that house as the proposition to me did, yesterday morning. As yet I have not seen the President. I shall write you more freely in my next. With great respect & esteem I am yr. affectionate friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] Govr Mifflins movement has been suspended by the President.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Phila. June 6. 1794.
Dear Sir
Since my appointment I have been extremely occupied in a variety of respect. I had likewise flattered myself with the hope I shod. see you before my departure till within a day or two past-but of this I now begin to despair. I shall sail from Bal. For which place I sit out in 4 days hence. Tis possible the vessel may not be ready altho I am advised she is. I feel extremely anxious upon the subject of a cypher. Our former one is in a small writing desk at my house, can you get & send it after me in case I do not see your before I sail?
Danton has been executed, the charge of plunder of publick money. The King of Purssia withdrawn & the British driven from Corsica. I will write by the several succeeding posts whilst I stay. I am yr. affectionate friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Baltimore June 17. 1794.
Dear Sir
The urgent pressure of the Executive for my immediate departure has deprived me of the pleasure of seing you before I sailed. I sincerely regret this for many reasons but we cannot controul impossibilities. Will you forward me a cypher & lettrs for yr. freinds remaining in Paris to the care of Mr. R as soon as possible. They may probably reach Paris as soon as I shall. I beg you to add whatever occurs which may be useful where I am going to the cause in which I am engaged, or to myself in advocating it. Being well acquainted with the theatre on which I am to act it will be much im your power to give me hints of that kind which may be serviceable.
As you will shortly see Mr. Madison who leaves this tomorrow or next day I decline saying any thing on the subject of the late proceedings in Phila. in either department of the government. Indeed you know so much of them already that I can add but little.
I shall place in the hands of James Maury of Liverpool a sum of money to answer my engagment to you. I have written to Colo. Lewis & Mr. Divers to intrust them to value Thenia & her children & hope they will do it immediately. Let yr. draft be abt. Sepr. & payable at 60 days sight. Let it be accompanied with a letter of advice & the money shall certainly be deposited, unless you wod. prefer it in France of wh. you will advise me & draw on myself.
I beg you not o mot this as the money will be idle in his hands in case you do not direct otherwise soon.
I shall confide to Mr. Madison yrself & Mr. Jones the fixing on a spot where my house shall be erected. The doubt will be between the hill to the left of the road as you approach towards Blenheim or the one where the barn stands. On which ever you place it I have given orders for an enclosure and the commencment of those improvements wh. are contemplated. Yr. advice on that head as well as the most suitable for the commencement of orchards of different kinds will be regardd.
We expect to imbark tomorrow & to fall down the bay immediately. Accept my most affectionate wishes for your welfare & that of Mr. Randolph & yr. daughters & be pleased likewise to unite with them those of Mrs. Monroe. We contemplate a return in abt. 3 or 4 years at farthest. Perhaps sooner. In the interim I wish every preparatn for our final repose, I mean from active life, be on the farm adjoining yours. To this object my attention will be turned whilst abroad & I will endeavor to bring back what will contribute its comforts. I wish you to command me in all respects wherein I can serve you. Perhaps you may wish things from the quarter I shall be in not obtainable so easily elsewhere. I am dear sir with the sincerest regard yr. affectionate friend & servt Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Paris Sepr. 7. 1794
Dear Sir
I have been here rather more than a month and so much engaged with the duties which devolved on me immediately that I have not yet been able send a single private letter to America. It happened that I took my station a few days after Robertspierre had left his in the Convention, by means of the guiliten, so that every thing was in commotion, as was natural upon such an event, but it was the agitation of universal joy occasioned by a deliverance from a terrible oppression & which had pervaded every part of the Republic. After encountering some serious difficulties growing out of the existing state of things, I was presented to the Convention and recognized in the manner the enclosed paper will shew you. May incidents have since turned up to shew the pleasure with which the organized departments and the people generally have received a mission immediately from our republick to theirs, and I have every reason to believe that it will not only remove any previous existing solicitude, but tend to encrease permanently the harmony between the two countries.
After Robertspiere's exit there seemed to be an end of divisions and altercations for sometime in the convention. Even those of his own party were most probably happy in the event, for in the progress of his power-a connection with him had already been of little service, and it was to be apprehended that it would prove of less hereafter. It was not only necessary to be devoted to him, but to be unpopular with the community also. The list of his oppressions and the acts of curelty committed by means of his influence, in the convention & in consequence the revolutionary tribunal, would amaze you. He was believed by the people at large to be the foe to kings, nobles, Priests &c the friend of republican govt. regardless of mercy & in fact devoted to their cause. Under this impression he perpetrated acts, which without perceiving the cause, had gradually spread a gloom over the whole republick. But as soon as they saw him in opposition to the convention , the cause was known, his atrocities were understood, and the people abandoned him with demonstrations of joy rarely seen.
But it seemed improbable he shod. have been abt to carry every thing in the committee of p. safety & by means of it in the Convention &c, with out more associates that St. Just & Canthon who were executed with him or rather this was the opinion of others, for I can readily conceive that a man may gain an influence in society powerful enough to controul every one & every thing; as soon therefore as the preternatural calm subsided, which the liberation from had universally created, a spirit of enquiry began to shew itsel as to other accomplices. It terminated in the denunciation of Barrere, Collot,d'Herbois, & some others. The convention gave a hearing to the charges rejected them, & pass'd a censure upon the author as seeking to disturb the publick repose. Thus, therefore that business rests, and I declare to you that I not only think hereafter they will be more free from parties of the turbulent kind heretofore known, but if they shod. not that I am persuaded their revolution rests perfectly secure in the unanimity & affections of the people. Greater proofs of patriotism and personal sacrifice were never seen in any country than are daily shewn in this, and in acts of heroism, they have thrown a shade over the antient and modern world. The spirit of the combination is absolutely broken. In the neighbourhood of Charleroy a decisive action was fought in July between Jourden & Cob: & in which the former gained the victory with the loss of abt 15000 men, & at the expense to the latter of abt 10000 slain on the field. This has eventually drawn the troops of the combined powers to Mastrcht and the neighbourhood of the Rhine, & of course out of all their possessions not only in France (including Conde & Valenciennes) but likewise their proper territory in the low countries. This thought they ae abt to hazard another great action but they do tit with hazard for they fight despirited troops agnst those who are flushed with victory, superior numbers & resolved to conquer, & sure in case of misfortune of immediate succour . If France succeeds and which I am led to believe from every thing I can hear & very dispassionately, the combination in the ordinary course of war will be at an end, and the several powers composing it entirely at the mercy of France, except the Islands in her neighbourhood whose safety will depend altogether on the superiority at sea, if preserved there. Tis said that these powers (the Islanders excepted & who probably prompted the others with a view of taking advantage in case of success) sounded this govt. last winter upon the subject of peace, but without effect: that on the contrary they were treated with the utmost contempt, and I have reason to believe they will never treat with them under the govts at present existing in each, to press the war till no force shews itself against them, & in case the people shod. rise in any one & organize themselves, treat such organiz'd body as the only legitimate govt. & aid it in crushing the antient one. If France succeeds in the battle contemplated this will soon be the state of things: indeed it must be so immediately after.
That Mr. Jay shod. easily obtain the object of his errand in Engld. will be readily inferred. The successful battles of France have plead our cause with great effect in the councils of that humane cabinet. He will however arrogate to himself much merit for address in negotiation and the concession of the court will be a theme for high panegyric to many in our country. They will deem it a proof of that sincere attachment to us which has always been shewn in that quarter.
The spirit of liberty begins to shew itself in the other regions. Geneva has undergone revolution; the people have taken the govt. into their hands, apprehended the aristocrats, executed seven of the most wicked.. And in Poland under the direction of [Kosciuszko] Who acted with us in America, a formidable hand has been raised against Prussia & Russia. I have hopes that our trade, by mere negotiation will be plac'd on a very safe & good footing shortly: and that France will rescind the decree respecting the seizure of our vessels laden with provisions &c as heretofore. Indeed I think she will go back to the ground of the commercial treaty. I have hinted the good effect such a measure wod. have in America, without positively requesting it to be done.
I rely upon yrself & Mr. Jones in planning many little tho' very important matters for me, abt. my farm. Such as fixing the plan for my house orchards & the like. It will not be very long before we join you. We are all well. Mrs. M. is with her child a pupil to a professor in the French language. They desire to be affectionately remembered to yrself & family taking it for granted you have Mr. R & both yr daughters with you. I am dear sir yr. affectionate friend & servant
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello May 5. 1795.
Dear Sir
Mr. Nathaniel Anderson, formerly of Richmond, but now of our county, informs me that he has a son settled or about to settle in Havre, in the mercantile line, whom he wishes to be made known to you, and to have the benefit of your countenance in his new establishment. Tho' myself personally unacquainted with the son, I have long been much acquainted with the father whose merit affords a presumption of that of the son, and a sufficient inducement to recommend him to you. I take the liberty therefore of solliciting for him your acquaintance and patronage, that he may have the benefit of being known and noticed by you, which to a young man just entering into business, & in that country particularly will be of avail to him, and will be acknowleged by his family, & friends here. I am with great esteem & attachment Dear Sir, your's sincerely
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Paris 23 June 1795.
Dear Sir
Your first enquiry will be, upon what basis does the revolution rest? Has it yet weathered the storms that have beaten against it, and taking all circumstances into view that merit consideration, is there ground for a well founded hope that it will terminate happily for France & of course for mankind? I will give you concisely the actual state of things, by comparing which with those great events which have preceeded and are known every where, you will be enabled to form as correct a judgment upon that point as can now be formed upon it.
To say that the Convention maintains its authority over the whole interior of the republick, notwithstanding its late difficulties, would give you but a superficial view of the subject, without developing, in some degree the nature and probable consequences of those difficulties. Internal convulsions where they happen try the strength of parties, and demonstrate what their real object is, as well as that of the society in general, in regard to the points in controversy. Fortunately such have happened here, and of a character to furnish respectable date whereon to calculate not only the strength of parties, but likewise the probable issue of the revolution itself. Fortunately, permit me to say, for as political truths depend upon experiment, so we have reason to rejoice in those experiments which prove what it is the wish and the interest of mankind to see proven.
Within less than two months, past I have seen the convention twice assailed by a considerable force and which was in the latter instance armed, & upon both those occasions, have seen that force foiled, in the first without the effusion of blood, and in the second by the death of the man (Fernard a deputy) only. Many circumstances too were combined to make those movements formidable and to create a belief that they would shake the revolution, if there existed in the society a force able and willing to shake it: for the first took place at the moment when the city was agitated by a twofold crisis of famine, & the trial of Billaud de Varennes, Collot d'Herbois & Barrere, leading members of the mountain party: and the second, when the famine was at the height and the distress of the people beyond what was ever seen on our side of the Atlantic. For several hours on both days, the proceedings of the Convention were interrupted, & on the last the rioters were in absolute possession of the hall and in a great measure of the government itself: so that in truth the superiority of active force was on their side, and danger only on the side of the members and the friends of the government. At such a moment as this, when the functions of the government were suspended, or exercised by the insurgents only, there was surely a fair opportunity, for those who were in favor of a change, to pronounce themselves on that side: and the presumption is reasonable that all those who were in favor of it, or at least who were willing to hazard any thing in support of it, did pronounce themselves on that side. It was the epoch upon which foreign powers and the royalists had fixed their attention & upon which it was understood they would unite their efforts to bring abt. a counter-revolution nor was there any army at hand or other force to oppose the enterprise than the citizens of Paris itself. Upon a fair appeal therefore to the interest and the wishes of the inhabitants of this city, the issue was put, and the experiment in both cases and particularly the last proved that the strength of those who were for a counter-revolution was, comparatively with that of those against it, like that of an infant against Hercules. Upon the first occasion the commotion was crushed, before the movers of it got the ascendancy, but upon the second it was otherwise, so that their force was fairly ascertained & shewn to be nothing.
Nor was the issue more unfavorable to royalty, if we may judge of even what appeared, than the success of the party would have been if it had succeeded: for the principle upon which the mov'ment was undertaken by the great mass of those who acted in it, was not to favor royalty, but to oppose it, being impressed with an opinion that the prevailing party were disposed to reestablish that species of government, and against which they declared themselves affirming that their object was, liberty to the patriots (the members of the mountain party who were under prosecution) & the reestablishment of the constitution of 1793 & which certainly has in it, none of the attributes of royalty.
In the course of these commotions the royalists did not display themselves to advantage: they shewed neither enterprize nor decision. In the commencement they were active by intrigue only fomenting, bu all the means in their power, the discontents of the laborious poor, and which preceeded from the famine which oppressed them, contrasting their present distress with the abundant ease of former times &c &c, but when the moment of danger arrived, they took no part so as to make themselves responsible in case the effort failed and upon the latter occasion when the party got possession of the convention and began for a while to rule, & were about to reestablish terrorism and not royalty, the royalists shifted their ground in a moment and became very vociferous against popular commotions, & equally pathetic in support of the convention & of the law, which a few hours before they disdained and endeavoured to suborn. In such they saw that their own safety was involved in the welfare of that body from the strongest of all possible motives, a regard for themselves.
Upon the whole therefore I am of opinion that these movements have tended rather to strengthen than to weaken the foundation of the revolution; for they have shewn that the mountain party which so long governed France, altho' it has latterly lost its influence has not abandoned its principles, and that if it had recovered its authority it would not have introduced royalty, but on the contrary a greater degree of rigor against the royalists than humanity allows, or that present preponderating party is disposed to exercise. Of this truth even the avowed royalists
are already admonished, it is not, therefore, reasonable to conclude that those who were before wavering what part to take will for the future, cease to hesitate.
But you will ask is there not a party in the convention itself favorable to monarchy, are not some of the leading members in the preponderating party inclined to that system of government? If the fact were so, these late movements would have a tendency to check their bias: but I have no reason to think that the fact is so, with many I am personally acquainted and from what I have sen of their conduct, for sometimes past, in publick and in private life, I can assure you that whilst I have nothing to say against any of these members, I consider many of them as among the most enthusiastic admirers and advocates of the publick liberty that I have ever known. I have seen them too in situations where it was impossible to dissemble. Time & circumstances, it is true, may produce changes & against which I do not pretend to reason: I only argue from data within my view & deduce those consequences from them which according to the ordinary course of events are probable. So much then upon the state of parties and their respective views & by which it appears that the publick liberty will not be endangered under the auspices of either.
In other respects, the prospect has become more favorable to a happy termination of the revolution than was heretofore promised. The people of France may conquer their liberties & merit to be free, but without a good government it will be impossible to preserve them. This truth has latterly been more deeply impressed upon the convention than it formerly was, and in consequence the attention of that body seems now to be principally turned to that object, a committee consisting of 11 members having been appointed for more than six weeks past, to report what changes it will be necessary in their judgment to make in the existing one of 1793 & whose report is daily expected. It is believed that this committee will prepare some important changes in that constitution and that the convention will adopt them, such as a division of the legislature into two branches after the model of the American constitutions. I have heard many deputies confer on this subject & who were unanimous in favor of this change, & which is certainly of greater importance to the prevention of their liberty than any other that has been spoken of. As soon as this report is presented I will transmit it to you.
The external view is still more favorable. The achievements of the last campaign surpassed everything that the modern world has witnessed: in every quarter their arms were tryumphant; but where the greatest danger pressed these the grandeur of their exploits was most conspicuous. Spain and Holland bear testimony in favor of this assertion, for the close of the campaign left the republick in possession of extensive territories belonging to the former, & of the while of the latter. The armies of the Emperor too were often beaten & finally forced to abandon the field. Those of Prussia experienced upon several occasions the like fate; & as for the British, they retreated till they came back upon sea, where hurrying on board the ships that were prepared to receive them they took their flight upon that element upon which alone they could hope for safety. From these successes you have already seen that France has gained the most solid and durable advantages. From an enemy Holland has become a friend and ally. In that country the government only was conquered & by whose conquest the people became free: for upon the ruins of the miserable oligarchal tyranny, which reigned there, we find a sister republick reared. marshalled by the side of France, & preparing to fight with her for the common liberty of the two people. Prussian has withdrawn from the war and is now in the closest amity with France. Spain is negotiating & will probably soon have peace. Austria is known to wish it, & England has absolutely made overtures secretly thro' the medium of Sr. Fk. Eden; whilst the ostensible object of his mission was an exchange of prisoners only. Exploits like these become a free people, nor are any but a free people able to perform them.
Such was the actual state of things when the campaign was lately opened on the part of France by the atchievment of Luxembourg, one of the best fortified and strongest posts in the world. The seige was closely continued for more than six months, and finally succeeded after the provision was exhausted & it was seen that the coalised powers could not raise it. At this post 12000 men were taken with great amount in cannon & other warlike stores. Upon Mayence the whole pressure now is, nor is it probable that that garrison will long be able to sustain itself. Upon Spain also some recent advantage has been gained: indeed it is well known that the troops of this republick can make what impressions they please in that quarter.
Under these circumstances it is not probable that the war will be long continued upon the continent. The coalised powers here latterly placed their only hope in the possibility of a counter-revolution here, upon account of the dissentions in the publick councils, & the scarcity of bread: but the late events & which I have already communicated will shew how unproductive a resource the former has been and promises to be; and the revolution of a few weeks only within which space the harvest will ripen, will I think likewise demonstrate that the latter was not less so. The war then will soon be narrowed to a contest between this republick and England. I mean such is the present prospect, & this will of course be a maritime one only, unless the former succeeds & in which case, the government of England will be conquered as that of Holland was. Among the maritime powers there is not one (unless Russia forms an exception & which is not absolutely certain) which does not wish to see the naval force of England broken or at least greatly diminished: wherein on the side of France there is Holland already embarked and Denmark & Sweden are unquestionably in the same interest; nor is it improbable that past and present injuries may force them to declare in support of it, for latterly the orders of the 6th of Novr. have been received by the Ct. of St. James, for seizing all neutral vessels laden with provision for France & under which many have been seized of theirs as well as ours. It is likewise probable that Spain will eventually be on the same side, for as she wishes not only to get rid of the war, but to revise with France her antient connection and which contains on the part of France a guarantee of the Spanish possessions in So. America, and which it will otherwise be difficult to accomplish, I cannot well perceive how Spain will be able to avoid declaring herself on the side of France. Such is the external & internal state of things, & upon which you will be able to form your own conjecture of the probable issue.
But you demand what ground does America occupy upon this great and interesting scene of affairs? How does she stand in the estimation of her generous & victorious ally? As we were never called on to bear a part in the controversy Upon the issue of which ours as well as her liberty was dependant, but were left to enjoy in peace the abundant fruits of our industry, whilst she defied the storm above, I am not surprized that you should feel solicitous upon this point. A few lines will give the sketch you wish. Preceding unfavorable impressions, and which even known to exist, were erased by the declarations of the present minister when he was introduced into the Convention, supported by the documents which he presented, and upon which basis the antient and close amity which had formerly subsisted was rapidly reviving and growing up. Some changes of importance were accomplished in our commercial affair which this republick and in particular the treaty of amity & commerce, which in pursuit of the policy of England had been violated, was put in activity, & whereby our trade is not only free in every article (strict contreband excepted) & to every country even to England herself, altho it furnishes her with the most productive means for the support of the war, but likewise the trade of England is protected under our flag & whilst it yields no protection to that of France. Such was the actual state of things when the report of Mr. Jay's treaty with the English government transpired and by which it was circulated that a new connection was formed between the united states & that power, beneficial to the latter & probably hurtful to France. This report operated like a stroke of thunder & produced upon all France amazement. What the treaty really is, is not yet known, but most certainly the bias in our favor has been greatly diminished, nor is it possible that the cordiality should be great under such circumstances. If the treaty is rejected, or contains in it nothing strictly objectionable, in either case we shall stand well here; but if it is adopted and does contain any thing which a just criticism can censure, be assured we shall hear from this government in terms of reproach. By this time you know what the treaty is, and therefore know according to its fate in what light we shall be considered here. If the treaty is not precisely what we wished it to be, most certainly the most favorable opportunity that was ever offered to make a good one has been thrown away: for as France was successful & a good understanding subsisted between us and France, it was really in our power to dictate what terms we pleased, provided we could make the English government believe that in any event we would take part against it. Accomplishing that point, every thing would have been accomplished; for of all possible calamities with which they are threatened, a war with us is that which they most dread: not so much indeed from the fear of our maritime force, as the effect it would produce upon their commerce, by which alone they are enabled to support a war. Such was the actual state of things at that time this treaty was formed, but a new scene has since been opened and which will shew how little confidence we ought to place in treaties with that power. For latterly and as I presume in violation of that treaty the same system of depredation & of plunder has been recommenced.
By the above hasty but true picture of affairs here you will perceive that this republick is rapidly rising or rather has already obtained a decided preponderance not only in the scale of Europe but indeed in that of human affairs. Having combatted alone and with success all the great powers of Europe, the superiority of her strength over theirs, at least whilst that of the latter is wielded, by the heavy and expensive government which exist there, is well established. Nor is it probable that this superiority will be soon diminished especially when it is considered that the revolution of the one is approaching fast to a happy close; under a government founded upon principles which when completed and resting firm, must cause a similar revolution everywhere. To stand well with this republic is therefore now the interest of all nations, nor indeed do any of them seems at the present moment to entertain a contrary opinion: for they have all made approaches and shewn their solicitude for peace, notwithstanding they know the danger that will probably overwhelm them in that event and especially if France gets a good government, since they deem that danger more remote and less terrible than the one which immediately threatens under the pressure of the French arms. Upon every principle therefore it were greatly to be regretted if America should lose in any degree the ground upon which she hath heretofore stood in the estimation of her ally.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Paris June 27. 1795.
Dear Sir
Of the above hasty view I have sent a copy to one or two other friends. Since it was written the committee have reported a plan of govt. as suggested of 2 branches, the one to be called a council of 500 consisting of so many members, the other of 250 called the council of antients. The age of the 1st to be 30 & of the 2nd. 40. They are to be chosen each for 2 years but to be supplied annually by halves. The Executive to be composed of 5 members to be elected for 5 years, but so arranged that only one withdraws annually. Each member is to have a salary of abt. 5000Sterg. Pr. anm. The object whereof to receive & entertain foreign ministers &ca. The Council of antients cannot originate a bill. If possible I will procure & send you a copy of the plan.
The British have recommenc'd the seizure of our vessels as formerly under the order of the 6th of Novr. 1793. Near 40 being carried by our last & which were the first accts. This has produc'd an extreme ferment here, & it will be difficult under the irritation existing in consequence of Jay's treaty , to prevent a revival of the same practice on the part of France if we do nothing when it is known in America, but abuse the English and drink toasts to the success of the French revolution. I do not know what step they will take in regard to us. My situation since the report of Mr. Jay's treaty has been painful beyond any thing ever experienc'd before, and for reasons you can readily conceive. I have however done every thing in my power to keep things where they shod. be but how long this will be practicable under existing circumstances I know not. Denmark & Sweden will I think be active.
I have just recd. a letter from Mr. Deriux with one for his aunt. If possible I will now answer it; but in case I cannot, I beg you to tell him that I waited on her last fall with Mrs. Monroe, having previously written her repeatedly in his behalf, & after a long and earnest solicitation in his favor & returned without obtaining any thing for him. She had promised something before I went, & the dinner she gave us, was to pave the way for retracting & which she did. The old lady has about her (as I suspect) some persons who are poor, & who prefer their own welfare to his. By the law of France the property cannot be devised from her relatives, but ti possible these people will help to consume the annual profits, wh. latter however she says in consequence of the depreciation are nothing.
We wish most sincerely to get back & shall certainly do it, as soon as a decent respect for appearances will permit, especially if the present system of policy continues. I wish much to hear from you having written you several times but recd. not a line since my appointment here. Is there any thing in this quarter you wish to command of books or any other article; or can I serve you in any respect whatever? You will of course command me if I can be serviceable.
I have requested Mr. Madison to shew you some letters of mine to him. I wish to know much in what state my farms are. We are well; our child speaks French well & her & Mrs. M. desire to be affectionately remembered to yourself & daughters to whom as well as to Mr. R. & Mr. C. as likewise to my brother & neighbours be so kind as remember me. With great respect & esteem I am dear yr. Affectionate friend ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Paris July 3. 1795.
Dear Sir
Having written you very fully three days since I have nothing to add at present to the details then given except that in an unexpected rencounter the other day the French have lost 3 ships & by the shameful misconduct of the officers commanding them or some of them. They have in consequence dismissed the comy. Of Marine which I think converts the loss of the ships into a signal victory, in such regard do I estimate his merits.
By Mr. De Rieux I hear that poor Gilmer declines & that Bell has been sick, that Mrs. Markes is dead-that Miss Gilmer is about to be married-that Wardlow and Robt. Jouett are. This short note from Goochland which opens the interior of a place extremely dear to me contains every thing that I have heard from that quarter since my arrival here. Be so kind as forward the enclosed to him and assure my neighbours I have not forgotten them, altho' they may have forgotten me. If there any thing here you wish me to procure for you, I beg you to give me a note of it if there is. Our best respects to Mr. & Mrs. R & both yrs. & his families. Very sincerely I am yr. affectionate friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Paris Novr. 18.1795.
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 26 of May did not reach me till lately, owing as I presume to its having been committed to some private hand and by whom it was retained to be deliverd personally till that prospect was abandoned. I was extremely gratified by it as it led me into a society which is very dear to me & often uppermost in my mind. I have indeed much to reproach myself for not having written you and others of our neighbours more frequently, but I have relied much on you not only to excuse me personally but to make my excuse to others by assuring them how little of my time remains from publick & other duties for those with whom by the strong chains of friendship I have a right to take liberties. Before this however you have doubt less recd. mine of June still I am less so than I might have been.
I accept with great pleasure your proposal to forward my establishment on the tract adjoining you in the expectation however that you will give yourself no further trouble in it than by imploying for me a suitable undertaker who will receive from you the plan he is to execute, that you will draw on me for the money to pay him, & make my plantation one of the routs you take when you ride for exercise, at which time you may note how far the execution corresponds with the plan. With this view I shall look out for a model to be forwarded you as soon as possible, subjecting it to yr. correction, & give you full power to place my house orchards &c where you please and to draw on me by way of commencment for the sum of 1000 dolrs to be paid where you please 3 months after it is presented. If to be paid without this republick tis probable the draft will be most easily disposed of in Sterg. Money. This sum is all I an answer in the course of the ensuing year calculating always in the possible contingence of a recall & upon which I have always calculated from the moment of my introduction into the Convention, & still calculate depending on the course of events on yr. side of the Atlantick. With this sum a suitable number of hands may be hired & oxen bought to draw the stone, which with you I prefer, put the ground in order &c&c to be in readiness to proceed with greater activity the year following. These hands may plant the trees inclose & sow the ground in grass which is laid of & destined for the buildings of which however you will best judge observing that Hogg be instructed to give occasional aids with the other hands when necessary. Believe me there is nothing about which I am more anxious than to hear that this plan is commenc'd and rapidly advancing for be assured admitting my own discretion is my only guide much time will not intervene before I am planted there myself. I have mentioned the proposal you are so kind as make me to Mr. Jones, but as tis possible my letter may unfold that item in my private affrs. not to him but to some of my good friends in a neighboring country as my official dispatches have those of a publick nature. I beg of you likewise to communicate it to him as of my wishes on that aspect.
I have written LaMotte & directed him to draw on me for what you owe him & have his answer saying he has drawn for 3 or 400# but yet his bill is not presented. I likewise think him an honest man and deserving more than a mere official attention. I found him on my arrival in arrestation not because he had committed any positive crime because the whole commercial class had drawn upon it & often not without cause, the suspicion of being unfriendly to the revolution, & which in his instance was increased by the circumstance of his having married an Engh. woman. He was however shortly afterwards set at liberty & since he has exercised his counselar functions. I will also procure you the books & other articles mentioned but shall not forward them till the spring for the reason you mention. I will likewise seek out those of yr friends who have survived the storm, remind them of yr. inquiry after their welfare & apprize you of the result. A terrible storm indeed it has been & great its havoc especially among those of a certain sphere of life, but still I doubt not I shall find many who have survived it among yr. friends.
I rejoice to hear that Short is to be our neighbour. By his last letter I am to expect him here in a week or two & with Mr. Pinckney the latter having as I presume adjusted the affr. of the Miss. & the boundaries. I suspect the relief of Mrs. Rochft. forms the attraction. If the Carters will take me for their paymaster for what lands they have for sale & fix a price which you approve I will most willingly purchase the whole. I have western lands in possession of Mr. Jones for a part of which only he has been offered 2000. Pensylva. currency & which I shod. be happy to vest near me: an idea equally applicable to the case of Collé.
You have I presume seen the new constitution & will I doubt not concur with me that altho defective when tested by those principles which the light of our hemisphere has furnished, yet it is infinitely superior to any thing ever seen before on this side of the Atlantick. The division of the legislature into two branches, one to consist of 500 & the other of half that number, will secure always in both due attention to the interest of the mass of the people, with adequate wisdom in each for all the subjects that may occur; the mode of election too & the frequency of it in both branches seems to render it impossible that the Executive shod. ever gain such an influence in the legislature as by combination corruption, or otherwise, to introduce a system whereby to endanger the publick liberty: whilst on the other hand the Executive by its numbers & permanence one of 5 yielding his place to a successor annually only, seems in regard to this theatre, where the danger is always great & suspicion of course always at the height, well calculated to united energy & system in its measures with the publick confidence at the same time that it furnishes within itself a substantial guarantee in favor of the publick liberty. The judiciary too is better organized than heretofore. About 10 days past the constitution was completely installed in all its branches & since each has been in the exercise of its respective functions. The effect which the change has produced is great indeed. The council of antients occupies the hall lately held by the Convention, & the contrast which a tranquil body, in whose presence no person is allowed to wear his hat, or speak loud, a body who have little to do, & who discuss that little with temper & manners, is so great when compared with the scene often exhibited by its predecessor, that the spectators look on with amazement & pleasure. The other day a demand was made by the directory on the 500 for a sum of money & which was immediately granted & the bill in consequence sent to the 250 who upon examination discovered there was no appropriation of it & for that reason rejected the bill. The Directoire then accomodated is demand to the article in the constitution as did likewise the council of 500 & whereupon the other council passed the bill. I mention this circumstance to shew change in legislative proceedings whereby calm deliberation has succeeded a system which was neither calm nor deliberative. Since the govt. was organized, not more than two or three laws have passed & those of no great importance, and the people go to rest of a night in tranquility consoling themselves with the gratified reflection, that now a strong impedement is opposed to the rage for legislation. They rejoice to find that their legislators have supplied the place of action by reflection under this govt. too the spirit of faction seems to be curbed. Formerly when a member of any note rose and denounced another, it put his life in hazard let his merit or demerit be what it might. But latterly some denunciations were threatn'd in the 500, & to which the parties menac'd rose and demanded that their accusers shod. put in writing the allegations & sign them that they might prepare for & appear in defence, but this silenc'd the others & thus tranquility seems to be established & confidence daily increasing.
The paroxisms which proceeded the first dissolution of the convention & particularly that of the attack upon it, on the 13 of Vendn. or of Octr. you will have heard long before this reaches you. In a few words however I will give you a general idea of it: The change of the govt. or transmission of the powers of govt. from one system to the other was a great experiment in the present state of affairs & which could not be made without some danger to the revolution; but yet such was the general solicitude to get rid of the revolutionary system that a refusal to make the experiment wod. likewise be attended with danger. All France seemed to call out for a stable government & this call was finally answer'd by presenting before the nation the constitution in question. But experience had shewn that each succeeding assembly had persecuted the members of the proceeding one, a constituent especially was an object not less attractive of the rage of Robtspre. Than a cividant Bishop or even a Chouan. And reasoning from experience it was to be feared that the deputies of the late convention would be exposed in like manner to the resentment of those who took their places, & this created in them a desire to keep their places & which was attempted by two decrees whose object was to provide for the restriction of 2/3ds of the legislature of the new govt. from among the members of the convention-according to the principle of the constitution wh. applies hereafter & requires an annual change of 1/3d only, & which decrees were submitted with the country for the sanction of the people. By some of the primary assemblies these decrees were adopted & by others rejected. The convention however reported & in my opinion with truth that the majority was for them & of course that they were obligatory on the Electoral assemblies. This was denied by the opponents to the decrees by whom a systematic effort was made to defeat them, first by newspaper discussion, next by section: arrets which defined the authority of the convention, & finally by assembling in arms in great force to attach that body and which done on the day above mentioned.
I candidly think that this attack upon the convention as it failed was of great utility to the revolution. The system of terror was carried to such a height by Robertspierre & his associates, that in the vibration back which ensued, some danger seemed to threaten not the overthrow of the revolution, but to put it a greater distance than there was otherwise reason to hope its happy termination: for when this vibration had gained its utmost point, it so happened that the govt. was to be transfered into other hands. In this stage too the royalists who were formerly persecuted more than was upon any principle justifiable & in whose favor & upon that acct. a general sympathy was excited, & which was of course due to humanity & had no connection with their political principles, had gained an attention which under other circumstances wod. not have been shewn them. The probability therefore is that if the election had come on unaided by that incident more than a majority of that description of people wod. have been thrown into the legislature. But as the attack failed, it produc'd in a great measure the opposit effect for in consequence the decrees were not only strictly executed, but the former censure agnst. the royalists whose views were now completely unmasked, proportionally revived; many of whom and among those some who were candidates for the legislature & with good prospect of success took refuge in the neighbouring countries or the Vendee according as circumstances favored their escape.
On the side of the convention there were 3000 foot & 600 horse of Pichegru's army & abt. 1000 or 1200 of the citizens of Paris (the latter of whom were honored by their opponents with the title of terrorists) and on the opposit side there were perhaps in activity twice that number, whilst the other citizens of Paris were neutral. The battle was short for as soon as the assailants saw that opposition was made their numbers diminished & continued to diminish by battallions, till finally none were left but those who were too marked in their characters to hope for concealment: and which latter party surrendered in a body on the next day at noon to the number of abt. 500. In the contest 4 or 500 on both sides were killed and wounded. It was extremely complained of on the part of the assailants that the convention accepted of the services of the terrorists that it suffered cannon to be used in its defense, since they the assailants had none or but few, & whence they urged that the fight was not a fair one. You will observe that all Paris was agnst. the decrees 2 or 3 sections only excepted & because as many of their own deputies were heretofore cut off they wod. be forc'd to elect their members from among those of the convention who belonged to other departments, & because they did not like to chose even those of them who remained. This being the temper of the city in the commencment the royalists took advantage of it first by opposing the decrees & which they did with great address, contending for the unalienable right of suffrage which they said was thereby infringed, & demanding wherefore had the good citizens of France fought & bled so freely & otherwise sufferd so much if they were now to be enslaved a slavery too the more odious because it was imposed by those who had assumed the mask of patriotism? One step led on to another till finally recourse was had to arms.
Before this event I doubted whether foreign powers had much agency in the interior movements & convulsions of this republick, but by it I was satisfied they had, for it was known in Engld. Hamburg & Balse before it happened that there wod. be a movement here at the time it took place; at which time too the Ct. D'Artois approached the coast from Engld. & between whom and the authors of that movement in Paris & the Vendee there was obviously the utmost harmony of measures. Some thing of the kind is to be trac'd in several preceding events but not so strongly marked at least not to my knowledge as in the present case. Yet the ordeal thro' which France has passed and is passing in the establishment of a republican system is called an experiment of that system, whose convulsions are contrasted with the gloomy & sullen repose of the neighboring despotisms by the enemies of republican govt. to the disadvantage of this latter species of govt. So often does it happen by the decrees of a blind fatality that the authors of crimes not only succeed in exculpating themselves from the reproach they justly merit, but even in fixing the imputation of guilt upon the .
The French were lately checked on the other side of the Rhine & which caused their retreat to the Rhine: but yet they hold the two posts of Manhiem & Dusseldorph on the other side. Tis thought some serious rencounters will take place there soon & wh. may produce a serious affect likewise upon the war with the Emperor and on the continent. The late organization of the directoire by wh. men of real talents & integrity & in the instances of Canot & Barras men of great military talents are plac'd in it, the former of whom planned the last campaign & the latter commanded the National gds. in the great epoch of the 9th of Ther. When the tyranny of Roberstpre was broken; and on the last event of the 13th Vendre is well calculated to secure a wise arrangment on the part of France.
In negotiation nothing has been lately done. If any negotiations were depending they were doubtless suspended to wait the issue of the late elections & which ensued in the hope on the
hope on the part of the coalised powers that something wod. turn up from the struggles that were then expected to favor their views. But now that that prospect seems to be over tis probable they will be commenc'd & peace their early offspring. An event which will be greatly promoted if Pichegru succeeds agnst the Austrians and still more so if his majesty of Engld. is agn. intimidated by the unfriendly greetings of his discontended & afflicted subjects. Unhappy old man, his reign has indeed been a reign of mourning & of sorrow to the world: for we trace upon its several stages in America the East & in Europe no other vestiges but those which are marked by the blood of the innocent who were slaughtered in all those various climes of the world & without regard to age sex or condition. And yet we are told by many that he is a mild, an amiable and pious man, and that the govt. in which he presides, & by means whereof these atrocities were perpetrated is that model of pacification of which, thro' all antiquity, Cicero & Tacitus had alone formed only a faint idea, but with which the world was never blessed before. But you know I must not speak irreverently of dignities & therefore I will add not more on this subject at least for the present.
I hear that the French have just gained a considerable advantage over the Austrians on this side of the Rhine near Manheim. The Austrians crossed the R in its neighborhood to make a diversion there were met by a body of French & defeated & driven back. Other particulars we have not. Mrs. M & our child join in affectionate wishes to yrself & whole family & pray you also to make them to my brother Joseph & all our neighbours & that you will believe me most affectionately yours.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Paris July 30. 1796.
Dear Sir
I have lately recd. yr. favors of the 2 & 21 of March last & by which I find to my surprise, that only two letters from me & those of the last year had reached you, tho' I had written one more of the last year & two of the present one.
Frouille as I informed you in one of these was one of the victims of the reign of terror. Dr. Simm is living & much fortified to find he has a place in yr. memory. The old gent. was some what afflicted with the hypoccondra on my arrival & wh. proceeded from the horrible abuses that were practic'd rather before period; but he is now well, having breakfasted with me to day, walking a league to do it, & desires to be affecy. remembered to you. I will procure for you the books you mention, but to execute that of the Encyclopedia it will be well for you to send me an acct. of what you have already recd., as otherwise it may be difficult form the confusion wh. took place, even in those things, here at a certain time; I will also thank you to procure for me a like note of what I have, as I wish to send them at the same time for us both. I believe the work is now complete.
On this side of the water the scene has greatly changed for the better; in favor of republican govt.; for since the adoption of the new constitution liberty has as it were been rescued from the dust, where she was trampled under foot by the mob of Paris, when leaders were perhaps in foreign pay, and restored to the elevated station she ought to hold, & where she is becoming as she ought to be, the idol of the country. France never bore, at any period of her history so commanding a position as she now hears, towards all the powers of Europe, nor did she ever approach it. Since the opening of the campaign all Italy has in a great measure been subjugated. The Austrian army combined with the Sardinian & wh. protected Italy (by wh. I mean those powers in the coalition) was vanguished in the very opening of the campaign in several severe actions, & finally driven thro' the tyrol country out of Italy. After this or rather after two or three defeats, Sardinia obtained peace upon terms you have doubless seen & since all the other powers have done the same Naples excepted & who has no an Envoy here to obtain it. They have all paid money, yeilded pictures & in the instance of the pope, manuscripts of great value, & shut the Englh. from their ports. The French have likewise entered Leghorn upon the principle the Englh. hold it as a deposit for supplies for Corsica &c. & had likewise violated the neutrality of Tuscany agnst. the French, & in pursuit of the Austrians who fled that way. They entered after them the Venetian territory. Thus you see the state of affrs in that quarter. Upon the Rhine too the French have been victorious, in several actions agnst the Imperial forces driving them all on the other side, on wh. side & some distance in the interior, the French armies now likewise are. They seem indeed to have gained a decided preponderance over their enemies here, tho' by no means in the degree they have in the other quarters; for the Austrian armies tho several times defeated, & seeking apparently to shun for the present a genl. action are nevertheless strong & united, protecting the country by their positions as well as by the forts wh. line the rivers emptying into the Rhine. It is often rumoured that negotiations are depending with the Emperor & in Paris, & wh. I think more than probable but yet know nothing certain on the subject. If the French shod. not be discomfited by some sudden reverse of fortune, & wh. there is at present but little prospect, it cannot well be otherwise than that peace shod. be a made soon with the Emperor, since he must now abandon all hope of recovering the Belgic, &c. & since it is to be presumed the French will insist on nothing beyond what they claimed in the commencmt. of the campaign. It is to be observed they have entered Frankfort & upon wh. city they have laid an imposition of 35 millions of florins, a sum I presume beyond the ability of the place to pay it.
The general sentiment is to have no peace with Engld. for the present & to wh. they are inclined as well in gratification of the resentment they bear that country for the trouble it has brot. On this, as in the policy of keeping some employment for the immense force that will be on foot after the war on the continent is closed. It seems to be the fixed determination of this govt. to inflict some great & rigorous punishment upon that nation if in its power, & with this view, & for the purpose of striking at the source of its prosperity all its treaties with the Italian powers are formed are formed, & whereby Engld. will scarecely find admittance into any of their ports. This however of a delicate subject for me to write on, considering this letter passes thro Engld, the bearer Dr. Edwards prefering that rout to the necessity of making a visit to Halifax or Bermuda & wh. he wod. probably be forced to do in case he sailed directly from the port of France. To him therefore I refer you for whatever is interesting in this or any other topic omitted here, & relating to French affrs & with wh. he is probably well acquainted.
In the interior relations the aspect is equally flattering as in the exterior. The financial system, it is true, is bad but yet not worse than it has been ever since my arrival. Their national domain is the great fund, & two or three times they have passed laws for throwing this away but upon an idea the plan adopted was solid & wod. be productive: soon, however, it was discovered that these plans were visionary, & answered no end but to cede their property & give discontent to the whole nation, a few land jobbers in each district excepted & some foreigners of the same respectable description, & whereupon they came back upon what they had done & remodified it. They seem to consider the ill success of the plan as a kind of breach of contract on the part of the purchasers, & therefore making it void ab initio. One thing, however, is to be observed that they never do the purchasers any real injustice, so far as to enable them to say they are made to pay even so much as a third of the value of the property: they only give them cause to make a great noise abt. publick faith &c. and wh. you know none are so apt to make as those who have no faith at all .This govt. seems to have a horror of banks, funding systems &c. & therefore attempts every other resource to preference to those.
In other views the prospect is excellent. The part of discontented among those who were marshalled on the side of the revolution, diminish daily & seems to be gradually reducing to those who dishonored it in the days of Robertspre. & his associates; men who were probably in the pay of foreign powers & employed to perpetuate those atrocities merely to make the revolution odious & thus oppose it, & who in consequence expect punishment from any established order of things. There are it is true some exceptions to this, and among men of principle who seem to fear the govt. will incline too much into the other scale, but at present I see no cause for such a suspicion. And on the side of royalty its adherents likewise seem daily to diminish in numbers & to be likewise declining to those who are inflicted with a bias for that kind of govt. wh. nothing can eradicate: upon those minds no proof can work conviction. But the ranks of this corps throughout France has lessened, since this govt. was established comparatively to nothing. Before this event the people of this country estimated the merits of republican govt. by those of the revolution, & therefore it is not surprising that many, and even among those who were ardent & active agents in putting it in motion, shod. have shrunk from it. Europe presented no example of republican govt. or of any other kind of free govt. upon wh. they cod. dwell with pleasure & therefore the revolution was their only standard. But since this govt. was established a new and more impressive example is before them, & wh. be assured has produc'd already a wonderful effect in reconciling the bulk of the people to it. I have this from many quarters & therefore confide in what I communicate.
This is a short sketch of the actual state of things here according to the view I have of it, & wh. may be durable or fluctuating according as events yet depending may unfold themselves: for yet the scene of this great movement is not closed, nor can any one pronounce what its issue will be untill it is closed.
I rejoice that you pay attention to the improvement of my farm near you, since we look to it as to a plan of comfort from the unquiet theatre on wh. we now stand: for to me & in more views than one it has been a very unquiet one indeed. But I think you can readily percieve why it is so, when you contemplate all the circumstances that apply to me, in regard to publick events since my arrival in the country: tis therefore unnecessary & unsafe to enter into them upon the present occasion. We never meant a long continuance here, & probably the term we had in view may yet be shortened. I wish therefore I cod. form a commencment of the house you suggested this fall or as soon as possible & upon wh. head one of my letters was very minute: upon this I shall write you soon again.
I have done everything in my power in favr. of Mr. DeRieux but without effect. We have a small house next his aunt's & wh. we took to supervise the education of our child at St. Germains, as likewise that of Mr. Jones's & a son of John Rutledge's who are at school there, in the hope too of seeing the old lay & interesting her to assist him. But the shuns me, as she wod. an officer of the peace from whom she expected a process of the revolutionary kind: and a visit wh. Mrs. M made her sometime since in the hope of appeasing her fears of importunate solicitation was render'd very disagreeable by her abruptly opening the subject, as soon as she intered & speaking of nothing else whilst she staid, but the impossibility of rendering any service to her nephew. Under these circumstances it will I fear be impossible to obtain any thing for him. I will however if possible. The order some time since inclosed for his uncle I still have, being unwilling to forward it, lest it shod. be paid in assignats or mandats, but I will attend to this object also in suitable time.
We are well & desire to be affectionably remembered to Mr. & Mrs. Randolph, Maria, & all our good neighbours. I thank you for information that my brother is well, & the more so because I never hear from him with great & sincere esteem believe me sincerely your friend
Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] Augt. 6. 96.
I have just heard that I am charged with having become a speculator here, with other things still more exceptionable, & go knows what. I send therefore by this opportunity to Mr. Madison an ample refutation of these charges, advising that they be published if my friends think fit. He will probably see you on the occasion. I think I can ride any storm if I get safe to port from the sea upon wh. I an now imbarked. Surely no man was ever in the hands of such a corps as I am at present.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Sepr. 5. 1797.
Dear Sir
I inclose the paper you were so good as commit to my care yesterday. I have perused it with attention and pleasure, and think its contents ought to be used so as to produce to the publick the beneficial effect likely to result from them. The only doubt wh. I entertain is as to the channel into wh. it is proposed to put the paper, whether for example, a state legislature can interfere in a question between a citizen of the U.States & his representative in Congress. It may be urged that the establishmt. of the principle may lead to great extent, & even make all the members of the national govt., by a code of crimes and punishmts. amenable to state tribunals. I support this for yr. consideration, to wh. I try to add whether it wod. not be better to address it to the Congress? I will endeavor to see you as soon as possible. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Sunday Octr. [15] 1797
Dear Sir
I shall send Mr. Bache tomorrow about two theirs of my narrative and the residue by the next post. I have nothing from him by the last wh. gives cause to apprehend either that his people or himself are sick of the yellow fever. It becomes necessary that I give the publication a title, and therefore I wish yr. opinion upon that point. I subjoin one wh. is subject to your correction. You mentioned some time since the propriety of my discussing the question whether a minister was that of his country or the admn. It is a plain one, but yet I will thank you to put on paper what occurs to you on it, any time withing a day or two & send it me.
There are letters of the Secry. of State wh. are omitted, such for example as that wh. I send, being rather a document accompanying one, than a letter. You will perceive it is lengthy and not applicable to the object of my publication. As also another respecting Mr. Fenwick containing a charge against him of wh. some notice is taken in one of mine by way of reply. It was omitted as a personal thing from motives of delicacy to him. Wod. you publish both or either of these in the appendix? Skipwith's report to me is omitted also; wod. you instruct Bache to publish it in the appendix. The one I refer to is that published by Pickering with Mr. Adams's message to the last Session of Congress. Yours respectfully Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] "A view of the conduct of the admn. In the managment of our foreign affairs for the years 1794 5 and 6 by an appeal to the official instructions & correspondence of James Monroe late minister p. of the U. States to the French republick, to wh. is prefix'd an introductory narrative by the sd. James M. or
"A view of the conduct of the Executive of the U. States in the management of the affrs. of those States with foreign powers for the years 1794. &c as above."
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Friday [October 20, 1797]
Jas. Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson. He has lately been in Orange at Mr. Madisons, from whom he incloses him a letter. At Mr. Ms. he met Mr. Dawson lately from Richmond & who bade him inform Mr. Jefferson that if he takes the stage for Phila. from Frdbg. it will be necessary for him to be in the latter place on Tuesday next to arrive in time for the commencmt. of Congress, as it goes only three times a week: or indeed perhaps only twice. He adds the circumstance to view that it may be attended to move correctly than J.M. can inform. Mr. Dawson says that Mr. H. is given up whimsies-he has been as an immoral man; and that the ease with wh. he acknowledges himself an adulturer-inspires doubts that he was guilty of the other charge also. J.M. wod. ride up but that he has been much indisposed since his return. He will be glad to know when Mr. Jefferson sits out. He was informed by Mr. Madison that a certain paper which himself & W.. Nicholas left with him was for the purpose of its being modified, to avoid that objection wh. that trait in it exposed it to. J.M. supposed it was only to disguise the author, wh. cod. not be done without writing another, and which ought not to be done. Upon this principle J.M. after examining it to find such parts as might be altered upon the principle on wh. he supposed it was left with him, returned it unaltered to W. Nicholas. But as now advised he readily undertakes the modification, and if in possession of Mr. Jefferson will thanks him for it-of wh. he will be pleased inform him as he shall write W. N. for it this evening in case it is not.
Will Mr. Jefferson with Mr. Randolph & Mr. Eppes with their Ladies come some day before his departure & dine with J.M. & family; and will Sunday suit their convenience? or what day will be more suitable?
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
[November 1797]
Dear Sir,
I have a letter from Mr. Bache with the printed documents complete all but a page or two & 12 pages of "the view &c." I enclose a note to correct by way of erratum an important omission of almost a line in the latter. He tells me the late expln. at Paris has produced a wonderful effect on our rascals at home, who he thinks were in harmony with those there. I have no doubt that the stronger the attack upon them is, hinting a brief of bribery (I mean by the members in debate) the better: for yet the republican cause has never had a chance. Be assured the people are ready to back those who go most forward. I repeat my best wishes for yr. happiness. Remember us to Mr. M. & Lady. Mr. Barnes has paid the money. If I can place funds I shall begin soon to trouble you abt. windows, &c. as my cabbin castle goes on.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Decr. 2. 1797
Dear Sir
I enclose you a leter for Mr. Dawson, one for Mrs. Yard, one for Mr. Knox & one for Colo. Burr. The last is left open for the inspection of Mr. Madison. That to Mr. Knox you will be so good as put in the post office as soon as you arrive in Phila. I sincerely wish you peace & comfort thro the winter. The latter you may have in some respect-but the former I think you will not have. However tis possible a divided majority on the house side may give our country repose & safety, & extent those blessings to those who desire them. Very sincerely I wish you well. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albe. Jany. 8. 1798.
Dear Sir
I have yours of the 27 Decr. for which I thank you. I have made some comments on one item in it to a person who will probably see you.
I rejoice that the land tax is postponed, & hope when revived it will be under the auspices of those who have imposed on the publick the necessity of such an increase of their burden. It wod. be entertaining to see the friends of an accumulation of the debt in principle, who have benefitted by it also in practice, standing aloof, or modestly opposing such a tax, whilst the economic part of the legislature who had opposed the accumulation of debt, took the lead in providing the tax, and with it the odium attending the provision. This is not the natural course of things, nor wod. the effect be salutary. Direct taxes must be laid nut let them proceed from the quarter whence all mischief has proceeded.
The context between a bar majority in the reps. agnst the Senate & President, exhibits an interesting spectacle. The details you have been so kind as not give cause to hope, the result will be on the right side. But still we have been going wrong so long, under circumstances too more favorable than the present, that we ought not to be too sanguine. I heartily wish the session was closed, for I expect no good from it. Indeed the only hope is to prevent harm.
You will have seen the resolutions of our assembly upon the petition from our district. I think the resolutions sound and well drawn. I hope the measures of the district & assembly will produce a good effect, generally.
I write you only to acknowledge the receipt of yours: to tell you we are well. Still on the no. side of the mountain and likely to be so on yr. return & to assure you that I am sir, yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.]
I have requested Mr. D. to confer with you whether my coming up will be useful in any view in respect to public or private concerns.
You have seen the discovery of a plot I had laid for blowing up the admn. by correcting the misrepresentation of the English prints, in handing to my countrymen occasionally a sketch of the French revolution to be printed in Bache's paper. I really suspect the project alarmed them for they have wished to monopolize the publick mind to themselves, wh. they cod. not do, but by keeping the people ignorant of their affrs. For the chief of the admn deems it harmless to trample on the constitution, by riping the channel of a publick minister, & carry on an intrigue with the British govt.
RC (Jefferson papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Jany 27. 1798.
Dear Sir
I came here abt. 6 days past to use my endeavors to raise money to pay the expenses upon importation of my furniture. I have drawn on Mr. Barnes for 250 dolrs. wh. I hope he will pay. I think the time is expired when you intimated the sum plac'd in his hands wod. become due. I hope to get thro this heavy business without any very serious loss. Our assembly adjourned two days since. Of a political nature, the resolutions on the Amherst &c. petition is the most important measure. These are sound & good. The next in pt. of importance is the passage of a law wh. subjects the Printer of the State to an annual election for his office. This will probably change the tone of that paper.
It is surprising that only one copy of my book has yet reached this place. It wod. have been well to have had the quote intended for this place during the session. I hope Mr. Bache will still send them on, as there still remains sufficient curiosity to induce people to read them. I hear there is an attack made on it under the signature of Scipio, supposed to be Chs. Lee. I hope some one will refute him in the gazette, as it may otherwise produce an ill effect. Is he supposed to be the author with you.
The publick in this quarter are very anxious to hear the result of our mission to France. Shortly it must be known, unless purposely kept back by the admn.
I have thought of coming to this place to resume the practice of the law. What think you of it? Sincerely I am yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] I observe Mr. Scipio takes the ground of attack on me by way of rescuing the admn. from that of defence. I commit this to Mr. Giles who will supply my omissions.
RC(Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Feby. 12. 1798
Dear Sir
Mr. Fauchetts pamphlet was the last communication from you. Mine by Mr. Giles you doubtless have before this. We are here so barren of incident that we have nothing worthy jr. notice. We look to the admn. for the coloring we are to have of European or rather our affrs. with France, and we know enough of the admn. to know that it will be black or white according to circumstances. If for example the admn. thinks things ready for an immediate expln. a ground work for it will be laid before Congress. And if it thinks it better to practice upon the two countries by keeping our agents in Paris another year, it will do so. In short I think it will take precisely that course wh. will be best calculated to promote a rupture with France & overthrow our own govt. I have serious doubts whether if were not better the admn. shod. carry the question for arming &c whether it were not better it shod. carry all its measures & completely open its views to the publick. I mean the measures it avows. Till they are all carried, the trouble & losses of the publick are ascribed to those who defeat them, & perhaps eventually half the blame be laid to their account. But if the admn. carried its measures this wod. not be the case. One effect which
permission to arm wod. produce I think wod. be this, the mass or real American merchants wod. conclude war was declared & retire their ships. The British merchants (called American) & some bold adventurers of our own hoping to profit by plunder especially of the Spaniards wod. fit out large vessels called merchant vessels, but wh. wod. in truth be privateers. Thus we shod. be at work at once, with both France & Spn. & the crisis be competely brot. on whose object on one side wod. be to connect us with Engld., assimilate our govt. to hers, & separate the western country from the Union, objects which this side has long pursued with great system. I only state the idea of the admn. carrying its measures, being the best way to complete its overthrow & save us from infinite trouble, as an hypothesis, in favor of which my opinion is not made up. Admitting however it wod. promote the cause of republican govt., yet the majority ought to be very small, & the consequences of the measures fully and ably anticipated in debate by the minority. If it is deemed best to put off the crisis by negotiating another campaign, I conclude the question abt. arming will be put off til the next session, & Congress adjourn.
Nothing or very letter is done to yr. house since you left it. & I suppose will not till you return. My cabbins are yet to be seen only on paper & in the history of the neighbourhood nothing new has occurred. I am making a great effort for tobo. having already elevated ground enough to make 20,000 at least.
As yet not more than 3 copies of my book have reached Virga. that I know of. One at Richmond only when I was there. In consequence whereof it is industriously circulated that the work is suppressed, with a train of informers to wh. that idea leads.
It was unfortunate Mr. B. did not send a few trunks full to Richmond while the assembly was sitting. I stipulated with him that he shod. send it all over the continent as soon as published and sell it cheap. I made no other stipulation-of the price I say nothing for I wished him if possible, without injury to the circulation, to make something by it. But greatly has he erred in not pushing the circulation. I earnestly hope he will do it now without delay. He ought to send 6 or 800 into this state at least.
I requested yr. opinion upon a private subject in my letter by Mr. Giles wh. I hope will not escape you.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Alb. Feby. 19. 1798.
Dear Sir
Your favor in answer to mine by Mr. Giles gives me much comfort. I had almost concluded that the admn. wod. carry the project for arming our merchant vessels & thus involve us in war with France & Spain. That view of our affrs. was a disquieting one, but yet I was satisfied, as the
war in its consequences wod. rouse the publick attention, that the result wod. be favorable to republican govt. & disgraceful to the admn. I was satisfied the people wod. shrink from it as from a pestilence, whereby the admn. wod. soon stand alone & become an object of publick scorn. But if we can get right without the aid of such a scourge, happy indeed will it be for us. And nothing is wanting to get us right but a knowledge of our affrs. among the people wh. nothing will so essentially contribute to diffuse as able, free & comprehensive discussion on the part of the friends of republican govt. in the H. of R. I believe no admn. was ever before in such a dilemma, for if it carries its measures it must be disgraced & it if does not carry them it must be so likewise. Mr. A. may thank himself for this. You did everything in yr. power to unite the people under his admn. & to give him in negotiation the aid of the republican character & interest to support the pretentions of our country & not without hazard to yrself. But this he spurned with a degree of wantonness of wh. there is no example. He wod. have none in his ranks but tried men, whose political corresponded with his own. My opinion is if the measure is carried we have war, & if rejected the tone of the French govt. will change, since the regard they bear for American specially when thus pronounc'd thro' a constitutional organ agnst war will immediately operate. The H. of R. may therefore prevent war if it carries its measures & stands firm. But what is then the situation of the country? An unhappy one it is true, but still better than in war. Its unhappiness however proceeds from the past misconduct of the admn. wh. seeking war and favoring the cause of the kings agnst. France, has so compromitted itself that it cannot become an useful organ of the publick sentiment to extricate us from the dilemma into which it has brought us.
I think I shall enter into the practice of the law immediately & in that case move to Richmond. The organization of the courts I such that it is impossible for me to practice in the supr. Cts. & reside in the country. The expence of attendance at Richmond wod. more than make up for the difference between that of living there & here, to say nothing of the objection to having my family for six months in the year. I think with you that Scipio's performance is not a thing for a library & therefore I think it must have been drawn by T.P. or C.L. It is quite in the admn. stile, much low spleen & malice, & otherwise without force. If any thing is to be said Mr. d. or some one of my friends on the ground had better do it, as they better know what is requisite & will suit. Giles, Nicholas, Brent & many others hold good pens, from whom it wod. come better than from me.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Feby. 25. 1798 Albemarle
Dear Sir
The trial of Mr. Lyon has taken much time & produced much irritation. I fear the division wh. took place there will be carried to other objects. It seems to be as if the antagonist of Lyon was the aggressor & that it wod. have been equally politic and just for some cool person to have brot. forward a resolution censuring both. But really we have been so long on the defensive that we find it difficult to change the mode of warfare even where a suitable occasion occurs. Certain it is the H. of Reps. as a body have lost much ground in the squabble, and if our recovery to old principles &c. is to be brot. abt. by its decline in the publick opinion, we are in the high road to a happy change.
I have great doubts as to my removal to Richmond, or in other words resuming the practice of the law, for upon the former depends the latter measure. In these courts I shod. make nothing at all. And at Richmd. I encur a heavy expence. And such is the present organizn. of the courts there, that I cannot follow them up without residing there. Mr. D. will consult you upon all cases in wh. I am interested; and unfortunately it happens that I have some yet &c. pending.
I think the discussion on the foreign intercourse bill will produce a good effect. The principle taken by the republicans is sound. If we had not minister abroad thro' this war, I am sure we shod. have had no dispute with France. And Mr. Adams's appointment of his son to the mission was a most reprehensible act. If you had appointed (being in his place) a republican to such an office, the noise wh. the royalists wod. have made wod. never have ceased & inattention wh. the enemies of such a mission, enemies from principle too, have previously shewn to the measure is a proof of their extreme supineness, in cases where they ought to be active, & might be active with effect.
I enclose you a letter for Martin wh. be so good as forward. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle March 26. 1798.
Dear Sir
Yours of the 8 was the last with which I was favd. from you. The resolution of the French govt. to seize British manufactures is a severe stroke in the dry goods traders, and all connected with them wh. comprehends the great mass of our people. On my part I wish they were permanently prohibited by law since I am satisfied the effect wod be salutary to the general interests of America. But this is not the general opinion, and in consequence the measure will be considered as a new grievance by those who suffer for the time in the current price of their produce. Still I think all these things must ultimately open the eyes of the people, if they are not the most stupid and likewise the most worthless of all people ever collected in the form of a nation. And this I think is not the case for I consider their adherence to the measures wh. pass, as a proof of their virtue. The want of light is the great evil wh. overwhelms us, & this will not be remedied till more pens are put to work,
It has occurred to me it wod. be proper for my narrative to be inserted in the gazettes. I shod. suppose Bache wod. not object to it since it wod. most probably promote his interesting by promoting the sale of the book. He has to apprehend it will be written down by the host of scribblers who attack it, & thus the sale prevented. If he does not accede to this I shall be much surprised indeed.
I have repeatedly thought I wod. answer the flimsy scurrilous papers of Scipio, but whenever I took up the subject it really laid me up with the head ache. I cod. not answer them with my name & I shod. be known as well if I did not sign as if I did, from the precise tone sentiment & stile wh. wod. be seen. And to defend my own book might rather weaken than support it. It seems to me that the line of propriety on my part is to rest quiet, & let calumny have its course. The book will remain & will be read in the course of 50 years if not sooner, and I think the facts it contains , will settle or contribute to settle the opinion of posterity in the character of the admn. however indifferent to it the present race may be. And it will be some consolation to me to hope on reasonable ground, that I shall contribute to do justice to them with posterity, since a gang of greater scoundrels never lived. We are to dance on their birth rights, forsooth, and say they are great & good men, when we know they are little people. I think the spirit of that idle propensity
is dying away & that the good sense of the people is breaking thro the prejudice wh. has long trained them down.
Mr. Walcott sent me a bill (in Paris) for 120,000 dolrs. on a house there, to be remitted when the amt. Was recd. to Holland. The trust was laborious & difficult beyond measure in the execution. Mr. Skipwith took charge of it when recd. put it in boxes &c. to be forwarded when the order of the govt. was obtained wh. however was at first refused, & acted without compensation. His house was robbed, and abt 1000 taken from it. He replac'd the sum at my request in expectation of being reimbursed on his draft on the Secry. of Treasury. The money was at length forwarded, & arrived safe in Holland. Mr. Skipwith was possessed of it (as above stated) 7 weeks. This bill on the Secretary was protested & I was calumniated as having kept the money back unnecessarily to speculate with. I possess a copy of my correspondence with the French govt. bankers in Holland & exhibiting in the clearest and most satisfactory manner that I did all in my power, was laborious, attentive &c. and of course was injured in any imputation to the contrary-and essentially so in the protest of the bill. The truth is the whole transaction was managed by Jacob Van Staphorst one of our bankers & I have his declaration to that effect with a history of the whole transaction. I see no ground in the documents more than in truth wherein the fairness and integrity of the transaction can be questioned., or how the Secry. can escape odium for his conduct. He says he protested the bill because Swan the drawer was to bear the expense & risk of transportation, altho I had nothing to do with Mr. Swan and acted as a publick officer upon the request of the Secry. He sent me at the same time an alternate set of bills in Hamburg to be resorted to in case those on Paris were not paid. We adhered to the latter under all the difficulties, because the Secry. in his letter told us, it was the prefereable exchg. & because Mr. Van Staphorst was told by Dallarde, Swan's partner, the money was not provided there for the payment of them. This was considered as a proof I kept the money back to speculate. Mr. Skipwith has sent me a power to act for him, tho' I doubt whether I ought not to consider the case as mine & present a petition to the congress for reimbursement opening in the petition the whole affr. & printing all the documents wh. are lengthy. It merits consideration what mode is to be taken whether that course is the preferable one and in whose name, or whether a suit shod. be brot. agnst Walcott. I prefer the former & in my own name, if it is not presumable that the spirit
of party might oppose & defeat it agnst the favor of the most positive demonstration that can be conceived. If they will not vote that it is dark when it is light wod. pass. It is to be observed that all the injury is done that can be by underhanded slanders, and thence decided whether opening the affr. on them in that publick manner by surprise wod. not be of some use. I have mentioned this also to Mr. Dawson, as likewise another irritating incident in wh. yr. council may be useful. If a petition is proper, I ought to know it as soon as possible, & it shod. be hinted to whom I might write a letter to request to present it. If of our own State, it is a thing of course, but perhaps a member from another might be preferred.
I saw a piece in Davis's paper signed Thrasebulus in wh. there are some just views of the subject. Perhaps some of these might be published to advantage.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Alb. 14 April 1798
Dear Sir
I have yours of the 5 inst. The seal had no mark of violence on it. I shall attend to it for the future having no confidence in the admn. in any respect. The royalists are at a point wh. perplexes them & of course they will play a desperate game. Yet I hope the people will take alarm at their projects & forsake them, in wh. case, their fall is inevitable, but this requires temper as well as firmness in the republicans to turn the crisis to good acct. in favor of republican govt. These virtues I think will be displayed by the members of that party. Their attacks on you will not injure you. They impose the necessity of great caution agnt. casualties & false friends, but this you will have.
The affr. with M. I hope is settled as it shod. be. It is indeed afflicting to be troubled with such an incident, but it only remains to settle it in the best possible manner & then let it rest. I commit whatever appertains to me to yrself & one or two others to act on the spot as may be deemed eligible, & will by advice here take any step on my own part that you think proper. The affr. of Skipwith will of course rest for a year if necessary, and when brot. forward it will be as you propose.
With respect to our countrymen's privateering in France, I wish to know how I cod. prevent it had I known it. It will not I presume be intimated that I was a party. The truth is I discountenanc'd it all in my power, having object to having Mr. Vans of Massachusetts recognized as consul upon an intimation that he was engaged in that business, as he will depose. But he is in France. I know not upon what ground they will calumniate me till I see it. I despise them & their calumnies more than I can express, & hope that justice will sooner or later overtake them yr. friend.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Friday May 4.1798.
Dear Sir
I have yours of 19 ulto. I rejoice that my affr. with M. is settled, since being a youth a good heart pushed by others, I had no wish to injure him, and was satisfied he had none to injure me. In no view cod. I be benefited by a collision with him & my only concern is respecting Giles, who I hope is satisfied with the paper furnished by Mr. Dawson. I will come up in abt. three weeks at furthest. I wod. immediately had I my papers here, but being forced back for them, & the chancery term on the point of commencing, I think it best to attend its earlier days & then proceed to Phila. being however resolved to do it sooner if invited so to do by yrself or Mr. Dawson. I shall make no difficulty with Mr. Pickering as to the mode of settlement, by wh. I mean that I will pay now & claim the right of reimbursement when vouchers are produc'd; however unjust the claim for such a mode shall be.
The course of the admn. does not surprise me. It is a consistent one. I think however the admn. will overwhelm itself by its folly & madness. We are preparing for a war wh. does not exist, expending millions wh. will have no other effect than to bring it on, wh. cannot produce, in any possible event when brot. on, any good & will produce much harm. Present accts. announce the commencmt. of a negotiation. What will be the effect of the lat publicatn. upon that negotiation when it reaches France. Our ministers to have completed the business shod. not have entered into the negotiation but withdrawn when their letter was written. To remain after that document was committed to their employers, a document wh. was sure to terminate the negotiation (for the publication was to be counted on) was to commit to hasard the otherwise successful project of the admn.; for every thing wh. afterwards turned up was likely to diminish the force of what they had already gained. To expose the iniquity of the project & the injury of the policy the call shod. be continued for papers, upon every rumour of the arrival of new dispatches.
A young man here of the name of Lewis, who studied the law with Mr. Minor (not of the family with wh. you are acquainted by that name, yet of good connections) shewed me a letter he had written you respecting the attach of L. Martin on the statemt. given in yr. notes of the conduct of Congress toward the Indian Logan & his family. His motive in interfering is no other than that wh. his letter bespeaks, a great interest in whatever concerns yr. welfare, to promote wh. he is particularly stimulated by youthful ardor, and zeal in the cause of republn. govt. I thot proper to let him forward the letter rather than prevent it, you will easily gratify his mind, lest it might hurt his feelings. Mr. Tyler the judge, likewise informs me to be communicated to you, that he possesses the paper containing the same document, or such knowledge of the fact as will enable him to establish it. You had better write him on the subject.
Upon reflection as the cts. are setting & my absence might be hurtful, I have hinted to Mr. Dawson a possibility I may authorise him to adjust my acct. with T.P. without my attendance. I mention this to shew that my trip is a thing rather in contemplation than decided on.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Fredbg May 14 1798.
Dear Sir
Since my last I have been here attending this court, being detained by a cause of Colo. Mercer wh. was argued yesterday. I leave town to day on my way home. Your letters if you have written me any since I came here are at Charlottesville, so that they cannot be answered till after my arrival there. After perusing Pickering's objections to my advances abroad &c., comprised in my acct. I can best determine whether it will be necessary for me to proceed to Phila. or not. In consideration of the acct. along I wod. much rather not go there, since I wod. rather lose much than leave it open, & even pay the same sum three times over, subject to rectification hereafter, than accept any thing as a condesention from the admn. or any of its members. But if there is any other object the case is altered relative to wh., & the nature of the object if any such there be I shall doubtless be advised by yr. letters in Alb. when I arrive there. There is a meeting in town to day of the merchants to address the President as other places have done Eastward of this approving his measures. There is a party in opposition of great respectability, so that the issue is incertain. I avoid the whole of this business, having nothing to do with it; I mention this circumstance lest being here, tho' on my duty of a nature too indispensable having two causes to argue this day before I leave town, the contrary shod. be insinuated.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
June 1. 1798 Richmond
Dear Sir
I have yours of 21 ulto. and very sincerely thank you for the interest you take in what concerns my welfare, of which indeed I have heretofore had so many proofs as long since to have ceased to make acknowledgments. The course of irritation to wh. you allude is indeed a serious one, considering the station from whence it emanated: considering the person, only an object of contempt. I had seen the paper only the day before I got yr. letter, having lately arrived here. For the present however I can not enter on the subject, or the other to wh. I refer. I will do it by the post wh. departs the day after to morrow. I beg of you to deliver the inclosed to Mr. Dawson & believe me yr. very affectionate friend & servant, Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle June 16. 1798.
Dear Sir
The last communication of our Envoys was the last from you. By it nothing is more obvious than that France intends not to make war on us, so that our admn. has the merit exclusively of precipitating us into the state, if it exists, or takes place hereafter, of wh. there can be little doubt if there is any of its existence, at the present time. France has been roused agnst. us by the admn. who have never lost a moment to keep her resentment at the height, by multiplying the causes of irritation daily, for otherwise the contempt she naturally has for the admn. & respect she naturally has for the nation, wod. wear it away & leave us in peace. But since the late acts of Congress the appeal is to another tribunal. The triumph of the admn. in the representative branch cuts asunder the only remaining link between the two nations, & give to the American people war wh. with the admn. they now invite. We are of course thrown upon Engld. as a subaltern dependent power. If she prevails we follow her, for sometime at least, as a feeble contemptible satellite: unless indeed the discovery of other views in the admn. that the mass of those who support its measures believe it has, shod. separate that mass from the admn. & give a new spring to republican councils: admitting that the American people are the people they were 20 years ago. And if France prevails we are then to experience that fate wh. she will prescribe. And what that will be it is ever difficult to say. I believe it will be admitted there is not a noble sentiment in her councils to wh. we can appeal. Still if we wod. skulk off with the same ignominy we have borne, thro' the whole of the war, tis posible we might escape a terrible scourging. In that state I think the former admn. wod. be disposed so to do, declaring at the same time , it meant nothing by the late acts beyond the limits of the strictest neutrality. But our present Viceroy wod. I think even in that state be for fighting, to make the last effort in favor of his book that the state of the world wod. admit of in the hope also of displaying himself to the same advantage in the field as a soldier, as he thinks he has done as a man of science in the republick of letters. It is really an astonishing spectacle to behold such a nation as this is, containing so many enlightened men, such a virtuous & intelligent yeomanry, such an active and grasping body of merchants, dandled about agnst the obvious interest & principles of every class, as it were by an old woman. But such is the state of things that the infatuation or disorder of the nation must be managed with skill & gently, or it will grow worse & become incurable. And I am very much inclined to think that the patient must find out his own disorder, if not by himself, yet that he must think so.: that the phisician must not appear or if at all by no means as a prominent character.
With respect to myself I am inclined to think I shod. take no step in consequence of the late attack of Adams, but remains as I am quiet. A further attack on me of the violent kind if not supported by proof cannot otherwise than injure them. Shod. however the subject come before the H. of R. I am of opinion my friends shod. unit in a call for the charge agnst me &c and promote otherwise so far as depends on them in any form most eligible to the other party on inquiry. The late outrage if they do not go further, must appear intemperate & dishonorable. And if they go further I think it will appear worse, for it will make the subject better understood by the people. For me to come forward will place me in some degree in the attitude of an assailant, I mean by calling on Adams in any form and circumstanc'd as the countries are make me appears as fighting as fighting the cause of France agnst my own country. It will be proper I think, that such a coloring to the adverse party, however unjustly in fact shod. be avoided. This is idea wh. I support for consideration only. We are taught to expect you home soon wh. personally I sincerely wish. You have doubtless weighed it in a publick view, and so far as it is likely to succor you personally, the friendly salutations wh. a host of saints never fail to greet you with, do what you will. Believe me sincerely yr. friend & servant.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond June 1798
Dear Sir
I wrote you by the last post & inclosed a small packet for Mr. Dawson wh. I hope was recd. as it respects my affr. with the department of state. Fortunately I found vouchers for all but one item; this however was a heavy one being 150 Strg. I hope the acct. will be closed & the fund assigned to Mr. D. prove adequate. I prefer to pay the money & close the acct. receiving reimbursement hereafter when the voucher is produced rather than return the money & let the acct. lie open.
As to my coming into the H. of R. it is difficult for me to decide how far it is an eligible measure at present. To my family it wod. be an injurious measure for from former experience I know it wod. amount to an abandonment of my profession. The expectation that I shall enter again into publick life injures me every where at present: but this wod. be worse if I had actually embarked. Formerly I mentioned the twofold duties of lawyer & publick agent. But then I was younger & pressure of publick affrs. less urgent. So much as it respects my private interest. In a publick view I candidly own to you that I am conceive no possible benefit resulting from it, & possibly some injury may accrue.
In this light the subject is to be contemplated first as it respects the publick & secondly myself. So far as I can judge of the present state of affrs.. I rather think any appearance on that theatre wod. do harm than good. There is a decided preponderance in the H. of R. agnst. our principles, & this is supported by the full weight of the Executive & two thirds of the Senate. The republican force in the H. of R. on wh. the publick mind rested while it furnished a hope of success, seems to be broken & in consequence the great bulk of the people in the Eastern quarter or rather Eastward of the Potowk. to have fallin in with the measures of the admn. Thus it appears as if those council wod. prevail till the course of publick events shall produce a change. These may be of a foreign or domestic nature. The foreign the issue of the contest between France & Engl.- domestic, a more thorough disclosure of the views of the preponderating party than has yet been given, with an encreased pressure of distress, wh. the policy of that party must produce. I do not think that any change is to be expected before one or other of these causes begins to operate. I think also that the change must begin to the Eastward by the direct operation of these causes; and that it wod. even be impeded by a new pressure from the South especially this state. It is doubtful with me whether if the republican party had rose in a body when its opponant violated the rules of decorum (and appealed as it were to armes, attempting to intimidate the republican party) and told that opponant "if civil war is yr. object proclaim it: we will consider what it becomes us to do in such a situation. If regular debate is yr. object , confine yrselves to the rules of the House & the manner & language of gentn., but here we will not sit to bear such insolence & outrage." It is probable that an absolute seccession wod. have produced less hatred than has occurred. It is plain that the whole session has exhibited in departure from the ordinary rules of proceeding observed by legislative bodies. But in truth it has exhibited a scene of violence in the one side & moderation on the other, and that the violent party has triumphed, it success being much owing to its violence. A course of proceeding so unusual with us & so irregular any where will probably have a vibration in an opposit direction after awhile; but the time will arrive till one or other of the above mentioned incidents shall occur. Indeed now all their measures are carried or will be soon, so that there wod. not be a ground whereon to make an effort for the publick interest, nor will there be untill some change takes place in the state of affrs. To oppose their measures will in the interim, will not only be ineffectual, but subject the opponent to the imputations wh. tho unjust tend to lessen him in the publick opinion. Those who are on the theatre must do their duty, but I really think none who are opposed to present measures, especially myself, shod. press himself forward there. And with respect to myself I cannot perceive how my taking a seat in that branch wod. advance my interest & do away calumny. If my agency produc'd no effect, it wod. hurt my credit not advance it. The eastern people wod. not have clung so long to their representatives if the latter had not been opposed by the southern. The more therefore that party is left to itself, the sooner will its ruin follow. If I have been injured, the greater the injury, and the more intemperate the aggressors, the better. I was attacked by the late President & answered. I replied to the denunciation criminating the adverse party to wh. they have not replied. Mr. A. was volunteered it agnst me and taken in that respect the ground of his predecessor. But this in truth is no new ground for him, for altho' his speech to congress at the extry. session was not so harsh & illiberal as his late reply to the people of Lancaster; yet it was in principle the same. His conduct towards me was usually hostile: he took all his measures before my arrival, tho' it was known I had sailed & wod. soon arrive, and altho' (if peace was his object or reconcilment of any kind) it was to be presumed, from the manner of my farewell from the French govt., that I cod. give useful council to promote that end. His language too was as harsh towards me as he cod. well make it, by indirect allusion, if such it cod. be called. Now indeed he has been more explicit, owing I presume to the dominant fortunes of his party, having a decided preponderance in the H. of Reps. as well as in the Senate, and according to appearance if not in truth the publick opinion on his side. It is possible this attack may be made as the forerunner to other measures agnst me, such as an impeachmt. & trial by the Senate. Be the object what it may it becomes me to act with mature council in the course I take. A conflict with him & his party at the present time must be on terms disadvantageous to me: yet I am not afraid of it. I may have erred, and can myself name acts wh. as now advised from prudential motives. I wod. have avoided but I was true to my country. I do not think a pursuit of me can benefit them with an impartial or even an honest publick; certainly it cannot with posterity. It may even injure them and the more according to the violence of it. There are two ways of acting, one by taking no notice of this outrage: the other by calling on the author for an explanation of his motive. For the first it may be urged that as he has only echoed the calumny of his predecessor in a manner as loose and vague as his predecessor urged it, that it does not become me to notice it or any other attack not accompanied with a specific charge. For the 2d it may be urged that by not calling on him, I rather decline a revival of the controversy & leave the adversary in some sort in possession of the ground. The question shod. be examined not by the impression of the moment but mathematically, if I may so say, and the course taken wh. will bear the test hereafter when our heads are deposited below the surface. I am ready to take any course wh. you advice & suggest these hints for consideration. As things stand am I a defendant or otherwise, and if to what the charge? Does not A's situation and age preclude the idea of making the affr. personal, and if it does can I approach him otherwise than to vindicate myself agnst a charge? If their object is to push the affr. will they not be gratified that I agn. furnish them with a pretext? Will they not in that case push forward whether I do not, & whether will it be better to meet than wait the attack? You will readily see that these questions turn on the effect which any measures may have on the publick mind, without much regard to the merits of the controversy. I enclose a piece taken from Davis's paper, wh. may merit attention, especially if written by a member or by order of the faction.
I do not know what they have to alledge agnst me. That they had spies who caught up every incautious expression whilst I was there, and have been reinforced since by what cod. be gather'd, I make no doubt. Standing however on upright ground, and knowing that my conduct was useful to my country, I am ready if deemed adviseable to repair immediately to Phila. and push Mr. A. to an expln. Perhaps the discussion might as of real & essential publick utility, as the incident might be taken advantage of, to tell some truths as well as develope some principles of importance at the present time. But of this you will be a better judge than myself.
With respect to my coming forward in the place referred to, or in the other branch, if a vacancy existed, is it not correct that in such an appeal as I have made my abstraction from either at the moment, is in itself proper? And wod. it not be better for me to be brot. forward by the State at home, in the first instance if I come into publick life at all for the present. Having long served the State with fidelity, I think I have a just claim to attention from it under existing circumstances. But this is only for consideration. Consulting my own wish, it is to remain in tranquility at home: it is to seek peace which can be found there only. Yet it is possible if I remain at home it may be injurious to my good name calumniated as I am, and ever hurtful to a publick cause, and I am not one to withdraw myself in such a case or withhold my services when duty calls for them in either line. Let me come forward where I may consider it as an abandonment of my profession, for really the two objects cannot be pursued at the same time.
With respect to my private affrs. they are sound in the main: I am only embarrassed by some debts attendant on my mission to France, and then I hope to be able to discharge by the sale of some of my western property, to accomplish which I have an agent now in that country. If I succeed in the sale I shall be at ease, provided it be an advantageous one, or even such as cannot be called a sacrifice. In any event a regard for private interest shall not restrain me from giving up my profession & taking the other course, if you think it adviseable in regard to the considerations in question. I have thus thrown loosely before you what has occurred to me on this topic. I hope you will be able to understand what I have said, tho indeed I doubt it, as I have been repeatedly called off in the course of the morning. I shall leave this a day or two and return to Albemarle whither be pleased to address yr. reply. Believe me yr. affectionate friend and servt.
PS. My candid opinion is that the tone given or rather the evidence exhibited of publick opinion by addresses &c is fallacious. The publick opinion in this State is decidedly otherwise if fairly taken.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
July 16. 1798.
Dear Sir
I shall see Mr. Strother and others and shall be able without compromitting you in a direct manner to forward Mercers views as well as if you were to write. And I shall be able also to satisfy Mercer of yr. good wishes and endeavors as fully as if you did write. I shall be back in a week. I send yr. book by the bearer. Yrs. affcy. J. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Jany 26. 1799.
Dear Sir
Yours of the 3d reached me yesterday as did likewise that of Dr. Bache mentioned in yours. I shall do every thing in my powers to fulfill the Drs. Wishes & hope to procure him a settlement in our neighbourhood, such as he will approve. The plan you suggest for negotiation with the parties having land for sale is judicious & shall be followed. Tho' I fear the price of each will be high & that it will not be easy to lessen it with either. I wish also that Baynham cod. be added to our circle, as the acquisition of him wod. be important in many respects, nor shall I fail to invite him by such services as I can render. The enterprise of Logan with its consequences will not hurt any in his political sentiments, while the attempt to make it instrumental to that end will have its advantages. The ill humour shewn by the head and all the members of the opposit party, at an interference forbidden by no law, prompted by benevolent motives & wh. was useful to the publick, is a circumstance wh. will tend to shew the views of that party. The longer therefore the debate is kept up on the resolution, and the greater the zeal of its friends the better the effect, since at best it is legislating on an abstract principle agnst the force of a president shewing the folly of the law. I recd. by the post a letter of wh. I subjoin a copy, because as I recd. & opened several at the same time. I cannot say whether it came endorsed or otherwise. If in the latter mode as it had inscribed on the seal "Directoire Executif" it may have attracted the attention of those in office & became the subject of animated action. If this shod. be the case you will use it as you thing fit. We are all well & write in wishes for yr. welfare.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Alb. Feby. 15. 1799.
Dear Sir
Yours of the 27 ulto. & that with the communication of Mr. Gerry I have recd. I suspect also the infidelity of the post tho' yr. letters give no cause for it apparently. But the game on foot, puts too much at stake with the principal gamblers, for them to lose any opportunity they possess to forward their views. I am much deceived if the Virga. resolutions &c are not the chief cause of the measures (of Govn) now depending with you. That as this may get into the hands of the greatest villains among us, it is well to say no more on this head.
I thank you for becoming responsible for the 50 or 100 dollrs. you mentioned you wod. play for me. Our accots. Generally we will settle when we meet. In addition to the books there is a small sum paid for you to Mr. LaMotte at Harve of wh. I have a note. Affecy. Dear sir I am yours.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Jany. 4. 1800
Dear Sir
Colo. Cabell furnishes an opportunity by wh. I enclose you a copy of Mr. Madisons rept. on the acts of the other states on the alien & sedition laws. This report has been two days before the house supported by the author, Taylor & Giles, and opposed by two or three whose names it is not necessary to give. Its effect is very discernible on the whole federal party some of the more moderate of wh. wod. certainly come over, if they were not pledged in a very strong manner to their constituents. It will be carried by a great majority in the h of D. and a respectable one I believe in the Senate. You percieve I have commenc'd here as to the letters of the Speakers of the two houses in a tone of moderation, yet of decision as to principle. I have thought it beneath me to make a more direct attack on Mr. Adams and perhaps at present impolitick. Yet the publick mind ought not to be suffered to lose any portion of its republican by taking a position short of what it will bear. On this you will have the best information, relative to which & indeed every other topic on wh. you think proper to give me advice I shall be happy to receive it. Your name will appear as a subscriber to neither of the papers you mentioned to me when I saw you. I have told the Editors, I shod. act for you with wh. they were satisfied; and shall do for you previously what I am forced to do for myself. I shall endeavor to keep them within suitable limits, in their publications, since I am strongly impressed with a belief if A. puts himself in the hands of the Bh. faction, an attempt will be made to carry the sedition law into effect here, as an electioneering trick, in the course of the summer. They must be deprived of a plausible pretext in wh. case, an attempt will dishonor them, & their systems of standing armies &c become a burden to themselves. I shall pay for you whatever you have to pay here, after wh. I shall reserve the balance I may owe you for adjustmt. when we meet, unless you have occasion for it here in wh. case direct the application. Yr affectionat friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Philadelphia Feb. 16. 1800.
Dear Sir
A Mr. Robinson proposing to go to Richmond with a view to establish an academy there, I have been desired to State to you his character and qualifications as I learn them from Doctr. Reynolds of this city, for I have not seen Mr. Robinson, nor is he here at present. He is a person of a regular collegiate education, of Trinity college Dublin, and has documents of his achieving double premiums every year during his scholarship there. He is of course a good latin & Greek scholar, and took his mathematical courses also but at what proficiency he made in them I could not learn. Does not read French. A man of the most excellent morals and excessive modest. He is an United Irishman and therefore was obliged to leave Ireland. He is of course a good Republican. At the request of two or three gentlemen here I promised to deposit these truths with you, that if they can be used to his advantage they may be so; in which way alone I wish you to use them not meaning to embarras you otherwise with his pursuit. I promise to write to you by post, & that he might present himself to you. On my name as if he were the bearer of the letter. I ask for him just those attentions which may give him the credit with others that he must deserve. I do not mean necessary credit; for I believe he is without resources.
A bill is brought into the Senate, allowing the two houses to chuse each 6 members who with the Chief Justice, are to receive the voters, certificates, & other documents of the electors of President & V.P. to shut themselves up, and to decide who is elected President. Their decision to be without appeal & Congress to have no power to dissolve them. I make neither commentary not prophecy on this. We have no further news from the French triumpherate. I hope you will be able to circumscribe the federalism of Richmond within its natural bounds of British subjects & natives. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Munroe. I believe we shall rise in April, as the Eastern men seem afraid to be together when a treaty comes from our envoys. Friendly salutations to yourself. Adieu. ... Th Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Mar. 26. 1800
I thank you for the part of the 'Communication from the States,' which I received yesterday from you as I presume by the subscription of the latter; and will ask the residue (from page 48) when it appears. A great impression made here of the Resolutions of the Virga. legislature has been sold off, and dispersed into the other states. I inclose you an amendmt. proposed by W. C. Nicholas to the bill concerning the disputed elections of Presidt. & V.P. it is supposed it will be lost by about 17 to 13. Mr. Watson a Senator for N.Y. has resigned and it is said Gouvr. Morris will come in his place. The Exve are sending off a vessel (a frigate) from N.Y. to France. The object has not transpired. Some conjecture it has been ocassioned by the correspondence between the govmts. of France & England on the subject of peace.
A Mr. Irving from Boston has called on me several times, being introduced by a ltr from Mr. Saml Adams who vouched for his republicanism; and I found him zealous in it & well informed. He knew you in Paris, & endeavored there to obtain from you a certificate or protection of some sort as an American citizen, which however you were not satisfied to give he did not at all disapprove of your hesitation because he was sensible that other the then circumstances you might not be satisfied of his character. When he returned to England he published there your book with a spirited preface, in which he speaks of your in terms of great appreciation. He sent you a copy of it, which he learns from his correspondent was conveyed to you; & he spoke of you to me in the highest terms. Yet I perceived that your not having acknoleged the receipt of the book was felt by him. If from your own knolege 7 view of this subject you seen an opportunity of dropping him a line, I think it would be very satisfactory to him, & that he is worthy of being satisfied. I expect we shall rise in May. I shall go through the Eastern shore by Norfolk & up the S. side of James river to Petsbg to Eppington, because the whole route will be through a country I have never yet seen. I say nothing of it to anybody because I do not wish to beget ceremony anywhere, or have any thing to do with it. For this reason I shall not call on you in Richmond, but go rom Eppington the direct road home. Besides my hatred of ceremony, I believe it better to avoid every occasion of the expression of sentiments which might drag me into the newspapers. I know that sometimes it is useful to furnish occasions for the flame of public opinion to break out from time to time; & that that opinion strengthens & rallies numbers in that way. The federal party have made powerful use of this. Yet I doubt whether we ought not to act solely on the slow but sure progress of good sense & attachment to republicanism, & build our fabric on a basis which can never give way. This is most consonnate to my own opinion, & especially to my dislike of being the Mannequin of a ceremony. I shall therefore avoid Richmond. If I were sure you could silence altogether the supposed devoirs of hospitality, as well as all other friendly feelings & are nothing but the abstract question, whether my view of the subject is not best for the public as well as myself I would ask your opinion, through the first confidential conveyance. I should not have deliberated on it even in my own mind, but that my not paying a visit, when so near yourself & the city of Richmond, may be observed on by some. A judiciary bill is before the H. of R. which will add from 30 to 100 thousand dollars a year to the expence of that department. Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem. Present the same to Mrs. Monroe. Adieu
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Philadelphia Apr. 13. 1800.
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 6th came to hand lat night. Mr. Erving had left town two days before: however it will go tomorrow morning by a private hand. It will much more than satisfy him. I am persuaded he will receive it with extreme pleasure. I either expressed myself badly in my letter, or you have understood the expressions too generally. I never doubted the impropriety of our adopting as a system that of pomp & fulsome attentions by our citizens to their functionaries. I am decidedly against it as degrading the citizen in his own eye, exalting his functionary, & creating a distance between the two which does not tend to aid the morals of either. I think it a practice which we ought to destroy & must destroy, & therefore must not adopt as a general thing, even for a short time. My query was meant for the single spot of Richmond, where I had understood was a great deal of federalism & Marshalism; and this latter spirit I thought nothing should be spared to eradicate. I did not know whether every reiteration of republican demonstrations might not be of service towards drawing over his less inveterate supporters. However I own to you the latter had hardly gone out of my hand, before I convinced myself, that it was more in our spirit to let things come to rights by the plain dictates of common sense, than to urge them by the practice of any artifices; & that at any rate I ought not to take a part in them, as therefore I had never suggested the thought but to yourself at that time, so have I done it to no one since. You have seen the bills lately rejected by the Senate. They have brought in a bill leaving all the states tolerably free to model the federal as well as state juries, but whether they will pass, it is another question. It is beleived the bill for electing the President & Vice President will pass the lower house in it's caucus form. I think we shall rise the 1st or 2d week in May. We have no news from Europe at all interesting. The election of Massachusetts will be known in a few days, & that of the city of New York soon after it. I am of opinion the republicans here have been much too sanguine as to the issue of this last. Present my salutations of esteem & respect to Mrs. Monroe, & accept assurances of my constant affection to yourself. Adieu.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond April 23. 1800.
Dear Sir
I have yours of the 13 when your presence ceases to be necessary in Phila. (and I wod. certainly remain while it was) your speedy arrival home is what I very much wish. I will arrange things so, as to Albemarle as soon as I hear you are there. We have nothing new here except the election of the city & county, the former of wh. continues Copland, the latter has chosen two republicans, that interest being sufficiently strong to prevail in favor of both members excluding Mayo, altho' it was weaken'd by a 3d candidate who took 70 or more votes before he declined. We hear nothing yet from the other counties this being the day of election. As I shall see you so soon, especially as it is unsafe to repose too much confidence in the fidelity of the post office, I defer my inquiry on topics of importance till then. Duane I think ought to have met the censure & judgment of the Senate. As it is they establish the principled & avoid the odium of his persecution, thro the constitution. He suffers all they can inflict without exciting publick sensibility in his favor.
Yr. affectionate friend & servt.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond April 26. 1800.
Dear Sir
The legislature directed some time since the building of a foundry for great & small arms, on the canal near this city. This work is now so far advanc'd as to furnish the prospect of its being in a state to commence the manufactory of muskets in the course of the present year, and is on such a scale as to make it probable we shall be able to cast cannon for the union. The attention it is my duty to pay to this interesting object has reminded me of Mr. LaMotte, with whose merit and history as to his introduction into this country, you are acquainted. I thought it wod. be unpardonable not to avail the state in so great & useful an undertaking of his skill, so far as it might be practicable, and with that view lately mentioned the subject to the council. The contract of Mr. LaMotte with the Executive was for three years which have perhaps expired. If a liberty it is presumed he might be easily prevailed on to come down and aid us for a while. And if in the service of the U.States it cannot be doubted on application to those in office permission wod. be given him to attend here for a few weeks, to examine what is done & advise as to what ought to be done to complete the building. The council advised that I ascertain by communication with my friends whether this gentn. is still in America, free or in the service of the U.States; in either case (in the latter the permission of the govt. being obtained) what he wod. ask beyond his expences, for making us a visit a few weeks, for the purpose above mentioned. If unconnected with the federal Executive he wod. probably be disposed, and it might perhaps be for our interest to engage him for a longer term. This might be suggested to him, with a view to ascertain what he wod. ask for his service, six or 12 months. Mr. Clarke who is I think known to you, a man of real merit, is undertaker of the building, as aid to whom Mr. LaMotte is wished. In a certain view I know it wod. be improper to trouble you with this business, and have therefore asked of our Senators to undertake the communication with Mr. LaMotte & the fedl. Executors, supposing him in public service & application to it necessary for permission for him to visit us. Still I have thought it advisable to apprize you of the above facts to request you will be so kind as aid those gentn. with yr. council in the business so far as it may be necessary.
The elections so far as we have intelligence are almost universally in favor of the republican cause. I think we already know of 25 of the opposit party who are excluded by republican candidates. McClung & Hopkins after voting in the city, & county of Henrico, pushed up to Hanover, as I am told to throw their mite into the federal scale (as it is called) there. But it was in the air before their arrival, and the recorder does not state whether they went forward to condole with their friends in adversity or sculked home in silence to hide their shame and mortification from the world.
I have heard of the death of Mrs. Gilmer, wh. was sudden, the effect as is supposed of an apoplexy.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
May 25. 1800
Dear Sir
I wrote you the day after you left town a letter wh. I gave Dr. Fouchee for Mr. Eppes who promised to breakfast with him on the morning of his departure. It was not till yesterday in council that I heard from the Dr. the letter had not been sent. So much time having elapsed I shod. not now write you on the subject of the former one, reserving it for future communication if that were the only object. It was found on enquiry in a way wh. compromitted no one, that the affr. cod. not be made general, but wod. be dissented to, and probably opposed by the principal members of the admn. party. It was feard also that the zeal of some of our friends wh. had been in a peculiar degree excited by yr. promise had abated by yr. absence, especially as yr. passing thro' furnished so fair a portrait for not acting. It was also probable it might lay the foundation for a like attention by the tories, to our new Secretary whereby you wod. be involved in a kind of competition with a with a creature who wod. be benefited by an occurrence wh. gave birth to the idea alone. Under these circumstances the project was abandoned.
Chase harrangued the G. Jury in a speech said to be drawn with some art, as it inculcated so popular doctrines with allusions wh. supported by Eastern calumnies be intended for you. He declared solemnly he wod. not allow an athiest to give testimony in court. Your have perhaps seen that the circumstance of the dinner in Fredbg. being on a Sunday is the foundation for this absurd calumny. The g. jury of wh. McClurg was for'man presented Calendar under the Sedition law 7 Chase drew the warrant & dispatched the marshall instantly in pursuit of him. This was yesterday at 12. Since wh. we have not heard of either. If taken I hope the people will behave with dignity on the occasion and give not pretext for comments to their discredit. If I cod. suppose the contrary I wod. take proper steps to aid in bringing him forth. I mean to prevent any popular mutiny to the contrary. Will it not be proper for the Executive to imploy council to defend him, and supporting the law, give an eclat to a vindication of the principles of the State? I have only time I add my best wishes for your welfare. Yr. friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
Sunday 27 May 1800
Thos Pinckney has been here, & called on me invitations were reciprocated. Marshall has called-Chase has not
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Sepr. 9. 1800.
Dear Sir
There has been great alarm here of late at the prospect of an insurrection of the negroes in this city and its neighbourhood wh. was discovered on the day when it was to have taken affect. Abt. 30 are in prison who are to be tried on Thursday and others are daily discovered and apprehended in the vicinity of the city. I have no doubt the plan was formed and of tolerably extensive combination, but hope the danger is passed. The trial will commence on Thursday and it is the opinion of the magistrates who examined those committed, that the whole very few excepted will be condemned. The trial may lead to further discoveries of wh. I will inform you. We have nothing new from abroad. Very sincerely I am yr. friend and servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Sepr. 15. 1800.
Dear Sir
I find by yours of the 12 that Mr. Craven had not recd. my letter to him wh. was address'd to Lusburg abt. a fortnight since. I was apprized by Catlett & Miller of Charlottesville that Mr. Craven and Mr. Darrelle wished to purchase my land above that town, as they supposed in partnership, and communicated my terms to the former. I will take six dolrs. by the acre, of which I must have at least 1000 when possession is delivered, which may be immediately, and the balance as soon as possible. I wrote Miller and Catlett I must have the whole in cash at that price, but will relax from that demand; tho' I think comparatively with the prices given for other land in the county it wod. not b e hard bargain. The improvments cost me at least 600. They were new and good. The tract contains abt. 1000 acres. If these getn. Or either of them will give me a day I will meet them in Albemarle, to decide the affair. We have had much trouble with the negroes here. The plan of insurrection has been clearly proved, & appears to have been of considerable extent. 10 have been condemned & executed, and there are at lest twenty perhaps 40 more to be tried, of whom guilt no doubt is entertained. It is unquestionable the most serious and formidable conspiracy we have ever known of the kind. Tho' indeed to call it so is to give no idea of the thing itself.. While it was While it was possible to keep it secret, wh. it was till we saw the extent of it, we did so. But when it became indispensably necessary to resort to strong measures as with a view to protect the town, the publick arms, the Treasury and the Jail, wh. were all threatened the opposit course was in part taken. We then made a display of our force and measures of defense with a view to intimidate those people. When to arrest the hand of the Executioner is a question of great importance. It is hardly to be presumed, a rebel who avows it was his intention to assassinate his master &c if pardoned will ever become a useful servant, and we have no power to transport him abroad. Nor is it less difficult to say whether mercy or severity is the better policy in this case, tho' where there is cause for doubt it is best to incline to the former council. I shall be happy to hear yr. opinion on these points.
Yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Sepr. 22. 1800.
Dear Sir
This will be delivered you by Mr. Peters with whom you are acquainted. It was presented me in a very favorable light by Mr. Buckly. Unfortunately my situation as he pass'd thro lately to Norfolk put it out of my power to profit of his acquaintance, and the dangerous indisposition of my child deprives now of that pleasure. Our Infant is in the utmost danger & I begin to fear that we shall want that consolation wh. I was abt. to offer to the afflicted Mr. & Mrs. Carr. This business of the insurrection increases my anxiety. The danger has doubtless pass but yet it wod. be unwise to make no provision agnst possibilities. The subject too presses in the points of view on wh. you have been so kind as favor me with some remarks. 15 have been executed. Several others stand reprieved for a fortnight so that shod. any thing occur in the interim will thank you to communicate it. I will attend Darrelle when ever invited so to do. Yr. affectionate friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Oct. 17. 1800.
Dear Sir
Yours of the 12th came to hand yesterday. We shall be happy to receive Mrs. Monroe & yourself again among us, but as you speak of your coming with more uncertainty, I prepare the present for the post. Craven has gone back some time. He was anxious to get his father in law purchase of yr. concluded. He said indeed he would have taken on himself to conclude it, but that Mr. Darrelle had refused to sell his own lands till he could be sure of yours. That the purchaser was waiting with the money and therefore he viewed the thing as certain; but not so absolutely so as to justify his undertaking the conclusion. He is much interested in effecting it; because the situation of his wife renders it necessary to move here immediately or not till the spring. The latter would ruin him; and he can not get a house to bring her to till next month unless yours is purchased in hopes of delivering these details to you in person I add no more to them. Health respect & affection. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Richmond Novr. 3. 1800.
Dear Sir
I was very sorry my visit to Albemarle took place when you were in Bedford, especially as the calls of duty have put it out of my power to wait yr. return. Indeed such is the nature of the trust I hold that I can scarcely ever be absent from the seat of govt. I intended having Mrs. M. at home and making another visit there before yr. departure, but so delicate is the state of her health at present that I was fearful of the experiment. I have nothing new from any quarter that changes the stae of things since the departure of Mar. Randolph, except the arrival of Mr. Irvin from Boston who will probably see you before you sit out for the federal town.
I have yet heard nothing either from Darrell or Craven. When above I heard the latter had not returned from the neighborhood of Alexa, whence I inferr'd they were engaged in making provision to purchase my land. I hope they will take it. I think it well worth what I ask, comapred with the price of other tracts. If they find difficulty in raising the sum requird I am disposed to accomodate as far as I can but as I sell it to command money, and want all that can be had, I wod. wish you to intimate that only in case of necessity to secure the bargain. Sincerely I am your friend and servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Novr. 6. 1800
Dear Sir
Mr. Ervin will present you this, who is already known to you under the honorable testimonial of Saml. Adams. He wishes to visit Mr. Madison on his return to this place, to whom it may be of
use for you to give him a line of introduction. The republican ticket has had complete success in this quarter. In Prince George he vote for it was 197. While it was only 9 for the opposit one. In this city it had a majority, and of the 5 or six counties we have heard from the majority was in the proposition of at least 5 for 1 in each, or rather the most unfavorable one. I send you the letters of Mr. Skipwith and Fenwick wh. support the statment in the paper I gave Mr. R. If they will be of any use retain them; if not inclose them to Mr. Madison to be returned to me, by Mr. Ervin. Sincerely I am yr. friend and servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 16 Decr. 1800.
Dear Sir
We are yet ignorant of the issue of the election that is whether you are a head of the secondary object. It is believed that every other point is settled. On this however it is best to say but little by post. I shod. not perhaps write you by it, were it not to inquire whether you have seen Craven or heard of him, and what dependance you think I may put in Darrelle as a purchaser of my land above Charlottesville. I wait yr. answer on rect. of which I immediately sit out for Albemarle to make some disposition of that tract by lease if not by sale. Genl. Davie called but sd. nothing of the treaty. What think you of the probable price of tobo. here. Do you think my land wod. be an object worthy advertising at the federal town, in Lancaster & York town, specifying the price I wod. take for it .We are tolerably well & all desire to be affecy. remembered to you. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] If you wish I will send you a copy of my communication respecting the conspiracy of the slaves.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Dec. 20. 1800.
Dear Sir
Your's of the 16th came to hand yesterday morning, and in the curse of the day it happened that Craven arrived here, so that I had an opportunity of inquiring into what you wished to know.
He says that Darelle failed altogether in the sale of his land so that he was unable to purchase. I asked him if some accomodation as to time, which might give him time to sell, might not induce him to purchase. He said not. I should suppose Alexandria & Lancaster perhaps York would be good places to advertise them in; the papers of this place go little into the country. A specification of the quality & price & situation (Charlottesville being well known) could not fail to attract notice. I am not able to conjecture as to the price of tobacco, but I hardly expect it to rise after the first shipment for France are over, until the magazines of England are emptied. The Treaty does not please any body. I believe it will be attacked by the Feds, and that a modification of time will be proposed by all. I am not at liberty to speak of it's contents. It is pretty certain that in the late election, the two republican candidates have prevailed. But probably they are equal, and the Feds in the legislature have expressed dispositions to make all they can of the embarrasment; so that after the most energetic efforts, crowned with success, we remain in the hands of our enemies by the event of foresight in the original arrangement. I will thank you for any information you can give me on the subject of the conspiracies, as I have never understood it, and perhaps I may be placed in a situation which may render it not amiss that I should understand it. Present my respectful attachment to Mrs. Monroe, & accept cordial & affectionate salutations. Adieu.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Decr. 30. 1800.
Dear Sir
In case you shod. have recd. the inclosed already, permit me to request you will be so kind as forward them to Mr. Buckly; to whom I promised a copy of both papers; but you will retain them if you have not. It is mortifying the election shod. be attended with any circumstance wh. checks or delays the expression of the publick will: but I consider the affair as plac'd beyond all doubt. It was natural to expect in the first moment of disappointment, that the party ousted wod. indulge itself in the expression of sentiments that were most likely to irritate their opponents, but I am inclined to think as soon as the passions attendant on disappointment subside that a different train of sentiment, and more correct views will succeed. It is certain they cannot defeat the object altho' they may possibly occasion embarrassment, unless indeed our friends or rather the friends of republican govt. shod. yield the ground after gaining the victory. This is surely impossible. I lament that Darrelle does not take my land. I must however endeavor to do the best with it I can. We are in tolerable health; Mrs. M. in a more delicate state than the rest of the family. Mrs. Trist who is with us writes in best wishes for yr. health & welfare; Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt.
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 3 Jany. 1801
Dear Sir
Mr. Tyler a nephew of the Judge will present you this. He is a young man of respectable talents, sound in his political principles, and of perfect integrity. He visits the federal city from a zeal to be present on the interesting occasion which is at hand, and I forward his wishes by making him personally known to you. Being a member of our assembly, and having attended the last session you will obtain from him information on every thing which occurred here that deserves attention.
I promised and shall send a copy if I get one in time, of the communication to the Genl. Assembly respecting the late conspiracy of the negroes. But shod. I fail by this opportunity, will send it, by the next mail, yrs. affecy. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Jany 6. 1801
Dear Sir
Some strange reports circulating here of the views of the federal party in the present desperate state of it affrs. It is said they are resolved to prevent the designation by the H. of Reps. of the person to be president, and that they mean to commit the power by a legislative act to John Marshall, Saml. Otis or some other person till another election. I cannot believe any such project is seriously entertained, because it wod. argue a degree of boldness as well as wickedness in that party wh. I do not think it possessed of. The report however has excited a strong sensation here. Some of the legislative body think it wod. be proper to pass resolutions declaratory of the light in which they wod. view such a measure, and that they wod. not submit to it; others for continuing the session till after the 2d Wednesday in Feby. to be on the ground to take such steps as might be deemed proper to defeat it. It is generally agreed that shod. the Assembly not be sitting at the time, it ought to be be convoked as soon as it was known such an attempt was made. If that party wish to disorganize that is the way to do it. If the union wod. be broke, that wod. do it, but independant of the other motives for preserving it, it wod. be wrong to let these gentry escape in that mode the just reward of their merit. I think such as attempt wod. not ultimately weaken the union, but be sure to expose the usurpers to exemplary punishment. The Eastern people have no thoughts of breaking the union, & giving up the hold they have on the valuable productions of the south. They only mean to bully us, thereby preserve their ascendancy and improve their profits. My only anxiety is respecting the firmness of the republicans. If they shew themselves equal to the crisis the danger passes in a moment. Indeed there will be none. But we have been so long accustomed to recede & they to conquer, that I fear the same result even in the present case. As it is possible no election or decision may be made before the 4th of March, ought not our election to take place before that period, that our reps. may then be on the ground? It is said that other states will also then be unrepresented, if so the motive for change, unless it be general is less urgent; especially as it is known the fede. party cannot have a majority of all the States. If any thing can be done here that may be useful, we ought to know it in time. I write this by Mr. Erwin & therefore omit details he will be able to give. Sincerely I am Dear Sir your friend & servant
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 9 Jany. 1801.
Dear Sir
I recd. sometime since a letter from D. Carr intimating a desire to act as yr. private Secry. in case you were elected President, provided you were willing to accept his service, approved it as an eligible measure on his part, and other circumstances suited. I declined writing you on the subject in expectation of seing him first and dissuading him from it from a persuasion as he has a family it wod. not suit him; but being detained longer from Albemarle than I expected, and knowing that many applications will be made you from every quarter, I have thought it best to communicate what he has intimated on the subject. I sit out in the morning for Albemarle where I shall see him, and on my return which will be on Thursday next, will inform you what passes between us respecting it. Very sincerely I am your friend & servant. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 18 Jany 1801
Dear Sir
I returned here lately from Albemarle to which quarter I made a visit of two days last week, while there I saw D. Carr and conferr'd with him on the subject of my last to you. The idea suggested in my last respecting him, was not originally hi own but that of some of his friends who thought a change of scene might be useful to him, and some step of a political kind, the means of his future advancement in the county or district where he lives. He yielded to my objections to it, and indeed seems rather inclined to remain in repose at home than embark in any political pursuit whatever.
It is said here that Marshall has given an opinion in conversation with Stoddard, that in case 9 states shod. not unite in favor of one of the persons chosen, the legislature may appoint a Presidt. till another election is made, & that intrigues are carrying in to place us in that situation. This is stated in a letter from one of our reps. (I think Randolph) & has excited the utmost indignation in the legislature. Some talk of keeping it in session till after the 2d Wednesday in Feby: others of djourning to meet then. There has been much alram at the intimation of such a project usurpation, much consultation, and a spirit fully manifested not to submit to it. My opinion is they shod. take no step founded on the expectation of such an event, as it might produce an ill effect even with our friends, and the more especially as the Executive wod. not fail in case it occurred to convene the legislature without delay. While up the second carpenter, who has a father in law in Georgeton, a clerk in some office, fell from some part of your building & expired in a few hours in consequence of the contusions he recd. Our assembly has done little business since its meeting. He made a series of experiments to write in some measure to prevent or suppress future negro conspiracies, without effect. I think it will adjourn in a few days. Sincerely I am dear sir your friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
27 Jany. 1801.
Dear Sir Richmond
The assembly adjourned on friday last in confidence shod. any plan of usurpation be attempted at the federal town, the Executive wod. convene it without delay; a confidence which was not misplac'd. Yr firend & servt ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 3 March 1801.
Dear Sir
Yours of the 15th (last) was left here by Mr. Tyler while I was on a trip to Albemarle. The necessity I was under of remaining here while the affr. at Georgetown was depending had delayed some arrangments on my plantation of importance to me. As soon as that affr. was settled I went up for a few days and was sorry to find on my return that Mr. Tyler had passed in my absence. I lose the details he wod. have given me, but only details, for knowing the men & the dilemma they were in, I presume I am not much at a loss for the spirit wh. animated them. A compromise of any kind wod. have ruined the republican interest of our country. It wod. have confounded parties, & principles thereby bewildered the understanding & checked the ardor of the people. It wod. have covered in part the past enormities & propped the declining fortunes of the tory faction. There is no political error more to be avoided than a step wh. gives cause to suspect an accomodation with that party, or coloring to an opinion it is feared or respected. Such a step wod. shake the republican ranks, & prove the foundation of a growing interest to its antagonist. The royalist faction has lost deservedly the publick confidence. It will sink under its own weight if we leave it to itself. I hint this to remark that in the course I took, I wod. never consider what was likely to pass the Senate, but what in itself was just & right, pursuing it with decision, & risking the consequences with the people. By such a course the Senate will be driven before the wind. By a spirit of accomodation it will daily gain ground, be called a spartan band, & the republican cause overwhelmed. Be assured with the leaders of the royalist party you will never have a friend. With the principles so opposit, it is impossible you shod. The way is to draw off the mass of the people by a wise firm, yet moderate course, from those leaders, and leave them to the ignominy they merit. The spirit of the republican party must be supported and preserved, which can only be done by a bold and magnanimous policy. When you came into the admn. of this State the firmness and decision which you shewed in the case of Himilton, at a time when Washington suffered our people to perish in the jails & prison ships of N. York, by a pusilanimous and temporising policy, advanc'd yr. fame & served the cause. The publick opinion expects some tone to be given yr. admin. immediately; & it will not long balance before it is formed, or the subject of what they are to expect from it. There is a conflict of principle & either democracy that is the govt. of the people, or royalty must prevail. The opposing parties can never be united, I mean the leaders of them, because their views are as opposit as light & darkness. You always had the people and now have the govt. on yr. side, so that the prospect is as favorable as cod. be wished. At the same time it must be admitted you have much trouble, and difficulty to encounter. Many friends may grow cool from disappointment; the violent who have their passions too much excited, will experience mortification, in not finding them fully gratified: in addition to which it is to be observed tht the discomfited tory party, profiting of past divisions & follies wh. have contributed much to overwhelm them, will reunite their scattered force agnst us. This party has retired into the judiciary in a strong body where it lives in the treasury, & therefore cannot be starved out. While in the possession of that ground it can check the popular current which runs against them, & seize the favorable occasion to promote reaction, wh. it does not despair of. It is a desperate party because it knows it has lost the publick confidence. It will intrigue with foreign powers & therefore ought to be watched. Your difficulties will indeed by great, yet I trust and believe you will surmount them, if you will pursue the dictates of yr. excellent judgment rather than the benevolent suggestions of yr. heart. I have written you in haste for the post, and have rather sought to throw intelligently my ideas before you, than to give them form, being perfectly satisfied you will properly appreciate the motive wh. has led me into the freedom of this communication. Most sincere & affectionatly yours. ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] You see that Adams has done every thing in his power to embarrass yr. admn. In some of his appointments too he has nominated his enemies to strengthen his party. This shews that personal hatreds are sacrificed to the good of the cause.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 5 March 1801.
Dear Sir
Permit me to present to yr. acquaintance the bearer Mr. Voss of Culpepper county, a young man of merit, who has expressed a wish of being personally known to you. He is a lawyer by profession, of respectable standing at the bar, and a fair prospect of becoming iminent if he pursues his profession. He intends making a visit this spring to the South, and hearing that it is proposed to adjust the boundary line between the UStates and Georgia wished to be employed in that service. I am not acquainted with Mr. Voss's proficiency in the mathematics, but am persuaded he wod. not accept the trust is he did not think himself competent to the discharge of its duties. With great respect & esteem I am dear Sir yr. obt. servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 18 March 1801.
Dear Sir
I acknowledged yours of the 7th by Mr. Camp who went on some days since. I shod. have answered it more fully before this had I not been prevented by indisposition from wh. I am nearly recovered. Your address has been approved by every description of persons here. It is sound and strong in principle and grateful to the opposit party. With yr. judgment views and principles it is hardly possible you shod. go wrong. Indeed I count on the good effects of yr. admn. being felt in favor of republican govt. abroad as well as at home. Still there are dangers in yr. way which it is necessary to shun. These are seen by you and therefore it may be useeless for me to notice them. There have been two parties in this country, one whose views are honest, benevolent, repulbican; the other with views unfriendly to the rights of the people. The latter has injoyed the govt. for 12 years past and greatly abused the trust. It was under a firm conviction of the misconduct and improper views of that party, that the people gradually withdrew their confidence from it, till at length they drove it from the govt. altogether. It was on this principle that the late change in the admn. was made, not by accomodation on the part of the republicans, who sought nothing unreasonable & therefore yielded nothing, but by the honest part of the federalists abandoning their leaders when they saw their confidence was misplaced & uniting their force to that of the republican party. It was also on this principle that you came into the admn. one whose past conduct intitled him to the confidence of the republicans, and secured him the unrelenting hatred & persecution of their opponents. The object now is to restore the govt. to its principles, amend its defects, reform abuses and introduce order and economy in the admn. The republicans will of course unite in support of such a system, as I presume all those who lately came over likewise will. These two descriptions of persons may be considered as one in principle, I mean the bulk of them. Their separation was momentary, may be trac'd to causes which no longer exist. Their present union is therefore natural. If they are kept together, which will be easily done the overthrow of the opposit party is as final as it is complete. Since if they had sufficient strength to eject that party from the govt when supported by the govt.; now that they are in power they have little to fear from their adversaries, who are without power and without character. But new converts may shift again & go over to their former leaders. Some attention is doe to them to prevent such a step on their part. I do not think there is much danger of such an event, or that the apprehention of it shod. produce much effect on the measures of yr. admn. What brot. them over lately to the republican side; a conviction of the misconduct of those leaders and the danger of the crisis to wh. they were brought, together with the firmness of the republicans. So strong was that sentiment that it broke the tie of former connection, prevailed over former compromitment, and enabled them to abandon old friends and unite with old political enemies. An union broken under such circumstances, with so much violence, is not easily repaired. It usually leaves a coolness often a hated between the parties. This is probably the case in the present instance. In it however as it may it is not to be presumed that these men will go back under your admn. wh. seems their persons and property & cherishes their principles, which were lately jeopardized, to join those leaders who had brought them to the brink of ruin, and who on that acct. they abandoned. I admit however thee new converts shod. be cherished, but it shod. be done with care so as not to wound the feelings of those who have deserved better of their country & of mankind. I am persuaded that any marked attention from you as yet, by which I mean advancment to officer of any of these persons would be impolitick as it might lessen the confidence of the republicans in yr. admin. I am satisfied such a step in favor of a distinguished character on that side wod. produce the worst possible effect, not with the uniform republicans only, but with those who have lately come over. The former wod. feel and express their disappointment; The latter wod. be unfounded and begin to suspect they had abandoned their late leaders, if not without sufficient cause in point of principle, yet on an over estimate of the danger which impelled them to do it. An attention of the kind referred to, to a distinguished character on that side, especially at the present time, wod. erect the standard of the party in yr. own admn. under yr. own auspices, with an invitation to its scatttered members to rally round it.
But is it sufficient that the favor of the present admn. shod. be withheld from the members of the former one and its most distinguished associates? Have they committed crimes or been calumniated by their enemies? If the former is the case or even presumable, ought such countenance to be shewn them, as tended to stifle the publick resentment, or check the freedom of enquiry especially in the legislature which has yet to pass on them? Much abuse is suspected to have been committed in every department of the most vulgar, gross, & corrupt kind. Ought not this to be probed into, and wod. not an impartial inquiry into it, contribute much to aid the republican cause & separate for ever these new converts from their antient leaders. If the latter are really guilty, and it be proved, there is no danger to be apprehended from them afterwards. None who have already parted from, will ever rejoin them. And that they have been sufficiently guilty of one act or other of a reprehensible, if not criminal nature, to dishonor them for our share no doubt. The command of the political fortunes of and treasury of American, by such subaltern low minded men was a trust, of wh. they were quite unworthy. We have much cause to believe they were not able to withstand the temptation. The evidence of their it is supposed exists in each department, if not destroyed & if destroyed that ought to be known. I do not urge the propriety of yr. taking a part in such concerns otherwise than by avoiding compromitment, leaving the door open to free investigation, and seperating the commencment of yr. admn. by a distinct view in every departmt.of the actual state of things from that wh. preceded. Neckar rendered an acct. when he left office. Ought not an acct. to be taken considering what is passed, & rendered by the heads of departments to shew in what condition you found our affrs. when you came into office? Is it otherwise possible to do justice to yrself or those who preceded you?
Deprivation from office in subaltern grades is a different thing. The principle is sound tht no man ought to be turned out for mere difference of political sentiment, since that is a right in wh. he ought to be protected. Whether this shod. be construed so as to cover and protect all those who gained their appointments by violence at the expense of those who lost them on acct. of their flexible virtue, or whether violence and partizanship alone when carried to great excess ought not to be made examples of, are interesting points wh. merit great attention. I am persuaded that much of the unhappiness and misery to wh. our society has been subject, is owing to such conduct in the federal officers in every state. It is to be feared too such men will never contribute much to the restoration of the harmony, in whose destruction they had so distinguished an agency. By retaining them in office you will give a proof of tolerance, moderation, & forbearance, which must command the respect of the benevolent. Your situation is new and has its difficulties which I doubt not all parties will consider & make allowance for. I have trifled longer in this subject than I intended. I have done so from the interest I take in yr. own as well as the publick welfare, being sincerely your friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] It will give me pleasure to meet you in Albemarle if in my power, the first week in April, as I hope it well be.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 23 March 1801.
Dear Sir
My present and past employments have made me acquainted with many deserving men whose demands I cannot resist to make themselves & their views known to you. I must mention several at present wtih whom I stand in that predicamt. lest by with holding their pretentions longer, a reliance in me for that service might possibly expose them to injury.
David Gelston of New Yk. wod. be happy to accept the collectorship of that city shod. it become vacant. He was a firm patriot in our revolution. I knew him in 1784 when he was a Senator of that State, which office has generally held since, as I believe he did nto several years before. He was always a republican and a bold supporter of the cause when it was most dangerous to support it. He is a merchant who trades within his capital, of respectable abilities and unimpeachable integrity. I became acquainted with him the year you went to France in a trip to fort Stanwix with Govr. Clinton himself & others. Govr. Clinton and I presume many others will write in his favor if necessary.
William Lee of Boston lately nominated by Mr. Adams consul to Marseilles. He is a sensible deserving man, sound in his principles and amiable in his manners. He was nominated reluctantly by Mr. Adams at the instance of Mr. Gerry who put him at a post where he cod. do nothing. He wishes to be brot. more into the busy world, as he has a family dependant on his industry & success. He is the person who brought Pichons pamphlets wh. gave occasion for so much noise & scandal at the time. That transaction has been explained much to his honor, and his conduct since has justified the good opinion I formed of him in Paris.
Mr. Forbes of New Yk. formerly Mass. Had a letter from me to you. He likewise was nominated by Mr. Adams to some port in France. I think him an honest man, of good understanding, and worthy attention. Tho' friendly to Mr. Adams's admn. yet he was disliked by him & those under him fir his liberality. I enclosed to Mr. Madison Mr. Skipwith's letter to me mentioning his & the wish of Joel Barlow for employment. They are both known to you. I hinted to you I was persuaded Mr. Ervine wod. be gratified with some employment abroad wh. wod. enable him to advance his own fame in support of yr. admn I have the highest opinion of his honr, his principles, & merit. His pretentions are moderate, and altho' he wod. like some diplomatic agency, such as charge des affrs. or even secretary at London or Paris, yet he wod. act as consul genl. to London. His delicacy wod. not permit me to penetrate so far into this, as was necessary to explain correctly his views. You are doubtless informed of his standing at Boston, and what his pretentions growing out of it are. I think I mentioned Mr. Prevost, Mr. Beckly & some characters in this State in a former letter.
Sincerely I am dear Sir yr. friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond April 6, 1801
Jas. Monroe is happy to inform Mr. Jefferson that Joseph Scott the person lately appointed marshall for this district, is the brother of Genl Scott of Kentuckey. He was an officer through the revolutionary war, dangerously wounded in one of its battles by which he lost the use of one of his arms, is respectable for his talents, of fair and upright character, and sound in his political principles. He is also indigent in his circumstances. It was perhaps impossible to find another man in the state who had so many and such high pretentions to the office, who had so few enemies among those who were opposed to him, and whose appointment wod. give such general satisfaction to the community at large.l
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 29 April 1801
Dear Sir
I am inclined to think the mode by which a certain end is to be accomplished, referring to a subject in discussion when I last saw you, is of less importance than I then thought it. A gradual operation will not offend republicans, nor will an off-hand entire one, make friends of the tories. Sooner or later that party will rally and make another effort. That course which best preserves, at the height the spirits of the republicans, and gives the tories least hold, is the soundest. The point in question is a subaltern one of no great importance any way. There is anothe object to which I found the attention of the republicans here, comprizing many from the country who are attending our ct. of appts. & the federal ct., drawn with much more anxiety, that is the propriety of continuing Mr. K at the British ct., I will endeavor to communicate some thing on that head in my next. I am at present too much indisposed with the consequences resulting from my late journey. Your friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond May 4. 1801
Dear Sir
I had intended writing you on a subject mentioned in my last, but when I came to act on it I found it an affair of more personal delicacy than I had anticipated. Between the person referr'd to and myself nothing new occurr'd to restrain me from expressing my sentiments freely on any subject in wh. the publick were interested, but yet I feel that I shod. be the last prson in the world who ought to give an opinion in the case in question. After the British treaty was ratified, and the republican party seemed annihilated, the men who then weilded the Executive admn. looked out for objects on whom to gratify their revenge for past difficulties. A packed jury passed on me and I was condemned to suffer whatever their malice cod. suggest or the power of W. inflict on me. But things have changed. I have happily survived the blow that was given me. They have recd. but will yet more completely receive, from the judgment of an impartial publick, the censure which their misconduct intitled them to. If I interfere in any thing which concerns them or any of them, it might seem as if I followed their unworthy example, and sought to indulbe my provate resentment at their expence. But that is not my wish, nor is it my disposition. I have no such passions to gratify. On my return here I found several respectable characters attending the court, by whom my attention was drawn to the object in question, with some degree of excitment, and I resolved to write you on it. I am now sorry I mentioned the subject, since it has forced me to trouble you with this explanation of my motive for not pursuing it. It is proper for me to add that I wod. not with-hold my sentiments on the subject, if I saw tht I cod. certainly advance the publick interest or serve you by communicating them. But I do not perceive that in this case I can do it. The question is interesting and a doubtful one. And I well know that it will be maturely weighed & wisely decided by those with who the constitution has plac'd it.
There is a subject to which I wish to engage yr. particular attention. Before I came into their office I was of opinion that the correspondence between the Executive of the genl. govt. and a State shod. be conducted as between parties that were mutually respectful but equally independant of each other. This idea appeared to me to be sound, indeed incontroverticle in principle, and it was matter of surprise how a contrary practice had been adopted. Each govt. is in its sphere sovereign so far as the term is applicable in a country where the people alone are so. The State govts. do not derive their authorities from the general govt.; they are not established by its ordinances, or accountable to it for their admn. like the frontier govts., or the revenue or other officers of the UStates. Their Executive legislative and judicial departments, are constituted on the same principles and alike form the governmental sovereignty; they are agents imployed by it to assist in their respective admns. I consider the chief magistrate of the union in reference to a like character in each State, As first among equals, and admit the same priority in the legislative and judicial departments, and the departments under them, where the individual States have correspondent instituttions. If this idea is just it follows that the communication between the two govts., when carried on by the govr. of a State, shod. be with the President of the UStates. To subject the State govrs. to the necessity of corresponding with the officers appointed by the President, seems to place them in the same grade to deny the right of sovereignty, in the individual states, and to consider them as subaltern inferior establishments, emanating from and dependant on the general government. the laws of congress which establish the departments under the President have no reference to the case in question. They restrict foreign ministers & in their correspondence to the heads of departments, and wisely, because they are the agents of their govts.; but that restriction does not comprize the govts. they represent, whether free or despotic. It wod. be extry. if the govt. of a foreign country by which I mean President King or Prince, shod. write on publick business to the Secry. of one of our departments, and equally so if our President shod. write such a letter to a Secry. of any foreign government. If the question of right is settled on the principle I contend for, would it not be proper for you to recognize in some formal manner, sich by so doing you wod. recognize cherish and support the state governments? It wod. be giving them a station in the union to which they are intitled by the constitution but of wh. they have been in a great mesasure deprived by the proud imperious tone of former admns. It wod. conciliate their govts. towards the admn. and introduce a spirit of harmony in our system hitherto unknown to it. In the practice there wod. be no difficulty. Where letters were addressed to the President they might be referrd to the heads of departments and replies drawn by them to be signed by him. Tho' very probably the present practice wod. prevail, for as soon as the question was established on just and conciliatory principles, the bieas of all liberal minds wod. be to dispense with an etiquette which wod. then be no more, the observance of wh. especially with characters more distinguished for their talents and merit than themselves, as wod. generally be sensible that to me personally this is an affr. of the utmost indifference; indeed in the present state of things that it is peculiarly irksome. I had formed my opinion on the subject before I came into this place, and acted on it shortly afterwards when an occasion present. The cession of the marine hospital at Norfolk was the subject which was concluded, Mr. Adams having replied to my letter. I afterwds. Wrote him in complyance with a resolution of the General Assembly, respecting the conduct of the British consul at Norfolk who was charged with receiving of P. Read and sending to one fot he British Islands, a person who was said to be a mutineer on board the Hermione frigtge, and I sent him at the same time all the documents relative to that transaction. To the last letter I recd. no answer. Perhaps he discovered that I was making a question of the kind above suggested, & was resolved to oppose my doctrine: perhaps the communication offended him as ait brought to his memory his conduct in the case of Robins; perhaps his other duties as that late period of his service rendered it impossible for him to act on it. But be the motive of his silence what it might, the fact of his omission to answer prevents my considering the point as being absolutely settled by him I now bring it to yr. view that you may consider it with due attention. In the interim I have to request you will be so good as inform me, whether the 12000 Dollrs. the sum at wh. the Gosportland was valued, the papers respecting wh. were sent to the navy department, will be paid to our order or deposited here if more convenient to us, to receive it here. The deed was drawn and forwarded by Mr. Hopkins, the loan officer here, to Mr. Stoddert abt. Jany. last, with a request that the money might be paid here, which is still preferr'd . The sum is small yet in the state of our Treasury it is an object of some importance to us. My best respects to Mr. Madison, who I hope has arrived with you in health. Very sincerely, I am dear Sir yr. friend Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington May 22. 1801
Dear Sir
I am late in answering your favor of the 4th because the navy department from an extraordinary press of business could not till within this day or two furnish me the inclosed papers. You will see by them that the money for Gosport (12,000) has been placed in Norfolk at Mr. Hopkins's command ever since the last week in January. Why it should have been withheld so long he will probably explain to you.
As to the mode of correspondence between the General & particular executives I do not think myself a good judge. Not because my position gives me any prejudice on the occasion; for if it be possible to be certainly conscious of any thing I am conscious of feeling no difference between writing to the highest or lowest being on earth; but because I have ever thought that forms should yield to whatever should facilitate business. Comparing the two governments together it is observable tht in all those cases where the independent or reserved rights of the states are in question the two Executives if they are to act together must be exactly co-ordinate; they are, in those cases, each the supreme head of an independent government. Such is the case in the beginning of this letter where the two executives were to treat de pair en pair. In other cases, to wit, those transfered by the constitution to the general government, the general executive is certainly preordinate-e.g. in a question respecting the militia, and others easily to be recollected. Were there therefore to be a stiff adherence to etiquette, I should say that in the former cases the correspondence should be between the two hears & that in the latter the Governor must be subject to receive orders from the war department as any other subordinate officer would. And were it observed that either party set up unjustifiable pretentions, perhaps the other might in opposing them by a tenaciousness of his own rigorous right. But i think the practice in Genl. Washington's administration was most friendly to business and was absolutely equal. Some times he wrote to the Governors, & sometimes the heads of departments wrote. If a letter is to be on a general subject , I see not season why the President should not write: but if it is to go into details these being known only to the head of the department, it is better he should write directly, otherwise the correspondence must involve circuities. If this be practised promiscuously in both classes of cases, each party setting examples of neglecting etiquette, both will stand on equal ground, and convenience alone will dictate through whom any particular communication is to be made. All the governors have freely corresponded with the heads of departments except Hancock who refused it. But his legislature took advantage of a particular case which justified them in interfering, and they obliged him to correspond with the head of a department. Genl. Washington sometimes wrote to them. I presume Mr. Adams did, as you mention his having written to you. On the whole I think a free correspondence best and shall never hesitate to write myself to the governors even in a federal case where the occasion presents itself to me particularly.
Acceptassurances of my sincere & constant affection & respect. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond 23 May 1801.
Dear Sir
I have inclosed you the papers relative to the British Consul at Norfolk, in the affr. of the man who was sent to the Island and as reported executed for mutiny on bd. a British ship. In a private letter sometime since I submitted to you a question respecting he mode of correspondence to be observed, between the Executive of the Genl. Govt. and a state, in wh. I gave my opinion freely. I think we are a distinct community resting on ground in some measure peculiar; at present, and that the mode of communication ought to be settled on principle. It is not more important to adjust the exterior than the interior police of our country; indeed the latter is perhaps more conducive to harmony than the former; since it secures internal tranquility & promotes union. And in the light of a question of police, more than meer etiquette, I view the present one. But to me it is a mater of perfect indifference how you decide it. If you differ with me in sentiment, and think the Ch. Magistrates of the States shod. correspond with the heads of departments & not the President, it is very far from my wish that you shod. deviate from your opinion. Let it pass in silence. I shall be happy to receive an answer to any publick letter I write you from any head of department, or any one else authorised by you, since provided it be not desired from me to extinguish a principle which I adopted on reflection, and acted on with yr. predecessor, with whom I had no motive to seek a correspondence. I wish no more. I have many motives personal as well as publick to support yr. admn. not any to embarrass it. I wish no answer to this or any other letter of the kind. Take what course you please, it shall produce no inconvenience publick or private. Sincerely I am dear Sir your friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Jas. Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson. As the person for whose benefit the enclosed was intended has left this for Washington it is thought best to return it. It is presumed that every thing appertaing. to that object will be settled at Washington with that purpose; but shod. the contrary be the case, ans it be proper to execute any thing here, J.M. will with pleasure attend to it when notified thereof.
Richmond 1 June 1801.
Yrs. of the 29 is just recd. It is to be regreted that Captn. Lewis paid the money after the intimation of the payer of his views &c. It will be well to get all letters however unimportant they are from him. Meriwether Lewis is or will be by the time this reaches you at Washington. He has that ascendancy over the wretch to make him do what is right, & he will be happy to do it for you. Confer with him without reserve as a man of honor. Mr. Giles will also be up in a day or two. Yr. resolution to terminate all communication with him is wise, yet it will be well to prevent even a serpent doing one an injury.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington June 20. 1801.
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 16th came to hand yesterday, & by this day's post I inclose you a draught on Gibson & Jefferson for 50 D. payable to Majr. Wm. Duval to whom you will be so good as to explain that it is for Genl. Lawson. I now write an answer to the Genl. but will keep it back a couple of days as it furnishes me in that way an excuse for having previously placed the money in Duval's hands.
We are preparing and carrying into execution all the reforms in economy we can. Our navy partly selling off, partly laying up is now an establishment of about half a million a year. It might have been reduced to 400,000 & still kept three frigates in the Mediterranean, had the regulations of Congress permitted it. The marines will be dismissed in a few days to about 400 which will economise about 40,000D. About the same sum is saved by the discontinuance of useless diplomatic missions. In the erection of shipyards &c. some hundred thousands will be stopped. But the expences of this government were chiefly in jobs not seen; agencies upon agencies in every part of the earth, and for the most useless or mischievous purposes, & all of these opening doors for fraud & embezzlement far beyond the ostensible profits of the agency. These are things of the existence of which no mean dreamt, and we are lopping them down silently to make as little noise as possible. They have been covered from the public under the head of contingencies, quartermaster's department &c. I hope you still continue in the purpose of passing the months of August & September in Albemarle. Mr. Madison's health is sensibly improved, and we hope it is the effect of the application of his mind to things more congenial to it than the vexatroy details of a farm. Present my respectful salutations to Mrs. Monroe & accept yourself assurances of my affectionate & constant friendship. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond June 15th 1801.
Sir,
I enclose you a resolution of the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, of the last Session, by which it is made my duty to correspond with you on the subject of obtaining by purchase lands without the limits of this State, by which persons obnoxious to the laws or dangerous to the peace of Society may be removed. This resolution was produced by the conspiracy of the slaves which took place in this city and neighborhood last year, and is applicable to that description of persons only. The idea of such an acquisition was suggested by motives of humanity, it being intended by means thereof to provide an alternate mode of punishment for those described by the resolution, who under the existing law might be doomed to suffer death. It was deemed more humane, and it is hope would be found in practice not less expedient, to transport such offenders beyond the limits of the State.
It seems to be the more obvious intention of the Legislature, as inferred from the resolution to make the proposed acquisition of land, in the vacant western territory of the United States, but it does not appear to me to precluded one without the limits of the Union. If a friendly power would designate a tract of country within its jurisdiction either on this continent of a neighboring Island, to which we might send such persons, it is not improbable the Legislature might prefer it. In any event an alternative could not otherwise than be desirable , since after maturely weighing the Legislature might still prefer that which appeared to it most eligible.
It is proper to remark that the latter part of the resolution which proposes the removal of such persons as are dangerous to the peace of society may be understood as comprizing many to whom the preceding member does not apply. Whether the Legislature intended to give it a more extensive import, or rather whether it contemplated removing from the Country any but Culprits who were condemned to suffer death, I will not undertake to decide. But if the more enlarged construction of the resolution is deemed the true one, it furnishes in my opinion, a strong additional motive, why the Legislature, in disposing of this great concern should command an alternative of places. As soon as the mind emerges in contemplating the subject, beyond the contracted scale of providing a mdoe of punishment for offenders, vast and interesting objects present themselves to view. It is impossible not to revolve in it, the condition of those people, the embarrassment they have already occasioned us, and are still likely to subject us to. We perceive an existing evil which commenced under our colonial System, with which we are not properly chargeable, or if all not in the present degree, and was acknowledge the extreme difficulty of remedying it. At this point the mind rests with suspense, and surveys with anxiety obstacles which become more serious, as we approach them It is in vain for the Legislature to deliberate on this subject, in the extent of which it is capable, with a view to adopt the System of policy which appears to it most wise and just, if it has not the means of executing it. To lead to a Sound decision and make the result a happy one, it is necessary that the field of practicable expedients be opened to its election on the widest possible Scale.
Under this view of the Subject I shall be happy to be advised by you whether a tract of land in the Western territory of the United States can be procured for this purpose, in which quarter, and on what terms? And also whether any friendly power will permit us to remove such persons within its limits, with like precision as to the place and conditions? It is possible a friendly power may be disposed to promote a population of the kind referred to, and willing to facilitate the measure by co-operating with us in the accomplishment of it. It may be convenient for you to sound such powers especially those more immediately in our neighborhood on the subject; in all the views which may appear to you to be Suitable.
You will perceive that I invite your attention to a Subject of great delicacy and importance, one which in a peculiar degree involves the future peace, tranquility and happiness of the good people of this Commonwealth. I do it however in a confidence, you will take that interest in it, which we are taught to expect from your conduct through life, which gives you so many high claims to our regard.
With great respect I have the honor to be your most obt. servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). In a clerical hand, with the closing and signature of James Monroe.
Richmond June 16 1801
Dear Sir,
Colo. Norton has been very solicitous with me to write you in behalf of his son in law Captn. Merchant who was condemned to a fine and two years imprisonment for piracy. I know so little of the merits of the case that I wished to avoid saying any thing on it, and write more to give a proof, of my respect for the feelings of a venerable old parent than in the expectation of rendering the prisoner any service. I think I recollect hearing Mr. Randolph who defended him and some of the bar say, the judgment was a hard one, and I understand that his conduct in jail has been exemplarily discreet and proper; as has been that of the mate. Their deportment (as communicated by Mr. Rose and others) in jail, bespeaks them above the commission of such a crime. This is all I know of them.
I enclose a letter from Genl Lawson which was sent here some days since for that purpose. If I with held it, the failure of an answer might undeservedly expose you to censure. I suspect it is for some charitable aid. This very unfortunate man is here supported by the contribution of his old acquaintances. It may be on some other subject, but shod. it be on that wh. is hinted, it will not be proper for you to furnish it to him directly. Majr. Wm. Duvall is the person with whom the subscription is deposited, to whom it may with propriety be sent. Whatever he gets is converted into spirit immediately & wasted. He still however retains his native firmness of mind, and when sober commands some degree of respect. He is decrepid by sickness and misfortune, or imprudence, quite unable to walk. With great respect & esteem I am yr. friend & servant
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond June 20. 1801.
Dear Sir
Hearing that Mr. Hay is disposed to seize the few days of leasure which an interval between the courts gives him to visit the federal city with his Lady and that he doubts whether you wod. recognize him, I take a pleasure in freing him from that anxiety. He is really a very able and respectable citizen, one who deserves and will be highly gratified with your attention. At what time will you be at Monticello? I hope to have the pleasure of seing you in Albemarle while I am there. The season begins to approach when it becomes dangerous for those accustomed to a better climate to stay here. Very sincerely I am yr. friend & servt Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond July 12. 1801
Dear Sir
Having known Mr. Janey in France where he was respected by his countrymen for the propriety of his conduct as a citizen and a merchant and being requested by him to communicate to you the idea I had formed of him there, I comply with pleasure in confidence you wod. wish to be correctly informed of the character of all those who seek imployment under yr. administration. I considered Mr. Janey as an amiable man, very deserving the esteem of his acquaintance which he was happy in possessing. I have heard many speak of him in terms of high regard, and never heard an unfriendly thing said of him. With great respect and esteem I am dear sir sincerely yours,
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington July 21. 1801.
Dear Sir
In answer to your letter on the paiment of the guards at New London I beg leave to mention that it was not till about a fortnight ago that measures could be taken for their relief. A party from some recruits at Winchester was about that time ordered to proceed to New London. So soon as they arrive, the guards you ordered can be dispensed with and if you will then have the accounts of expences made up, and forwarded to the Secretary at war, they will be discharged.
On the subject of your letter of June 15, which is difficult, as I hope soon to meet you in Albemarle, we will confer together there; explanations of your object & our means may give a better direction to our endeavors, than if undertaken with less distinct views.
Mr. Madison leaves this place for Orange about the 26th. I shall set out for Monticello a week later. We rendezvous here again the last day of September. I hope that the same attention to health on your part not to pass the two sickly months on tide-waters, will fix you in Albemarle during the same period. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Monroe and accept yourself assurances of unalterable & affectionate esteem & respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Sepr. 28. 1801
Dear Sir
Mr. Arthur Lee of Norfolk has requested me to make him known to you, with which I readily comply. He is the sone of R. Evers Lee of that borough who is perhaps known to you. Mr. A. Lee is a young man of merit, of wh. his election as a delegate to our assembly by his county is an ample testimonial. I beg to recommend him to yr. civilities & am with great respect & esteem yr. frd. & servt ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Sepr. 28. 1801
Dear Sir
At the request of Mr. Arthur Lee of Norfolk I have given him an introduction to you, but not knowing his object, think proper to mention that I do not, as the contrary might otherwise be inferrd. He is in my opinion a young man of merit, tho it is not founded on much acquaintance with him. He deliver'd an oration not long since which was well spoke of, and is a republican. He is however young; I have heard him spoken of a gay; and if his object is the attainment of an office, you ought to have much better information of him than I can give. What I here state does not derogate from what I state in my other letter; it is intended only to prevent an inference from it wh. might be drawn without this intimation. Sincerely I am yr. frnd. & servt Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Novr. 17. 1801.
Dear Sir
The arrival of Mr. Purviance in the UStates furnishes me with an occasion to make known to you his merit. He was a member of my family for sometime while I was in France, often present in my interviews with the French govt., and always in my confidence while I remained there, so that I speak of him without reserve, as a man of perfect integrity, excellent understanding & rare prudence. He is a man of delicacy & modesty, one with whom it is impossible to become acquainted & not interested in his fortune. What his views are I cannot say but whatever they may be I have felt it a duty I owed him to present him to you in the light in which he ought to be viewed.
You will not forget the answer I am to expect from you on my letter relative to the purchase of land for certain purposes. The legislators will expect a communication from me on that subject. With great respect I am yr. frd. & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond, Decr. 8, 1801.
Dear Sir
I shod. have answer'd yours of the 24 ult. as soon as I recd. it, had I not perceived it was your wish that your communication on the subject shod. form no part of my publick letter to the legislature. Being at the time engaged in writing that letter I delayed an answer till it was finished. It is not possible to entertain a doubt of the propriety of any part of yr. letter, the last paragh. excepted: nor am I satisfied that there is the slightest objection to that or any part of it. Still I suggest a doubt as to a possible effect it may have. You hint the propriety of leaving the power of designating the place to the chief magistrate in concert with the President of the U.S. May not this excite jealousy and suspicion with some holding slaves? The idea perhaps did not occur and perhaps is undeserving attention. You will think of it, and if you think it has any weight modify it otherwise. Inclining to think it does not I retain the letter, presuming if you think it does you have the means in a copy of correcting it. The term "him" might be changed to "it" without altering the import, & wod. be grateful to the council, in which you have friends. I will not send the communication in till I hear from you, provided it be, in time to avoid censure, which I presume will give you full time to answer me. I write in great haste there being several gentlemen with me. Sincerely yr. friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Jefferson executed some of these changes in the press copy of the letter shown here, by crossing out line 9 of the last page and inserting "them" and "they."
Washington Dec. 13. 1801.
Dear Sir
I received last night your favor of the 8th and I readily embrace both ideas of amendment suggested by you. I will pray you therefore in the last page of the letter, lines 8 & 10 to strike out the words 'him, and executed with the aid of the Federal executive? these' and insert "them. They' or rather turn 'him' into 'them' by prefixing a t, and putting a loop to the i, thus e and turn 'these' into they by writing a y on the se. And obliterate the intermidiate words with the pen. Indeed the word these was first written they, so that it may be restored by scratching with the point of a knife.
In cleaning the Post-office, Davies must be removed. Pray recommend to me one or more good characters. The place is profitable, and worthy the acceptance of gentlemen of respectable standing in society; and to such I would wish to give offices, because they would add respect & strength to the administration, & besides pecuniary security, give us their character as a pledge of fidelity. Perhaps some member of your council would be proper, but of this judge yourself on view of all circumstances saying nothing about it. Health & affectionate esteem. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Decr. 21. 1801.
Dear Sir
Our communication will be laid before the assembly tomorrow with its door closed. The objection which I suggested applied to a delegation of any confidence or trust over the subject from the legislature to our Executive, not to the agency of the federal Executive in the affair. In the latter view I saw no objection to the clause, for what was proposed in that respect was previously what the legislature sought. The modification so as to comprise the council was material. In other respects it stands perhaps as well as it possibly can.
Your late communication to the Congress, has plac'd yr. admn. on such ground, with the republican party, as to leave it in yr. power to act with respect to removals from office, as you may judge expedient, by which I mean that if you are disposed in any case, where the merit of the party interests you, to indulge feelings of benevolence towards him or them, yr. so doing will excite no uneasiness among the republicans. It may also be said that it has produc'd such an effect among the people generally, as to put it in yr. power, especially if the taxes named be repeal'd without the danger of future recurrence to them, to remove whomever you may think, of the dependants of the late admn. are intitled to that mark of attention. The impression is a strong one and likely to be durable, if ground be not lost in any other quarter. It will always be recollected that from the chiefs, who sinned knowingly, we have nothing to hope, and that if it were justifiable to pass by those who were really criminal, it is impossible to reconcile them to the existing state of things.
You ask me to mention some person for the p. office in this city & seem to look to the council from wh. to make the selection. There are you know five members in it, republican any one of whom are competent to the trust. Perhaps any of them wod. accept it but I do not know that either wod. I think them all honest men and very deserving of confidence. Dr. Foushee or Genl. Guerrand wod. perhaps be best recd. by the publick as successor to the present officer. They are the oldest men and I am persuaded the appointment of either wod. be more acceptable to the other members, than of either of the others. I do not think the first named wod. accept it; it is probable the latter, who is in more contracted circumstances wod.; tho' I have spoke to no one on the subject. Out of that body in Richmond, I think Mr. Hylton & Major Dunscomb wod. be most deserving of attention, the latter of whom voted for the alphabetical envoy but abandoned him as soon as he found he was deceived. Of the latter correct information may be had of several of our reps. in Congress; it is certain that he improv'd himself by the error referr'd to. Any further information in my power to give I will with pleasure. Yr. friend & servant Jas. Monroe
[P.S.] The present incumbent is very attentive & accomodating, and is I think an inoffensive being.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Feb. 3, 02.
Will you be so good as to deliver the inclosed letter to Prince Rusploli, to whom I should have sent them before he left this place, but was prevented by indispensable occupations, as I know he is to call on you, the omission can be supplied; the object of the letter being to have him attended to at Monticello, should he be gone, or not go that rout, let them be sent to Monticello, as they respect some other matters.
The Senate received a recruit (Mr. Bradley) the day before yesterday. They yesterday discharged their committee on the Judiciary bill, and will this day read it to a 3d time & pass it. Health & happiness. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Feby 12. 1802
Dear Sir
I have been requested by Colo. Goodall who is an honest republican character, I presume well known to you, to add his name to the list of candidates for the post office in this city. You will get correct information of every one not known to you from our members in Congress.
In a late letter to Mr. Madison I gave the details of some federal intrigues here during the Session of our assembly. He will I doubt not communicate these to you. Every days experience proves more clearly the difficulty of conciliating the federal party. It is wonderful to see how irreconcileable many of its members are. Altho' none of these people had cause of complaint agnst me yet it was manifest that many of them wod. have hewn me to pieces had they had it in their power.
Yr. friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond February 13. 1802
Sir
I enclose you some resolutions of the General Assembly of this Commonwealth; passed at its last session explanatory of a resolution of the preceding session authorizing a correspondence with you relative to the purchase of lands without the limits of the state, to which persons obnoxious to its laws or dangerous to the peace of Society might be removed. You will recollect that as the precise import of the first resolution was not clearly understood, it was thought proper to submit our communication on it to the General Assembly, that its object and policy might be more accurately defined. The resolutions which I have now the pleasure to communicate to you have removed all doubt on that subject, by confining the attention in procuring the asylum sought to the accommodation of negroes only, and by specifying for what causes, under what circumstances, and (in the case of felons) to what countries it is wished to send them. You will be pleased to observe that there are two descriptions of negroes embraced by these resolutions, the first comprizes those who being slaves may commit certain enumerated Crimes. For such an asylum is preferred on the Continent of Africa or the spanish or portuguese settlements in South America. The second respects free negroes and mulattoes, including those who may hereafter be emancipated and sent, or chuse to remove to such place as may be acquired. For these a preference is not expressed in favor of any particular region or Country, nor is the right of sovereignty over such place desired. In removing these people without our limits no restraint is imposed to preclude the attainment of an asylum any where, whereby the object of the State might be defeated, or to prevent that attention to their interests in case an alternative of places is presented, by inhibiting a preference for that which may be deemed best adapted to their Constitution, genius, and Character. I have therefore to request that you will be so good as to endeavor to promote the views of the State in these important subjects; being satisfied that they are founded in a policy equally wise and humane, with respect to ourselves, and the people who are the object of it. I am dear Sir with great respect and esteem yr. very obt.servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feb. 28. 1802.
Dear Sir
In a letter from Dupont de Nemours to me is the following passage. [ in French]..If the bust could be placed in our capitol as the ...to la Fayette it could be well in the latter branch of the ...I feel a personal interest, as having been the instrument of the contract of the state. But I imagine this matter must hang on some difficulty of which I am uninformed. I thought it not amiss to quote to you both parts of the paragraph as the only person who could not on both subjects, the first question on the judiciary bill in the H. of R. and which will decide it's fate, it is thought will not be taken till the day after tomorrow. Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem & respect. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). MSS faded.
Richmond March 14. 1802.
Dear Sir
I found your favor of the 28th ulto. communicating an extract of a letter from Dupont de Nemours relative to the claim of the artist Houdon to be paid the sum which he lost by the depreciation of the assignats in the last installment which he recd. for the Statue of Genl. Washington. I postponed an answer untill I had taken the advice of council by which I am authorised to inform you that whatever sum you state to be due shall be paid on yr. certificate of the same. I send you a letter of yours to Govr. Brooke, one of Houdon to the Govr. of Virga. and a copy of one from the banker Grand to Houdon certified by the latter, which shew that the contract was in specie, that the assignats were accepted by him with the approbation of Mr. Morris on the principle and in the expectation that they shod. be scaled. I hope and presume that Mr. Morris will be able to establish the facts not known to you, necessary to adjust the account to your satisfaction, so that we may be enabled to pay the artist what is justly his due. We do not think ourselves authorised to purchase the bust of Franklin, without the sanction of the legislature. We are persuaded its sanction might be had at the next session, tho' are not authorised to commence a treaty or make any stipulation relative to it.
The repeal of the judiciary law of the last session forms an interesting epoch in our affrs. We shall soon see whether the part which created it are disposed and able to convulse the country on pretext of the repeal. I shod. not be surprised [that] the court of appls. advancing with a bold stride to affect the object. But I trust its efforts will be fruitless. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt.
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond March 21. 1802
Dear Sir
When lately in Albemarle I found the complition of a chimney in my house delayed by the want of abt. 350 bricks, which were not to be had in the neighbourhood. As the number is too small to burn a kiln on purpose to obtain them and as it may possibly be in my power to replace them some time hereafter when you may have occasion, if convenient, I will thank you for as many. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Mar. 31. 1802
Dear Sir
Your's of the 21st is duly recieved. Chisolm is now engaged in running up for me 20 brick pilasters to my offices, which take about 4000 bricks, and I remember it was very doubtful whether we had that number. But if there be as many over it as you need, they are at your service, and I will give orders accordingly by the next post I expect to be there myself within 10 days after the rising of Congress, and to remain a fortnight. Perhaps one of your plantation visits may be so timed as to fall in with mine, say the 1st week in May. I have not written to you on the resolutions of the assembly respecting slaves, because it does not press, and the issue of the affairs of St. Domingo may influence the question. I would rather too refer it till we can have a conversation and concur in the tract to be pursued. I have recieved a statement from Gouverneur Morris on the case of Houdon. It gives us little insight into it. I have papers at Monticello which I think will throw some light on the subject. I suspend answering you letter therefore respecting him until I shall have visited Monticello. The British convention is before the Senate. It commutes the 11th article for 600,000 sterl. Payable in 3 annual instalments. It will meet opposition there, & in the other house when an appropriation is asked. It would be very ill judged not to close for it would revive their claim of twenty odd millions of dollars awarded by the commissioners, which they would hold as a rod for ever over our heads, to operate on our seaport towns, and even on Congress at will. It is not settled by our predecessors, if the bargain he hard, it is their work. That it is not more hard has been the effect of our measures. If this be given up it can never by settled but by war. Affectionate and respectful salutations to Mrs. Monroe and yourself. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond April 12. 1802
Dear Sir
I find among the papers in the council chamber an acct. adjusted by you between Houdon and the commonwealth. Perhaps you have a copy of it at Monticello, which may be the document to which you wish to recur before you decide on his claim. If this paper is material it shall be sent to you, tho' to me it appears as if it cod. not be, as the sole or principal question is, what the depreciation was on the last payment made. I have no doubt that it is a wise policy to adjust the difference with Engld. relative to the 6th article on the terms proposed in the project before the Senate. It is important to settle amicably our affrs. with Europe so as to deprive any of the great powers especially of the "causa billi" or pretext for war. I wod. buy up any such latent pretension, at some sacrifice. It will give me pleasure to meet you in Albemarle the first week in May is possible. But I fear it will be impossible. I am forc'd to be there on the 20th of this month to meet any offer that may be made for my land above Charlottesville which I have advertised for sale on that day. If I attend on that day, which it is very incumbant on me to do, it will not be in my power to return to the council, which immediately ensues, and be back during yr. transient visit in Albemarle. Still it may happen as I will certainly be there if practicable. Yr. friend & servt.
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond April 25. 1802
Dear Sir
I returned on Friday from Albemarle without having accomplished the object of my trip by the sale of my land above Charlottesville. In my absence an alarm took place at Norfolk relative to the negroes wh. was felt here, but which seems to have little foundation for it. Such is the state of things that it is hasardous for me in regard to the publick opinion, to be absent from this place at any time. I shall send you the document referrd to in my last respecting the acct. of Houdon, which may perhaps supercede a reference to that you have in Albemarle. You will be so kind as return this, it being the original filed in the council chamber
I heard with concern on my return that a bill before Congress proposes a postpon'ment of the meeting of the court of appeals to some later period than the existing law provides for. I fear that such a measure wod. produce a bad effect. I am persuaded it wod. inspire a doubt among the people of the propriety of the late repeal, since it might be construed into a discrimination in the authors of it, to meet the court on that subject. Any measure which admitted such an inference wod. give new character & tone to the federalists & put the republicans on the defense in any course which the constitution authorises, or take any step which argues a distrust of what is done or apprehension of the consequences. A postponment by law of the meeting of the court is also lieable to other objections. It may be considered as an unconstitutional oppression of the Judiciary by the legislature, adopted to carry a preceding measure which was also unconstitutional. Suppose the Judges were to meet according to the former law notwithstanding the postponment, and make a solemn protestation against the repeal, and this postponment denouncing the whole proceedings as unconstitutional and the motive as impure. It might be said and truly that they had no right to meet by the law; yet as they wod. claim to meet under the constitution to remonstrate against the law as having violated the constitution it is probable that that objection wod. not be attended to. If they attack the law, I mean the act of repeal, and are resolved to avail themselves of the occasion it furnishes, to measure their strength with the other departments of govt., I am of opinion that this postponment wod. give new colouring to their pretentions, new spirits to their party and a better prospect of success. It will perhaps not be possible to avoid the collision and the crisis growing out of it. A measure of the kind referr'd to invites it. The best way to prevent one is to take a bold attitude and apparently invite it. The court has a right to take its part, and ought not to be deprived of any preexisting means. I am not apprehensive of any danger from such a collision, & am inclined to think the stronger the ground taken by the curt especially if it looks towards anarchy, the better the effect will be with the publick. The people will then have a simple, tho important question before them. They will have to decide whether they will support the court, or in other words embark again under the auspices of the federal party, or cling to an admn. in two of the departments of govt. which lessens their burdens & cherishes their liberty. It is even probable that such a collision may produce in many respects a benificial effect. The mild republican course of yr. admn. has tended to put at repose the republicans & relieve from further apprehension the federalists. In such a state of things the former have little motive for exertion. Having overthrown their adversaries they think it beneath their character to pursue them further. Many from the habit of activity they had acquired, from independence of spirit, rivalry or other cause, begin to separate from each other & even criticise the measures of reform that are proposed. But shod. the federalists rally under the judiciary and threaten any thing serious it is presumeable that the republicans will revive from their lethargy and resume their former tone. These ideas having occurr'd to me on this subject & I have thought proper to submit them to yr. consideration.
I am sincerely your friend & servt ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond May 17. 1802
Dear Sir
I did not receive yours of the 9th till the day before yesterday (15). I am sorry it will not be in my power to see you while at home. Many considerations of a publick nature keep me here for the present, the most urgent of which is the trials, which are in train in several parts of the State, of slaves on the charge of conspiracy and insurrection, and the applications growing out of them for pardon or transportation without our limits, of those who are condemned. Of condemned I recollect abt. 10 or 11 examples whose fate is yet to be decided on by the Executive. This business still holds an equivocal aspect in my view of it. The spirit of revolt has taken deep hold of the minds of the slaves, or the symptoms wh. we see are attributable to some other cause. After all the attention wh. I have paid to the subject my mind still rests in suspense on it. It wod. have given me pleasure to confer with you on this head, that you might commence the measure wh. was deemed most expedient to forward the views of the state respecting this interesting object of its policy. tho' indeed there is so little range for preference of places the few which present themselves being respectively attended with so many difficulties that nothing seems so eligible as to open the door to each for the State, that is to the W. Indies, Africa, & to some position west or north of the Missisippi. Whether it will be practicable in either case is incertain especially the first mentioned. I am inclined to think however that the sooner it is ascertained respecting each the better. I am persuaded the day is not distant when this subject must have a definitive regulations from the councils of the country.
I will write you more fully in my next wh. will be addressd (I presume) to Washington on the subject of yours. It is doubtful whether the comrs for Richmond for Richmond & Manchester will be able to act for Persbg also. The doubt however proceeds from my not knowing the compensation allowed them. Professional lawyers or merchants wod. not leave this to attend them for a trifling sum. On the other hand if the sume was an object the addition of Petersbg wod. make it more so. I will give you some names in my next-accomodated to either arrangment. Colo. Newton is a very worthy intelligent man with good political views but I do not think that I wod. ask of him a nomination under any restriction. The fact of such a letter wod. probably become known in the place and might excite personal hatred to you without advancing the particular good for altho' I wod. appoint no federalist yet it may have its good effect that the avowal of that sentiment shall be known as rarely as possible otherwise than by the act. I say I wod. appoint no federalist, by which I mean not till it wod. be done with safety, or rather advantage to the republican cause; wh. it can at not time be unless he be a republican. I will inquire who are suitable characters for such an office in Norfolk but wod. not wish you to rely on me as I must report their pretentions in the opinion of others. Very sincerely I am yr. friend & servant
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond June 11th 1802.
Dear Sir
I find by your letter of the 3d that you think Seirra Leone on the Coast of Africa a suitable place for the establishment of our insurgent slaves, that it may also become so for those who are or may hereafter be emancipated, and that you are disposed to obtain the assent of the company to such a measure through our minister in London, while your attention will be directed in the interim to such other quarters, as may enable us to submit a more enlarged field to the option of our Assembly. By the information of Mr. Thornton the British Chargé des affairs, which you have been so kind as to communicate it appears that Slavery is prohibited in that settlement , hence it follows that we cannot expect permission to send any who are not free to it. In directing our attention to Africa for an asylum for insurgents, it is strongly implied that the legislature intended they should be free when landed there; as it is not known that there exists any market on that coast for the purchase of slaves from other Countries. Still am persuaded that such was not the intention of the legislature, as it would put culprits in a better condition than the deserving part of those people. This opinion is further supported by a law still in force, which authorizes the Executive to sell, subject to transportation all Slaves who are guilty of that Crime. I submit this idea to your consideration, not with a view to prevent your application to the company for its assent to the Settlement of insurgents within its limits, but as a motive, in case you concur with me in the above construction of the resolution, why you should more particularly seek an establishment for them in the Portugueese, Dutch or Spanish settlements in America. In obtaining permission to send our negroes to that Settlement we may avail ourselves of it, on the principles of the company, as far as it suits our interest and policy. If the legislature intends that insurgents shall enjoy their liberty on landing there, the accommodation would be general; but if they are excluded & the door is opened in favorable conditions to such only as are or may hereafter become free, it will nevertheless be important, as it will give the legislature an opportunity to deliberate on, and perhaps provide a remedy for an evil which has already become a serious one. I cannot otherwise than highly approve the idea of endeavoring to lighten the charge of transportation, to the publick, whither soever they be sent. A permission to send certain Articles of merchandize which would be sure to command a profit, if that could be relied on, would contribute much to that end. Perhaps other mans not incompatible with the Charter of the Company, might be devised. Do their regulations permit temporary servitude? If they do might not those who are sent be bound to Service for a few years, as the means of raising a found to defray the charge of transportation? The ancestors of the present negroes were brought from Africa and sold here as slaves, they and their descendants forever. If we send back any of the race, subject to a temporary servitude, with liberty to their descendants, will not the policy be mild and benevolent? May not the same idea be held in view, in reference to any other place in which an establishment is sought for them? I do not know that such an arrangement would be practicable in any country, but it would certainly be a very fortunate attainment, if we could make these people instrumental to their own emancipation, by a process gradual and certain, on principles consistent with humanity, without expence or inconvenience to ourselves. I am dear Sir with great respect & esteem yr. friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington July 17. 1802
Dear Sir
After writing you on the 15th I turned to my letter file to see what letters I had written to Callender & found them to have been of the dates of 1798 Oct 12 & 1799 Sep. 6 & oct. 6 but on looking for the letters they were not in their places nor to be found. On recollection I believe I sent them to you a year or two ago. If you have them I shall be glad to receive them at Monticello where I shall be on this day sennight. I inclose you a paper which shows the Torries mean to pervert these charities to Callender as much as they can. They will probably first represent me as the patron & support of the Prospect before us, & other things of Callenders, & then picking out all the scurrilities of that author against Genl. Washington , Mr. Adams & others impute them to me. I recal as most other republicans who were in the way of doing it, contributed what I could afford to the support of the republican papers & printers, paid sums of money for the Bee, the Albany register, &c. when they wee struggling under the Sedition law, contributed to the fines of Callander himself , of Holt, Brown & others suffering under that law. I discharged when I came into office, such as were under the persecution of our enemies, without instituting any prosecutions in retaliation. They may therefore with the same justice impute to me, or to every republican contributor, every thing which was ever published in those papers or by those persons. I must correct a fact in mine of the 15th. I find I did not inclose the 50D to Callender himself while at Genl. Mason's, but authorised the Genl. to draw on my correspondt at Richmond and to give the money to Callender. So the other 50 D of which he speaks were by order on my correspondt. At Richmond. Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem & respect. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington July 20. 1802
Dear Sir
I received lately a letter from Genl. Lawson solliciting a charity which he desired me to send through your hands. I had yielded last year to an application of the same nature for him and although I think his habits & conduct render him less entitled to it than many others in whom it might be bestowed, yet (pair le dernier fois) I inclose for him 30 dollars which I must ask you to apply to his use as you may think most serviceable for him. I set out tomorrow morning & shall be at Monticello on Sunday. Accept assurances of my affectionate adieux ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Augt. 10. 1802
Jas. Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson. He has the pleasure to send him a letter from Mr. Short with two pamphlets. He is very sorry he has it not in his power to call on him at present. An injury which he recd. in his leg a few days before he left Richmd. wh. is much encreased by inflamation in coming up. confines him to his room. He hopes however that a few days repose will relieve him from so painful an embarrassment.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Augt. 31. 1802.
Jas. Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson, as he sits out to Richmond tomorrow or next day, & will probably not see him before his departure. He will thank Mr. Jefferson for information on the following subjects: The State of Maryld. has set up a claim to the territory lying within this State No. of the So. Branch of Patowk. on the principle that the So. Branch is her true boundary. She proposes to submit the question to arbitrators. Was not that pointed settled by the King in Council, in a controversy between Ld. Fairfax & Baltimore? Was not the settlement of the jurisdiction of the Chesppeake & Patowk. understood to be an adjustment of all interfering claims between the 2 States? This latter took place abt. the year 1785, between George Mason & Mr. Stone.
The line between this State and Tenissee is to be settled this fall. I have obtained from F. Walker a copy of the survey of his father. Is any other document necessary on our part? Walker's line is established with No. Carolina but presumably after the separation of Tenissee from that State.
J.M. presumes that Mr. Jefferson has taken the course intimated in his last letter relative to our slaves of causing the Directors of the African Company to be sounded thro' our minister in London, as to our being permitted to colonize them there. This subject however is not so material at present. J.M. may return in the course of next week; he certainly will return in time to see Mr. Jefferson before he sits out for Washington when he will have the pleasure of conferring with him on that interesting subject.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Sepr. 1. 1802.
Jas. Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson. If he has a moment of leasure, he will thank him for a few words on the subject of a note he left at Monticello yesterday, in addition to wh. he begs to trouble him with the enclosed. If the accomodation wh. it proposes can be given, it will essentially forward the arming of the militia of the State. He will be happy to bear Mr. Jefferson's commands to Richmond, whither he sits out tomorrow morning.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Sep. 2. 1802.
Dear Sir
I now return you Clarke's & Shee's letters enclosed in yours of yesterday. Mr. Clarke's object is to save 6 cents a stock. This is proper for him as an economical manager. But you & I must see of what other aspects it is susceptible. The US have gunstocks for sale. They are to suspend the sale & lend them to the state of Virginia that she may return them in kind afterwards with a saving to himself of 6 cents a piece, in this the US will have trouble &c the accounts, delivery & receipt, suspension of sale & no benefit. This is what will be read in the volume of slander to be added to the here & ...against Virginia & against us. This is not the view which I should take; but that in the present disfavor of Virginia, she should ask for favors. She should ask not for small savings have her name or conduct dragged before the public, but pursue her own paths in silence, dignity & self-sufficiency. If the stores are of real importance, she had better buy them of the US. on the terms on which individuals would buy with her cash in hand. But if this matter appears differently to you, I will do in it what you shall on consideration desire. Accept my affectionate esteem & respect ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Sep. 2. 1802
Dear Sir
I should have rode to your house yesterday to speak with you on the subject of your note of the preceding day but that I rendered it doubtful whether you would be gone to Richmond.
The claim of Maryland to the south branch counters the words of her charter which granted to the median "primus fontes flumins de Potomac" the word primus there meaning principal or ...It is impossible to give it any other reasonable construction. This was at first uncertain, but it has been since fixed 1. by the uninterrupted course of jurisdiction of Maryland & Virginia to the North branch. 2. by a judicial decision between Lords Baltimore & Fairfax founded on an actual survey of the two streams and fully reported in one of the Chancery reporters. Dorsey I believe.or Watson 3. by the ...that in early times the N. branch had the most water & even now may have.
4. by the convention since the revolution settling their boundary. ( I do not think I have ever seen them, but presume Colo Mason has worded it with attention) 5. by occupation & limitation of time. For tho' acts of limitation are generally by the civil power, yet there is also among nations founded in reason and practice, and ..a right rendered indefensible by long possession. I have understood that the late George Mason had collected materials, & made notes for the justification of the rights of Virginia. They must be valuable if they can be got. It is a great subject, and ought to be put into the hands of an able lawyer & diplomacist; and no gratification or excitement spared to engage his utmost industry. The Constitution of the US. gives them a right to decide the decisions of such a case but they have made no provision. The proposition of Maryland therefore to arbitrate, tho' it appears candid is cunning. Because it proposes to authorise a power to dismember our state, where no such power exists, perhaps it might be prudent to agree to enter into a discussion with Maryland on the ground of their claim, in which I am persuaded the world may be made to see that reason is entirely with us. After such a demonstration we may more justifiably refuse to submit our right to a decision which cannot be divested of party & state prejudice; and it would be much more difficult to procure from the legislature the establishment of a judicature, which would in fact have power to cut up states as they pleased for there would always be found pretences of some sort, and this judicature would be the judges of them.
With respect to the Tennissee line, it depends exactly on the same question as that settled with N. Carolina, to wit the location of the line of latitude 36 30' which needs nothing but a good instrument & good observer. I think that Tennssee has applied to the US> for a settlement of the same line as it respects them, and also to Kentucky. In imagine we had better made a common business of it. I do not recollect what measures have been taken by the US. toward settling it; but will enquire on my return.
I have written to Mr. King on the subject of our blacks, and hope to have his answer in time to communicate to you for the next session of the legislature; but will certainly send you a copy of my letter.
As I shall not leave this for three weeks yet, I shall certainly see you here, and converse more fully on the subjects of this letter. Accept my friendly and respectfull salutations, ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Sep. 3. 1802
Reynolds collector of York is held and Wm. Carey of that place is recommended very strongly by Mr. Shields. tho' I have great confidence in Mr. Shields' recommendation, yet as the best men sometimes see characters thro' the false medium of friendship I pray you to make what enquiry you can in Richmond & communicate it to me. Accept assurances of my constant & affectionate esteem & respect. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Commissioners of Bankruptcy
Richmond: George Hay. declined. George Tucker appointed in his place.
Wm. Duval
George W. Smith
Benjamin Hatcher. declined
Norfolk ... Lytleton W. Tazwell. declined
Richard Evans dec.
Moses Hugert declined
Thomas Blanchard.
Washington. Oct. 17. 1802
You will see by the above statement that we are still in want of one Commr. of Bankruptcy at Richmd. or Manchester, and of two at Norfolk. Whom shall we appoint?
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Nov. 24. 1802
Dear Sir
On receipt of your letter of June 11 in answer to mine of June 3 I wrote to Mr. King our minister at the court of London, a letter, the copy of which I now inclose you. I trusted we had then time enough to have received an answer before the ensuing meeting of the legislature of Virginia. But he probably left England on a visit to the continent a little before the receipt of that letter. As his absence however was not to be long, I am not entirely without hope of an answer before the rising of the legislature which may give us an idea of the probable result, it shall be communicated to you as soon as received.
The convulsions prevailing in the French West India islands place in a state of alarm all the nations having possessions in their neighborhood into which Blacks have been admitted. Under these circumstances the dangers which might result to them from an innovation from any change of position, are opposed to propositions which at other times would be admissible. The similar apprehensions we have experienced ourselves will suggest the difficulties which this branch of our proposition may meet with for a time. But no favorable occasion of attempting it shall be lost. I pray you to accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high consideration. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Dec. 11, 1802.
S.T. Mason arrived here yesterday. I had immediately a conversation with him on the resignation he had meditated. He finally promised to serve again if included, and that he vows write to you to say so for him. Lest he should delay it, I drop you this line, but you must not name me as the channel because of the ground it furnishes our enemies for clamour. Accept assurances of my constant & affectionate esteem.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Richmond Decr. 17. 1802
Dear Sir
Genl. Scott having intimated to me his intention to visit the federal city, I take the liberty to introduce him to yr. acquaintance as a very deserving and respectable citizen of this State. tho' not at present a member of the legislature, yet having been here several days he will be able to communicate to you such incidents of this place as merit attention.
The reelection of General Mason to the Senate is a thing of course. It is only necessary to make it known that the will serve to secure him a very genl. vote in both houses. I have hinted his assent to some & presume it will be attended to in due time. With great respect & esteem yr. frnd & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Jany 9. 1803
Dear Sir
I should have acknowledged the rect. of your favor containing a copy of yr. message to the congress before this had I not expected to have done it in person. It was my intention after remaining here as long, form the expiration of my late office, as was sufficient to make it known unequivocably to the publick that I was sincere in returning to the bar, to pass thro' the federal city on my way to N. York to have halted a day with my friends there. I contemplated that visit previous to one which I must make to the westward to look after some property which I possess in that quarter. But I find that the exertion necessary to carry me through the whole route is greater than I have reason to think I shall be able to make in the present state of my health. On that idea I decline for the present my visit to N. York with a view to attend to my interest to the westward whither I shall sit out in a few days by Albemarle. If my health permits on my return and I have time to proceed to N. York & be back to the courts, I shall certainly do it. My present pursuits which are commanded by imperious considerations, will absorb much of the time and labour which under other circumstances would be bestowed on publick subjects: but they will not diminish the interest which I have always taken in those subjects and in the success and welfare of my friend, to whom they are intrusted. That your future life may continue to be highly useful & honorable to you country & prosperous & happy to yourself is the wis of yr. sincere friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
11. Since writing the above a professional incident has occurr'd wh. may probably draw me to Washington immediately, that is early next week,
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feb. 25. 1803
Dear Sir
I inclose you another letter for Mr. Capede keeper of the National cabinet. I have not superscribed the titles of the gentlemen on my letters, because I know them not. Perhaps some apology may be necessary for this omission. Congress have passe the two million bill, you will receive by this mail your last dispatches. Others will follow you about the 2d week of April before which time I shall be returned from Monticello. I set out for that place on the 5th of March. Congress has given authority for exploring the Missisippi, which however is order to be secret. This will employ about 10 persons two years. Present my friends respects to Mrs. Monroe & Eliza, and accept my best wishes for a pleasant voyage, happy result, and assurances of my constant & affectionate attachment ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
New York March 7. 1803.
Dear Sir
I recd. yours of the 25 ulto with one to Mr. de Cepedi this morning then I also recd. my instructions from the department of State, with all the other documents connected with my mission to France & Spn. The ship, Richmond, of abt. 400 tons burden whose cabbin I have taken, cleared at the custom house on Saturday. My luggage was put on board in expectation of sailing yesterday as Mr. Madison informed by instructions ought to arrive by 6 in the morning but it being Sunday they were delayd till to day. We are now detaind by a snow storm and contrary wind, but shall sail as soon as it clears up, & the wind shifts.
The resolutions of Mr. Ross prove that the federal party will stick at nothing to embarrass the admn. and recover its lost power. They nevertheless produce a great effect on the publick mind and I presume more especially on the western country. The unanimity in the publick councils respecting our right to the free navigation of the river, and its importance to every part of the UStates, the dissatisfaction at the interference of Spn. which will not be appeased while the power of a similar one exists, are calculated to inspire the hope of a result which may put us at ease forever on those points. If the negotiation secures all the objects sought, or a deposit with the sovereignty over it, the federalists will be overwhelmed completely. The union of the western with the Eastern people will be consolidated, republican principles confirm'd and a fair prospect of permanent peace and happiness presented in our country. But if the negotiation compromises short of that, and leaves the managment of our great concerns in that river, wh. comprize every thing appertaining to the western parts of the UStates, in the hands of a foreign power, may we not expect that the publick will be disappointed and disapprove of the result? So far as I can judge I think much wod. be hasarded by an adjustment which did not put us in complete security for the future. It is doubtful whether an adjustment short of that wod. be approved in any part of the union; I am thoroughly persuaded it wod. not to the westward. If they were discontented there wod. grow up an union of councils, and measures between them and the Eastern people wh. might lead to other measures & be perverted to bad purposes. The Eastern towns, wh. govern the country wish war for the sake of privateering: the western wod. not dislike it especially if they were with held from a just right, or the enjoyment of a privilege necessary to their welfare, the pursuit of wh. by force wod. create a vast expenditure of money among them. Their confidence is now reposed in the admn. from the best of motives a knowledge that it is sincerely frindly to their interests: it is strengthened by a distrust of these new friends. But an inquietude has been created by the late event, an enquiry has taken place which has shown that every part of the Union especially the Eastern is deeply interested in opening the river; that the attempt to occlude it on a former occasion was a base perhaps a corrupt intrigue of a few; their hopes and expectations have been raised, and it is probable they expect from the mission by a peaceful course every thing wh. their enemies promised by war. The consequences of a disappointment are not easily calculated. If it restored the federal party to power and involved us in war, the result might be fatal. It therefore highly merits consideration whether we shod. not take that ground as the ultimatum in the negotiation wh. must in every possible event preserve the confidence & affection of the western people. While we stand well with them we shall prosper. We shall be most apt to avoid war, taking ten years ensuing together, and if we are driven by necessity into it, it is much better that it be under the auspices of a republican than a monarchic admn. These ideas are expressed in haste for yr. consideration for I have time to give them method or form. I shall most certainly labor to obtain the best terms possible but it is for you to say, what are the least favorable we must accept. You will have time to weigh the subject & feel the publick pulse on it before any thing conclusive may be done. I hope the French govt. will have wisdom enough to see that we will never suffer France or any other power to tamper with our interior; if that is not the object there can be no reason for declining an accomodation to the whole of our demands.
I accepted my appointment with gratitude and enter on its duties with an ardent zeal to accomplish its objects. I derive much satisfaction from a knowledge that I am in the hands of those whose views are sound, are attached to justice, and will view my conduct with candour and liberality. Under these circumstances I embark with confidence & am fearless of the result as it respects myself personally. I shall take the liberty to write you occasionally and shall at all times be most happy to hear from you and receive your commands.
Your private object was attended to as I came here. I have the book for Mr. Volney & left the bottle of wine in a train to reach its destination. Will you be so kind as forward the enclosed to Mrs. Trist. & major Lewis. That to Major Randolph you will I hope be able to present as it respects a private object in wh. I am interested. Our best regards to our friends in Albemarle. It was cause of much regret that we cod. not see them before our departure but the cause you can explain. I am dear sir very sincerely affecy. yr. friend & servt. ... Jas. Monroe
8th. Eight o'clock in the morning. The wind has shifted and we expect to be on board in an hour.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Paris May 18. 1803.
Dear Sir
In my communications to Mr. Madison publick & private which you would see, I have been so full that it seem as it I shod. only trouble you by a repetition of the same ideas in writing you. I most earnestly hope that what is done has and may be done in Spain will not only prove an ample vindication of the measures of yr. administration during the last session of Congress, when contrasted with the rash and extravigant projects that were opposed to them, but lay the solid foundation of great and permanent happiness to our country. To have contributed in any degree to carry into effect those measures, and justify the wisdom and benovolence of the policy which dictated them, if the result is approved, will always be a source of much delight to me. Since the conclusion of the business with France, I have doubted much whether it wod. be best for me to remain here till I heard the result of what the deliberations in the UStates on what is already done, or proceed directly to Spain to treat for the Floridas; and after much reflection have decided in favor of the latter opinion. It is the only question which remains to be settled with these powers, which interests our future peace and tranquility; the present appears to be a favorable moment for the settlement of it, and I trust it may be done on terms which will not be embarrassing to our finances. After extricating ourselves from the danger of war we have nothing to attend to, but our interior concerns & among others to our finances. With our revenue and such immense resources inland, we may easily discharge all our debts in a reasonable time, without bringing more land to market than wod. command a good price, or be consistent with a slow and gradual extention of our settlements founded on the progressive state of our population. I shall sit out for Spain in a week or ten days, and hope to be back in three or four months at most. I leave my family at St. Germain in my absence, where my daughter is at school. After a long negotiation or the appearance of it, war seems to be declared between Engld. & France. Where it will end or what its effect will be is uncertain. I have no doubt that it will tend it its consequences to improve the condition of our country in its wealth, independence of Europe, and in the character of our government. Both those powers see as I presume that our growth & prosperity are inevitable, and that it is for their interest respectively to stand well with us. The adjustment of the affr. of Louisiana with France, & of the Floridas, if it can be done with Spain will contribute much to the advancement of our credit in Europe. It is to be feared that the question of neutral rights which is certain to be again discussed, may give us much trouble. It is to be expected that Engld. will adhere to her doctrine and probable that it may be opposed by Russia & other neutral powers, to the north. To direct our course with advantage in reference to that question, and the parties connected with it, will require all the moderation & wisdom of our government. I am persuaded that a systematic plan of fortifying our seaports ought to be adopted; that it wod. be grateful to our citizens interested cannot be doubted; that it would produce an useful effect abroad is certain. From every thing I can learn the doctrine of dry docks is at best doubtful, and that ships suffer more in fresh waters by all the causes which produce decay than in salt is the opinion of all that I have conversed with. On those points I will write your hereafter. I send this by the way of Engld. , deeming it the safest route at present.
I have attend to the delivery of all your letters here, in a mode and at times which I thought most adviseable in reference to all circumstances which merited attention. A Mr. Chas who has a letter from you in terms of complement, who says he was acquainted with you formerly has sent out to you 30 copies of his history of our revolution, & other works, after many pressing applications has obtained of me 150# on acct. of those remittances to you. He is I presume an honest man but worried me so much, that in giving my money I got no credit by it being irritated by his importunities, and doubt whether I have not made him my enemy by asking by what authority he sent you books &c. I am dear Sir very sincerely your friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
PS. Mr Skipwith is desirous of an appointment at New Orleans, if the treaty is approved an a govt organised there. His views are directed to the office of Collector for which he is well qualified. He has served long & faithfully here, and I believe without any improvement of his fortune. Having known the direct & upright line of his conduct through a period of great political imbarrassment, I own I feel much interest in his future establishment.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
June 5. 1803.
The cannister of tea is for my friend Made. De Corny I address it to you for delivery because it may be prohibited. It goes to another post to find a conveyance, therefore no letter to her accompanies it. ... Adieu
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London Sepr. 20 1803
Dear Sir
I send you by Mr. Law a book from a Mr. Williams of this place who was presented to me by Mr. Barlow, as an old friend of Dr. Franklin. He appears to be a well informed worth man. If you chuse to answer it I will present the answer. He stood ill with his govt. some years since, but is on tolerable footing with it now. Your answer if you send one will certainly be spoken of, tho I presume not published, as he is a prudent man. If you chuse to give thro me a verbal one I shall be careful to deliver it in a suitable manner; I see no impropriety in either course, and will know that he wod be gratified to receive a line from you.
I had doubts on my arrival in France whether yr. correspondence with certain characters there produc'd a good or ill effect, and hinted the same to you. I had no doubt before I came envoy that on the whole it was useful. I am also persuaded that the continuance of it on literary subjects only will be useful. The national institute is perhaps the strongest body in France, the Executive excepted. You stand well with that body, and it appears to me important that you preserve your footing with it. Under its present organization it is less independant than by its first institution; yet it has an influence in France which is powerful. LaCepede. Dupont Nemours, Volney, who are yr. principal correspondents, have characters wh. secure any one with whom they correspond from compromitment. They have the highest respect & attachment for you and are delighted with your attention. I am convinc'd that the French gentlemen, who have been in America, who retain in general a strong affection for the country, have and do promote by their opinions & exertions, the common interest & good understanding wh. subsists between them.
I saw Genls. LaFayatte & Kusicuske often. They are the men who you always knew them to be. La Fayatte has the same ardor that he had when he began the French revolution while you were in France. He had unfortunately dislocated his thigh in its junction with the hip & experienc'd unexampled sufferings by the application of a new invented machine, wh. the surgeons thot. necessary to his care. The prospect, tho' doubtful when I came away, was in favor of his perfect recovery. I have not heard from him since. Kusciusko, lives near the barrier St. Andre not far from St. Antoine, where he cultivates his own garden. Col Mercer & myself on our first visit found him returning from it with his water pots. He thinks seriously of returning to the UStates.
I have declined writing you, as I shod. have done frequently, had I not thought it better to continue the communication uninterrupted, publick and private thro Mr. Madison. It was of the same advantage to you as if I had written to you, without the inconvenience of hasarding a compromitment of you. My communications to him by Mr. Law are so full as to leave nothing for me to add here. Mr. Law will give you the state of the war and his forbodings of distress to this country wh. seem to be not altogether visionary.
We are very anxious to hear what has become of our friends in Albemarle. Major Randolph I see is in the H. of Rept. as is Mr. Eppes. How are Mrs. Trist & family & where are they? Col. Lewis, Mr. Divers & families? Peter & Dabney Carr & families, and how are other friends?
I have had as you have seen a laborious and in some respects very difficult service since my arrival in Europe. My health has not been at all times good; indeed I have had a severe shock or two of that continuance from wh. I appear at present to be perfectly recovered; tho' I have learned to respect the council you gave me a year or two past, & to be more on my guard. I have exerted my best energies in the cause in which I came, and shall continue to do so, till I get back. If I contribute in any degree to aid yr. administration in the confirmation of the just principles on which it rests, and promotion of the liberty & happiness of my country, it will prove in more than one view a delightful mission to me. My family unite in their affectionate regards to you and yours. With my best wishes for your health and welfare I am very sincerely your friend & servt
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Sepr. 21. 03
Dear Sir
The bearer hereof is Mr. Robert Carter, one of the sons of Col. Charles Carter of Shirley, whose person & character are so well known to you that nothing on the subject need be said. The son is a character of great respectability, has passed some time at Philadelphia in the study of medicine & surgery, & now goes to London, Edinburg, & Paris to pursue the same studies. Apprehensive that in the present contentious state of things in Europe it might be necessary that his time character & objects should be known, he has been desirous that I make him known to you, as the person whose patronage in such a case would be most efficacious. I therefore state these things to you & assure you you will be safe in declaring on any occasion the regularity of his character and the real object of his visit to Europe. Your own knolege of the family will of course procure for him those personal attentions & counsels which may be useful to him. Accept my affectionate salutations & assurances of constant esteem & respect. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London Sepr. 28. 1803.
Dear Sir
Mr. Halsey a respectable citizen of R. Island who has been some years in Europe, will have the pleasure to present you this. He has been introduc'd to me as a young man of merit, of the best connections at home, and expressing a desire of being known to you, I take the liberty of giving him this letter stating his pretentions in the light, they have appear'd to me, and to add that what I have known of his character at Paris & here, justifies the introduction given of him by his friend there. I am happy in the occasion of renewing to you the assurance of my great respect and esteem. ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London March 15th. 1804.
Dear Sir
I have yours of Jany. 8 by Mr. Baring who arrived lately in the packet. From the view I am able to take of the subject I am of opinion that my appointment to Louisiana will be incompatable with the duties I am to perform in this quarter. To conclude a treaty with this govt. or to make such an experiment as wod.. authorize me to say that one cannot be had, to regulate on just principles the points in question between the two nations, will require at least two months; to proceed to Madrid thro Paris, conclude a treaty with the minister of Spn. & return here, will consume six more; and to reach the U. States perhaps two more. If an experiment is made it ought to be a fair one so as to terminate, in case of success, for ever all points of controversy or likely to be so between the parties, or in case of failure to put them completely in the wrong. Perhaps it may require less time to adjust the business with both powers, but the presumption is otherwise. Under such circumstances it seems proper that I shod. pursue one or other of the objects only, and being on the ground, already charged with these duties, it is possible that some inconvenience might attend my withdrawing from it, especially in reference to this power at this moment. Several incidents have occurr'd wh. however unimportant, or correct in principle, have nevertheless produc'd some sensation here. The rejection of the treaty lately formed by Mr. King, as is said to be the case, the proposition in Congress of some defensive measure against the impressment of our seamen, and the affair of Etiquette with Mr. Merry are of this kind. But the incident which produc'd that state of mind susceptible of irritation by light causes, was the adjustment of our affair with France, which this govt. did not expect, & has most probably subjected it to much embarrassment. To remove these impressions, and arrange our affairs with this govt. on just & equal principles, in cases of necessary contact, or rather of actual collision, will require more time than the pressure of any other duty will permit, especially one of great expectation, a failure to perform which might compromit my friends as well as myself. I consider the affair with Spain as being likewise of importance, and am not without every sanguine hope of succeeding in it, in case I proceed thither. I have much reason to count on the strong aid of France independant of wh. I think our present attitude must be an imposing one there. I shall therefore make up my mind to pursue these objects with the attention they merit, and to give them the time they may require. With this power there will be some difficulty from the nature of the questions themselves, its pretentions & former practice in respect to some of them, and the expectation it has constantly fostered of holding a relation to us more close & connected, than comports with an adjustment which separates us for ever, and leaves the UStates to that high career which their destiny seems to promise. They must see distinctly that by separating ourselves from Europe, placing our maritime rights on a just footing, remaining neutral and respected, while they are at war, we must soon become one of the greatest, as we are the most interesting, & happiest of nations. Many circumstances have tended to convince me that they entertain very false impressions with respect to our growth, and that they view the rapid advancement we have made & are making with no very favorable eye. They seem to consider our prosperity not simply as a reproach to them, but as impairing or detracting from theirs. Without possessing the means of retarding it, but at the hazard of equal, perhaps greater danger to themselves, they have not yet attained that enlarged & liberal state of mind which inspires a desire to promote it. Thus I think that whatever accomodation is obtained, however just and fair the principle may be on which it is claimed, will be yielded with reluctance & slowly. It is not impossible that procrastination will be attempted from the consideration of what is to occur in the UStates at the end of the present year, in the hope that something may result from it favorable to their views. In revolving this subject over I have sometimes doubted whether it would not be better for the present to leave the business her untouched, and attempt an adjustment of that with Spain first. It might give time for the passions, which have been improperly excited, by light causes, to subside, & in case of a favorable issue of a better prospect of success here afterwards. On the whole however, I am led to conclude that as it would be the most frank and respectful course of proceeding to this power, and at the same time most conciliatory, to commence here, to adopt that conduct which I shall accordingly do soon as I am prepared for it. To be thus prepared will not require more than a week or fortnight at most, when I shall ask an interview with Ld. Hawskesbury & open the subject to him.
In thinking of an appointment in Louisiana I did not contemplate the idea of having any thing to do with this power, and did hope that the business with Spain might easily be adjusted in time for me to reach the UStates in the course of the ensuing autumn. I found soon after my arrival here that it was not a situation in wh. I cod. promise myself any satisfaction, and was therefore desirous of extricating myself from it as soon as I cod. with propriety. The opinion wh. I entertained of the respect due to the office I held to the govt. & country I represented appeared to be different from that wh. was held on the same subject by this govt. & those in that circle. My visits to the ministers were not returned; I obtained a list of them of St. Stephen Cotterel & send my cards round, as I had been told by some foreign ministers was the usage, but recd. no acknowledgment of the attention. Suspecting that I ought to have gone in person I apologized for the mode to Mr. Addington, when I was presented to him at the levee, as I also did to the Ld. Chancellor who assured me that the apology was due from them, since in fact it appeared that they had not known in what manner the visit had been made. I visited Ld. H. in person more than once & left my card, without receiving any return. I visited also Ld. Sallisbury the chamberlain to the King in the same manner & with like effect. My visit to Mr. Yorke who succeeded Ld. Hotham after my arrival here, was return'd, as was Mrs. Monroe's by his Lady. We were invited to dine with Ld. & Lady H, wh. we did; afterwards Mrs. M. called on Lady H. but here visit was not returned. As she had sent us cards to attend a presentation of colours the day before, and it was possible she might construe that visit into an acknowledgment of that civility. Mrs. M. made her another, wh. was also disregarded. All this preceeded the affair of Mr. Merry and had no connection with it. We have lately invited Ld. H & Mr. Yorke with their Ladies to dine with us in return for a similar attention recd. from them. The first refused an acct. of an engagmt., the second on acct. of a prior one. As the Affr. of Mr. Merry was known here when the invitation was given it is possible that that circumstance & the other intelligence recd. from him by the packet may have occasioned the refusal; tho' it may be that they wee engaged, and I am persuaded Mr. York really was. A second invitation from Ld. & Lady H was declined on acct. of a prior engagement or rather because Mrs. M's visit had not been returned with a view also to furnish an opportunity of paying them that attention before we recd. a second time. At Ld. H's table when speaking with his Lady, who appears to me to an amiable woman on the subject of our climate, of its variety &c. I mentiond that while the northern parts were perhaps in snow, the southern enjoyed the bloom of spring, that in Feby. at Charlestown I understand, they had the course, and from the want of other topicks of conversation, I added that on such occasions there was always a great concourse of people with gay equipage &c. Ld. Castleray asked me what kind of equipages had they; I cod. not but be surprised at the enquiry, nevertheless replied, such as I saw here. Sir. Wm. Scott then remarked, that he had lately seen an account of a grand fete at the cape of good hope, wh. concluded with observing that all "the beauty taste & fashion of Africa were assembled there." This occasioned some mirth as you will suppose at our expense, in wh. I cod. not well partake, & in justice to Ld. H. it is proper to say that by his reserve he did not appear to think that the remarked was made on a suitable occasion. I was really embarrassed what part to take on the occasion. It was disagreeable to me to let it pass unnotic'd, but I cod. not well notice it, without appearing to be hurt at it, nor without throwing the company into some confusion. I was therefore silent. Shortly afterward, in conversing with >d. Castleray & some other gentlemen on the rapid growth of the UStates, I observed that I was astonishd to find persons of distinction by their offices & talents so extremely uninformed in that subject, as they were generally in this country: that in truth they knew as little of us as they did of the cape of good hope. At the dinner with Ld. H. Lady Bristol had precedence of Mrs. M. tho she was the wife of Lady H's brother, who had been lately under secretary of state only & thus held not other distinction than that of his title. When dinner was announc'd Ld. H. communicated it to Lady Bristol in a whisper who took the lead & Mrs. M & Lady H. followed, no one leading them. In talking with one or two foreign ministers on these subjects, as matter of inquiry, of what I might expect, rather than what had happen'd, I found that they knew as little about it as myself, and was led to believe that there was no fixd rule, & to presume that there was no disrespect intended us. In respect to the minister of other pwrs we appear to hold the lowest grade; in a diplomatick dinner at Ld. H.'s precedence was given, & apparently by design, to all the other ministers, and on more occasions than one to the minster of Portugal, evidently by design. By this detail wh. I shod. most probably never have made the subject of a letter, had it not derived sufficient consequence by the affair with Mr. Merry, you will find that I was resolved not to suffer circumstances of the kind, to interfere in any degree, with the good understanding wh. I was very desirous of improving with this country. From what the King & his ministry had told me, wh. was afterwards repeated in a very formal manner by Mr. Merry, as he said by order of Hd. H. of the pleasure with wh. his majesty had recd. me here, I concluded, that I stood on the same ground with my predecessors, and though it better to be satisfied with it, than make it a subject of contestation esepcially at the present moment. By no act of my own however have I given a sanction to pretentions wh. I considerd degrading to my country. In my intercourse with the govt & with others, it has probably been seen that I neither felt or acknowledged any inferiority in a national or individual sense.
Another consideration wh. made me very desirous of withdrawing hence, is the enormous expence attending a residence here. It is fact that in all those articles wh. a family necessarily consumes a dolr. In the UStates is equal to a guinea here. In some articles the ratio does not apply; meals for example are generally not more than double here what they are there; poultry is quadruple what it is in Richmond; groceries are at least in that proportion; tolerable coffee is 7/ per pd.; wine & spirit in the same proportion fruit exceeds it. We assured that I had suffered enough by the suite of my former appointment to France not to have been sufficiently on my guard here. But not precaution can protect one against such charges. It is I fear impossible to live here in a manner, wh. wod. not expose me to reproach, on the salary, and as I owe some money & am advancing in years, it seemed to be a duty wh. I owed to my family to withdraw from a situation wh. threatened to involve me in greater debt, with a view to devote the remnant of my active life to make provision for their advanc'ment and my comfort. Having as it were relinguished a second time the bar I saw some hasard in returning to it. The imployment adverted to seemed to be one, in which I might continue to serve my country, & in the mode you mention promote also the interest of my family. But that I see is altogether impossible & therefore relinguist the idea of it. Indeed I was not certain that it was practical at first, of wh. I became more doubtful afterwards, since I perceived many reasons why I shod. remain here thro' the next winter, as I intimated to Mr. Madison in a subsequent letter. On the subject of the outfit, I though after the experience I had had, that ½ an outfit to Paris was in itself reasonable, & might with propriety be allowed. There is an actual expense attending such a service wh. the annual compensation will not provide for. There is an equipment wh. the present style of that post requires, the want of wh. wod. have been notic'd in me & perhaps done harm, wh. will cost five or six hundred pounds. For an extry. mission ½ an outfit, is a moderate allowance, with a quarter salary to bring him home. It is I presume less by ½ what has been heretofore allowed. Had I been a resident minister with either govt. & transfer'd to the other ½ an outfit wod. have been allowed. The reason appears to me to be stronger in favor of that allowance to one who leaves his home & affrs. who has to encounter the expence of equipment (I mean personal), after incurring a much greater expence, in a much longer voyage. However on this point I wish nothing that is deemed improper or likely to expose my friends or myself to the slightest imputation of departing from a system economy wh. it is indispensably necessary in all future cases to observe. Having accepted a resident appointment here, made it seem necessary that I shod. remain longer than on experience I found comported with my interest or desire. It was that with other considerations wh. induc'd me
to suggest the idea to Mr. Madison of protracting my return untill the next year. Should I go to Spain be assured that I will do every thing in my power to execute a particular comn. wh. is suggested in yours. You cannot estimate too highly the propriety of due attention to that object. I shod. most probably have hinted some thing on that head heretofore had I not supposed you wod. have obtained due information from other quarters. I shall deliver the shortest letter to Mr. Williams & suppress the other. Mrs. M. has not injoyed her health well here, owing to the moisture of the climate. At present she is better. We are much gratified by the details you have been so kind as give us of our good neighbours, to whom be pleased to present our best regards. The establishment of the family of Trist gives us much pleasure. My recommendation of Mr. Skipwith to the collectorship at N. Orleans was made on the idea that Mr. Trist was provided another time. I shod. certainly recommend neither of those gentn. to employment at the expence of the other. I hope however something may be done for Mr. Skipwith in the quarter since he seemed disposed when I left France to move there in case he failed to obtain an appointmt. I shall reconcile him to what has occurr'd. I am dear Sir very sincerely your friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
PS. I took the liberty to mention Mr. Prevost in a letter sometime since to Mr. Madison in the hope that some attention might be shown him, if an opportunity offered.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London Sepr. 25. 1804.
Dear Sir
My letters to Mr. Madison are so full on what concerns us, as to leave me little to add to you. I never experienc'd more difficulty in any case, than in deciding whether to hasten the negotiation with this govt. to a conclusion, & set out immediately in pursuit of the other object, or to let it take its natural course and consume a couple of months more, and pursue that object afterwards. The considerations which create the embarrassment are adverted to in my private letter to Mr. Madison. My judgment inclines rather in favor of the delay as well in respect to what is due to this power, as on the idea that little will be done in France, which pressing emergencies do not impose, till after the 9th of Novr. Still if I can get off in a few days, wh. depends altogether on this govt., I shall not fail to do so. If I could forsee the probability of any change in affrs. Likely to prove injurious to us, in the interim, I shod. be decided to proceed. But there does not appear to be any likelihood of such a change nor am I aware that any change could take place wh. would put us on a disadvantageous footing in the negotiation with Spain. I think she is much more interested than we in pressing an amicable arrangment of boundaries. The territory we now hold, puts her possessions pritty much at our mercy thro the whole extent of the Southern continent. She knows this and is alarmed of it. He apprehensions are seen by every thing we hear from Madrid, tho' the effect is not precisely what might be expected from it. It is said, as I hear, by Mr. Frere, that Mr. Pinckney has left Madrid without taking leave. The cause of this I know not, since it is long since I heard from him. To obtain a favorable result, I am not sorry that this incident has occurr'd, because I think the more a crisis is created the better the effect will be. This govt. can never unite with Spain against us, that is, such an event is among those which are so improbable, that it ought scarcely to be taken among data on which our calculations are to be formed. Nor will france be apt to join Spain against us, for the very reasons wh. induc'd her (so far as they were of a general political nature) to cede to us Louisiana. I think our attitude is not likely to be less imposing a few months hence with Spain than it now is. If she has assumed a high tone in the communications with Mr. Pinckney, I do suspect it is more the effect of transient causes, produc'd by what has occurr'd at Madrid, or by the communications of her minister at Washington, than any settled opinion of the policy she ought to observe towards us. She will probably get the better of her passions on some short reflection. But I hasard remarks on facts which are presumed, & therefore may err.
If the business fails here in respect to the seamen, for in every other point it has substantially succeeded, in practice tho' not by treaty with this govt, it remains to be decided in what light it is to be viewed in America. So far as I can form any opinion on the subject, it is that it shod. produce no irritation in our proceedings. The thing will come right here are not remote period of time & in my opinion sooner by a firm manly stile of conciliation, which shews it is not prompted by unworthy motives, than by an irritating defying one. The people have considerable influence over this govt., such a tone wod. impose a great restraint on it in respect to us; in fact I think it wod. produce here in many respects a good effect. And in our interior, the effect would be equally salutory. A certain description of people with us have no hope but in foreign wars. This power attained great height in the controversy with France. Their present last resource is in one with England: they care but little with whom it is, so that it harrasses our country, expends money & is likely to create discontent. This remark I apply only to certain leaders, not to the body, as I presume the latter has already seen enough to be satisfied. It was obvious to a distant spectator, and of course more so to those on the ground, that the discussions respecting seamen last winter, in the Congress gave them pleasure; in their toasts they took the side (that is certain individuals did) of the British; intimated that the seamen taken were British not ameican (as is probably often the case) & thus encouraged the practice heretofore pursued by this power, & lessened the disposition to arrange it by treaty. I do not mention these things as criminal in these persons; such mode of discussion is incident to free government and ought to be protected not persecuted. But it shews that the publick mind is not altogether ripe for a rupture on that ground, since the quarter of the union most injured by these acts, not only does not complain but vindicates them It seems to me as if an exhibition to the world, that our footing in all great points was perfectly friendly with the European powers; that important questions had been amicably arranged with them; that others which remained to be adjusted were in train, & it was not doubted would be concluded to the satisfaction of the parties, would deprive these gentry of the last resource, at the same time that it would be likely to produce the desired effect here, with every power.
Permit me to ask will it not be better to shut up the country westward of the Mississippi for many years yet to come? Or if any exception is made to the doctrine, that it be in permiting the settlement at a suitable time, of the right bank of the river only? If the territory is opened for sale westward of it, I think it will depopulate the old States and indanger a seperation. To secure the union for ever I think the progress shod. be slow in that quarter, that is westward of the river,; that we shod. make sure the steps we take, and see by the habitual exercise of government for some time over that region, that is the eastern side, what the effect of any other measure is likely to be. By such a course the present lands will be sold to advantage; American population will be planted on the Eastern side the river, who will cross & carry with them their principles of govt. of union, local attachment &c. This subject will I well know be sufficiently weighted. Feeling much anxiety on it I have taken the liberty to intimate concisely what I think on the subject.
I have this moment read what is stated in the gazettes of the day, of the probability of an approaching rupture between this govt. and Spain, as suggested by Lord Harrowby to some merchants of the city, convened to receive it. It is possible his Lordship may be induc'd to delay his communication with me, on that acct., tho' I confess I do not clearly see the motive of it, unless this shod. be a manuvre, intended to produce an adjustment with Spain before I get there. Shod. that even happen I do not think it wod. be likely to prevent our success, because Spn. is more interested in the adjustment on fair terms that we and because it the war lasts I do not think that any arrangment between G.B. & Spn can be considered as final, since it must depend on other circumstances not within the controul of either party certainly not of Spain. However I sincerely wish I may be able to get off soon. To push the affr. on the moment of this publication would appear to be connected with it, and a measure produc'd by it. Still as his Lordship has not been open in his communications to me, he ought not to be surprised if I did no; they may feel mortified to see as profit of their follies, or likely to do so; yet it is surprising that they have not sufficient elevation of mind. To act in such manner as to make the aid we derive from their measures gain them some credit or acknowledgment on our part. Should any thing occur before the ship sails I will not fail to communicate it.
I have heard nothing from Mr. Livingston since the 15th of July, nor do I know in what state our affrs. are there. I hope the little affair of the distribution of the sum intended for our citizens will not prove a cause of any serious trouble to us. My family injoy good health at present & desire to be affecy. remembered to you and yours. I have heard but little of our neighbours in Albemarle, no change has I presume take place among them. Peter Carr was much afflicted with a complaint when I left home. Is he recovered I am Dear Sir with great respect & esteem yr. friend & servant Jas. Monroe
PS. Just as I had resolv'd to write Lord Harrowby for an answer to my note, with a view to push my departure, I recd. from him the enclosed to which I gave the answer annexed. My present determination is to write him on Monday, in case he does not mention the subject to me on Friday & there is cause to conclude that he is amusing me, to press such an answer; in that case it remains to be decided, whether I will notify to him my intention to depart for Spain immediately & report that we could not conclude before I went, & make that the ground of the note, or leave it open by an ordinary complaint of delay, to further negotiation &c.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Bayonne Decr. 21. 1804.
Dear Sir
I am so far on my way to Madrid and on the point of recommencing my journey this morning. My letters to Mr. Madison have been so full that it is unnecessary to enter into the same topicks here even had I time, tho' I have not as I set out in an hour. It is possible that yr. attention may be directed to the fortifications of our ports, since the establishment of certain fortifications on the coasts as places of security for our vessels to retreat to in wars to which we are not a party, independant of the great object of protecting our cities from the insult of cruisers &c. may make it advisable to take the subject up. My mind has been long made upon that point, and that an attention to the object as soon as others were arranged wod. add much to the weight of our govt. My attention however has been drawn to it at this moment by meeting here a most able & respectable engineer Col Vincent who made some important ...at New York, & was introduced to me when formerly in France by a letter from Govr. Clinton. It was Col. Vincent who assisted (or rather did it himself) in procuring that most valuable library which I sent to the department of war, which was most unfortunately destroyed at Washington by fire. I do presume that the aid of some very skilful engineers would be found useful in such business when undertaken and that these must be procured abroad. It is not improbable that this gentleman might be prevailed on to engage in this service, as he is very much attached to our government & country. He is a Colonel of long service in France of great experience and of the fairest character. If he was engaged he might take others with him three or four, and who would not only accomplish the great object proposed, but lay the foundation of a military school. It is not impossible that Carnot who is his friend might accompany him. I only give you these hints for consideration. Shod. you wish anything of the kind, an authority to me or General Armstrong mentioning these men would be necessary. The approbation of their govt. I presume might easily be obtained & would be indispensable. I am dear Sir with very great & sincere regard yr. friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington June 15. 05.
Dear Sir
Colo. Gamble of Richmond has desired me to introduce to your notice his son Robert who is gone to Europe on commercial concerns. The circumstances are known to you, which render this application as unexpected as indelicate to be refused. His two daughters have remained two good republicans whether this is giving the pendulum another vibration, and he has made this an occasion of making an half way advance, I cannot tell. I gave him a civil anser & promised to mention his son to you, altho it was certain you know him, whereas I did not. I shall be glad the son should know I have complied with my promise.
When John Carey was collecting Genl. Washington's letters to Congress for publication, he proposed to proceed afterwards to publish the correspondence of Commanders in separate departments and of governors with him and with one another. I furnished him with my correspondance while governor of Virginia, retaining not copies, as I expected his publication would replace them. He has declined proceeding in the work, and it is extremely interesting to me to recover my letters, & those to me. Mr. Carey resides in London. His address is to the care of Mr. Taylor, cutler, Middle row Holborn's. Will you have the goodness to apply to Mr. Carey for these papers, and return them to me by a safe conveyance. Mr. Carey is a man of learning, abilities, and of great worth.
Not knowing how this letter is to go I shall only add assurances of great affection to Mrs. Monroe & yourself & friendly salutations. ... Tho Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London Sepr. 26. 1805.
Dear Sir
Altho' it is not yet decided whether I shall sail this fall or not to the UStates, as I most earnestly wish to do, yet I can not neglect the opportunity by Col. Mercer to add something to you which it is possible may not be in my other letters. It was my intention as I intimated by Captn. Dalton, to sail immediately, after my arrival here, & nothing wod. have prevented it but the seizure of our vessels by the British Cruizers, wh. seemed by many causes to impose on me the necessity of remonstrating in the most decisive manner agnst the procedure. I presumed that you wod. approve of my return as you had long known it was my intention so to do as soon as the business at Madrid was ended, & I was persuaded that the manner of the conclusion, & opportunity I had of seing & knowing the state of things with the three powers might be a motive why you wod. wish it. By waiting to this time I hoped to have heard something from our friend Mr. Madison on the subject, but I have no letter from him founded on the communications from Madrid. A short one of June 21 inclosing a copy of an extract of one to General Armstrong of June 6th is the only one that I have recd. from him of so late a date. Thus I am utterly at a loss as to the wishes of the govt. on the subject. In Mr. Madison's letter of June 21 he refers to one of May 23d wh. has never come to hand; perhaps that or others wh. may have miscarried wod. throw light on this point and also on the eventual policy of our govt. in case the negotiation failed at Madrid: or what is perhaps more probable the confident expectation that I shod. do what I could in France as I returned, & here after my return, in our concerns with each power & most certainly proceed with out delay home afterwards, has prevented his writing me fully on any of these points. If this has been the case the siezure here & discussion incident to it, has been unfortunate in that as in other views. I was decided at once to push the business here in a manner to let the govt. see that we were not afraid of it. I know they cannot bear a controversy with us; and am satisfied that they in all such cases give ground, when reduced to the necessity of doing it. I saw in the first interview that it was wished to mange the business in the way of conversation, friendly professions &c. and thus get rid of it. They dread much such a discussion getting into our papers because they know that a great majority of the commercial people here are agnst them, & that the nation wod. be; a circumstance the opposition wod. seize with avidity. I had another motive for decision. Our affrs. were in a measure wound up with our other friends, on the continent, so that I thought it proper to make an experiment in the mode the seizure invited of what was to be expected from them, so at least as to give our government a fair alternative between them, or at least to present facts in their naked & distinct form with each. The result so far has been favorable. The ct. has certainly changed its tone from criticising strictly circumstances that were called "fraudulent evasive" to a substitution of others, of a nature to justify acquitals. I have no reply to my last note, tho' I have no doubt it will produce a good effect. It is obvious to me that Kings letter was used with Russian &c to obtain an abandonment of the principle that "free ships make free goods." It is the more ungenerous in those people to strive to take from us the consideration wh. was understood to be given in return. The result of the whole business with each power, is very impressive with me, that we shall get nothing from any but by force, but that with a suitable pressure wh. however must be unequivocal & decisive, especially in extreme cases as is this with Spain, we may succeed in what is right with any of them. With France our business had fall'n into a wretched state. By the treaty of Louisiana our affrs. there was plac'd on high ground & it was easy to have preserved it. But it required firmness of character, a spirit of independence, &c. Had these been displayed the business with Spain wod. have been an affr. of a few weeks. The effort afterwards made told them that we had some character, wod. not be made us of &c & in my opinion the ultimate course wh. that govt. will take will depend on that wh. our govt. does. If it sees our proceedings marked with doubt, or are taken merely to excite apprehension here, it will become more decisive & resist us. I shod. not be surprised if no decisive measure is taken, to see them all unite at the end of this war in a system agnst us, carried to the greatest extent. Bit if we shew tone I think it will invite each especially if the war continues to make advances to us. I have written you in great hate 7 without the least reserve, for with the welfare & prosperity of our country, I most sincerely wish your own & that of our friend Mr. Madison. I know the course is hasardous, but hasard is on both sides, & in all doubtful cases a bod and manly council ought to be preferrr'd. It rallies the nation round us; keeps up its spirits; & proves at home and abroad that republicanism is not incompatable with decision. Shod future events be unpropitious, and the present course be founded in the hope of change in the policy of Spain, looking to that for reparation injuries insults &c, the effect will be felt on the principles of our govt. as well as on the character of those who administer it. Urajo is a spy, an implacable enemy &c. I hope that no communication is held with him. When I inform you that the French ambassidor in a formal audience 18 months since demanded of the King of Spain the dismission of the prince of peace from his councils 7 that the latter preserved his place by distributing a few hundred thousand of his masters dolrs. at Paris, you will know how to respect the insect with us: & what an ill effect listening to or communicating with him after his recall was demanded will have every where. This letter is as you will perceive not only private but in confidence only to you and Mr. Madison. Col. Mercer will have the pleasure to see you. He is an enlighten'd virtuous citizen; well informed in our affrs, & I am satisfied that you will derive much useful information from him.
I send you a letter from Cary & one or two other packets. I shall decide in a few days whether I sail or not this fall. I have not seen Gamble, but shall pay him attention when I do. My best regards to Mr. Madison. With great sincerity I am yr. friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London Octr. 6th 1805
Dear Sir
I wrote you lately by Col. Mercer, by whom I intended to have forwarded Carey's letter respecting the documents which you had committed to him relative to the war in our southern States. By accident it was left behind, but is now forwarded. I hope the sum which he states to be necessary to redeem the papers will be made up & furnished him. In that case the person to whom it is intrusted here ought to be instructed to see not only that it is applied to the proper object, but produces its effect. I have no doubt that what he states is true. I will most chearfuly be among the subscribers & do any thing else, while I remain, in my power. In my letters to Mr. Madison from Spain, I took the liberty to mention that I shod. sail for the UStates, soon after my arrival here; and I most certainly shod. have done so, had I not been detained by the late seizure of our vessels by this government, as you have seen by my publick letters, and that wh. I wrote you by Col. Mercer. I conclude by my not hearing from Mr. Madison that I am expected home, which increases my desire to set out. But independant of the season, which furnishes a private motive with my family, thee are also publick ones against it. It does not appear to me to be a perfectly safe step to leave the business with this government in the present unsettled state. Should it pursue a course of hostility towards us, the policy might be attributed to that cause. It might even attribute to my departure the failure of an adjustment at this time. Those wod. be slight pretexts it is true, but yet with the colouring they wod. have from their partizans among us, they might impose on some. The consideration that it is probable that our govt. will act on this subject, in such a manner, as to lay the foundation for new communications with this, which may require the agency of a person already in some measure acquainted with it, has more weight on my mind. The publick interest might be, in some degree exposed to injury, in such an event, in case I shod. withdraw. With respect to our concerns on the continent I am not aware that it could produce any material effect. The agency in those, will I presume be given to Genl. Armstrong & Mr. Bowdoin with the govts. where they respectively are. There is only one case in which my presence here could be material which looks to an object of a character different from that which marks the present relations between the two powers. This I think an improbable case & therefore not intitled to much weight. Still on a view of all circumstances I feel that there is some hasard, and of course much responsibility attending my departures at this time, & leaving my country without representation of its highest grade. I am therefore rather inclined to think it best to keep my ground for the winter & to adopt that course altho' it will accumulate additional debt on men, and is otherwise utterly inconsistent with my own & the views & interests of my family. It may be well that my successor be appointed during the present session, so as to enable him to arrive early in the Spring, provided it is deemed material that I be here on his arrival. tho' I hope that you will have no objection to my sailing at any time when the State of things here permits, & a favorable opportunity offers. By this I do not mean to imply that a few months sooner or later in the Spring will be any object with me. Certainly a delay for such a term will most readily be acceded to if the publick interest requires it.
It is easy to understand the conduct of this govt. or rather its policy, in regard to us since the commencement of this war. It evaded an adjustment on light pretexts, toward the time of my departure for Spain especially, & suffered our commerce to pass free to keep us quiet, till it shod. form a coalition with Russia & Sweden. Had she stirr'd the question at that time it might have interfer'd with that project. She now moves it, because she thinks those powers are so completely embarked in the war against France, that they cannot attend to this object; much less give us any aid in it. The correspondence between Mr. King & Ld. H and the treaty with Russia, Sweden & Denmark merit in many respects particular attention. On the part of this country they form but one transaction, as they breathe but one sentiment. Mr. Kings note does not, as yours to Mr. Morris did and as mine to Mr. de la Croix afterwards did give countenance to the principle that free ships make free goods, and insist that it is preferable on many important considerations to neutral nations, and especially to the UStates, as a rule: on the contrary it disclaims it as a modern gloss, and affirms that the opposit principle furnishes a much more certain & otherwise better rule, between neutrals & belligerents. That such a correspondence might have been turned to acct. by G. Britain in her negotiation with Russia at that time, cannot be doubted; nor can it be that she gained from it every thing in her power. Besides many circumstances satisfy me that she did profit of it, independant of those which appear on the face of the transaction; a material one is that Ld. Mulgrave in explaining the cause of the reference in the declaratory article, to the UStates, said Russia insisted on it, because she knew that negotiations were depending at the time here, between the UStates & G. Britain on that subject. The anxiety of Russia to be plac'd on the favorable footing to the UStates was doubtless excited by the zeal shewn by Mr. King as expreessed in his note to push the interest of Neutral powers, which had been so much injured in the course of the war. Thus I am persuaded that G. Britain made use of our concession in the question of free ships making free goods to obtain the abandonment of it by the northern powers, and now that those powers are embarked in the war agnst France and can give little support to us in the depending question, that she seized the moment with intention to push it to the greatest possible extent agnst us. By placing Russia on the ground of the UStates, she might hereafter contend with some plausibility, that any concession which was obtained of us, or even tolerated by us, was binding also on the northern powers. I am not disposed to carry my suspicions of a policy so refined on the part of this government, as to merit the character of chicane, but I cannot avoid observing in the report of the advocate sent to Mr. King by Ld. H. the circumstance that it is stated, that the doctrine which he lays down in favor of neutrals, had been settled by the Ct. of Admiralty only tho he has no cause to suspect that it will not be approved by the court of appeals. The fact is that the late decision on the case of the Essex was made by that court. Is it presumaeable that the affair has been so managed with a view to set up such a flimsy pretext in defense of the measure? The correspondence by Ld. H. with Mr. King was the act of the government, and binding on it; it formed a kind of engagement in which the considerations were reciprocal; can it be pretended that the court of appeals has a right to controul the govt., a court of policy consisting of some of the members of the Cabinet? It seems singular that the measure shod. have been ushered forth thro that channel by mere accident. If the while was contrived, I can hardly think it probable, now that they must see that the scheme is understood & will be exposed that this govt. will avow it. If our concession was likely to be made subservient to the interest of G. B. with the northern powers, at a time when our example could not fail to produce a considerable effect, the opportunity was a favorable one to settle by treaty, the consideration which is supposed to have been given for it. I think this govt. is bound by the act in its present form but no door for evasion shod. have been left open. The affir stands on ground less solid than it wod. have stood under a treaty; and it cannot be doubted, at that time, that it would have been as easy to have settled it by treaty as by correspondence. Admiting that nothing more could be then obtained than was, it is much to be regretted that Mr. King suffered himself to be so far overreached in that transaction by this government. Unfortunately a temporary palliative was obtained only, as appears by its present conduct, in a case where a permanent provision was indispensible, especially as there was no cause to presume that any but the most formal act wod. be respected. This is I think a fair and candid comment on that transaction, which I make to place it in its true light. It is not unlikely that it may be brought into view for party purposes & exhibited in a very different one. I consider the whole affair, that is, Mr. Kings letter Ld. H's answer, the report &c. as having been arranged in matter & form between them, or rather between the former & Mr. H., and as I am convinc'd that the object on the part of this govt. was to use it with Russia, by pressing on her the example of America, it is to be seriously regretted that so little precaution was taken to secure the consideration which we were to receive in return for the emphatick manner in which a great principle was conceded or rather scouted. The abandonment of that principle by Russia is likely to produce the most serious consequences in the one now depending and every other of a maritime nature, in respect to neutral rights. While she adhered to it, she covered the present and every other one. It was a broader ground in which Russia might have some interest, and she was bound by her honor to adhere to an existing positive engagment. In the present one she may probably have no interest whatever, & the reigning sovereign having consented to forsake the example of his predecessors in the great principle may become indifferent to inferior ones. I am convinced that it was the serious determination of this govt. to push its pretentions against us, by means of judicial construction, to the greatest possible extent. Ld. Mulgrave sustained in conversation the principle as exemplied in the ordn. of Novr. 6th, & seemed to press with decision the resolution of the cabinet to confine our importation to the home consumption. I pressed with equal earnestness and decision, the complete right of the UStates as illustrated in my official letter to Mr. Madison by that to Ld. M., to such commerce uninterrupted by G. B. as the parent country might permit. I saw that, as the measure was intended as an experiment on our govt. & country, so the doctrine held by him was equally intended as one on me, and I was prepard for it. I exposed the unfairness of the proceeding under the circumstances of an existing negotiation &c agnst that imputation he defended himself by saying that no orders had been issued; to wh. I replied that I cod. not discriminate between an order and a decree. His conduct was personally civil and his reputation is that of a worthy man, of good talents. I hinted in a manner to be understood, that they must treat us as a power & show us all the respect in every point of contact or species of intercourse, that they claim of us: that we know our rights & shod maintain them. As I considered the attack on us in the light I have represented it, in effect as an act of hostility, and knew how idle it was to proceed as I had done before I went to Spain since conciliation under existing circumstances could lead to nothing bu sacrifice. I thought it incumbent on me to take a shorter course, and adopt the tone of my notes to that of the measure they complained of. In our first interview he assured me, in speaking on the general topicks depending between the two countries, that every accomodation shod. be given us which the principles of the govt. permitted, administratively; and that in those cases where it could not then be given, and it appeared that there was a real difference of interest, he hope we shod meet in a spirit of mutual accomodation. I assured him that such was my disposition & that of my govt. as had been evident by my conduct before I went to Spain. Much was said on both sides of the advantage to each nation from a friendly intercourse, and of the interest in other respects which they had in making it perpetual. In the second interview, after I had read the reports of the Kings advocate & Proctor & replied that they gave no satisfaction on the great point in question, when we came seriously to discuss the measure, the tone changed as I have already stated. It is certain that the business has been checked, as well in the court as on the sea. But few seizures are now made comparatively, and none of our vessels are condemned when it can be avoided. One material fact however lately occurr'd which it is proper to note. The day before the court of admiralty adjourned, abt. the last of Sepr. a new principle was avowed of greater extent than that complained of. A vessel sailing from Holland for Canton charged with a cargo of abt 30000 dolrs. in goods, & 70000 in specie was before it. The judge held up the case, & with it the cargo for proof whether the Batavian govt. permitted that trade in peace. It was well known that it did not, & the condemnation at the next turn was expected of course. I have since heard that the trade permitted in peace. The next morning the agent of the captors proposed to the agent for the prize an accomodation, by offering to give up the cargo &c to him, on his paying charges abt. 400, wh. was of course accepted. It was understood that this accomodation was offerd & made at the instance of St. John Nicoll the Kings advocate, who I am told hinted that he wod quiet the captors, this not being a proper time to push the business. It is said that 10 or 12 others of our vessels engaged in this trade are daily expected back from Canton, and many suspect that this was a menuvre to entrap them It is a fact that my last letter to Ld. M of the 23 ulto, was not delivered to him till the 25th or 26th, as he was at Weymouth when it was sent in & did not return till then. It is affirmd by some who attended the court, that on the night of the 27th, the day on wh. the decision was given, the Judge had an interview with Mesrs. Pitt & Mulgrave, whence there is cause to infer that the accomodation may be trac'd to that source. I give you these details that you may see precisely how the business stands, according to my view of it, and the pivot on which it turns. No answer is given me and I think it probable that none is intended to be given, if to be avoided. A delay may be desirable to see how the war succeeds on the continent, and what the effect of the measure may be in the UStates. It may even be hoped to disgust me by their silence & betray me into some act of intemperance, which they might take advantage of. I am convinc'd that they wod. prefer treating the subject by conference. But what end would that answer? It has been often tried without effect; and nothing is more true than that no accomodation will ever be granted us, in any respect, in the great interests depending, which they can avoid. They will not be the dupes of cajoling; they will yield nothing which their interest does not prompt, and the appeal to that strong motive is better made by an official correspondence, which is preserved, may be published, and try getting into their own papers, & exposing the injustice of their conduct, become a ground of attack on the ministry by the opposition. I have had communication on this subject lately, with the minister of Sweden. He observed that so important a subject had never made less noise. The remark was just, I believe the ministry have kept it to themselves. This proves that they do not want the affair to become publick, one of the motives of which may be, that they fear it wod. alarm Russia & the other northern powers, & weaken their coalition, or bring from those powers remonstrances against their pretentions. He understands the affair and will give a hint of it to his court so as to put it on its guard; the Russian can not be trusted. He wod. communicate this court what I told him and not to his own; the Dane is sound but indiscreet.
24Oct. I had thrown together the above in haste for an opportunity wh. I lost. A few days after its date, pursuing the idea of sailing if possible for the UStates this fall, I took the step communicated in my official letter to Mr. Madison, for the reasons therein stated. I have recd. nothing from Ld. M. since mine to Mr. Madison. Captn. Tomkins will not sail till Feby., and I hear of no opportunity in a tolerable vessel till after Chs. By remaining here for the present, this govt. will be deprived of any pretext for declining an arrangmt. of our affrs. & an opportunity will be offered to profit of the disposition at home, shewn by our govt & people and occurrences on the continent. Had I any knowledge of yr. wishes in this respect I shod. instantly comply with them; that is did I know that you wished me to come home, I wod. do it by the first good vessel. But having no idea of what you desire I have been altogether at a loss what to do. The first part of this letter shews the reasons wh. occurred to me then in favor of staying. Mr. Bowdoin left this for France abt. the 15th. On a full consideration of all circumstances it appear'd to be the wisest course he could take. I have impressed on him the necessity of harmony with Genl. Armstrong, & have taken the liberty to urge the same idea in a letter to the general; tho' I have full confidence that nothing is to be apprehended on that score. I found Mr. Bowdoin a very well informed & most excellent American. I think the appointment a very judicious & fortunate one. He has perfectly recovered his health, & together they may be of great use to each other in consultations on our affrs. on the continent. I hope that the business with Spain may be adjusted on advantageous terms during the winter. France finding that no money is to be got, that she is pressed by a new coalition, & we discussing an important question with England, may push our adjustment with Spain to leave us free to pursue the other object.
Intelligence is just recd. that the French have gaind an important advantage over the Austrians on the Danube. The papers wh. accompany this give the details.
17th Novr. 1805. Having lost the opportunities that were relied on in the early part of this letter, & several passages having become inapplicable by a change of circumstances, I laid it aside & substituted what I hope you will receive in one of the 1st instt. Looking it over since I have thought it might be well to send it to you. There is no predicting what course our affrs. may ultimately take here, especially if Prussia becomes a party to the war; on the side of the allies, or what misrepresentations may be made of a certain correspondence alluded to in it, by certain partizans. It is therefore proper to put in yr. possession in confidence any ideas wh. may tend to illustrate it. It forms no part of that gentleman's character to have written a note in such a line to this govt. without shewing it before hand, wh. argues a firm agreement between the parties. Hence it is the more unjust in this govt. to have withdrawn the consideration given for our concession after turning it to the acct. it was capable of with Russia &c. The moment was critical to this country; a northern confederacy was formed agnst it, on the principles of the armed neutrality in 1780; the example of America on the great & important feature in if, in favor of the pretentions of this govt. was an object of the highest consideration to it. The correspondence bears date abt. three months before the treaty; they agree in purport &c. I state these things to shew our claim on this country, not to censure our agent in the transaction, but to place it in respect to him, in its true light; which altho' it may not be censurable, yet it may not be though when all the circumstances are seen deserving much praise. I am far from wishing to disturb the repose of any of those gentlemen with whom I differ in political sentiments nor have I ever done it. It may be useful however & is certainly proper to be in a situation to defend ourselves against unjust attacks shod. they be made. The passage refering to the period of my proposed departure, you will consider in connection with mine to you of Novr. 1st & those which I have written to Mr. Madison on the subject. Mr. Carey's letter is enclosed in a late one to Mr. Madison. My daughter having been much indisposed of late the phisisian has advised taking her to Chelterham, which we propose doing in a few days. I leave Mr. Purviance in town, & shall keep an apartment to which I shall repair occasionally being always ready to come when necessary of wh. I shall be duly notified by him. I am dear Sir with great respect & esteem your friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Words in italics were written in cipher by Monroe.
London Novr. 1st. 1805
Dear Sir
Yours of June 15th was recd. on my arrival here. Mr. Gamble has not been hee that I can learn. Shod. he come while I am her I shall most certainly pay him the attention you desire. I have conferr'd with Mr. Carey respecting the documents concerning the war in our southern States
which you committed to him for publication, & send his apology in a letter to me for not having answered yr. expectation. I have no doubt that his explanation is correct, as he appeared to be much concerned that his embarrassments had driven him into such an expedient. I hope the sume which he says is necessary to redeem the papers will be furnished him I shall be among the subscribers & happy to do every thing in my power to promote the publication..
As I considered myself as having your permission to return home when the negotiation with Spain shod. be concluded, I took the liberty to intimate to Mr. Madison from Madrid that I shod. do so, as soon after my arrival here as the state of things with this govt. wod. permit. The project however was interrupted as you have seen by the seizure of our vessels which commenc'd at that time and imposed on me a duty from which I thought it improper to withdraw. Had I sailed without remonstrating against the measure it seemed as if I shod. have given a sanction to it, or at least exposed our government and myself to the charge of great neglect in a very important publick concern. And had I sailed at any time since, and this govt. had pursued a more hostile policy towards us, it was to be apprehended that the consequences would be attributed to my departure. To have remonstrated in a milder tone, I know would have been perfectly ideal. In the way of conciliation & friendship every thing had been done, in return for which we had been requited at the first favorable moment since the commenc'ment of the war, being that when their new coalition was formed, and we were ill at ease with another power, saith the poniard. At present the season is so far advanc'd that it may be hasardous to sail till this spring, Feby or March, when I propose to being my family home. Having fully explained my self to you heretofore on this subject, I will not trouble you here with a repetition of the reasons which force me into this measure, tho' indeed under any circumstances it would be far from my wish to remain in such a situation, any length of time. Should you however be disposed on my return home to attempt the formation of a commercial treaty with this govt. and think my agency in it material, I will chearfully come back for the purpose, leaving my family behind. You will therefore be so good as to consider meas having resigned, and appoint a successor to take the ground as I leave it, or as returning to the UStates on leave of absence, as you may find most consistent with the publick interest & the credit of yr administration. As I could have no other motive to leave my family again for so long a time, as I beg you to have none other in your decision on the point.
By this opportunity I shall send several pamphlets entitled "war in disguise" wh. are believed to have been written under the auspices of those in power. It is not doubted that the disposition exists to push measures with us to the full extent of the doctrines contained in that work, if circumstances favor. Their jealousy of us in every subsisting relation is as great as it can be. On the former invasion of Holland a similar publication was made which was suppressed on the failure of the expedition. Mr. King I have reason to think knew the fact & the contents of the work, of which I presume he gave notice of the department of state at the time. Of our affairs on the continent I have nothing new to add. Mr. Bowdoin must have arrived at Paris before this, as he left Rotterdam on the 20th ulto. in the route thither. Of Genl. Armstrong, Mr. B & Mr. Erving you will have the full and correct information of those concerns. The latter is before this at Madrid. It is evident that we have no sincere friends any where: that all the powers with whom we have the most immediate relations are jealous of us, by some motives which are common to all. The relation wh. we bear to their colonies excites that sentiment in a peculiar degree with G. Britain & Spain, tho other motives mingle with it on the part of the former which are fully exposed in the pamphlet called "war in disguise." France feels less forcibly that sentiment in this respect because she puts less value on her colonies, & being inferior at sea finds it her interest to encourage our growth on that element, in this reason which prompts Britain to depress it. But without an attitude of menace, and an evident ability, which will be judged of by the apparent means, and determination to execute it is necessary, nothing will be gained of any of them, not even of Spain the most feeble and vulnerable of all powers. The moral sentiment is weak with them all. None will pay debts or do justice in any form while they can avoid it. All will insult us, encroach on our rights, & plunder us if they can do it with impunity. Should they conclude that they have nothing to fear from us or to hope be their conduct respectively what it may; that we are not ready to resent injuries & to hasard much in defense of our rights honor & interests, it is fairly to be presumed that they will all pursue that system of policy towards us, which each may find its advantage in. The effect wod. probably soon be seen in the war by the pillage of our commerce, wh. begining here wod. be followed every where, and in peace by an union of all in a system to depress us. I know that the subject is an extremely difficult one: that distant as we are from the theatre of action; likely as the scene is to change with the powers who are parties to it, it is possible that we might adopt a measure which two months afterwards we might be sorry for. I have fully weighed these considerations, and still thought that it was more safe to act when the occasion required, As heretofore stated. As the govt. is in the hands of those who are known to be son friendly to its principles, it seems to me that by assuming an occasion attitude of the kind adverted to come under circumstances less urgent the prospect of success in all its most important objects wod. be much increased. The most staunch and enlightened friends of our country, that I have met with in Europe think, that to preserve our system, sustain our station & protect our commerce, all our energies will be necessary & may be called into action; that if the affair with Spain was adjusted, and that also with this govt., the same preparations would be necessary which they require. These do not go to an encrease of the regular force, which shod. never be made while to be avoided, but that it will be proper to encrease the naval, and in fuse more strength into the militia system I have no doubt.
Accounts are just recd. that the French have completely demolished the Austrian army under Prince Ferdinand & Genl. Mack; the former escaped by flight at the head of a few horse, and the latter was taken prisoner with the remainder of his army at Ulm, & all his officers. The Austrian Generals appear to have possessed not any of the great qualifications necessary to their stations. Being out maneuvred they sunk under the pressure wh. was made on them without making any great exertion to extricate themselves from their embarrassments. It seems possible that the combined Russian & Austrian force which is approaching Bavaria by the Inn will experience the same fate, or at least be driven back. The expedition from this country for the continent wh. has been embarked some days will sail the first fair wind, under the command as is reported of the Duke of York. It consists of abt. 20,000 men and is destined for Hanover or Holland. Prussia who seemed disposed for a while to join the coalition will probably change her attitude. If the movment of the allies was ever well combined, the execution has been most wretched so far. The prospect at present is as favorable to France in every view, as those in power there could desire.
In respect to the aggressions made on our commerce by this govt., or by its sanction. There will I am aware be much difficulty in fixing on the precise measure to produce the least effect here and elsewhere. I am strong in this belief that something is necessary to be done, with a view to our interest both here & on the continent. Without some act of the kind alluded to, the aggression will be renewed hereafter & pushed further; if the opportunity favors. It will also be useless to attempt the formation of a commercial treaty, for the whole will go together, tho' on this point the pamphlets sent give sufficient information. Some such act may be equally necessary to prevent France, and the powers dependant on her from following the example of Britain, to counteract (as they say) her policy. Thus between them our commerce might be entirely cut up & our merchants ruined. It seems to me as if it would be proper for the Congress to act on it, and declare its sense of the law of nations, taking perhaps the ground of the Russian treaty & pledging the representative body that is both branches to support the Executive in the maintenance of those rights. As an indemnity to those who may have suffered by a violation of them, it may be advisable to impose a discriminatory duty on British manufactures of 15 or 25 pr. cent in the spirit of the resolution presented by Mr. Madison in 1793-4. This would be a mild way of acting in regard to this country and yet wod. assume an attitude which might be useful here, ultimately & on the continent immediately. The immediate effect which such a measure might produce here cannot well be calculated. I think it wod. depend on the state of affrs. on the continent. Shod. this govt. succeed there, it is presumable that the measures recommended by the pamphleteer, will be adopted, altho no step was taken on our part. If it does not, then I think such measures will not be taken, altho' we took even a stronger one provided we left the door open to negotiation. Indeed it seems probable that a continuation of bad success with the coalition, with an unfriendly attitude on our part, supported by just reasons, urged in a spirit of moderation, would embarrass this ministry much. In acting however we shod. consider the whole subject, likely to be taken up in a commercial treaty, as claiming attention. If improper restraints are imposed on our commerce with the W. Indies or elsewhere, especially such as did not exist under the treaty of 1794, will it not be proper to give power to the Executive to counteract them? When prohibitions are imposed, to authorize him for example to lay embargoes, or prohibit the exportation of our produce &c. in return? This will bear hard on the colonies, but they must reproach their own govt. alone with the consequences. Such a proceeding would be likely to lay a good foundation to negotiate a commercial treaty on. It wod. shew them that we were also a party to such a transaction, that we know our rights & wod. support them, in the mode wh. was likely to his most effectual because most embarrassing to them, altho attended with inconvenience to ourselves: it might produce a good effect with the northern powers who could not be indifferent to a pressure made on us in a point so interesting to themselves. It would also I think produce a good effect with France, as it wod. give her cause to hope that we wod. support our rights in a case in which she was interested, with effect, or if we failed that it would lead us to a still greater compromitment with her enemy, from which she would derive still greater advantage. The present is certainly a very favorable time to push our just claims with both this country & Spain. As their whole force is exerted in the existing war, it is not likely that either wod. be able to resist a pressure from us, or willing to encounter it. I really think that we have it much in our power to obtain what is our due of them. In respect to all colonial questions it seems probable that whatever ground shod. be gained of any one, wod. be yielded by the others. In this view it may be particularly expedient to avail ourselves of the occasion furnished by these powers, to improve our fortune with them in every line in which it may be practicable. Our best regards are desired to Mr. Randolph & yr. daughter, and our good neighbours in Albemarle; how are Mr. Carr & family? Mr. Divers Col. Lewis & theirs? I am dear Sir with great resepct & esteem your friend & servt Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Mar. 16. 06
Dear Sir
I very much wish for an opportunity perfectly confidential of writing to you, & I expect to have such an one on the rising of Congress. It is extremely interesting to you that you should have a perfect knolege of what is passing here, lest you should be misleading those who do not mean to mislead you, but themselves mistake the line of conduct which would be equally agreeable to your feelings as well as interests. Some of your new friends are attacking your old ones out of friendship to you, but in a way to render you great injury. In a few weeks I shall be able to write less enigmatically in the mean time be cautious what & to whom you write, that you may not be allied to operations of which you are uninformed. In what is to ensure, my station prescribes to me a sacred neutrality, in which it is in entire unison with my friendships.
Mr. Nicholson's resolutions will be passed this week probably by a majority of 100 Republicans against 15 Reps. & 27 federals. When past I shall join Mr. Pinckney of Maryland as your associate for settling our differences with Gr. Br. He will depart on a fortnight's notice & will be authorised to take you place. However you think yourself obliged to return it is desirable for you own as well as the public interest that you should join on the settlement of this business, and I am perfectly satisfied that if this can be done so as to be her before the next meeting of Congress it will be greatly for your benefit. But I do not mean by this to overrule your own determination, which measures to be taken here will place in perfect freedom. Accept by affectionate salutations & assurances of sincere & unalterable friendship. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London June 20th. 1806
Dear Sir
The opportunity by Mr. Bankhead is too favorable not to be taken advantage of to write you, altho I may be able to add but little to what you find in my official dispatches. The business here has been suspended since the late appointment was known & will remain so till Mr. Pinkney arrives. It was impossible for me to move in it after that went, either with propriety or effect. Besides it appeared that the object to be accomplished was of a more comprehensive nature than that with which I was charged; and it was in every view expedient to comprize the whole in the same adjustment. I most earnestly hope therefore that Mr. P. will soon be on the ground. I do not expect to hear from Mr. Fox on any part of the business till the negotiation is opened under the new commission. He would I make no doubt have written readily, a note of friendly assureness relative to the outrages at New York, but that would have been of little use, as it would have been mere matter of profession. A formal application will become necessary when I receive instructions on the subject, on which the measures of this govt. will be founded. My desiring him to touch the general subject in the sentiment expressed by him in our conferences, altho he readily promised a compliance yet I do not expect it. With respect to Mr. Fox's conduct in the whole of this business, my own opinion is, that in his conversation & promises to me, he was always sincere, but found himself checked in the cabinet. He recd. always with pleasure every information which I was able to give him and on one occasion made use of the terms "that I must supprt him" in the point on which we were speaking (being that of the continuity of the voyage) in the sense in which I viewed the subject, and as I thought he did also. I have thought that the freedom of his communications with me led him into engagments which he could not fulfill within the time & manner he had promised, which gave him some embarrassment and made him desirous of avoiding interviews under those circumstances. I have great confidence that he will resume the subject when we are prepared for it, with the disposition he has hitherto shewn. In the mean time I shall avoid every thing that may tend to irritate, indeed I shall do all I can to conciliate. In agreing to suspend the business with Mr. Fox I asked him if I shod. leave the business where it was, or attempt to forward it by confering with any other the other members of the cabinet. He said that I might speak with Lord Auchland if an opportunity offered, who tho' not a member of the cabinet had weight in the business. I shall do so. I have seen & conferr'd with Ld. Sidmouth, who seems to be very well disposed. I have great hope that such a treaty may be formed, as will be satisfactory, and that it may be done in time to let me return to the UStates in the course of the Autumn.
Mr. Sullivan Mr. Bowdoins secry. has lately arrived here & brought me a letter from Mr. Bowdoin, from wh. I infer that his colleague & himself have not been on a confidential or candid footing. He likewise brot. me one from Genl. Armstrong, who refers to another of a prior date which has not yet come to hand. It wod. be very unfortunate if any thing shod. occur to prevent proper harmony & cooperation between these gentlemen in the business intrusted to them. Not being master of the subject it is impossible lf me to impart to you any correct ideas on it. As Mr. Bowdoin has hinted the circumstance to me, I shall notice it so far in my reply as to advise him most earnestly to lose sight of every personal consideration, shod. such exist between them, in an effort the most calm & decisive in his power, to promote the success of the negotiations. I shall press the idea that as the business had been transferr'd to France by Spain, since the issue at Madrid, that our minister at Paris must necessarily have an important agency in it. I am also disposed to suggest the advantage of harmony to Genl. Armstrong tho' he had said nothing to me on the subject. Mr. Sullivan assures me that Mr. Bowdoin will do every thing in his power to acquit himself to the just claims of his govt. & country, which corresponds with the opinion I formed of him in a short acquaintance last year. I hope therefore that this business will have a fair experiment in their hands and that it will completely succeed. I hint the above circumstance however that you may be attentive to whatever occurs, since so much depends in the present state of affairs on a happy conclusion of it. I shall communicate to both those gentlemen the state of affrs. here by Mr. Sullivan on his return. He expected to have seen his two brothers here on his arrival; but it seems they are in Holland. Shod. he decline a visit there, he will probably return in a few days to Paris.
Mr. Bankhead was with me in Spain as Secry of Legation. Mr. Graham having left Mr. P it became necessary to have some one in that character wh. I hope will be approved. His conduct in that station where he had much to do was perfectly satisfactory. He had a desire of obtaining an appointment in the consulate for which I think him well qualified. Should he persist in it I hope it may be possible to confer one on him. I feel great concern respecting my affairs of which I have recd. no acct whatever for more than a year past. My family desire their best regards to you & Mr. Randolph & his Lady. Be so good as to remember us also to Mr. Madison & his . I have little merit with our neighbours, the Mr. Carr's Mr. Divers & Colo. Lewis having never written them owing to the continual expectation of getting home before I cod. hope to receive an answer, which has existed for more that a year past. We sincerely hope to find you all in good health. I am dear Sir with great respect & regard your friend & servant. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London July 8. 1806.
Dear Sir
Your favor of May 4th was presented to me on the 24th ulto. by Mr. Pinkney. That of March 16th has not yet reached me. You are so good as to offer me either of the governments of Louisiana & to intimate that they shall be kept open sometime for my answer. I should be very sorry if any injurious delay proceeded from that cause; I hasten therefore to prevent it. At one time I was inclined to think that it might suit me to accept the appointment at New Orleans, for reasons which I then took the liberty to mention to Mr. Madison & yourself. To these the removal of some friends there since to whom we are much attached, has added another very interesting one. But from the period of my answer to yours on that subject in 1804 I relinquished all thoughts of it. It is a duty which I owe to my family to improve my establishment in Virginia, where I mea to live & wish them to be established. At present it is far from being a comfortable one, & both time & labor are necessary to make it so. I have also much to attend to of a private nature in other
respects, many interesting duties to fulfill which have been too long neglected. All these require my presence, personal agency & industry, without which they will never be executed & proportional injury be the consequence to myself and those connected with me. It is therefore utterly out of my power to undertake the trust you are so kind as to offer me. In communicating this decision I beg you to accept my acknowledgment for the attention.
The danger to which a communication is exposed at such a distance & time, prevents my entering on the other delicate topicks to which you allude; indeed it is not necessary to do it as I trust that I shall be able to get home this autumn, as I most earnestly wish to do. The indisposition of Mr. Fox has happened at a season very unfavorable for us. His disorder is certainly dropisical, but great hope is entertained of his speedy recovery. You may be assured that I shall continue to exert my best endeavors to bring our business with the best possible delay to the most satisfactory conclusion, as well from a sincere desire to promote the credit of your administration as the interest of our country. I am dear Sir with great respect & esteem your friend & servt.
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
London Jany 11. 1807
Dear Sir
I have had the pleasure to receive yours of Oct. 26 and shall not fail to bring with me the articles mentioned in it from Jones the instrument maker in Holborn. I am more indebted to you than the sum they will cost on an old account so that that matter will rest of course for the present. I am very thankful to you for the information given me respecting the state of my affrs. in Albemarle. They are precisely in the order in which I had supposed they were. I expected that my plantation was in a great measure in a state of desolation, & that I shod. have no resource in it on my return home; every thing to do without any aid from it, to enable me to make it comfortable. I left many books, valuable articles of furniture, which we had been long gathering together; I hope these will be in the State I left them.
On the subject of our treaty we have said so much in our publick letter that nothing remains to be added here. It will be recollected that no aid has been derived in this business from any neutral power, Denmark being indeed the only one that cod. be thought of in such a case, & she in a situation more to require than to give aid: that in all the points on which we have had to press this govt. interests of the most vital character were involved to it, at a time too when the very existence of the country depended on an adherence to its maritime pretentions. I trust it will be seen that we have gained some thing on those questions, and on the whole done as much as could reasonably have been expected. It is important for us to stand well with some power, I think the UStates have sustained the attitude they took with dignity, and that by this arrangment they will terminate a controversy, not in favor of themselves alone but of neutral rights with some degree of credit. The mov'ment has drawn the attention of Europe, & will make us better known & more respected as a power. It is a singular circumstance that proof of the Northern powers tho' at war with France have wished us success agnst England, without however being able to give us any the slightest aid.
On general subjects I beg to refer you to Mr. Purviance-we expect to sail early in April provided a good ship can be had for the Chessepeake. We are at present in good health and desire our affectionate regards to yourself Mr. & Mrs. Randolph, whom we hope soon to have the pleasure of seing. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington May 29. 07
Dear Sir
I have not written to you by Mr. Purviance because he can give you viva voce all the details of our affairs here with a minuteness beyond the bounds of a letter, and because indeed I am not certain this letter will find you in England. The sole object in writing it is to add another little commission to the one I had formerly troubled you with. It is to procure for me a machine for ascertaining the resistance of ploughs or carriages invented & sold by Winlaw in Margaret street Cavendish square. It will cost I believe 4 or 5 guineas, which shall be replaced here instanter on your arrival.
I had intended to have written to you to counter act the wicked efforts which the federal papers are making to sow tares between you & me, as if I were leading a hand to measures unfriendly to any views which our country might entertain respecting you. But I have not done it, because I have before assured you that a sense of duty, as well as of delicacy would prevent me from ever expressing a sentiment on the subject; and that I think you know me well enough to be assured I shall conscientiously observe the line of conduct I profess. I shall receive you on your return with the warm affection I have ever entertained for you, and be gratified if I can in any way avail the public of your services. God bless you & yours ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Feby 27. 1808.
My dear Sir
My great anxiety to forward to you the account and recit for the sum which I paid for your mathematical instruments at London, when I should acknowledge your kind letter of the 18th, prevented my answering it sooner. To obtain them I was forced to ransack all my papers, which required much time, & in truth I did not succeed in finding them till this morning. I have now the pleasure to enclose you those papers, by which it appears that the sum which I paid amounted to 34.10. I had sent the box to Mr. Jefferson the day before I recd. your letter, having been so much engaged in other business that I had not been able to attend to it before. To the recit of the sum paid I have no objective, tho I well know that I am indebted to you for an equal if not a greater amount. I shall be able to satisfy you of this fact hereafter when we meet. In the mean time as you desire it, I will with pleasure receive that sum & have other matters of account to rest as they are.
I can assure you that no occurrences of my whole life ever gave me so much concern as some which took place during my absence abroad, proceeding from the present administration. I allude more especially to the mission of Mr. Pinckney with all the circumstances connected with that measure, and the manner in which the treaty which he and I formed, which was in fact little more than a project was received. I do not wish to dwell on those subjects. I resolved that they should form any motive of my publick or private conduct, and I proceeded to execute my publick duty in the same manner, and to support and advance to the utmost of my power your political & personal fame, as if they had not occurr'd. The latter object has been felt through life by me scarcely as a secondary one, for from the high respect which I have entertained for your publick services, talents & virtues I have seen the national interest, and your advancment and fame so intimately connected, as to constitute essentially the same cause. Besides I have never forgotten the proofs of kindness & friendship which I received from you in early life.
When I return'd to the UStates I found that heavy censure had fall'n on me in the publick opinion, as I had before much reason to believe was the case, in consequence of my having signed the British treaty. And when I returned here from Washington, I was assured that that circumstance was weilded against me with great effect in relative to a particular object; that it was relied on to impeach my character in the most delicate points. Conscious that I had served my country & the administration in the several trusts confided to me abroad with the utmost integrity, industry & zeal; that in some cases I had render'd useful service; that in all I had done the most that could be done under existing circumstances; that my private fortune had been essentially injurd by those employments, it was impossible for me to be insensible to the effect produc'd by those attacks. They have injur'd & continue to injure me every day in the public estimation. I trust however that means may be found to do be justice, without the slightest injury to you. Be that as it may you may be assured that I shall never cease to take a deep interest in your political fame & personal happiness.
I informed Mr. Madison when I was at Washington that should write him a letter in reply to his of May 20th 1807 on the subject of the treaty to answer some of his objections to it, and place in a just light the conduct of the American Commissrs in that transaction. I informed him also that as I wished to couch that letter in the most amicable terms, if he shod. find any passage in it, which failed in the respect, I shod. be happy to alter it, having in view only a fair vindication of my conduct. I have almost concluded the letter & shall forward it in the course of the next week, the only part of it if possible my private concerns have subjected me to much interruption, or I shod. have finished it sooner.
In regard to the approaching election I have been and shall continue to be an inactive Spectator of the mov'ment. Should the nation be disposed to call any citizen to that station it would be his duty to accept it. On that ground I rest. I have done nothing to draw the attention of anyone to me in reference to it, nor shall I in future. No one better knows than I do the merit of Mr. Madison, and I can declare that should he be elected he will have my best wishes for the success of his administration, as well an account of the great interest which I take in what concerns his welfare as in that of my country. His success will give me no personal mortification. It will not lessen my friendship for him which is sincere & strong. I am with the highest respect and with great sincerity your friend and servant. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Mar. 10.08
Dear Sir
I some days ago made a remittance to Mr. Jefferson with a request that he would pay you the amount of Jones's bill with the costs and other disbursements. For these last he would have to ask your information as they were not stated on the bill. With this be so good as to accept my thanks for the attention you have paid to this commission and the trouble it has given you.
From your letter of the 27th ult I perceive that painful impressions have been made on your mind during your late mission of which I had never entertained a suspicion. I must therefore examine the ground, because explanations between reasonable men can ever but do good. 1. your consider that mission of Mr. Pinckney as an associate, to have been in some way injurious to you. Were I to take that measure on myself, I might say in it's just fashion that it has been the regular & habitual practice of the US. to do this under every form in which their government has existed. I need not recapitulate the multiplied instances, because you will readily recollect them. It went as an adjunct to Dr. Franklin & Mr. Adams, yourself as an adjunct first to Mr. Livingston and then to Mr. Pinckney & I really believe there has scarcely been a great occasion which has not produced an extraordinary mission. Still however it is well known that I was strongly opposed to it in the case of which you complain. A Committee of the Senate called on me with two resolutions of that body on the subject of impressment & spoilations by Gr. Britain & requesting that I would demand satisfaction. After delivering the resolutions the committee entered into free conversation and observed that altho' the Senate could not in form recommend an extraordinary mission, yet that as individuals there was but one sentiment among them on the measure and they pressed it. I was so much averse to it, & gave them so hard an answer that they felt it and spoke of it. But it did not end here. The members of the other house took up the subject and set upon me individually, and these the best friends to you as well as myself, and represented the responsibility which a failure to obtain redress would throw on us both, pursuing a conduct in opposition to the opinion of nearly every member of the legislature. I found it necessary at length to yield my own opinion to the general sense of the nation council, and it really seemed to produce a jubilee among them: not from any want of confidence in you, but from a belief in the effect which an extraordinary mission would have on the British mind by demonstrating the degree of importance which this country attached to the rights which we considered as infracted.
2. You complain of the manner in which the treaty was received. But what was that manner? I cannot suppose you to have given a moment, credit to the stuff which was crouded in all sorts of forms into the public papers, or to the thousand speeches they put into my mouth, not a word of which I had ever uttered. I was not insensible at the time of the views to mischief with which these lies were fabricated. But my confidence was firm that neither yourself nor the British government, equally outraged by them, would believe me capable of making the editors of newspapers the confidents of my speeches or opinions. The fact was this. The treat was communicated to us by Mr. Erskine on the day Congress was to rise. Two of the Senators enquired of me in the evening whether it was my purpose to retain them on account of the treaty. My answer was 'that it was not. That the treaty containing no provision against the impressment of our seamen, and being accompanied by a kind of protestation of the British ministers which would leave that government free to consider it as a treaty or not treaty, according to their own convenience, I should not give them the trouble of deliberating on it? This was substantiable, & almost verbally what I said whenever spoken to about it, and I never failed, when the occasion would admit of it, to justify yourself and Mr. Pinckney by expressing my conviction that it was all that could be obtained from the British government; that you had told their commissioners that your government could not be pledged to ratify because it was contrary to their instructions. Of course that it should be considered but as a Projet; and in this light I stated it publicly in my message to Congress on the opening of this session. Not a single article of the treaty was ever made known beyond the members of the administration, nor would an article of it be known at this day but for it's publication in the newspapers as communicated by somebody from beyond the water as we had always understood. But as to myself I can solemnly protest as the most sacred of truths that I never one instant lost sight of your reputation and favorable standing with your country & never omitted to justify your failure to attain our wish as one which was probably unattainable. Reviewing therefore this whole subject I cannot indeed judge what falsehoods may have been written or told you; and that under such forms as to command belief. But you will soon find, my dear Sir, that so inveterate is the rancour of party spirit among us, that nothing ought to be credited but what we hear with our own ears. If you are left on your guard than we are here, at this moment, the designs of the mischief makers will not fail to be accomplished, and brethren & friends will be made strangers & enemies to each other, without ever having said or thought a thing amiss of each other. I presume that the most insidious falsehoods are daily carried to you, as they are brought to me, to engage us in the passions of our informer and stated to positively & plausibly as to make even doubt assuredness to the narrator, who imposed o himself, has no other than the friendly view of putting us on our guard. My answer is invariable that my knolege of your character is better testimony to me of a negative than any affirmative which my informant did not hear from yourself with his own ears. In fact when you shall have been a little longer among us you will find that little is to be believed which interest the prevailing passions, and happens beyond the limits of our own scribes. Let us not then, my dear friend embark our happiness and our affections on the ocean of slander, of falsehood & of malice, on which our credulous friends are floating. If you have been made to believe that I ever did, said, or thought a thing unfriendly to your fame & feelings, you do me injury as causeless as it is afflicting to me. In the present contest in which you are concerned I feel no passion. I take no part. I expect no sentiment. Which ever of my friends is called to the supreme cares of the nation, I know that they will be wisely & faithfully administered, and as far as my individual conduct can influence they shall be cordially supported. For myself I have nothing further to ask of the world than to preserve in retirement so much of the esteem as I may have fairly earned and to be permitted to pass in tranquility in the bosom of my family & friends the days which yet remain for me. Having reached the harbour myself, I shall view with anxiety (but certainly not with a wish to be in their place) those who are still buffeting the storm, uncertain of their fate. Your voyage has so far been favorable & that it may continue with entire prosperity is the sincere prayer of that friendship which I have everborn you, and of which I now assure you with the tender of my high respect & affectionate salutations.
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond March 22d. 1808
Dear Sir
I had the pleasure to receive you favor of the 11th instant the day after I returned from Albemarle. It is very distressing to me to discuss with you the topicks on which it treats, but in the state in which things are it is certainly best to come to a perfect understanding on every point & to repair on both sides any injury which may have been received. To do you an injury or indeed any one in the administration, never enter'd into my mind, for while I labour'd under a conviction, not only that I had been injur'd, but that the friendly feeling which you had so long entertained for me had ceased to exist, the only sentiment wh. I indulged in consequence of it was that of sorrow. At present I am happy to say that all doubt of your friendship towards me having experienc'd any change is completely done away, and that the only anxiety which I feel is to satisfy you, that the impression was not taken on light ground, nor imputable to communications made me by persons out of the administration.
The mission in itself, of Mr. Pinckney or any other person, would not have produc'd such an effect. It resulted from a chain of circumstances of which that measure was only a part. When I left Madrid I communicated to Mr. Madison, in aid of our publick dispatches every idea which I had formed of the state of our affairs thee and in all their relations, by sending him a copy of my private journal, and adding in private letters what it did not contain. Altho' it was my earnest desire to get home and look to my private concerns, which I proposed to do soon after my return to London, I intimated to him that I was willing in consideration of the existing crisis, to act in any situation in which I might be useful. On my return to London I found that the seizures which were commenc'd in my absence had imposed on me a new & important duty. I resisted them & not without some effect. By announcing to the British minister my intention to return to the UStates that Autumn, I assumed the character for every essential purpose, of a special Envoy, with which Mr. Madison was made acquainted, as he was likewise with my determination to remain thee till the business was concluded. The evidence before him seemed to be satisfactory that, as nothing could be gained of the existing ministry but by force, any change of the attitude taken on our part was likely to do harm, & if the ministry retired that the danger if such an effect would be increased by a change of attitude. This latter idea was strongly urged in a private letter to him of Feb. 2d 1806 with my earnest advice against such a mission. As the ship of which that letter was sent arrived at Phila. on the 26th of March I concluded that he had recd. it on the 30th. It was written in consequence of intelligence from the UStates that such a mission was decided on by the govt. As I had recd. no answer to any of my communications from Madrid, or London after my return, nor any acknowledgment of my services at either place, or expression of a desire that I would come home or remain there, it seemed by the measures alluded to, as if it was consider'd that I was rather in the way of than of use to the administration. Its reserve to me for so long a time, and appointment of an associate after the receit of my private letter of Feby 2d, & a publick letter of nearly the same date, & after the change of minister was known, made a strong impression on my mind to that effect. A special mission was never gratifying to that on the ground, and perhaps never will be, while men are governed by those useful passions which stimulate them to virtuous actions. Such a mission reduces the resident minister, however respectable for his talents & character to a cypher-from the moment it is known that it is contemplated, and if it does not destroy him, it is because his character is sufficiently strong to bear the shock; the footing on which I had left my country; a consciousness of the zeal and integrity of my conduct in the publick service, and of my personal attachment & devotion to the administration, and a firm belief that no change could be made to advantage, most probably increased my sensibility to the measure. Had such an one been contemplated I thought I shod. have been the first to hear of it in a private letter from yourself or Mr. Madison, but I had to gather the intelligence from the newspapers, the correspondence of others, the hints of Lord Holland & even of Mr. Fox. Mr. Madisons first letter to me on the subject or on any other important one of the kind alluded to, which enter'd at all into them, was of the 11th of March 1806, almost 10 months after I had left Madrid & 8 after my return to London. It was recd. on the 25 of April. It seemed to be intended to apprize me of the proposed measure, and from its stile taken in connection with the preceding circumstances, contributed greatly to confirm the impression which they had already made. The facility which it afforded to my departure appeard to me to be the strongest feature in it. The letter which Mr. Pinckney brought me, which was delivered to him & by him to me open, was in the same tone. It stated that I was included in the special mission, but that Mr. Pinckney had brought a separate commission with him to take my place in case I chose to return home. It expressed no desire that I would remain & unite in the negotiation. The joint commission too seemed to be peculiarly adapted to favor my return, by authorising one commissioners to act in the absence of the other, in which it differed from those which I had carried with me abroad, they giving that power to one in case only of the death of the other. I could see no reason for his bringing with him a separate comm. To succeed me in the ordinary mission, if my immediate return had not been contemplated, as sufficient time would have been allowed for supplying it, if I remained & joined in the negotiation before it could be concluded, as for the variance in the conditions of the joint one. All these circumstances tended to convince me, that the administration had withdrawn its confidence from & really wished to get rid of me. I twas struck with astonishment and deeply affected by the reflection, as it was utterly impossible for me to trace the cause. Had I followed the impulse of my feelings, it would have been to have withdrawn on the arrival of Mr. Pinckney, but many considerations of great weight admonished me to pursue a different course. I had had much communication with Mr. Fox, and entertained great hope that through him our affairs might be settled to advantage. It did not seem probable that any other person could derive the same aid from those communications that might be done by a party to them. By remaining I though I might give support to the administration at home, which I most earnestly wished to do. For thee and other reasons of the same kind, I resolve to remain & unite in the negotiation, with such character as might be sent, of which I informed Mr. Madison in my letter of the 29 of April which was written a few days after the receit of his of March 11th, and in which I gave him distinctly to understand that that measure would be no cause of disagreement between the admn. & myself. I remained & acted accordingly, & did every thing in my power to accomplish the view of my govt. & country, & finally concluded with Mr. Pinckney, the best treaty which it was possible to obtain of the British government. In uniting in the negotiation & signing the treaty I committed my personal reputation on the result, and it is only by the course which the business afterward took that any unpleasant occurrence has arisen between the admn. & myself.
These were the circumstances which produc'd the impression, which I have acknowledged in the commencement of this letter, that your friendship had been withdrawn from me. But the assurances which you now make to me & the perfect knowledge which I have of your rectitude & sincereity have completely effac'd that impression and restored to my mind that entire & friendly confidence which it had always been accustomed to cherish.
I am perfectly satisfied that you never meant to injure me & that a belief that I had suffrerd by any act to which you were an innocent party would give you great pain. Still the circumstances of my having signed a treaty, which was disapproved for imputed great defects; of having exceeded our powers in signing it, which I should not have done but in a firm beleif that I promoted thereby the best interests of my country & of the administration, while I exposed myself to great responsibility by the measure, have given a handle to those who have wielded it with great effect against me. You can little imagine to what extent the mischief has been carried. I could give you many details which it would be as painful for you to read as for me to recite.
When I saw that I was depressed in a country which I had so long served with fidelity & zeal, I could not be indifferent either to the course or the consequences resulting from it. My sensibility was naturally increased by the excitement of those on the ground, who, by taking part in my favor, had essentially compromitted themselves. I replied to the denunciation that was circulated against me here for improper purposes, to many of my friends who called on me, in decisive terms, and complained earnestly of the injury done me by it. The sense of these conversations which were always of a nature confidential, it is not in my power to recollect with precision. It is possible that in some cases I may have expressed myself with too much zeal, and in others been misconceived. You may however be assured that my sole object was to justice to myself, in a case of peculiar injustice & that I never went beyond its just limit.
I look with extreme concern to the violent course which is pursued in the discussion which now agitates the country & trust that it will be possible to moderate it. This sentiment is excited in a peculiar manner by what I have seen in the Enquirer of Friday last. I neither know the author of the piece or from whom he derives his information in the passage to which I allude, nor indeed do I recollect the circumstance on wh. he relies in one case.
I feel happy that we have had this explanation with each other. It has satisfied me that I had misconceived your feelings & disposition towards me. Nothing remains but to prevent as far as possible all further inquietude. From the period above alluded to of peculiar excitement I have been attentive to this object & I shall pursue it in future with still greater zeal. I estimate the acts of my friends by the intention only. Being satisfied on that point I can bear with patience any consequences which may causally result from them. I am aware that under free govt. it is difficult to avoid those of the kind alluded to for perhaps no important good was ever altogether free from some poison of alloy. . I am however equally aware that the evils which are incident to the system, if indeed there are any, even to the individual who suffers by them are trifling when compared with the great blessing which it imparts. I am my dear sir with the highest respect & esteem your friend & servant. Jas. Monroe
PS. From an expression in your letter that you had not supposed that I had entertained any objection to the association of any one with me in the business at London, I perceive that you have not read or if you have read that you have forgotten my letter of Feb 2, 1806. I therefore send you a copy of it, which I have to request that you will be so good as to return me after perusing it.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Apr. 11.08
Dear Sir
An indisposition of periodical head ach has for some time disabled me from business, and prevented my sooner acknoleging your letter of Mar. 22 and returning that of Feb. 2. 06 which it inclosed. The reciept of that of Mar. 22 has given me sincere pleasure. Conscious that I never felt a sentiment towards you that was not affectionate it is a great relief to find that the doubts you had entertained on that subject are removed by an explanation of the circumstances which produced them. Some matters however appearing from your letter, not yet sufficiently understood, I have concieved that a more minute detail of the facts leaning on them would compleatly disarm them of misconstruction. I will state them in their exact chronological order, because that alone will resolve all doubts to which they may have given rise.
1805. While at Madrid, you signified your anxious with & determination to return home, on considerations respecting your private interests.
1806. Feb. 21. The Senate passed their resolution to demand satisfaction of England for spoliations & impressments. These were accompanied by a pressure from that body (informally) to add to both the commissions at London & Paris; and were backed by such earnest sollicitations from the individual members of the other house as shewed the opinion to be general that such an enlargement manifesting our sense of the importance of the missions would make the greater impression.
28. Having at length yielded (with reluctance well remembered by all) I nominated Armstrong & Bowdoin to treat with Spain at Paris, and
March (about the beginning of the month) Mr. Pinckney was applied to to accept the appointment as joint commissioner with you, with a commission to succeed you when you should leave London.
1806. March11. Mr. Madison's letter was written giving you notice of it.
13. Mr. Pinckney accepted. My first letter to you was written mentioning that Mr. Pinckney would be associated with you.
18. My 2d letter, mentioning the possibility of adding a 3d Commissioner for having proposed to a particular individual to be added to Armstrong & Bowdoin at Pris, it was thought necessary if that should take place, to make an equal addition for London, but the refusal of that person prevented further addition at either place.
31. Ap.1.2 Your letter of Febr. Is believed to have been received on one of these days. Being a private one, the date of it's receipt was not noted in the office but I presume it was received Apr2. Because I find I recieved on that day letters from Europe, which probably came by the same conveyance.
Apr. 19. The nomination of Pinckney & yourself was not made in form till this day, because he was not ready to go, and the answer of the 3d commissioner proposed for Paris was received but a few days before this.
I had, as you conjectured forgotten you letter of Feb. 2 by which the joining an associate with you appeared to be unacceptable: but you will perceive that before it's receipt the measure was too far engaged to be undone, even if I could have ventured to have undone it against the general wish of the legislature: and consequently that it had not been adopted in opposition to your advice, as that came too late to influence the decision.
Another circumstance to wit why you did not receive the first information of this association form either Mr. Madison or myself, is explained by this statement of dates. Mr. Madison's letter of Mar 11. gave the intimation with less positiveness perhaps because written before Mr. Pinckney's acceptance was known and an unfortunate disappointment prevented the success of my attempt, by the two original letters now inclosed to you. The purpose of appointing Mr. Pinckney was known about the beginning of March. On the 5th of that month Mr. John Randolph came out with his first Philippe against the administration: on the subject of the resolutions respecting Great Britain, which he followed up closely with others in succession. Believing that an use was made of your name which was unjustifiable, I felt great anxiety to put you on your guard. Mr. Prentis was going to England and promised he would call at Norfolk and take any letters I should lodge there for you. I accordingly wrote that of Mar. 16 and another two days after shewing you how little the H. of R. had been influenced by the desertion of their late leader, mentioning that Mr. Pinckney would be associated with you and perhaps even a third, and promising more detailed explanations by a confidential person (Mr. Beckley) who meant to sail for London on the rising of Congress. Unfortunately Prentis never called on Colo. Newton with whom my letters were deposited, which therefore were returned to me, but not till June (the originals returned, which I happened to preserve, are now inclosed to you) and Beckley declined his voyage, so that my effort to give you information was frustrated.
A third circumstance is to be noticed and will close these supplementary explanations; to wit, that the letters from hence containing no expression of a desire that you should come home or remain there, & the facility afforded to your departure by the commissions to Mr. Pinckney seemed to authorise an inference that you were considered as in the way of the administration. The truth however was thus. Your letters from Madrid in 1804.5. expressed your anxious wish & intention to come home on your return to London. My extreme wish was that you should remain there and I hoped by not being in a hurry to answer that manifestation of your desire, time might produce a change in your mind. But as soon as it was known (during the session of 1805.6) that yourself and Mr. Madison were both contemplated as candidates for the succession to the presidency, I became apprehensive that by declining longer to assent to your return, I might be suspected of a partial design to keep you out of the way. In fact it was openly said by some of those who were pressing your name and popularity into the service of their vindictive passions. This produced the acquiescence in your desire to come home, which then took place, and the commission to Mr. Pinckney to succeed you whenever you should determine to come, and these motives clearly show themselves in my letter of Mar. 16. Which says "I shall join Mr. Pinckney of Maryland as your associate for settling our differences with Gr. Britain. He will be authorised to take you place whenever you think yourself obliged to return. It is desirable for your own, as well as the public interest that you should join in the settlement of this business, and I am perfectly satisfied that if this can be done so as to be here before the next meeting of Congress it will be greatly for your benefit. But I do not mean by this to overrule your own determination [i.e. either to stay or come home] which measures to be taken here will place in perfect freedom.' Here you will perceive how much I wished your aid in the joint commission, and that your longer continuance there would not but, in itself, be desirable, but that I did not ask it from an apprehension that your return before the next Congress might be important to your higher interests.
I consider it now as a great misfortune that my letter of Mar. 16 did not go on to you. It would, I trust, have corrected the inferences of a change in my affections towards you drawn from a combination of circumstances which circumstances were produced from very different causes, and some of them from the strength of those very affections of which you thought that they noted a diminution, a desire to conform your movements in point of time, to what I deemed your best interests. I have gone thus minutely into these details from a desire to eradicate from your mind every fibre of doubt as to my sentiments towards you, and I am persuaded they will satisfactorily solve every circumstance which might at any time have occasioned doubt. I have done it too the more cordially because I perceive from your letter that disposition to a correct view of the subject which I knew to be inherent in your mind. What I have hitherto said has been confined to my own part only of these transactions, yet it would be a criminal suppression of truth were I not to add that in the whole course of them, Mr. Madison has appeared to be governed by the most cordial friendship for you, has manifested on every occasion the most attentive concern forwhatever might befriend you fame or fortune, and been as much aline to whatever regarded you, as a brother could have been.
I must now introduce a different concern. LaFayette's difficulties are pressing. You told us you thought Baring would readily give him a delay of 10 years. That term would so advance the value of his N.Orleans location that it could pay his debts without touching the mass of his grant. Baring is said to be arrived in this country. You said you would write to him on the subject. If you will send me such a letter, it will give an opening for a negociation with him. We are giving orders for the immediate location of his lands, so as to make them a safe pledge. I salute you with great & unchanged affections. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Apr. 13. 08.
I was mistaken in supposing Alexander Baring arrived. It is Charles Baring, not connected in Business with the other. Your letter therefore must be to A. Baring in London, and if you can send it to me by duplicates we can use one in England, & the other in France. Affectionate salutations.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello May 17. 08.
Sir
Yours of the 13th was received last night, and really presents a painful state of things. However our object now can be only how to meet the new deficit, with the least injustice. Your statement is as follows.
Debts paid by Mr. Monroe ... 28,107.76
... By Mr. Claxton ... 5,603.76
Do remaining unpaid ... 20,829.86
Expenditures on the public offices ... 3,218.65
... 57,560.01
Appropriation for the deficit of 1807 ... 51,500.
Apparent deficit ... 6,060.01
Charge upon the funds of 1808 each it's own part of
the monies expended from Jan. 1. to Apr. 25. 08 ... 2,380.
... 3,860.01
Levy this sum of 3,860.01 rateably on all the outstanding debts of more than 1000D. These will amount (according to your statement) to 18,606. 51 consequently each of these large creditors must be content to receive about 80D in the 100 and to wait awhile for the remaining 20D. It will then be our duty to save the 3860.01 out of the expenditures of 1808. What part of these expenditures may be dispensed with, must be the subject of consideration when I return to Washington. As I am detaining the post for this letter, I must pray you to communicate it to Mr. Claxton and the answer to his letter of the 15th and also to Mr. Latrobe as what must govern our future expenditures. I salute you with esteem & respect Th. Jefferson
P.S. I inclose the 2 warrants for 16,096.24 & 10,000D.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).Although listed in the Jefferson Papers index as a letter to James Monroe, future president, it is to a different "Mr. Monroe" -almost certainly Thomas Munroe, clerk of the Board of Commissioners of the federal district.
Richmond June 6. 1808.
Dear Sir
On information of the death of John Page which gained general belief here, I wrote you a letter two days since, which had relation to an object connected with that event. The present accounts contradict that report & as I hope & believe on good ground. I hasten therefore to correct the error into which I had been led. You are I presume by this time return'd to Washington. I hope that you will not continue there at too late a season, especially if the advancing summer should prove as warm as its commenc'ment justifies the ..of. I shall take my family to Albemarle in a week or 10 days from this date, & I have it in contemplation to proceed in person to Kentuckey to visit some lands wh. I have there, of real value, that have been plac'd by a failure to pay the taxes in my absence under some embarrassment. The trip is important to my interest, but I fear that my trip would be unequal to the exposure insident to it. I am dear sir very respectfully & sincerely yr. friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Sepr. 13. 1808.
Dear Sir
I arrived here on Saturday evening from Kentuckey & shall proceed to Richmond as soon as I recover from the fatigue of the late journey.
The object of this is to request your sanction to the publication of our late correspondence on certain important publick topicks. It is interesting & will I doubt not be satisfactory to the publick and to many friends to be made acquainted with that correspondance, & with the part I have acted in the high concerns involved in it. It is therefore earnestly my desire to lay it before them. And as your letters do signal honor to your head & your heart I trust that you will have no objection to the measure.
Should your assent be given to the proposed publication, it shall be made without a comment. It may be proper, simply to state by way of introduction that the publication is made by consent of the President at the request of Mr. Monroe.
I am dear Sir with great respect & esteem, your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Sepr. 27. 1808.
Dear Sir
I have just returned from Richmond & send the inclosed for yr. inspection in the hope that you may not have set outtoday for Washington, knowing that you have heretofore frequently staid a day longer than that which you had appointed for your departure to arrange more completely your private affairs.
I take the liberty to submit to your perusal a copy of my letters to Mr. Randolph, being the only letters of any real importance which I wrote him while I was abroad. All that I did write him were in the same sentiment. You will perceive that they were not intended for your view, as there are passages in them wh. may not be agreeable. You will however perceive that there is nothing in them to sanction what has been by some most ungenerously insinuated.
I submit to your view another document, a letter from Mr. Giles, which I shod. not do if I did feel it in some degree my duty to show to you. I consider myself fully justified by what he has said of my answer to shew ti to you. It is possible that you may have seen my answer. I hope you have. I make the communication to you in confidence, & may hereafter especially if you desire it add something more on this subject. I am dear Sir with great respect & esteem your friend & servant
... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Oct. 12. 08.
Dear Sir
Such was the accumulation of business awaiting me here that it was not till this day that I could take time to look into my letters to you. As my copies are with the Polygraph I can refer to the originals in your hands by the page and line.
Letter of Feb. 18. 1st paragraph to be omitted, being merely of private business. pa. 1. l22 perhaps the word "old" may be misunderstood, & therefore better omitted
Mar. 10. Omit the 1st paragraph, as merely of private business.
pa. 1. l. 13 strike out 'were I to take & to 'in it's justification that' and insert 'but' you will be readily sensible that this whole passage would have an unpleasant effect both as to myself & others if published.
L. 21 strike out 'still however& to the end of the paragraph in pa. 2.l14 for the reason preceding.
Apr. 11. pa. 1. l. 12 strike out "I will state &c to page 3 l.22 'to wit' inclusive, and insert 'you observed' these details would be perverted & malignantly commented by our common enemies, and have bearings which render them improper for publication
pa. 5. strike out the last paragraph respecting LaFayette's affairs. Indeed the whole of these letters were written without the least idea that they would ever be before the public, and therefore, after stating the preceding omissions, I would rather trust your judgment than my own in deciding whether there be any thing more which had better be omitted whether as respects my self or others. To me it is desirable that the public should know the high estimation in which I hold both yourself & Mr. Madison, & that no circumstance has abated my affection for either. I salute you with sincere friendship & respect. ... Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Oct. 13. 08
Dear Sir
Since writing my letter of yesterday it has occurred to me that the stile, in which, in my letters to you, I have spokenof the mass of falsehood & calumny afloat in our country, & the impossibility of believing what is beyond the evidence of our own senses, is too strong to be published. Such a fellow as Cobbet abusing us as a nation, will quote this as testimony of it given by ourselves. The federalists will attack it as a libel on the nation. Indeed every word from my pen becoming a text & theme for abusing me by the federalists, I cannot be too cautious. Perhaps your friendship will discover other things which escaped my hasty perusal & which it might do harm to publish. I leave the whole to yourself entirely & repeat my affectionate salutations. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Octr. 24th. 1808.
Dear Sir
Immediately after you left Albemarle, I was forc'd to go to Loudoun to make some arrangment in the estate withwhich I am charged there, & having returned by the same route, I did not reach this place till yesterday late at night. I had not therefore the pleasure to receive your kind favors of the 12th & 13 till to day.
The passages noted in your letters to me shall most certainly be omitted from the publication which will be made of our correspondence. In truth I had resolved to suppress the publication altogether, in case I should see in the communication which I expected to receive from you here any cause to infer that you had the slightest objection to it. But the unreserved manner in which you have assented to the publication, & the interest you take in it for a reason assign'd in your letter of the 12th instant, with the hope and confident belief which I cherish that it will not only be consoling to many of our friends, but produce with others in the way of conciliation, an useful effect, have induc'd me to proceed in it. With that view I took the liberty to permit an extract from your letter of the 12th to be handed to the publick yesterday through one of the gazettes of this city. I shall peruse again with the utmost attention your letters & strike from them whatever there may be reason to presume, there can be any objection to the publication of, as I shall attend with the most scrupulous care to every circumstance which can be interesting to your feelings & honor. I am Dear Sir with great respect very sincerely your friend & servant. Jas. Monroe
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Octr. 28. 1808
Dear Sir
Our correspondence will be printed to day in a pamphlett, a copy of which shall be sent you by the mail if it is completed in time. I have omitted in the publication every passage which had been noted by you, and added to the list of omissions, one passage, in your letter of April 11th which speaks of the use made of my name for vindictive purposes, the publication of which could only serve to irritate. Should you find that any error had been made in the publication be so good as to state it, & it shall be instantly corrected.
I see that the Editor to whom the publication was intrusted has introduc'd a part of the correspondence in his paper of to day, with some editorial remarks. I am sorry for it, but you will perceive at once that what he has said, is imputable to his zeal, unprompted by me. Your friend
... Jas. Monroe
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Novr. 1. 1808.
Dear Sir
I omitted in my last letter to state to you that in the publication of our late correspondence, since few verbal alterations had been made in my letter of March 22d & a short passage omitted. In speaking of special missions its stands in the publication that they were never well received &c, I think I substituted to those terms the word "agreeable' in the letter; and towards the conclusion the word "hardship" for "injustice." The paragraph which alludes to a certain publication, that next the last, in the letter, is omitted, being unconnected with the main object of the correspondence & tending to irritate.
I send you a communication lately recd. from Mr. Wilberforce, whose object cannot be better answer'd than by submitting to you his letter. You will be so good as to put it at your leisure under a blank cover to me here.
I am dear sir with great respect & esteem your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Jany. 18th. 1809.
Dear Sir
An idea has occurr'd to me which I will take the liberty to submit to your consideration. I have thought that you might command my services before you retire from office, in a mode which might prove advantageous to our country & equally honorable to you & myself. Our affairs are evidently at a pause, and the next step to be taken without an unexpected change, unless some expedient consistent with the honor of the government & country is adopted to prevent it, seems likely to be the commenc'ment of a war with both France & England. It is all important to avoid such a result if possible, and in case it is not, that we should enter into the war with the greatest union of which our system is capable. It has occurr'd to me that before that last step is taken, some signal effort should be made to avert the necessity, and that a mission to both powers should be resorted to for that purpose. This mission should commence with France a circumstance which out to be considered as honorable to the Emperor of France, & proceed thence to England, be the result with France what it might. Its powers should be eventual or conditional, & commensurate with the object. They should be confided to one person who should be the sole agent; and have no connection with the minister on the ground in either country. Some solemnity should be attached to the measure by sending the person appointed in a frigate, or other publick armed vessel, to secure to it the happiest effect at home & abroad. I am willing to undertake this trust & to set out in discharge of it, without a moments delay, leaving my family behind. From my acquaintance with both governments I should undertake it with strong hope of success, and should it fail, I think that the attempt would produce a happy effect in our interior, by uniting all parties in a common effort to ...the crisis, which would be allowed by all to be inevitable.
I trust that my motive in making to you this proposition will not be misconceived. I have too much confidence in your justice & magnanimity to indulge such an apprehension. Should the measure be deemed inexpedient, or incompatible with any existing arrangment, it is my earnest desire that it may be rejected without hesitation. I have no wish on the subject except such as is suggested by a view of the very critical situation of our country at this time. It is proper to add that altho' I have been prompted equally by my judgment & feelings, to make to you this proposition, I would not venture to do it without consulting three of my friends here, with whom the knowledge of it will remain exclusively confined. I set out for Albemarle tomorrow morning.& expect to be absent a week.
I am dear Sir with respect & esteem sincerely your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Richmond Feby 2. 1809.
Dear Sir
I returned from Albemarle on Saturday & had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 28 ulto on Monday last. I perceive that the idea which I suggested of a new and decisive effort to avert the dangers interior & exterior of the present crisis, by a special mission to France & England, has not obtained your approbation. As the idea was suggested without illustration you will permit me to explain myself further on it.
I have not the hope which you seem still to entertain that our differences will be accomodated with either power under existing arrangments. The imbargo was not likely to accomplish the desired effect, if it did not produce it under the first impression, nor then, unless it was considered as a step leading to war in case it failed. There are powerful interests in England in favor of a war with the UStates as a measure of expediency, such as the ship holders, the East and W. India merchants, & the navy; and the publick sentiment is strong for cutting up our commerce with enemy's colonies & with the enemy in the produce of its colonies. Whether the interest friendly to peace which is also strong, would have prevailed in case the issue had been pushed home at once is doubtful. But by the course which the affair has taken, the hostile party has apparently gained strength, & the nation accustomed to behold the approach of the crisis, is probably better prepar'd for it. I fear that at the expiration of the term you mention, no change for the better will have taken place in the exterior, while the interior may become considerably more convulsed than it now is.
While the simptoms which appear to the East are sure, neither France or England will be disposed to accomodate with us. Both those powers wish our overthrow or at least that of our free system of government, and while there is any hope of such an event, our attitude cannot be an imposing one with either. To give effect to foreign negotiations our interior must be tranquilized. Without the evidence of a strong & firm union at home nothing favorable to us can be expected abroad; and from the simptoms alluded to, there is much cause to fear that tranquility can not be secur'd at present, or relied on in future, by an adherence only to the measures which have been heretofore pursued. It seems to me to be necessary to take some decisive step, which shall arrest the publick attention in both hemispheres, & announce that on its result the future relations of the country with the powers to whom it is addressed, of peace or war, shall depart. I think that a special missions is precisely the measure which is most likely to produce that effect, & that the crisis imperiously calls for it: that it would check the tendency to disorganization at home & afford the fairest prospect of success abroad. You will recollect that the late mission to France, I speak of that of 1803, rested precisely on the ground of the proposed one, except that in this one the pressure would be on both powers, a circumstance not unfavorable to success: that it suspended on its result every interior mov'ment tho' the inclination to it in certain quarters was strong; and that by winding up the business at home it became wound up abroad also, to which cause it was in an essential degree owing that the measure succeeded. The late special mission to England did not stand on the same ground with that to France alluded to, or with that which is proposed. Between the meeting of Congress & the adoption of that measure an important change had taken place in England, by the death of Mr. Pitt & the promotion of Mr. Fox, which had of itself changed the relation between the two countries, in feeling and opinion, if not in fact. The issue too was of a different nature. The menace held up on the failure of that mission was the execution of the non importation law: in this case it would be war, a result which it is sought to avoid by a respectful effort to prevent it. The pressure on France by the proposed measure would be the same as in the former case, for it was then believed that I was instructed to proceed to England in the event of the failure of the negotiation; and the pressure on England if France accomodated would be of a nature scarcely to be resisted.
As a mere measure of respectful consideration a special mission never did & perhaps never will succeed with any power. It must combine other circumstances with it of a strong & imposing nature [& the stronger the better] or it will prove abortive. The evidence which it affords can offer
no other induc'ment than as a colouring or pretext for doing what more imperious circumstances dictate. I am satisfied, whatever the effect might be, that the mission proposed, would be viewed by both powers and our fellow citizens in the light above exhibited & that it would mor especially be considered as a measure of tone, rather than of condesention. The objection of condescention appears to me to be stronger to a renewal of the proposition in the mode in which it has been already rejected than in that which is advised, while there is much less cause to hope success from it at home or abroad.
There are other advantages in favor of the proposed measure among which are the following. By changing the attitude, the govt. would have in a great measure the controul of its future conduct be the result of the mission what it might. It is hardly possible that some opportunity shod. not offer, it the trust was managed with common prudence, to extricate us with credit from the present dilemma. It is quite improbable that this advantage wod. be enjoyed in equal degree, by permiting things to run on in their present course. It is not be presumed, under such circumstances, that either power would yield tomorrow what it had refused today. The previous rejection, when no adequate cause or pretext was afforded for a change, might be a motive for
rejecting again: and the new delay adopted expressly to avoid war, shewing with what regret it was approached, might encourage the hope that that appeal would be again postponed, which the strong simptoms of discontent to the govt could not fail to increase. Should the naked question of war be finally propounded, I own to you that without some signal offer to prevent it, such as that attended to, when failure would bring together with firm union & hearty zeal every honest friend of his country, there is much cause to dread the consequences likely to result from it. The state of the treasury & probable accumulation of taxes, the exposed & defenceless situation of our towns, the increased danger of regular force, the little hope of profiting by the war, in relation to its objects, tho it should be prosecuted for years, are objections which would be urged against it, & would have much weight in that stage. If among the zealous supporters of the measure of the govt there are any, who doubt at this time, the policy of declaring war, it is probable that their numbers will be increased when called on to act; & it is much to be apprehended that the majority will not be found long on that ride.
You seem to apprehend that in case Bonaparte succeeds in Spain we shall be enabled to accomplish our object in England, but I do not perceive that a result so favorable to us is likely to proceed from that cause. It is far from being certain that the mere subjugation of Spain would overthrow the British ministry without which that consequence could not well be expected. The new prospect in Spain was opened to England after our relations with his had assumed their present character. France was omnipotent in Spain anterior to it, & would only recover that what she held before. It seems probable that while England maintains her independence, & the ministry its ground, there is little cause to expect in the course we are pursuing any important change in our favor, & certainly thee is none to hope it from her subjugation by France. It is more probable that a claim on So. America would fix the views of Boniparte more stedfastly on us. Success rarely moderates the pretentions of a conqueror. He issued his decree when he had not a single ship at sea. That fact shews that if the UStates were not its principal object, their freindship had ceased to be one wh. was deemed worthy his attention. Connect that fact with his conduct in the Spanish negotiation & the presumption is strengthened that he view us with other eyes: that on the scale of his vast & boundless ambition we occupy a place & are destined to take our turn in the list of conquered people. This sentiment is not of a very limited range. The best friends of the UStates in France such as LaFayatte Volney & others entertain it. No unfriendly feeling excites these remarks. From Boniparte himself I have recd. much kindness & attention, of which proofs have been afforded by his notice of me to others since I left the country. For the nation I have high consideration & respect, & for many friends there the sincerest regard. But these circumstances will not blind me to the danger, or make me insensible to what I owe my country.
If the proposed measure was adopted and succeeded with both parties, a great boon would be obtained to the country. If it succeeded with either, much good would be done, for if either revoked its decrees, & the others persisted in maintaining them, the issue would be made up with it alone, & we be freed from the other. If England shod. be the party refusing the country would be prepared to meet the crises; if France refused, the same would be the publick sentiment & spirit. If Boniparte maintained his decrees after England had agreed to revoke hers, it would prove that nothing short of our becoming a party to the war on his side, would satisfy him, & that he would make war on us, if we were contumacious. War then wod. be our inevitable destiny & it would remain to be decided, whether we wod. consent to be drawn into it on his side, on his own terms, subjecting ourselves to invaluable loss while it lasted, by the waste & pillage of our commerce, to wh. he could give no protection, and to still worse disasters if he succeeded by the conquest of England; for in that case he would be the sole monarch of Europe. Place him on that high ground, and the liberty of the world is endangered, if not gone. Our intermediate forbearance or accomodation with his views wod. then avail us nothing. This mandate my be obeyed or her would send his marshall to enforce it. I see no motive of interest to draw us to him on such terms. If England revokes her orders he ought to revoke his & a mission to him in the first instance which would manifest superior respect, ought to draw him out on that point, or failing to do it, justify & invite the most unfavorable suspicions of his future views towards us. But I indulge great hope that the proposed measure would succeed in its object with both powers. I cannot believe that either would suffer such a mission to withdraw, & take to itself the responsibility & the consequences of refusing conditions fair & honorable to it, when thus pressed.
Permit me to remark that if this reasoning is found to be just, the execution of the plan suggested would in my judgment be deemed an act of magnanimity wh. would do you honor to the remotest time. I t would prove that in a situation of great personal delicacy you looked only to the good of your country, & that the last act of your administration was employed, in a distinguished effort to preserve its peace, liberty & union. I am satisfied that it would secure to you in advancing years the affections of thousands that are no endangered. I need not tell you that as I have felt much interest in tendering to you my services on this occasion, the motive which prompted me to it wod. not be affected, in case the measure was deemed expedient, if the trust was committed to others. In making to you this proposition, I have discharged a duty which I though I owed to my country, in a crises of peculiar danger, & have gratified my feelings in regard to yourself. The publick service may be better performed by others. We have been long neighbours & friends & it will be my object to cherish through life those interesting relations.
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
18 July 09.
Jas Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson. He has the pleasure to send him the Edinburg review which Mr. Jefferson expressd a desire to peruse. J.M. has also the pleasure to send to Mr. Jefferson a copy of LaPlace's system du Mone, which he brought for him in 97 from France. It being a work then recently publishd which he presumed had not found a place in his library. J.M. begs Mr. Jeffersons acceptance of this work. He would have sent it to him long since had it not been packed with other books which the want of room prevented his opening.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Sepr. 4. 09.
Dear Sir
It has been intimated to be by unquestionable authority, that a visit by you to Col. Walker would at this time be consider'd by him, an act of great kindness, & be received with much sensibility You know the wretched condition in which he is, tortured by an incurable disease, which must soon take him from this scene. The idea was suggested to me before I went to Richmond, but it did not appear then to rest on such ground as to justify the communication of it to you. The friend who imparted it to me, has since led the conversation with the utmost delicacy & caution to that topick, & ascertained with certainty that such are Col. Walkers sentiments. I have thought that it would be agreeable to you to receive this information & hasten to give it. It is proper that you should also know that Col. W. proposes to make a visit to Phila. in the hope of deriving some aid from the faculty there, & that the day after tomorrow is spoken of, as fix'd, for his departure. The necessity I am under of going immediately to Loudoun & the preparation incident to the journey will excuse my not communicating this to you in person.
I am dear sir with great respect & esteem your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
It may be satisfactory to you to know that I recd. the above from Dr. Everett. I mention this in confidence.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle March 7. 1810.
Dear Sir
A Mr. Easterly who reminds me of a conservation with him in London some years past, has requested me to make known to you a project of his for converting our tobo. & cornstalks to a purpose of great publick utility, as well as private emolument, and likewise to introduce to you Mr. Burroughs his agent. I have though that I could not better promote his object than by inclosing his letter to me, to you, by Mr. Burroughs. I have made an experiment under his auspicus to dry on a small scale tho' as the weather was unfavorable, I could not attend the process to a conclusion. I cannot as yet pronounce either on the profit to be expected from it. The process however is so simple, and so easily managed, that I am induc'd to believe that it will be found to be, a discovery Of real advantage to our country. Mr. Easterly was I think made known to me by some person of credit, as one deserving of attention for his information & moral character; my recollection is too indistinct on this point, to allow me to be very explicit on it. I am dear sir with great respect & esteem yr. friend & servt Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Decr. 24. 1810.
Dear Sir
I arrived here last night indisposed and must return in the stage to morrow or should have the pleasure to call on you. It was necessary that I should be present at the transfer of my property from one overseer to another, for which purpose I obtained leave of absence for a few days.
Mr. Ritchie informed Mr. Coles that an anonymous communication had been sent him, stating that you had had a correspondence with the Comrs. or Trustees for opening the river near Milton, throwing light on the subject of inland navigation, and that application had been made to them for a copy of it, with a view to lay it before the publick, which had been refused. He consulted me on the subject. I suggested the propriety of withholding the publication for the present, and writing to the comrs. for a copy, on the idea that in that mode the object might be obtained without the possibility of putting you in collision with any of your neighbours. The hint was adopted, as I was informed by Ritchie in a conversation I had with him the day before I left town. A knowledge of the occurrence may possible be of some use to you.
We have so far advanc'd in the business of the assembly with much harmony, and there does not appear at this moment to be in any one a disposition to interrupt it. In my judgement the true course is to let the legislature pass thro' the session without being called on to interfere with the national concerns. I think that such a course would tend essentially to conciliate the members of the republican party towards each other, and to draw them more closely together than has been done of late. My earnest object is to promote that end, and if I am not drive by propositions bearing unfavorably on transactions to which I was a party, in self defence, to place my conduct in a just light, it is possible that I may contribute to it. Propositions of this kind, from what I can discern, are not likely to come from any but such as profess to be the friends of the admn. but who have other objects than its welfare, and wh. may be pleased at a collision between it and me from motives very distant from those that are connected with the publick good.
I am dear sir very sincerely your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 8. 11
Dear Sir
I received your friendly letter of Dec. 24 on my return from Bedford, at which place I was at it's date. It conveyed me the first notice of the attempt to draw me into the newspapers on the subject of the propositions which had been passing between the agents of the Rivanna company & myself for their accomodation in passing the navigation through my lands. I immediately enquired into it, and found it was John Nicholas, who having been permitted by the agents (called Directors) to read the papers, had written long animadversions, which he wished to get, with the correspondence, into the public papers. Altho there is nothing in the correspondence which I would wish to conceal, yet I am now at that time of life when quiet is the summum bonum, and I do not see that the public could be either amused or benefited by having me dragged into the papers and harrowed by malignant discussions on every private bargain which in the ordinary course of things, we are all obliged to be engaged in. I am very thankful therefore to Mr. Ritchie for having rescued me from being disturbed by this miserable scribbler. I inclose you the correspondence with a request that you will be so good as to peruse it. The sum of what has passed is this. You, gentlemen directors, observing that my mill dam & canal present a dead sheet of water from the entrance of the river into the mountain at the Secretary's ford, to it's exit at my mill, desire the use of my dam to keep the back water in it's present navigable state. Use it, It shall maintain it for my own purposes. 'But we wish to raise it two feet' then you must maintain the dam yourselves, because being raised to 5 f. it will be carried away 10 times for once if it remains at 3 feet. 'Then we will not raise it; but we wish the use of your canal.' You are welcome to it. 'But we must widen it for batteaux.' You are free to widen it but as admitting a great volume of water will certainly destroy the bank in some places, you must maintain the bank. 'Agreed, but we shall want a site for our lock at the lower end.' I give it to you. 'Timber, earth, stone to build it.' I give to you, all common timber, fine timber trees must be paid for. 'Agreed. We want a site & timber for our toll house.' I give them to you. 'But while we are widening the canal, we must stop your mills, perhaps for a month.' You may do it, & will charge nothing for the rent of my manufacturing mill for a month, nor the suspension of my toll mill, the two objects amounting to about 200 D. if after this you works, or the using your locks should stop my mill you must pay for the time. 'We agree to it,' and I thought the matter settled: but I have heard that they are not satisfied nor decided. Observe that this is not a general but merely local object. It is only to carry the navigation from Milton to Moore's ford, in other words to Charlottesville, a question between the two towns. The people up the river are left to open their own navigation. Nor do I believe the navigation will be used when done. Because a waggon once at Charlottesville will go on to the Shadwell mill for less than even the toll of a barrel of flour, which is 9d besides the price of the watermen. I state all these things to you, & have asked you to peruse the correspondence, because it is well you should possess the while subject, as perhaps it may go to the legislature. In deed the directors acknolege that the former act has done wrong in authorising the toll to be taken at Milton instead of the falls next above the Shadwell mills, from whence there is at present a perfectly safe navigation. For Mr. Randolph & myself, at our expence (of about 300D.) Have opened a sluice thro' the Milton falls which we shall still further perfect. I am told there is a law past some few years back declaring there shall be no future grants of the beds of rivers or creeks and annulling all the past. The former is within the powers of the legislature, the latter is not. They can neither pass a law that my head shall be struck from my body, without trial nor my freehold taken from me without indemnification, and where not necessary for a public user in this case the public can use the bed of the river without taking the whole property of it from me. By the common law, which was the law here till this act, the king cannot grant away tidewaters; they are reserved for the use of the nation. But all other waters were ever grantable here as well as in England. And how is a line to be drawn between rivers & creeks, and other brooks and branches? I think the judges would determine the annulling former grants as merely void. It is mentioned in my case only as showing that when the Shadwell mill was built 50 years ago, no trespass was committed on the bed of the river which was private property, & that no wrong having been committed it does not subject the proprietor to any ex-post facto burthen, as the building of a lock &c. In the case of Magruder, who did not own the bed of the river, and who got leave to build a dam after the public had been 40 years in the exercise of their right of navigation along the river, Capt. Meriwether and the other Commissioners for improving the navigation, gave him 500D to build and maintain a lock. This was more perhaps than he had a right to and is mentioned only to shew the difference of measure meted to him & to me, if it should be proposed to force me to build & maintain a lock. All this however its submitted to your consideration. If the matter is carried to the legislature, do what you thinks is right & it will be perfectly satisfactory to me. Ever yours affectionately Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 16. 11.
Dear Sir
Since my last to you, the Directors of the Rivanna company have changed their minds, and instead of going through my canal they have determined to go through the bed of the river,; and it being a question between us, whether they or I must build & maintain the lock at my damn, which dam they must have built had I not done it, they have proposed a reference to arbitrators, to which I gladly consent, & leave to themselves the naming them. I must therefore pray you to return one the papers I inclosed you, as they will be to be laid before the arbitrators. I have lately also had an opportunity of seeing the two laws of 1792 & 1802 which had been stated to me as retrospective; but I find they are not so, and that they admit on the contrary, the validity of former grants of the bed of watercourses by a necessary implication. I had been afraid that a momentary inattention might have led our legislature to what I was sure they would no have done but by surprise. But yet I suspect that the just rights of riparian landholders have not yet been so well investigated & understood as they should be. The opening of the Rapahanoc will concern the rights of many adjacent landholders, and the legislative interposition there should establish the true principles, that the rights of this description of citizens may not be left at the mercy of uninformed Commissioners, who generally consider themselves as mere agents of the subscribers, and bound as an adversary party, to take every advantage in their power. I do not however impute this to the gentlemen in my case, whose proceedings with me have been fair & friendly. Ever yours' affectionately Th. Jefferson
P.S. Should judge Nelson be appd. Governor could not P. Carr be made his successor? His integrity & understanding all know, and having been once well read in the law, it would soon be refreshed. This reflection is solely my own.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Richmond Jany. 21. 1811
Dear Sir
I have the pleasure to return you your correspondence with the directors of the Rivanna company which I lately recd. from you. I had submitted it to the perusal of a few friends only, in confidence, and had determin'd for the present at least, not to publish it, from a fear that the publication might lead to some unpleasant discussion.
You will have seen by the news papers that, I have been plac'd in a situation of which I had no anticipation when I left home, nor indeed desire. I was induc'd to accede to it only, by the manifestation of a general sentiment among the republicans, that I should do so, and the hope that it may be useful in uniting the party men, clearly together for general purposes, and more especially for the support of the cause. I am aware that my present affairs will suffer by it, as the salary is insufficient, and I shall not be able to pay due attention to those at home. It is my intention to return immediately that the rising of the assembly, when I shall have the pleasure to se you. In the mean time I beg you to command me in all things in which I may be useful, being with great respect sincerely your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)..
Monticello Jan. 25.11.
Dear Sir
I am just on the wing to Bedford to which place my affairs call me suddenly. I have therefore only time to acknolege the reciept of your favor of the 21st and to congratulate you on your election to the chair of the state by so honorable a vote. I rejoice too that you have accepted it; for altho' it is not a field on which much genius can be displayed, yet it is a prominent one. But the great thing is that it is the Virginia legislature bearing testimony to the fidelity of your principles before the Republicans of the union generally. Those near you & who knew you could never doubt, and if those at a distance were under any alarm, this removes it, and places you on your antient ground which was high. I am sure you will now retain it, & therefore I have only to wish you an easy administration and add the assurances of my constant & affectionate esteem
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress0.
Richmond April 3. 1811
Dear Sir
An unexpected change has taken place in my situation since I had lost the pleasure to see you. An invitation from the President to enter into the department of State will take me to Washington. Having accepted the office I set out to morrow in the stage to commence its duties. This appointment subjected me, in the first intimation, to great concern, from a doubt of the propriety of resigning that so lately conferred on me by the genl. assembly. But all those friends with whom I had an opportunity to confer, having concurr'd in favor of it, I have been taught to believe that that difficulty had not the weight, which I had supposed. I accept the office in great hope that some good effect will result from it, in promoting harmony at least in the republican party. The manner in which the proposition was made to me, was liberal and manly, so that every other difficulty was immediately at an end. I shall always be happy to hear from you and to receive your opinions on publick measures.
I am with great respect & esteem your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress0.
Washington April 16. 1811.
Dear Sir
The minster of Russia, Count Pahlen & his brother, having intimated their intention to make you a visit at Monticello, I have taken the liberty to give them this introductive. The publick character of these respectable foreigners, would, I well know, secure them your kind reception, & friendly attention, but you will be gratified to know that they have high claims from personal merit.
I am dear sir with great respect your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello May 23. 11.
Dear Sir
I inclose a letter from a Mr. John Dortie, who being bound to France shortly and to return again, wishes to be the bearer of any dispatches the government may have for that country. Of this person I know nothing more than that he brought me lately a packet of seeds from M. Thouin Director of the National Garden of France, which he very kindly notified me of from N.Y. and afterwards forwarded for me to Philadelphia, and as one good turn deserves another, I could not avoid giving you notice of the opportunity: & the rather, as it may be perhaps a convenience were it only to send newspapers to your agents. Perhaps Mr. Gallatin may know more of his trust-worthiness.
I recd. lately, under your frank, Boucher's Institutions Commerciales, which from the frank I supposed came from you & conjectured you might suppose it useful to me in the case of Livingston & were therefore so kind as to send it, for which my thanks are as cordially given as if I had not happened to profess it. But already possessing it, I ask you instructions whether I shall return it thro the same channel, the post, or deposit it in your library, or what else?
Since my last to you we have had good rains, which have enabled our wheat very much to outgrow the injury from the fly. They have also swelled the river so as to take off all the produce from Milton, in which I hope, tho' I do not know, that your wheat was included. Nothing but a total want of other business even induced a water man to undertake to carry wheat. Flour is declining at Richmond, & tobacco unless of a peculiar character is dull. Even the peculiar staggers under apprehensions of the new British regulations threatened. Ever yours affectionately
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Washington June 6th. 1811.
Dear Sir
Mr. Dortee mentioned in your favor of the 23d ulto. was furnished with a passport, and a packet of news papers was sent to the Collector at New York to be forwarded by him which it is presumed he will receive. It happened that there was no dispatch prepared at the time for our charges affrs. at Paris, or it would have been committed to his care. Important communications are expected by the Essex, and untill her arrival, little can be done or said in our concerns with either France or G Britain.
Bouchers Institutions commerciales was thought to belong to you. The President was under an impression that he had borrowed it from you, & it was forwarded it to you as the owner. If you find that it belongs to this departmt. As it must do, if it is not yours, you will be so good as to return it by the same conveyance.
The delay of the Essex subjects me to much embarrassment & concern. I hoped when I came here, to have got back to my family & my affrs. in a few weeks. After the arrival of the that vessel the presumption is that I may soon be spar'd to make such a visit. Abundant rains here have given a good face to the growing crop. I hope they have afforded us an opportunity to make a commenc'ment in that of our tobo. Very sincerely & respectively your friend & servant
Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Jany 6. 1812
Dear Sir
A circumstance has occurr'd with which it may be useful for you to be made acquainted, merely to put you on your guard. You have doubtless seen a letter publish'd in the gazettes, which is imputed top Genl. Wilkinson & said to be written from this place in 1803 to Mr. Power at N. Orleans, requesting him to use the Genl.'s influence with the Spn. authority there to prevent the restoration of the deposit. It is understood that the authenticy of the letter is admitted, & the explanation given of the measure, which I have recently & casually heard, is the circumstance with which I wish you to be acquainted. It is this that the letter was written with yours & Genl. Dearborne's knowledge & approbation, & that a copy of it was at that time deposited in the war office. Knowing of this explanation you will be prepar'd by reflection for the answer which ought to be given to any application that may be made to you on the subject. You need not answer this. I write in haste for the mail. Very respectfully yr friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington March 9. 1812.
Dear Sir
The President will communicate to day to the Congress, the discovery which has been lately made to the government, of an attempt of the British govt. thro' the govr. genl. of Canada [or at least by him with the subsequent approbation of that govt.] to promote division & disunion in the year 1809, the period of difficulty under the embargo, by means of a secret mission to Boston, the object of which was to intrigue with the disaffected. The agent a Captain John Kingh formerly an officer of the UStates, of the Corps of Artillery, appointed in 1798, & having served till 1802 has made the discovery himself, & delivered us all the original documents. He had been promised reward & honor for his service in that affair, & been disappointed, and revenge for the injury is among the strong motives, to the measure on his part. The compromitment of the British govt. is complete to the extent stated; and the compromitment of some leaders of the federal party, by designation & strong circumstances, tho' without naming them, equally clear. He insisted that the people with whom he communicated had broke their faith with him, As the British govt. had, & therefore, he could not give them up. The documents carry with them the complete evidence of authenticity. It is not probable that they will be contested. Many will shrink from the tendency they will have, with those acquainted with the events of that period, in the Eastern states, to draw attention to them. I will send you a copy of the documents as soon as they are publish'd, which will be forthwith.
The intimation which I gave you, of the vindication said to have been set up by Genl. Wilkinson of himself against a certain charge, was taken from a member of Congress, who had recd. it, from Dr. Kent, a particular friend of the General. As it was not relied on in the trial, it is probable that it was merely the suggestion of a friend, who hasarded it, to meet a document which was making an unfavorable impression against him. I hope that you continue to injoy good health. I would give me great pleasure to able to make a visit to my farm for a few days & to have an opportunity of seing you & other friends.
I am hear sir with great respect & esteem, Sincerely your friend Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello May 20. 12.
Dear Sir
With this letter I put into the post office a very large packet containing all the papers respecting the Batture which I received from your office. For these papers I gave a specific receipt, subscribed to a list of them. I had stitched them together in quires to prevent their separation or loss in the hands of a counsel. I hope Mr. Graham will take the trouble to examine them by my receipt, and, finding all returned, that he will certify at the foot of the receipt that all have been returned. He will find more than all, because I have annexed others procured from other quarters, which I have thought might as well goo & remain with the rest, as belonging to the same subject, and making part of the justification of the Executive.
Of a very superior importance is the copy of Crozat's Charter sent my by Genl. Armstrong, and seperately inclosed herein with his letter. This charter, being the original establishment of the limits of Louisiana, is all important to us. I deposit it therefore in your office for public use. You will consider whether it's importance does not render it expedient to give it all the authenticity possible, by requesting Genl. Armstrong to annex to it a Certificate on oath, stating all the circumstances of time, place & occasion of his getting it , which may shew it to be a copy admitted by the French offices & functionaries, authenticating his affidavit under some public seal. The only copy we had before was an English translation annexed to the English translation of Joutel (& not to Joutel's original) which I possess. I think this paper of great public concernment. Ever affectionately yours Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Augt. 9. 1812.
Dear Sir
It was our intention to have passed a day with you & your family while I was in the country, but many interesting concerns and duties which require my constant attention will unavoidably prevent it. The arrangments which I have to make with my brothers family who arrived yesterday, will also take some portion of the short term allotted to my private affairs while here. As soon as our grandchild recovers her health Mrs. Monroe will have the pleasure to wait on Mrs. Randolph, and on my return here, we shall hope have liesure to be more together. Should you have any commands for Washington at this time or hereafter, or for Europe, in which I may serve you, I beg you always to afford me that sincere satisfaction.
I am dear sir with great respect & esteem your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Augt. 31st. 1812
Dear Sir
We have heard with great astonishment and concern that Genl. Hull has surrender'd the army under his command to the British force opposed to him in upper Canada. No letter has been yet recd. from him, but communications from the Govr. of Ohio, & others in that state leave no doubt of the fact. Till his report is made, it is impossible to form a just opinion of his conduct, but from every thing that is known, it appears to have been beyond example, weak, indicisive, and pusilanimous. When he passed the river he had 3 or 4 times the force of the enemy; yet he remaind inactive, by reasons which if good at all, were equally good against passing the river, by which he gave the enemy time , to collect its force, recover its spirits, and assume the offensive; in which time too, the hesitating mind of the Indians and Canadians became fixed, that of the former
to cling to their antient ally, and of the latter to risk nothing on an event so precarious. After passing a long time without doing any thing he retird to Detroit, where he surrendered on a summons from the other side of the rive, after a short cannonade. It is possible that in this stage it might have been impossible to maintain his ground at Detroit, but why he did not retreat I can not imagine; nor can it be conceived why, he suffer'd his communication to have been previously cut off, with the states of Ohio & Kentucky; For is he was not in a situation to attach Malden, he surely had the means of securing the country opposite it.
This most disgraceful event may produce good. It will rouse the nation. We must efface the stain before we make peace, & that may give us Canada. Very sincerely your friend, Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Nov. 3. 12.
Dear Sir
The strange jumble of names, places, & titles on the inclosed letter seemed to authorise me to open it, as it does also to forward it to you. Yet it properly belongs to neither of us but to the Secretary of the Treasury to whom it makes splendid promises.
Our election of electors took place yesterday. A general assurance that there would be no opposition ticket prevented half the votes from coming 300 votes were given for the republican ticket, & 68 for Federal persons. Our neighbor Capt. Meriwether took the lead of the last of the last to whom he has now gone over. His pretext is the war; but the real grounds some opposition he has met with from Mr. Randolph & myself in view which affecting our interests very injuriously, we had a right to oppose. He prophecies to the people they will get nothing for their wheat & flour. This is bold, in the teeth of the fact that they are now offered 10 1/2D and see that foreign prices are from 25 to 40D. the barrel. Such as never before were heard of, and cannot fail to extend their influence to us. I hope you have not sold yours. What the maximum will be it is impossible to say till March or April, the regular season for it; but probably as high as ever was known, if Congress do nothing to prevent exportation which I think, it impossible they should do. I am anxious to hear that Dearborne & Harrison have made simultaneous movements so as to oblige the enemy to meet them with divided force. The possession of Malden & Montreal would yet close the campaign satisfactorily and make Canada the pledge or the price of indemnifications. Ever affectionately yours, Th. Jefferson
P.S. Nov. 4. I forgot to mention M. de Lormini on whose behalf I spoke to you when here. He wishes to be permitted to return to France in a public vessel. I inclose you his letter, in answer to which I have informed him he must not expect personal notice from your office when a vessel may be going, that he may generally know it thro' the public papers, & must be on the look-out for himself.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Novr. 11th. 1812
Dear Sir
Mr. Russell has arrived at New York & is expected here in a day or two. He made the second proposition to the British govt. authorised by his instructions, which you have seen published, which was also rejected & in terms rather acrimonious, imputing to it a character which it did not merit. This govt. has been sincerely desirous of an accomodation but it appears that the British govt. will not even treat in the subject of impressment, as a condition of, or connected with measures leading to peace. Put down our arms, and they will receive our communications on that subject, & pay to them the same favorable attention that they have heartofore done.
The Massach. elections are terminating unfavorably, as will probably those of N. Hampshire.
Your friend Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello May 30. 13
Dear Sir
I thank you for the communication of the President's message which has not yet reached us thro' the public papers. It is an interesting document, always looked for with anxiety, and the late one is equally able as interesting. I hope Congress will act in conformity with it in all it's parts.
The unwarrantable ideas often expressed in the newspapers and by persons who ought to know better, that I intermeddle in the Executive councils, and the indecent expressions sometimes of a hope that Mr. Madison will pursue the principles of my administration, expressions so disrespectful to his known abilities & dispositions, have rendered it improper in me to hazard suggestions to him on occasions even where ideas might occur to me, that might accidentally escape him. This reserve has been strengthened too by a consciousness that my views must be very imperfect from the want of a correct knolege of the whole ground. I lately however hazarded to him a suggestion on the defence of the Chesapeak because altho' decided on provisionally with the secretaries of War & the Navy formerly, yet as it was proposed only in the case of war, which did not actually arise, and not relating to his department, might not then have been communicated to him of the this fact my memory did not ascertain me. I will now hazard another suggestion to yourself, which indeed grows out of that one: it is, the policy of keeping our frigates together in a body, in some place where they can be defended against a superior naval force, and from whence nevertheless they can easily sally forth on the shortest warning. This would oblige the enemy to take stations or to cruize only in masses equal at least each of them to our whole force: and of course they could be acting in 2 or 3 spots at a time, and the whole of our coast, except the 2 or 3 portions where they might be present, would be open to exportation and importation. I think all that part of the US. over which the waters of the Chesapeake spread themselves was blockaded in the early season by a single ship. This would keep our frigates in entire safety, as they would go out only occasionally to oppress a blockading force known to be weaker than themselves, and thus make them a real problem to our whole commerce. And it seems to me that this would be a more essential service than that of going out by ones, or by twos, in search of adventures, which contribute little to the protection of our commerce, and not at all to the defence of our coast, or the shores of our inland waters. A defense of these by militia, is most harassing to them. The application from Maryland, which I have seen in the papers, & those from Virginia which I suspect, much because I see such masses of the militia calld off from their farms must be embarrassing to the Executive, not only from a knolege of the incompetency of such a mode of defence, but from the exhaustive of funds which ought to be husbanded for the the effectual operations of a long war. I fear too it will render the militia discontented, perhaps clamourous for an end of the war on any terms. I am happy to see that it is entirely popular as yet, and that no symptom of flinching from it appears among the people, as far as I can judge from the public papers, or from my own observation limited to the few counties adjacent to the two branches of James river. I have such confidence that what I suggest has been already maturely discussed in the Cabinet, and that for wise & sufficient reasons the present mode of employing the frigates is the best, that I hesitate about sending this even after having written. Yet, in that case it will only have given you the trouble of reading it, you will bury it in your own breast, as non-avenue and see in it only an unnecessary zeal on my part, and a proof of the unlimited confidence of your's ever & affectionately Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington June 7. 1813.
Dear Sir
During the last session of Congress the current business pressed so heavily on me, and after its adjournment, the preparation of instructions for our ministers employed under the mediation of Russian, and in other duties connected with it, kept me so constantly engaged that I have scarcely had a moment of respite since I left you. I seize one to communicate some details, which it may be satisfactory to you to know. As I make the communication in confidence, it will be without reserve.
When we were together last summer, we conferr'd on the then state of the depts. Of war & navy, and agreed, that whatever might be the merit of the gentlemen in them, which was admittd in certain respects, a change in both was indispensable. I mentiond that I had intimated to the President, before we left Washington, my willingness to take the former, if he thought that the public interest would be advancd'd by it. It seemed to be your opinion that it would. On returning here, such was the pressure of public opinion, supported by all our friends in Congress, that a change in the dept. of war was soon decided on, & were solicited by Mr. Eustis himself. In conversation with the President I repeated what I had said before, and intimated that I would either take that dept., or a military status, as might be thought most adviseable. On the surrender of Hull, I had offer'd to proceed to the state of Ohio, and to take the command in that quarter, with a volunteer commission, to which he willingly assented. In consequence, I had, with his approbation, sent off the cannon &c from this place, and made every other arrangment, for the prosecution of the campaign against upper Canada, and was on the point of setting out when it was though best to decline it. The President was particularly induced to adopt this latter counsel, by the appointment conferr'd on General Harrison, by the govr. of Kentuckey, and his apparent popularity in the western country. I do not recollect that I mention'd this to you before. To the offer which I now repeated, the President replied, that he did not wish me to leave my present status, which tho' inactive at the time, might not long continue so, for an inferior one, to hold it while I remain'd in service. The state of public affairs led again to a general view of the whole subject. Our military operations had been unsuccessful, on army had been surrendered; and to the north in the while extent of that country, so important & delicately circumstanc'd, as it was, the managment had been most wretched. The command at the important post of Niagara, had been sufferd to fall into state hands, and to be perverted to local & selfish purposes. Van Ranslear, a weak incompetent man with high pretentions, took it. It was late in the year, before general Dearborn left Boston, and repaired to Albany. He had given no impulse to the recruiting business in the Eastern States by passing thro' them, and making appeals to the patriotism of the people, and when he took the command at Albany, it was in a manner to discourage all hope of active operations during the favorable season. The commander ought to lead every important mov'ment. If intended to assail Montreal, that being the grand attack, his station was there. If a smaller bow only could be given, the feint against Montreal, should have been committed to another, while he commanded in person when real service was to be performed. It was soon seen that nothing would be done against lower Canada; Genl. D. doubtless saw it on his first arrival at Albany, if he did not anticipate it before he left Boston. Niagara was the object, next, in importance, and had he taken the command there he might and probably would, by superriding little people & conducting our military operations, have prevented the riotous & contentious scene exhibited there, saved the country and the govt. from the disgraceful defeat of Van Ranslaer & the more disgraceful & gaschonading discomfiture of Smyth.
The experience of the campaign had excited a doubt with many, if not with all, whether our military operations would prosper under General Dearborn; he was known to have merit as a patriot, a republican, and that in many other respects he was a safe man, but he was advanc'd in years, infirm, and had given no proof of activity or military talent during the year. He did not animate, or aid, in any way, the republican party to the Eastward, while his conduct as a partizan, he excited & invigorated the opposition to the government. Being at war, every thing would depend on success, and if the was not likely to succeed, a substitute ought to be provided. If he could not sustain his ground, those next in rank would push him aside, and as the army would be increased, and, if the war continued, become strong, attention ought to be paid, with a view to the liberties of the country, to the character of the person to be plac'd in the chief command. I stated that if it was though necessary to remove me from my present station, on the idea that I had some military experience, and a change in the command of the troops was resolved on, I would prefer it, to the dept. of war, in the persuasion that I might be more useful. In the dept. of war a man might form a plan of a campaign, & write judicious letters on military operations, but still these were nothing but essays. Every thing would depend on the execution. I thought that with the army I should have better controul our operations & events, and might even aid, so far as I could give aid at all to the person in the dept. of war. I offer'd to repair instantly to the northern army, to use my best efforts to form it, to promote the recruiting business, in the Eastern States, to conciliate the people to the views of the government, and unite them, so far as it might be possible, in the war. The president was of opinion that if I quitted my present station I ought to take the command of the army. It being necessary to place some one immediately in the dept. of war to supply the vacancy made by Mr. Eustis/s retreat, the President requested me to take it pro tempore, leaving the ultimate decision on the other question open to further consideration. I did not, and immediately set to work, on the important duties of the office. I send you a copy of a report which I made to the military committees of congress, which laid the foundation of some changes in the military establishment, with which you are acquainted. It was intended merely as a skeleton. It was soon found to be improper, at a period of so much danger & urgency, to keep that dept. in the hands of a temporary occupant. It ought to be filled by the person, who would have to form the plan of the campaign in every quarter, & be responsible for it. It being indispensible to fill it with a prominent character, the question remaining undecided, relative to the command of the army, most persons thinking a change urgent, and the opinion of the President in regard to me being the same, general Armstrong was put in the dept. of war. Had it been decided to continue the command of the army under Genl Dearborne, and the question been with me, would I take the dept. of war, the President & other friends wishing it, I would not have hesitated a moment in complying. But it never assumed that form. To secure the command of all important stations along the coast & elsewhere, to men of talents & experience, who should be in the service of the UStates, I had recommended a considerable augmentation of general officers, which was approved by General Armstrong & adopted by Congress. On the day that the nomination of these officers was made to the Senate, the President sent for me, & stated that the Secretary at war, had plac'd me in his list of major generals, at their head, and wished to know whether I would accept the appointment, intimating that he did not think that I ought to do it, nor did he wish me to leave my present station. I asked where I was to serve. He supposed it would be with the northern army, under General Dearborn. I replied that if I left my present office for such a command it would be inferr'd that I had a passion for military life, which I had not: that in such a station, I could be of no service in any view to the general cause, or to military operations, even perhaps with the army in which I might serve: that with a view to the public interest, the commander ought to receive all the support which the govt. could give him: by accepting the station proposed, I might take from Genl. Dearborne, without aiding the cause, by any thing that I might add: I stated however that the grade made no difficulty with me, a desire to be useful being my only object, and that if the command was given me even with a lover grade than that suggested, admitting the possibility, I would accept it. The difficulty related to General Dearborn, who could not well be removed to an inactive station. I observ'd that if it was intended to continue him in the command, he would have my best support, as he already had had, as no one respected or esteemed him more than I did. In a strong desire to make you acquainted with the real state of things in regard to this question, I have felt an additional motive growing out of the conversation between us, above alluded to, to communicate to you, the causes of certain events which may have excited your surprise. It is proper to add that, had I been transferr'd to the army, Mr. Gallatin claimed & would have succeeded to the vacancy in this department.
The campaign has commenc'd tolerably well and with a good prospect of success, tho' the mov'ment has been rather slow, which may give time for reinforcements from Europe. An opinion begins to circulate here, that a person of more vigorous mind should be on the frontier with the northern army, to direct its movments, & that the secretary of war is that person. This idea is founded on a doubt of the competency of those now there. The effect would be to make the Secretary of War commander in chief of the army in the character of Secretary at War. While here, orders emanate from the President in which case, the President, the secretary at war, and commander of the troops, are checks on each other; but in the other case, the powers of all three would be united in the Secretary, much to the disadvantage of the President, who by the distance could have nothing to do in the business. Besides, if the Secretary takes the command of the northern army, who would supply his place in the dept. of war, and direct the operations of the army against detroit & upper Canada, of that on the Mississippi, and of the extensive & burthensome operations along the coast, and of the supplies in munitions of war & provisions necessary to each, forming separately an important duty, but in the while a very complicated & arduous one, requiring also daily attention. Troops have been collecting for sometime at Bermuda, destind against some part of our country. Should they be brought to bear against this city, or New Orleans, & the Secretary be absent, what the effect? These objections have wieght, yet a new, & serious discomfiture, might shake the administration to the foundation, and endanger the republican party & even the cause. So nicely balanced on the dangers, attending either course, in the present state of things, admitting that the Secretary might be able to supply any deficiency in those with the northern army, that it is difficult to say which scale preponderates. My reflections on the subject are known to the President, but I take no part in the question.
The mediation of Russia offers some prospect of accomodation with G Britain, but no certainty of it. It is not known that she has accepted the overture. The Russian minister was informd that the President accepted it because he wished peace on honorable conditions, and was willing to avail himself of every fair opportunity to promote it: that he did not ask whether G Britain had accepted the mediation, because it was sufficient that the Emperor had offerd it; and that the President sought by the manner of accepting it, to evince his high respect for the character of the Emperor. It became a question of whether authority should be given to Mr. Adams alone to manage the negotiation, or eclat be attached to the mission, by adding two Envoys to it, to be sent from this country. The latter course was preferr'd, & Mr. Gallatin being desirous of acting in it, he was imployed. Before I knew this latter fact, I had thought that it would be well, to engage in the service, some distinguished popular man, from that portion of our country, the western, which had given such support, and suffer'd so much by the war, to secure the confidence of its people in the negotiation, & reconcile them to any result of it. But on finding that Mr. Gallatin, for whom I have always entertaind a very high respect & esteem, desird the appointment, and that the President was willing to confer it on him I readily acquiesed, tho' not without serious apprehension of the consequences. Mr. King has begun his new career by an attack on the measure, objecting to Mr. Gallatins absence at this time, to the union of two such important offices in the same person &c. The nomination is still depending before the Senate. It will I doubt not terminate favorably, but still it has increased our difficulties.
I had written the above some days since, when I had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 30th ulto. To the very interesting observations it communicates I will pay attention at an early day. I am forc'd to close this, to avail myself of this days mail for its conveyance. I am dear sir with great respect very sincerely your friend Jas. Monroe
Be so good as to return me the inclosed paper, it being the only copy which I have.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington June 16th. 1813
Dear Sir
At the commencment of the war I was decidedly of your opinion, that the best disposition which could be made of our little navy, would be to keep it in a body in a safe port, from which it might sally only on some important occasion, to render essential service. Its safety, in itself, appeared to be an important object, as while safe, it formed a check on the enemy in all its operations along our coast, and increased proportionally its expence, in the force to be kept up. as well to annoy our commerce, as to protect its own. The reasoning against it, in which all our naval officers have agreed, is that if stationd together, in a port, New York for example, the British would immediately block it up there, by a force rather superior, & then harrass our coast & commerce without restraint, & with any force however small, in that case, a single frigate might, by cruising along the coast and plundering & menacing occasionally, at different points, keep great bodies of our militia in motion: that while our frigates are at sea, the expectation that they may be together, will compell the British to keep in a body, wherever they institute a blockade or cruize a force, equal at least to our whole force: that being the best sailors, they hasarded littled by cruizing separately or together occasionally, as they might bring on an action or avoid one, whenever they thought fit: that in that manner they would annoy the enemy's commerce wherever they went, excite alarm in the W Indies 7 elsewhere, and even give protection to our own trade, by drawing at times the enemy's squadron off from our own coast: that by cruizing, our commanders would become mor skilful, have an opportunity to acquire glory, and if successful keep alive the public spirit. The reasoning in favor of each plan is so nearly equal, that it is hard to say, which is best. I have no doubt of some future day, that a fortification will be erected on the bank in the middle of the bay, and be connected in the manner you propose with a naval force in Lynhaven bay, for the protection of Norfolk, and all the country dependant on the Chessapeake, In time of war it will be difficult to accomplish so extensive an object.
The nomination of ministers for Russia is still before the Senate, Mr. Giles & Genl. Smith uniting with Mr. King, & others, against Mr. Gallatin have so far succeeded in preventing its confirmation. They appointed a committee, the object of which was, to communicate with the President, on the subject, & give him to understand that if he would supply his place in the Treasury, they would confirm the nomination to Russia. The President had before answer'd a call of the Senate, that the appointment to Russia did not vacate the commissn. In the dept. of the Treasury, that the secretary of the Navy did the business in Mr. G's absence. To the chairman, who asked & obtaind a personal interview, he communicated his objections, to a conference with the committee, on the ground, that the resolution under which they were appointed, did not authorise it, even could any advantage result from it, which however was improbable, as neither party would be apt to change its opinion, and on the principle of compromise that nothing could be done, or ought to be done. Various resolutions tending to embarrass the nomination, divide the republican party in the Senate, & perpetuate that division by irritating its members towards each other, have been introduced & are still depending. Among them is one, intended to express the sense of the house, against the compatability of the two offices. The delay has done harm & doubtless was intended to have that effect. The result is yet uncertain.
With great respect & esteem your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
The President is indisposed with a bilious attack, apparently slight.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello June 19. 13.
Dear Sir
Your favors of the 7th & 16th are received & I now return you the Memoir inclosed in the former. I am much gratified by it's communication because, as the plan appeared in the newspapers soon after the new Secretary at War came into office, we had given him the credit of it. Every line of it is replete with wisdom, and we might lament that our tardy enlistments prevented it's execution, were we not to reflect that these proceeded from the happiness of our people at home. It is more a subject of joy that we have so few of the desperate characters which compose modern regular armies, but it proves more forcibly the necessity of obliging every citizen to be a souldier. This was the case with the Greeks & Romans and must be that of every free state, where there is oppression there will be no pauper hirelings. We must train & classify the whole of our male citizens, and make military instruction a regular part of collegiate education. We can never be sale till this is done.
I have been persuaded ab initio that what we are to be in Canada, must be done quickly; because our enemy, with a little time, can empty pick-pockets upon us faster than we can enlist honest men to oppose them. If we fail in this acquisition Hull is the cause of it. Pike in his situation would have swept their posts to Montreal because he army would have grown as it went along. I fear the reinforcements arrived at Quebec-will be at Montreal before Genl Dearborne, & if so the game is up. If the marching of the militia into an enemy's country be once ceded as unconstitutional (which I hope it never will be ) then will their force, as now strengthened, bid us permanent defiance. Could we acquire that country, we might perhaps insist successfully at St. Petersbg retaining all Westward of the meridian of L. Huron, or of Ontario, or of Montreal, according to the pulse of the place, as an indemnification of the past, & security for the future. To cut them off from the Indians, even West of the Huron would be a great future security.
Your kind answer of the 16th intirely satisfies my doubts as to the employment of the navy, if kept within striking distance of our coast; & shews how erroneous views are apt to be with those who have not all in view. Yet as I know from experience that profitable suggestions sometimes from lookers on, they may be usefully tolerated provided they do not pretend to the right of an answer. They would cost very dear indeed were they to occupy the time of a high officer in writing when he should be acting. I intended no such trouble to you, my dear Sir: and were you to suppose I expected it I must cease to offer a thought on our public affairs. Altho' my entire confidence in their direction prevents my reflecting on them, but accidentally, yet sometimes facts, & sometimes ideas occur, which I hazard as worth the trouble of reading but not of answering. Of this kind was my suggestion of the facts which I recollected as to the defence of the Chesapeake, and of what had been contemplated at the time between the Secretaries of War & the navy & myself. If our views were sound, the object might be effected in one year, even of war and at an expence which is nothing compared to the population & productions it would cover.
We are here laboring under the most extreme drought ever remembered at this season. We have had but one rain to lay the dust in two months. That was a good one, but was three weeks ago. Corn is but a few inches high & dying. Oats will not yield their seed. Of wheat the hard winter & fly leave us about 2/3 of an ordinary crop so that, in the lotteries of human life you see that even farming is but gambling. We have had three days of excessive heat. The thermometer on the 16th was at 92. On the 17th 92 ½ & yesterday at 93. It had never before exceeded 92 ½ at this place; at least within the periods of my observation. Ever & affectionately yours Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington June 28th. 1813.
Dear Sir
From the date of my last letter to you the President has been ill of a bilious fever, of that kind called the remittent. It has perhaps never left him, even for an hour, and occasionally the simptoms have been unfavorable. This is I think the 15th day. Elzey of this place, & Shoaff of Annapolis, with Dr. Tucker attend him. They think he will recover. The first mention'd I have just seen, who reports that he had a good night, & is in a state to take the bark, which indeed he has done on his best day, for nearly a week. I shall see him before I seal this, & note any change, should there be any, from the above statement.
The federalists aided by a the Malcontents have done, and are doing, all the mischief that they can. The nomination to Russia, & Sweden, [the latter made on an intimation, that the crown prince would contribute his good offices to promote peace on fair conditions] they have embarrassed, to the utmost of their power. The active partizans are King, Giles, and [as respects the first nomination] S Smith. Leib, German & Gilman are habitually in that interest, active, but useful to their party by their votes only. The two members from Louisiana, Gaillard, Stone, Anderson, & Bledsoe, are added to that corps, on these questions. They have carried a vote 20 to 14 that the appointment of Mr. Gallatin to the Russian missions, is incompatable, with his station
in the treasury, & appointed a committee to communicate the resolution to the President. They have appointed another committee to confer with him on the nomination to Sweden. The object is to usurp the Executive power in the hands of a faction in the Senate. To this, several mention'd, are not parties, particularly the four last. A committee of the Senate ought to confer with a committee of the President, that is a head of a dept., and not with the ch. Magistrate, for in the latter case a committee of that house is equal to the Executive. To broach the measure, & relieve the President from the pressure, at a time when so little able to bear it, indeed when no pressure what ever should be made on him, I wrote the committee on the nomination to Sweden, that I was instructed by him to meet them, to give all the information they might desire, of the Executive. They declined the interview. I had intended to pursue the same course respecting the other nomination, had I succeeded in this. Failing, I have declined it. The result is withheld from the President. These men have begun to make calculations, & plans, founded on the presum'd deaths of the President & Vice President, & it has been suggested to me that Giles, is thought of to take the place of the President of the Senate, as soon as the Vice President with draws.
Genl Dearborne is dangerously ill, & genl. Lewis, doing little. Hampton has gone on to that quarter; but I fear on an inactive command. Genl. Wilkinson is expected soon, but I do not know what station will be assignd him. The idea of a comr. in ch. is in circulation, proceeding from the war dept., as I have reason to believe. If so, it will probably, take a more decisive form, when things are prepard for it. A security for his the Secrty advancement to that station, is I presume the preparation desird. Your friend Jas. Monroe
I have seen the President & found him in the state represented by Dr. Elzey.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Thursday evening [September 23, 1813]
Jas. Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson. He hastens to communicate to him the very interesting intelligence recd. this evening from the Secry of the navy, on which he gives him his most sincere congratulations.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Octr. 1st. 1813.
Dear Sir
I have read with great interest & satisfaction your remarks on finance, which I return by the bearer. We are now at the mercy of monied institutions, who have got the circulating medium into their hands, & in that degree the command of the country, by the adventurers in them who without new capitol are making fortunes out of the public and individuals. Many of these institutions are hostile to the govt., and the others have already gone far in loans made to it. Hamiltons plan, was a reliance on monied institutions, aided by taxes, at the head of which he had plac'd a national bank, since extinct; and Gallatins has been the same, in respect to a national bank, having proposed to reinstate it, & in respect to every species of taxes. Yours appears to me to be a more simple, more consistent with original principles & with those of the constitution, much more economical, and certain of success, in both its parts, if it could be got into operation. I fear however that that has become difficult if not impracticable, by the ascendancy gaind by the existing institutions & the opposition they would be sure to make, to its introduction in the radical form proposed, on which its success would principally depend. These corporate bodies would make a great struggle, before they would surrender-either their power, or the profit they are making by the use of it. Something however ought to be done to relieve the nation from the burthens & dangers inseparable from the present plan.
The fatiguing press of my concerns here has kept me constantly at home and engagd. We will have the pleasure to dine with you to morrow if the weather permits, and Mr. Hay who joins us last night, indisposed, will accompany us, if his health should improve.
With great respect & esteem I am dear Sir your friend Jas. Monroe
I find among my papers a bond of yours which came into my hands, while you was in Europe, & your affrs. in those of Colonel Lewis which is enclosd.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Novr 3d. 1813.
Dear Sir
I receiv'd lately the enclosed letter from Ch. Carter in which he proposes to submit the question between Mr. Short and me, relating to the boundary of the land purchased of him, to your decision. I most willingly accede to the proposition, and hope that you will undertake it. It will take you a mornings ride, thro' some rough ground, with a guide, which you may easily procure. You have all the other lights necessary in the case.
We have nothing new from Europe respecting our own particular concerns. Nothing from our Envoys directly, or of them more than what you see in the news papers. Mr. Crawford's notification of his arrival was acknowledged by the D. of Bassaro, in very respectful terms, but there the business rests. Wilkinson is said to have mov'd towards Kingston, & there is a report of a canonade being heard at a distance, which is probable, as it also is, that we shall dislodge them of all the country above Montreal in which city, it is hoped, that our troops will take their winter quarters.
Very respectfully your friend & servt. Jas. Monroe
My affairs particularly the change in their managment require my personal attention in Albemarle for which purposes, I contemplate making a visit there soon, if possible.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Novr. 23. 1813
Dear Sir
The inclosd was written before my late visit to Albemarle, and detained in consequence of it, to be deliverd in person, but afterwards forgotten and left here. I need not add my sincere desire that you will have the goodness, to decide that question to which it relates.
We have nothing from abroad, immediately concerning our own affairs; and no new light as to the result, of the great battles near Dresdon. Nor do we yet know whether our troops are to take their quarters in Montreal, forcing the enemy into Quebec, or to retire within our former limits. The former is still more than probable.
With great respect & esteem I am sincerely your friend Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 27.14.
Dear Sir
I now return you the letter of Mr. Carter which was inclosed in yours of Nov. 3 and which was 6 weeks on it's passage to me. The reference to myself which you are both so kind as to propose I must beg leave to decline. I could not trust myself with such a decision. For altho' I should certainly endeavor to see nothing but the facts of the case, yet even as to these, my having been the sole agent thro the whole of this business for one of the parties only, and the particular interest which it was thus my duty to feel and to espouse, may but too possible have left impressions, unperceived by myself, which might prevent my seeing the subject in the original and unbiased view with which an umpire ought to enter into it.. I have therefore requested Mr. Carter to attend at any time convenient to you and himself, between this and the 1st of April until which time I shall be constantly at home. A letter from him however of Dec. 2 informs me that you have agreed between you that if your claim proves correct, he is to pay you what he got for the land with interest. This amounts to an agreement that the line shall stand as marked for Mr. Short, and that whatever it shall take from you shall be paid for by him to you. This is certainly perfectly just, and it leaves Mr. Short and Mr. Higginbotham without further interest in the question, and the meeting & proceedings before proposed are in that case become unnecessary. The question in this case remains between yourself and Mr. Carter only, to be settled at your leisure. If you will be so good as to signify this in a line to me, I shall be able to satisfy Mr. Short, and to remove Mr. Higginbotham's scruples about the paiment of his bonds, the first of which is now at hand.
I inclose you a letter from Mr. John Clarke suggesting a mode of keeping the army filled up. Whether it be the best or not, I am not to decide., But as it appears to be one of the good ones, I inclose it to you to be suggested where it may serve.
What effect will the disasters of Bonaparte have on the negociation of Gottenberg? Not a good one I am afraid. The Salvo of Maritime rights by the other party leaves room to claim whatever the successes of her allies may embolden, or her own greediness stimulate her to grasp at. These successes will enable her to make the ensuing a warm campaign for us. Orleans, Pensacola, and the Chesapeak, one or the other, or all, are indicated by the number and construction of the boats they are preparing. Their late proceedings too in the North seem to breathe the spirit of a bellum ad internecionem. It would be well if on some proper occasion the government should either justify or disavow McLure's proceedings at Newark. As it is possible our negotiators may not obtain what we would wish on the subject of maritime rights, would it not be well that they should stipulate for the benefit of those which shall be established by the other belligerents at the settlement of a general peace. Remember me affectionately to the President. It is long since I have had occasion of writing to him, and I consider it a duty to suppress all idle calls on his attention. Ever Affectionately yours. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feby 14 1814
Dear Sir
My engagment in preparing instructions for our ministers at Gootenburg, Russia, Sweden & Paris, for Mr. Clay & Mr. Russell to take with the, prevented my answering sooner your favor of the 27th ulto.
Mr. Carter intirely misconceived the import of my letter to him, relative to the mode in which the settlement of the interfering claims between Mr. Short & me would affect Mr. Short. I stated to Mr. Carter, that, til it be settled as it might, he would have to pay the sum given for the land only with interest on it, according to my opinion. By this I meant that if I recoverd of Mr. Short, he would only recover of Mr. Carter that sum, and not the price at which he sold the land to Mr. Higginbotham. If Mr. Short recovers against me, I can have no claim against Mr. carter. The decision in Mr. Shorts favor, could only be on the principle, that the boundary of my land, which was purchased first, had been correctly trac'd in my absence in designating that sold to Mr. Short afterwards. If Mr. Short loses the small strip in dispute between us, by having purchased by a defind boundary, has a claim on Mr. Carter for it. That will, I am inform'd by those in practice, be settled on the principle above stated, except that as he may be...as having had possession, till I gave notice of my claim, he cannot recover interest during that period. For Mr. Short I have a sincere friendship, but he will not expect from me in such a case, any sacrifice of interest, he being an old bachelor, rich & economical. I should have been happy that you would have taken the trouble to settle this affair between us, since it would have given content to all parties. I will however agree to leave it to some other person, on whom we will fix when I return to Albemarle.
The accounts recd. yesterday by a vessel just arrived at Boston give reason to expect a peace in Europe. We have papers as late as Decr. 24 with letters of the same date from our commissy. of prisoners in England, which communicate a speech of Boniparte to his legislative corps, from which that hope is drawn. We have also heard from Mr. G & Mr. R who were at Peterbg. On the 15 of Novr. still waiting answer of the British govt., to the renew'd proposition of the Emperor respecting his mediation. This communication is voluminous, & I have not yet read the whole of it. Boniparte states in his speech that he has accepted as the basis of negotiation , the preliminaries offerd by the allies & the morning Chronicle, says, that it is reported that these deprive him of all his conquests except Treves & Cologne. Your hint about the reservation of rights in case of a peace which may not secure every thing will be attended to. I am dear sir with great respect & esteem your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress). Misdated July 14, 1814 in presidential papers index.
Monticello May 8.14.
My dear Sir
I know that your esteem for our mutual friend Kosciuszko will interest you in relieving the sufferings under which he now is in Paris. All his funds are in our monied institutions, and we are now transferring them into the hands of the government on the new loan but the cause of his distress is our inability to find the means of remitting his annual interest, the sole source of his subsistence. The entire destruction of all the relations of commerce has swept away the resource of private bills. The object of this letter is to beseech you to avail Mr. Barnes of any means which your department may offer of remitting to the General his annual funds. Mr. Barnes will have the honor of asking your advice on this subject.
I shall set out for Bedford in about 8 or 10 days. I shall regret it very much should it deprive me of the pleasure of seeing you here. My absence will be of 3 or 4 weeks. Affectionately yours
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington July 25. 1814.
Dear Sir
I think you showd me last summer a note of the courses and distances, taken by Mr. r. Lewis of my land, lying between the old road, passing by my house, & the top of the mountain, being, the first purchase which I made of Mr. Carter. Mr. Lewis made this survey at the time & in consequence of Mr. Shorts purchase. I will thank you to have the goodness to send me a copy of that survey, as it may save me the trouble & expence of another.
The present appearing to be a favorable time for the sale of land in our state, I advertised my tract in Loudoun some months past, in the hope of profiting of the high price given for such land in that county. In this I have not yet succeeded. As I lately passed thro' Richmond, it was intimated to me, that I might obtain a very advantageous price for my tract in Albemarle, in consequence of which I authorised Mr. T. Taylor to sell it, provided that suggestion could be realised . It is my intention to sell one of these estates, and to apply the money arising from the sale, to the payment of my debts, and improv'ment of the other. By this arrangment I shall lay the market for both & dispose of that which can be sold to greatest advantage, intending however not to sell that in Albemarle, unless the price shall be such, as to indemnify me for the sacrifice I shall make in relinguishing a residence of 26 years standing, as mine in Albemarle has been, and near old friends to whom I am greatly attached.
Our financial affairs seem likely to take the course which it was easy to anticipate under all the difficulties of our situation. Of monied men they are few in the country, and we cannot expect to obtain loans equal to the demand, from our monied institutions, many of which are not disposed to make them. I do not know, nor do I think, that an absolute failure in that respect, would do us any injury, as it would led to some substitute, more economical, as well as consistent with the state of our country, and the genius of our govt & people. Your ideas had much weight on my mind, but so wedded were our finances to the plan in operation that it was impossible to make any impression on them, then, in favor of any other. Will you have the goodness to confide to me a copy of your thoughts on this subject with which I was favord last year? The moment for promoting the arrangment contemplated by them is now more favorable, & I shall be happy to avail myself of it.
With great respect I am very sincerely your friend & servant, Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Aug. 3. 14.
Dear Sir
Yours of July 25 was recieved on the 31st. I learn by it with extreme concern that you have in contemplation the sale of the lands here. I had ever fondly hoped for your return to our society, when you should have run out your career of public usefulness. Perhaps however my age should relieve me from the pain of such long prospects. The survey of Mr. Short's land which you saw in my hand belonging properly to Mr. Higginbotham, I have taken an exact copy of it, which I inclose to be kept for your own use. I very much wish we could get the dispute line settled: but this can never be done without the attendance of Mr. Carter. I hope therefore you will engage him to come at some fixed time which may suit yourself in the course of this autumn. You know the anxious dispositions of Mr. Short to be clear of all litigations, and to keep his affairs clear and distinct. Say something to me in your first letter which I may write to him.
I send you the letters you desired and a short one to Mr. Cabell to whom I communicated them, because it expresses my entire despair on the subject, and at the same time the limitations under which I made the communication, to him, as now to yourself. If I had thought the President had time to reach such voluminous speculations, I should have submitted them to him; but knowing his labors, I spared him on a principle of duty, & further because, altho' they might go further into details than his time had permitted him yet they offered no principle or fact which was not familiar to him Should you think the communication of them to Mr. Campbell would be acceptable to him you will be so good as to do it in my name; but there let it stop for the reasons explained in my letter to Mr. Cabell. Keeping no copy of them, I shall be glad of their return after perusal. Be assured of my affectionate esteem & respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Octr. 4. 1814
Dear Sir
I have had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 24th of Sepr, to which I shall pay particular attention, and on which I will write you again soon.
Nothing but the disasters here, and the duties which have devolved on me, in consequence, the most burthensome that I have now encounterd, would have prevented my writing you long since, as more recently. I had devoted this morning to a full communication to you, but have been pressd by committees, on military topics, till the period has passed. You shall hear from me again in a few days. With great respect & esteem yr friend Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Octr. 10th. 1814
Dear Sir
The suspension of payments in specie by the banks is undoubtedly a species of insolvency. At this time, the foundation of their credit with the public, in a principal degree at least, is the Stock of the UStates in their possession. On it they issue their paper, for which they obtain an interest of about 7 pr cent. The UStates pay them that interest on advances, on the credit of their own funds. The demonstration is complete, that having better credit than any bank, or than all the banks together, the govt. might issue a paper, which would circulate without their aid, throughout the UStates and on much better terms to the public. Your letters I shall take the liberty of shewing to Mr. Dallas, who is expected here in a day or two. They were put up with my papers on the late occurrence, and are not yet unpack'd, being sent to Kirby.
I shall be happy to promote the disposition of your library in the manner you propose, tho' I regret that you are to be deprivd of such a resource & consolation in your retirement.
Letters were recd. yesterday from our ministers at Ghent, which announce the approaching termination of the negotiation, without any hope of peace. They will probably return in less than
a month. The demands of G. Britain, corresponding with what the papers had before given us, have rendered all accomodation impracticable. The President will communicate these despatches to Congress to day, so that you may probably receive them by this mail. Very respectfully your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Novr. 30. 1814
Dear Sir
Despatches are recd. from our ministers as late of the 31 ulto., at which time the negotiation was depending. On paper, serious difficulties seem to be remov'd, and few only to remain, the principal one of which is however important. Impressment is laid aside, for the reason urgd in the instructions to our ministers, which is strengthened by being us'd as an argument on the part of the British minister. The Indian boundary is given up by them, with the claim to the exclusive command of the lakes, & occupancy of our shore for military purposes. A stipulation of peace for the tribes fighting on their side, to be reciprocal is all that is desird on that point, & to that our ministers have assented. In this stage, the uti possedetis was proposed, as the basis, of the treaty relating to limits, & was suggested by intelligence that British troops had taken possession of certain parts of Maine, which was rejected by our gent. Thus it appears that the principal obstacle to accomodation, is the desire of the British govt. to hold a part of Massachusetts, to retain which the war goes on.
Our gentn. think that if this difficulty was settl'd another would arise, beleiving that they are gaining time only, to see the result of negotiations at Vienna, which is very uncertain, but more likely to preserve peace, that produce war. The communication will go to Congress to day but presuming that it will not be in time for the mails I endeavour to give you an idea of the contents.
With great respect your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Dec. 7. 14.
Dear Sir
A most important appointment for the landholders of our part of the country is now about to be made, that of the assessor of the landtax, who is to decide what portion of the aggregate sum assessed on our district shall be paid by each individual. Such a man should be enlightened, judicious, firm and independant. On consultation with our best men, I the last year recommended to the President & Secretary of the Treasury Peter Minor, a nephew of Gen. John Minor of Fredsbg., settled near Charlottesville. I think you must know his character and probably his person. Every one who has been spoken to consider him as the most unexceptionable & perfect character for the office in the district, and the one in whose hands they should think themselves the most secure in the repartition now to be made, & which probably will be permanent. There is not appeal from his sentence. However we were told the last year that a Mr. Armstead of an upper county of the district had obtained the appointment. This was given out by himself & by Garland (former member of Congress) who was his intercessor, and who is as unscrupulous in the means of fabricating an interest as in the use he makes of it, insomuch that tho elected by hook & by crook for the district before, he was rejected by his county at their last election of a delegate to the state legislature. It is now affirmed that no appointment was made the last year, and that Armstead is now going on to sollicit it. I know nothing of him personally, but all who have spoke of him to me agree that he is the weakest and laziest man in the district. Some think him honest, others deny it. I have written to Mr. Dallas on this occasion, as I did to the President on the former, and sollicit your testimony as to the character of Minor.
A Mr. Clarke applied to me a few days ago to write on his behalf to you for a military commission, which I declined on the general determination to take any part in these sollicitations. Minor's is not in that case, for he did not know of our wish to get him appointed. His recommendation was on our own motion. Clarke is the son of a most worthy father, Colo. John Clarke of Powhatan, probably known to you.
I am a good deal pressed to get the question of boundary between you & Mr. Short settled. I know it has been impossible for you to attend, and suppose it could not be well settled without your presence or that of Mr. Carter. The last is entirely desperate. As you will probably come up immediately after the 4th of March, I will pray you without regarding Mr. Carter's attendance, to give a day to it, let us take some neighbors and settle & be done with it. Our prospects here are woful. Where a few bushels of wheat can be sold at all it is for 50 cents only. Some feed their horses with it, & spare their corn as it will keep better. I dread the coincidence of the tax gather's progress the next year with the Presidential elections. Ever affectionately yours, Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Decr. 21. 1814
Dear Sir
On inquiry I found that Major Armistead had been regularly appointed principal assessor for our district by the advice of the Senate & been furnished with his commission. It had been intended as I understood, to appt. Mr. Minor, but the office of Collector; having been disposed of in our county, it was decided on the distributive principle to confer the other office on some person in another county. The functions of the assessor having hitherto been suspended led to the mistake that the office had not been disposed of.
I have never been in a situation of so much difficulty & embarrassment as that in which I find myself. I came into it not as a volunteer. This city might have been savd had the measures proposed by the President to the heads of depts. On the 10th of July, and advised by them, and order'd by him, been carried into effect. For this thee was full time before the attack was made, Whatever may be the merits of general winder, who is undoubtedly intelligent & brave, an infatuation seemed to have taken possession of Genl Armstrong, relative to the danger of this place. He could never be made to believe that it was in any danger. The representations of corporate bodies, committees of citizens &c. were slighted & divided both before & after the first of July. As late as the 23 of Augt., when the enemy were within 10 miles, by a direct route & marching against it, he treated the idea with contempt altho there was no serious impediment in their way, for the force intended for its defense was then to be collected at the places of rendevouz & formed into an army. The battle of the next day gave the city to the enemy. The consternation attending in Alexa. & the neighboring country need not be described. The President, Mr. Rush & I return'd on the 27th. The squadron of the enemy was then before fort Washington. Alexa. had capitulated; this city was prepar'd to surrender a second time, & Georgetown, was ready to capitulate. The infection ran along the coast. Baltimore totter'd, as did other places all of which were unprepard to resist an immediate attack. Armstrong was at Frederick town & Winder at Baltimore. No time could be spard. The President requested me to act in their stead, which I did as well as I could. The citizens cooperated with me. In two or three days the secry of war returnd, but all confidence in him was gone .I observd to the President that the Secry having returned my functions must close: that the delicate relations subsisting between the heads of depts renderd it improper for me to act while he was here, without his knowledge & consent. The President saw the justice of the remark. He had an immediate interview with the Secry, the consequence of which was the departure of the latter for his home next morning. Such was the state of affairs, and their evident tendency, that no time could be spard for corresponding with any one at a distance to take the office. The pressure on Alexa., and approaching attack on Balt. With other dangers and in many quarters allowed not a moment of respite for the dept. 24 hours of inaction was sure to produce serious mischief. These considerations induced me to retain the office & to incur a labour, & expose myself to a responsibility, the nature & extent of which I well understood, & whose weight has already almost borne me down.
Our finances are in a deplorable state. With a country consisting of the best materials in the world, whose people are patriotic & virtuous, & willing to support the war; whose resources are greater than those of any other country; & whose means have scarcely yet been touchd, we have neither money in the treasury or credit. My opinion always was that a paper medium supported by taxes, to be funded at proper times would answer the public exigencies, with a great saving to the Treasury. Your plan with some modifications, appeared to me to be admirably well adapted to the object. Mr. Dallas had decided on another which he reported to the committee immediately after his arrival. As soon as I obtained my papers from Leesburg I put your remarks on the subject into his hands. He spoke highly of them, but adherd to his own plan, & such is the pressure of difficulties, and the danger attending it, that I have been willing to adapt almost any plan, rather than encounter the risk of the overthrow of our whole system, which has been so obvious & eminent. Mr. Dallas is still in possession of your remarks, but I will obtain & send them to you in a few days.
Of the Hardford convention we have got no intelligence. These Gentry, will I suspect, find that they have over acted their part. They can not dismember the union, or league with the enemy, as I trust & believe, & they cannot now retreat without disgrace. I hope that the leaders, will soon take rank in society with Burr & others of that stamp. With great respect & esteem I am dear Sir your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 21. 15.
Dear Sir
When I retired from the government, I yielded with too much facility, first to the importunities of my friends to aid them in getting commands in the army and navy, next of mere acquaintances, and lastly of those also of whom I knew nothing. The business became laborious and irksome to myself, and, as I was sufficiently sensible, embarrasing and unpleasant to the government. Determined at length to relieve both them & myself, I availed myself of the simultaneous change in both departments to put an end to it; and to subsequent applications I answered by making known my determination to withdraw from those sollicitiations; as I accordingly have done since Armstrong & Jones entered on those offices. It is impossible however that some cases should not now and then occur win which duty as well as inclination require compliance. Such a case now occurs. Colo. Lancelot Minor, brother of our friend, Colo. John Minor, wishes a commission in the army for his son. I apprised him he could only enter in the lowest grade, and he is satisfied with that. I do not know the young man, but have known many of the name, and never knew one who did not possess worth and good sense. The papers I inclose you will speak of him more particularly, and it will be a great gratification to me, as well as to his most worthy father if he can obtain a command, and as early as propriety will admit. The President also knows the family. For fear the multiplicity of your business should put the return of me letters to Mr. Eppes &c out of recollection, I remind you of their return, and assure you of my affectionate esteem & respect.
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feby 15. 1815
Dear Sir
It is with infinite satisfaction that I inform you of the arrival of Mr. Carroll, yesterday from Ghent, with a treaty of peace between the UStates & G. Britain which was concluded on the 24 of Decr last. It is in all respects honorable to our country. No concession is made of any kind. Boundaries are to be trac'd on the principles of the treaty of 1783 by Comrs., whose differences should they disagree, is to be left to the ...of a friendly power. It is evident that this treaty has been extorted from the British ministry. The late victory at New Orleans terminates this contest with peculiar advantage & even splendour to the UStates.
The treaty will be submitted to the Senate to day, & I presume approved without opposition. A sketch will be in the intelligencer of this date.
My late severe indisposition prevented my writing you of late. The business which accumulated the weeks that I was ill, has since borne heavily on me.
With great respect & esteem your friend Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington April 26. 1815.
Dear Sir
I expected to have had the pleasure of seeing you, more than a month past, and to have deliver'd to you the inclosed letters on finance in person, with a paper on the same subject, which was written in our revolution by the President & given to me for perusal with a request that I would forward it to you for the same purpose. The ill health of Mrs. Monroe, and more recently of our daughter, have detaind me here, and will do it a week or ten days longer. Prior to their indisposition I had suffer'd much from a very severe attack of the sciatick, or rather of the prevailed epidemick which seized on the weaker parts of the system. From this, I soon recover'd , so far as to attend to business, but have not yet regaind my strength, and am affected by cold & sometime fever on the slightest exposure. Ashamed at having so long retaind your letters, and uncertain when I may be able to present them myself, I forward them by the mail. I send also a copy of a report which I made, from the dept. of war, on the cause of the differences between this govt. & those of some Eastern States relative to the power of the former over the militia. The letters of govrs. and the time & circumstances under which they were written, prove satisfactorily their object. Arrangments had been made, had the war continued, to ...a force in that quarter, which, had they preceeded would have render'd the treasonable designs of these men abortive, of which I will give you a detail when we meet. Happily the peace has retired the nation from all embarrassment on that, and very many other causes, that weighed heavily on the government. I hope you have considerd it, under all circumstances, an honorable one to the nation. If I can obtain a copy I will send it to you, of my report to the military committees, on the reduction of the army necessary to accomodate it to the peace establishment. Our friends pushed it beyond the limit which I proposed. By the law, two major genls. & 4 Brigrs. are to be retaind. Brown & Jackson were supposed, by service, to have the strongest claim to the first grade, and Scott, Gaines, McComb & Ripley to the second. This will discharge many having claims by long, in some instances very meritorious services, as well as, by age, & poverty. Employment will be given when it can, to these officers, in other lines, but I fear many will remain distressd and discontented.
In regard to our foreign affairs much is to be done. We have treaties with none, and not much kindness to be expected from any. The war, by the gallantry of our land & naval forces, has given us credit, and that may aid us in ...arrangments, tho' in some quarters it will produce a different effect. On these subjects we will confer more fully when we meet.
I am dear Sir with great respect & esteem your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington July 10. 1815.
Dear Sir
The intelligence which you communicated to me the evening before I left home, of a vote having been given in the H. of C. against Ld. C. has not been confirmd, and I fear will not be. Little has been receiv'd of late from Europe, but all accounts concur in the probability of a war, which Engld. prompts & leads, that will become general. Nothing can be mor unprincipled than such a war, since it strikes at the very foundation of right in every community, not solely as likewise the sovereign and the people, but assuming a right to a number of sovereigns to interfere in the interior concerns of another country, & to dictate a govt. & a King to it. I am strongly under the impression, that the treaty of Vienna, partakes of the quality of that of Pilnitz, and if the parties are successful, against France, that their attention will be directed against this country afterwards, the parent of revolutions and the imputed source of the misfortunes of the Bourbons. By the vast force said to be collected and collecting, it seems, as if the coalesced powers, intended to risk every thing in a great effort to accomplish their objects. From our ministers we hear nothing, which may owing to their having saild, on their return home, tho' of that, we are uninformed. Under these circumstances there seems to be little motive for remaining. The President will not stay long, & I shall soon follow him.
The inclosd is a survey made for me by Mr. Lewis, of the land lying below the old road, comprizing a purchase which I made, of Ch. Carter, after that of John which bounds on Mr. Shorts, in the point in which we disagree. If Mr. Lewis ever surveyd the tract first purchased, it was at the instance of the Mr. Carter, or some other person after I left the country to whom they sold land, after the sale to me. By comparing these courses with those in your possession, you will ascertain whether they are the same, or whether the latter from a survey of my tract first purchasd. If they do, I shall be glad to have a copy of them when I have the pleasure to see you.
It was at Culpepper court house, that I heard for the first time that Mr. Galloway had arriv'd with you the day I left, Albemarle, or the day before. A report that I had not the pleasure of seeing him; but as I shall soon get home I hope still to have that satisfaction. With respectful & affect. regard Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Sepr 23. 1815
Dear Sir
Judge Roane committed to my charge his opinion on the question whether the Congress had power to regulate an appeal from the Superior courts of the States individually, and of course from any of their courts, in cases relating to Counties & laws of the UStates, with a view that I might submit it to you. He remarked that his opinion had not been deliver'd, the cause tho' argued being still undecided. Aware of the importance of the subject, he is desirous of knowing your sentiments on it, from the respect he entertains for them. He would not ask them, if he supposed you had any objection to making them known, the contrary of which he infers from the freedom with which you have always expressd your opinions on great national questions. I expected to have handed you this in person, but find that I must depart without having the pleasure of seeing & conferring with you on this & other interesting topics. In case you think proper to communicate your sentiments on the question involv'd in Judge Roane's paper, it will I presume be but that you should address them to him, with the paper itself, tho' it will give me pleasure to be the organ, if you should prefer that mode.
I return you your own remarks on the subject of finance, tho' I should have been much qualified to have taken them with me to Washington, as that subject must be disposed of at the next session of Congress, and the plan which is so ably advocated by them; presents the only alternatives to that of a national bank [for the State banks offer none] for providing a circulating medium, that I know of. I will gladly receive this paper there, to be used under such injunctions as you may proscribe.
It appears that France is subdued, and likely to be dismembered, all her armies having surrender'd, & the whole country being in possession of the allies. Bonaparte has terminated his career ingloriously by any criterion by which his conduct can be examined. To say nothing of his having overthrown of the liberties of his country, we had a right to expect in a military chief looking to power & renown, consistent proofs or examples, of gallantry & even heroism with a defiance of his adversaries, & a scorn of life, in his last acts. We are told by his enemies that he fought the battle well, but even this is denied by Marshall Ney, and with great fever, if we may believe his statement of facts. From the moment of his defeat, he appears to have lost all command of himself. His retreat from the army, thereby depriving it of a head when it most wanted a great leader, his abdication, whereby all efficient govt. was dissolved, when the enemy was approaching Paris, and no other person could be relied on, to rally the army, in consequence of which it was disposed, with many other acts as reported, indicate a feebleness which was not expected of him. He seems to have had in view the preservation of his own life only, after he lost the power, for which he had contended, in one battle, & to have sunk under the defeat. The Bourbons are reduc'd to the most wretched condition. No means present themselves whereby they may support the independence of their country, or their own honor. The creatures of the allies, they must be their instruments. Even if they should place the govt. in the hands of the revolutionary party, the case would still, for a while, and perhaps a long one, be desperate. I do not think, that they can be leaders, of that party, and of course I do not see how they can, contribute to the independence of France.
Our gentlemen have formd a treaty with England under powers given them when they left home, and when it was hoped that every thing would be settled at the same time. Altho' it leaves much for future arrangment, yet it may be useful, at the present time, and satisfactory to the country. The complete overthrow of France, has excited much apprehension for the safety of our political institutions, & system. A treaty with the power most hostile to us, at a moment when that danger was to be most dreaded, may dissipate that fear, even with the most timid, which may be of considerable utility. It is important that its operation is limited to 4 years.
Very respectfully your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 16. 16.
Dear Sir
It being interesting to me that the inclosed letters should get safely to their destination, I pray you to give them a passage under the protection of your cover by your first dispatches to Paris & Leghorn. In my return from Bedford I had proposed a meeting of the arbitrators & surveyor to settle finally the question between you & Mr. Short. But successive snows which have kept the ground constantly covered since that have prevented. The surveyor guided by Price will measure the quantity, and I suppose the arbitrators, already understanding the question, will settle it together without going on the ground. I shall attend neither operation. I have an opportunity of getting some vines planted next month under the direction of M. David, brought up to the business from his infancy. Will you permit me to take the trimmings of your vines, such I mean as ought to be taken from them the next month? It shall be done by him to us to ensure no injury to them.
A M. LaMotte of Havre wishing the consulate of that place, I have been requested to state to you what I know of him. During the revolution war Dr. Franklin appointed a M. Limouzin Consul there & I think he appointed LaMotte vice consul. Limousin died & LaMotte succeeded to the duties of the office, but whether appointed Consul in full, I do not remember. On the French revoln & decline of commerce he retired into the country & Cutting was appointed Consul. Who since I know not. LaMotte has now returned and wishes the office. What I know of him is that he is a very honest man, of great worth, very much respected there & very diligent. I knew him well while I was in France & esteemed him highly. Who are the competitors I know not; but you will judge of their comparative merit ever & affectionately yours Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Jany [ante 27] 1816
Dear Sir
The letters to Dr. Jackson & Mr. Appleton received with yours of the 16th shall be forwarded by the first opportunity, of which, many frequently offer. You will settle the question between Mr. Short and me, whenever it may be most convenient to yourself & the arbitrators. My attendance is altogether unnecessary. I will instruct a Mr. York who has succeeded Mr. Byrd in the management of my farm, to allow your agent, to trim my vines, & take from them what ever he thinks fit. If he will perform that office, on all of them, I will make him a just compensation, as old Richard, I fear, does not understand it, and Byrd is otherwise engaged. Mr. Lamotte has very strong claims to the consulate at Harve. I experienc'd in my intercourse with him while in France, a conduct deserving in all respects great confidence & esteem. A Mr. J.C. Barnett has been consul at that port many years, tho' as the port was blockaded, he resided at Paris, & was under the Louisiana Convention a commissr. He is I presume not unknown to you. The late war has thrown on the govt., from the army & flotilla service, many applicants, some of great merit, who are destitute of all resources and willing to make experiments in any line to gain a living. Altho' they are not, in many instances, qualified for such a trust, and there is a strong sentiment that they ought to pursue in private life industrious occupations, yet their claim is full in all cases when put in competition with foreigners. There is not in trust a single consulate held by one of the latter description, no matter how long, that there are not many applications for, supported too be members of Congress, who have uniformly supported the government.
I send you a letter, which I have just receivd from Genl Scott at Paris, which gives a correct view, as I presume of the State of that wretched country. By a letter of the 3d of Decr. from our Consul at Bordeaux I find that in behalf of the allies, by way of indemnity for restoring order in France & Europe generally, by the suppression of the late mov'ment of Boniparte, comprizing a vast additional sum to England on acct. of spoliations since 1793, there is to be paid by her govt. about 400,000,000 of dolrs. in 5 years. A copy of the treaty as published is receiv'd and will be republished here without delay. Return me genl. Scotts letter after perusing it.
On the return of Ferdinand to Spain, the President appointed Mr. Erving minister to him, & instructed Mr. Erving to state that he had objections to the recognition of Mr. Onis of a personal nature, which induc'd a preference to the reception of another, but that if he asked it as a personal favor, Mr. Onis would be receiv'd. This was finally done, in the Spanish mode of doing business, involving sentiment, rather adding to proceeding insults, than making reparation for them. There being however no justifiable reason for declining longer to restore the diplomatic intercourse, Onis was renew'd. To this measure there were other considerations of weight. Without it, no accomodation could be made with Spain, nor could any step of any kind, be taken with advantage, untill a fair experiment to obtain an accomodation was made. Shortly after his reception he demanded 1st the restitution of West Florida, 2. The apprehention of Toledo, Humboldt & others, had ...of the Spanish patriots, their trial & punishment. 3d. The exclusion of the flags of Bunos Ayres Carthgna &c from the ports of the UStates. There were two modes of replying to his letters, one by confining the answer strictly to a defense of the conduct of the govt., the other by taking a review of the conduct of Spain for many years past, shewing that by spoliations, the suppression of the deposit at N. Orleans, she had merited & invited war, which, had not this govt. indulged feelings of moderation, would probably have been adopted. The latter was preferr'd, in executing which the surrender of W. Florida has been refused; the punishment of Toledo & others, their acts occuring beyond our jurisdiction, stated to be a case to which our laws do not extend; & that orders have been sometimes since given to admit the vessels of all countries without regard to their flags, pirates excepted. The ground taken in each instance, is believed to be solid, in regard to Spain, and such as will be approved here, & satisfactory to the colonists, which a door is opend to the Spanish govt., to settle our differences, by mutual cessions amicably, to which, it is invited.
I am very respectfully & sincerely your friend Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Feb. 17. 16.
It is impossible for you to note and preserve every thing as it passes in newspapers. I have therefore cut out of the Virginia Argus of Feb. 14. The inclosed papers. Have it filed with the papers on the Louisiana title, and when you have to take up that subject it will suggest to you facts for enquiry. It is from some hand acquainted well with the subject. It contains some facts not in the MS on which I wrote to you the other day, nor in my memoir & Chronological statement which is in your office, and was I believe furnished to our Commrs. at Madrid. Fac valeas, meque mutuo diligas.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Febry 27th. 1816
Dear Sir
I was much gratified to find that you approved the ground taken with the Spanish minister, respecting the Sph. colonies & in our affairs with Spain generally. The minister left this shortly after the correspondence for Philad. on account of the ill health of his family, not in disgust as has been represented. He has since arrival there written me another letter, adhering to his former claims, but in a tone of moderation, intimating a desire that a negotiation may be opend for the arrangment of every difference at Madrid. This is under consideration, and a special mission may be the result. He suggested in conference, his wish, that East Florida &c might be ceded to the US., in consideration of territory on the western side of the Mississippi, & in satisfaction of any well founded claims. He intimated also that it was probable that Buenos Ayres, Montividio, &c. might be exchanged for Portugal with the Portuguese govt. This seems to be more probable, from a late account that 6000 troops are going from [blank in ms] to Buenos Ayres. The policy of G. Britain has been to govern the Spanish provinces thro' the Por'fusla. While therefore she governs the pen'insula, she is opposd to the independence of the provinces. At present she governs France, Spain & Portugal as well as Holland, and may be concluded to be opposed to any change of that kind in this hemisphere. Having gain'd such an ascendancy in Europe, I should not be surprised to see a regular plan pursued in concert, by several of the powers, under he direction for the subjugation of the Spanish colonies, with ulterior objects bearing on us. The want is so probable, that all movments in that quarter ought to be watched attentively by this government.
It is very important to obtain the manuscript which you recd. from govr. Claiborne. It is possible that the copy deposited in the dept. of State may still be there. The papers preserv'd, and by far the greater portions, are still packed in boxes, which will not be opened till the office is in a state to receive them, which will not happen in less than a month. If you will be so good as to send me the document in your possession I will have a copy taken, & then forward it, as you may direct. The cutting from the Argus is receivd.
Mr. Pinckney of Maryland will be nominated to Russia, with a special mission to Naples, respecting claims. He relinguishes a practice said to be worth 25000 dolrs a year.
Mr. Gallatin goes to France. He hesitated sometime, but at last decided to accept the mission.
With great respect & esteem your friend & servant Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Apr. 9. 16.
Dear Sir
I had escaped my recollection till this moment that you had desired me to send you the copy of La Harpe's journal. You will find bound up with it some Extracts from it which I had made because bearing immediately on the question of right, and a duplicate copy of the letters of Cavallos Sabcedo & Herrera. If your office possesses the original, as I am sure it does, I will be glad to have this returned, that I may deposit it with the A. Philosophical society, where is will be safe and more open than it would be in your office for the use of writers on that subject. But indeed you should have it printed, that being the only certain way of preserving any thing. You will see that this was meditated by a calculation in my hand at the foot of the 1st page, from which it appears that 300 copies sold @1 D 10C would repay the whole expence of printing them.
Affectionately yours, Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
29 Augt. 1816.
Jas Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson.
Mr. Rush has just left me to bid you farewell, intending when he departed to set out on his return to Washington to morrow. If you can keep him, I will be happy to join with him, the party, from your house, on the visit to Mr. Divers. But if he proceeds on his journey, it is possible that my ingagments with him, may prevent me. I will join you if in my power, & at an early hour.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Albemarle Sepr. 30. 1811
Dear Sir
The inclosed was left me by Mr. Rush, for your opinion, of the propriety of the measure proposed. I retaind it, in the hope of finding you alone, before we separated, for a moments conversation on the subject. The first question is, whether such a notice of the occurrence, which it is proposed to commemorate, is proper, or silent contempt, will be, more expressive & dignified. You will have the goodness to inclose the papers to me, at your leisure, with you sentiments on the project at Washington. With my best and affectionate wishes for your health & welfare, I am dear sir, your friend & servant ... Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Oct. 9. 16.
Dear Sir
A Mr. Armstead, who married a niece of our governor, who is brother to the Colo. Armstead that defended the fort at Baltimore and of one or two other officers of great merit lost in the service, and who is reduced to poverty by unsuccessful commerce, wishes to get bread for his family, as clerk in an office at Washington. He is represented as a very worthy man and entirely competent to the business. If a vacancy should happen within your gift I believe you would acquire an useful servant in him. I wish this the more in your office because it would tend to restore dispositions between two characters which ought never to have been alienated. Between persons so reasonable as yourself and the Governor it is impossible either can be in the wrong. The one, or the other, or perhaps both, must therefore have acted properly, but on wrong information. I have often wished I could be the mediator of restoring a right understanding but, as unsuccessful essays sometimes make things worse, I have feared a formal step towards it. Yet you are both made to esteem one another, and esteem is so much sweeter to both parties than it's contrary, that you should both open yourselves to it. Should there be any present vacancy, I should value it the more as it would furnish you an occasion of shewing to my other friend what I know myself, how much you are above every thing which is not generous and frank. This object, more than any other has induced me to the present sollicitation. God bless and preserve you for the eight years to come especially. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Oct. 16. 16
Dear Sir
If it be proposed to place an inscription on the Capitol, the lapidary style requires that essential facts only should be stated, and these with a brevity, admitting no superfluous word. The essential facts in the two inscriptions proposed are these:
Founded 1791.
Burnt by a British army 1814
Restored by Congress 1817.
The reasons for this brevity are that the letters must be of extraordinary magnitude to be read from below, that little space is allowed them, being usually put into a pediment or in a frize, or on a small tablet on the wall; and, in our case a 3d reason may be added, that no passion can be imputed to this inscription, every word being justifiable from the most classical examples.
But a question of more importance is whether there should be one at all? The barbarism of the conflagration will immortalise that of the nation it will place them for ever in degraded comparison with the execrated Bonaparte who, in possession of almost every capital in Europe, injured no one. Of this, history will take care, which all will read, while our inscription will be seen by few. Great Britain, in her pride and ascendancy has certainly hated and despised us beyond every earthly object. He hatred may remain but the hour of her contempt is past, and is succeeded by dread, not a present, but a distant and deep one. It is the greater, as she feels herself plunged into an abyss of ruin, from which no human need point out an issue. We also have more reason to hate her than any nation on earth. But she is not now an object for hatred. She is falling from the transcendant sphere, which all men ought to have wished; but not that she should lose all place among nations. It is for the interest of al that she should be maintained nearly on a par with other members of the republic of nations. Her power, absorbed into that of any other, would be an object of dread to all; and to use more than all, because we are accessible to her alone, and thro' her alone. The armies of Bonaparte, with the fleets of Britain, would change the aspect of our destinies.
Under these prospects, should we perpetuate hatred against her? Should we not on the contrary begin to open ourselves to other, and more rational dispositions? It is not improbable that the circumstances of the war, and her own circumstances may have brought her wise men to begin to view us with other, and even with kindred eyes. Should not our wise men then, lifted above the passions of the ordinary citizen, begin to contemplate what, will be the interests of our country, on so important a change among the elements which influence it? I think it would be better to give her time to shew her present temper, and to prepare the minds of our citizens for a corresponding change, of disposition, by acts of comity towards England, rather than by commemorations of hated.
These views might be greatly extended. Perhaps however they are premature, and that I may see the ruin of England nearer than it really is. This will be a matter of consideration with those to whose councils we have committed ourselves, and whose wisdom, I am sure, will concluded on what is best. Perhaps they may let it go off on the single and short consideration that the thing can do not good, and may do harm. Ever & affectionately yours, Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Octr. 22d. 1816.
Dear Sir
It would give me real pleasure to be useful to Mr. Armstead, for the reasons you have stated, if I had the power, but there is not vacancy in the dept. of state, and so closely beset are all the depts. by applications for clerkships, that opportunities rarely occur of introducing into either, any person whom we wish, however deserving of it. I have spoked to the President in Mr. Armstead's favor, and shall speak to the gentlemen in the other depts., as soon as they arrive, so that I hope he may be provided for. To Govr. Nicholas's family I have been friendly, particularly to those in the military line, and especially while in the dept. of war, when I had the means. Towards him personally, I thought that I had serious cause of dissatisfaction, some years past, but that faling has long since subsided, and never could have been a motive for injuring or slighting his connections. When in Richmond, shortly after the peace, I called on him thereby evincing my willingness to restore a friendly intercourse.
Your sentiments relating to an inscription on the Capitol correspond strictly with my own. Our friends will I doubt not be satisfied with it.
Mr. Duschkoff has pushed his demand of reparation for what he calls an insult to the Emperor, by the arrest & confinment of his consul genl at Phila., on the charge of committing a rape there, with the utmost degree of violence, of which the case was susceptible. By the state of his late notes, we have reason to expect, that he will announce the termination of his mission, in obedience to orders given him by his govt., which acting under an excitment produc'd by his misrepresentations, and before a correct statment reached our charge des affrs., at St. Petersburg. A collision with him, which he invited from the commenc'ment by declaring the arrest & confin'ment of the consul, a violation of the law of nations, was carefully avoided, without making any concession, and staff is, tho' the offset which he sought to produce with his govt., has unfortunately been too fully accomplished. It is hoped that the delusion of his govt. will be momentary, & presumed, whenever it ceases, that the reaction will be felt by himself. The incident is a disagreeable one; the govt. knew nothing of it, till after the consul had been arrested, & releasd from confinment, and it has imposed on the govt. the painful duty only, of exerting itself to prevent its producing mischief at Petersburg, without making any sacrifice of principle here. With Mr. de Neuville we have some respite, procur'd by some jarring, which he ought to have avoided. The Spaniards in the gulph of Mexico, seem to invite, a rupture, which their govt. cannot be prepared for or desire .From Algiers we have heard nothing lately.
With great respect affesy. your friend Jas Monroe
RC (Jefferson papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 10. 17.
Dear Sir
It would seem mighty idle for me to inform you formally of the merits of Colo. Trumbull as a painter or as a man. Yet he asks me notice of him to my friends, as if his talents had not already distinguished him in their notices. On the continent of Europe his genius was placed much above West's, Baron Grimm, the arbiter of taste at Paris in my day, expressed to me often his decided & high preference. Not so in London, where all follow suit to the taste of the king, good or bad. Colo. Trumbull expects that as the legislature are with liberality rebuilding the public edifices, they will proceed in the same spirit to their decoration. If so, his paintings should certainly be their first object. They will be monuments of the taste & talents of our country, as well as of the scenes which gave it it's place among nations. I recommend him to your kind offices, and rejoice in seeing that you are to be in a place where they may have effect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feby 23. 1817
Dear Sir
I had the pleasure to receive the letter which you forwarded to me through Col. Trumbull, & to apply it with the best effect, to the purpose for which it was intended. Congress passed a law, under which a contract has been concluded with him, bot the painting of four pieces; the declaration of Independence; the surrender of Burgoyne, that of Cornwallis; & the resignation of Genl Washington. For these he is to receive 32,000 dolrs., 8000 in advance, and 6 on the completion of each picture. I am satisfied that he owes this tribute to respect, principally to your favorable opinion of his merit.
To your friendship, & good wishes in my favor, I have always had the greatest sensibility, and shall continue to have. The time is approaching, when I shall commence the duties of the trust suggested in your last. The difficulties of which, have been felt, in a certain degree, even in the present stage; particularly in the formation of the administration with which I am to act. On full consideration of all circumstances, I have thought that it would produce a bade effect, to place any one from this quarter of the union, in the dept;. of state, or from the South or West. You know how much has been said to impress a belief, on the country, North, & East of this, that the citizens from Virga. holding the Presidency, have made appointments to that Dept. to secure the succession, for it, to the Presidency, of the person who happend to be from that state. My opinion is that, those of that State, who have been elected to the Presidency, would have obtain'd that proof of the public confidence had they not previously filled the dept. of State, except myself, & that my service in another dept. contributed more to aversions prejudices against my election, than that in the dept of State. It is however not sufficient, that this allegation is unfounded. Much effect has been produc'd by it; so much, indeed, that I am inclined, to believe, that if I nominated any one from this quarter (including the south & West, which in relation to such a nomination at this time, would be viewed in the same light). I should imbody against the approaching admn. principally to defeat, the suspected arrangment for the succession, the whole of the country north of the Delaware, immediately, and that, the rest, to the Patomk, would be likely to follow it. My wish is to prevent such a combination, the ill effect of which would be so sensibly felt, on so many important public interests among which, the just claims, according to the relative merit of the parties of persons, in this quarter ought not to be disregarded. With this view, I have thought it adviseable, to select a person for the dept. of State, from the Eastern states, in consequence of which my attention has been turned to Mr. Adams, who by his age, long experience in our foreign affairs, and adoption into the republican party, seems to have superior pretentions to any there. To Mr. Crawford I have intimated by sincere desire that he will remain where he is. To Mr. Clay, the dept. of war was offer'd, which he declind. It is offerd to Gov. Shelby, who will be nominated to it, before his answer is recd. Mr. Crowninshield it is understood will remain in the navy dept. I can hardly hope, that our southern gentlemen, who have good pretentions, will enter fully into this view of the subject, but having formd my opinion, in great consideration, I shall probably adhere to it.
On our affairs, generally I will take some opportunity, soon, of writing you, if, indeed, I cannot, make a visit to our neighborhood, which I have wished & intended. I beg you to be assurd of my constant and affectionate regard & great respect Jas. Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Apr. 8. 17.
Dear Sir
I shall not waste your time in idle congratulations. You know my joy on the commitment of the helm of our government to your hands.
I promised you, when I should have recieved and tried the wines I had ordered from France and Italy, to give you a note of the kinds which I should think worthy of your procurement: and this being the season for ordering them, so that they may come in the mild temperature of autumn, I now fulfill my promise. They are the following.
Vin blanc ligoureux d'Hermitage de M. Jourdan a Tains. This costs about 81/1/2 cents a bottle put on ship board.
Vin de Ledanon (in Languedoc) something of the Port character but higher flavored, more delicate, less rough. I do not know it's price, but probably about 25 cents a bottle.
Vin de Roussillon. The best is that of Pergrignan or Rivesalte of the crop of M. Durand. It costs 74 cents a gallon, bears brining in the cask. If put into bottles here it costs 11 cents a bottle more than if bottled here by an inexplicable & pernicious arrangement of our Tariff.
Vin de Nice. The crop called Ballet, of Mr. Sasterno is best. This is the most elegant every day wine in the world and costs 31 cents the bottle. Not much being made it is little known at the genl. market. Mr. Cathalan of Marseilles is the best channel for getting the three first of these wines, and a good one for the Nice, being in their neighborhood, and knowing well who makes the crops of best quality. The Nice being a wine foreign to France, occasions some troublesome forms. If you could get that direct from Sasterno himself at Nice, it would be better, and, by the bye, he is very anxious for the appointment of Consul for the US. at that place. I knew his father well; one of the most respectable merchants and men of the place. I hear a good character of the son, who has succeeded to his business. He understands English well, having past sometime in a Counting house in London for improvement. I believe we have not many vessels going to that port annually & yet as the appointment brings no expence to the US. and is sometimes salutary to our merchants and seamen, I see no objection to naming one there.
There is still another wine to be named to you, which is the wine of Florence called Montapilliciano, with which Appleton can best furnish you. There is a particular very best crop of it known to him, and which he has usually sent to me. this costs 25 cents per bottle. He knows too from experience how to have it set, bottled and packed as to ensure it's bearing the passage, which in the ordinary way it does not. I have imported it thro him annually 10 or 12 years and do not think I have lost 1 bottle in 100.
I salute you with all my wishes for a prosperous & splendid voyage over the ocean on which you are embarked, and with sincere prayers for the continuance of your life and health.
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Apr. 13. 17.
Dear Sir
The reciept of a commission as Visitor will have informed you, if you did not know it before, that we have in contemplation to establish a College near Charlottesville. By the act of assembly, which fixes our constitution, it is to be under the direction of 6 visitors. Your commission has informed you you were one of these, & your colleagues are Mr. Madison, Genl. Cocke, Mr. Joseph C. Cabell, Mr. Watson of Louisa and myself. A meeting, and immediately, is indispensable to fix the site, purchase the grounds, begin building &c. We endeavoured to have one the day of our last court. But Mr. Madison was not returned home, & Mr. Watson was sick, so that only Messrs. Cocke, Cabell & myself attended. We agreed to call one on the day succeeding our May court, to wit, Tuesday the 6th of May. A still more important object than the College itself makes this meeting interesting. The legislature, at their next meeting will locate the University. They propose, on a truly great scale, & with ample funds. Staunton claims it, & will have the tramontane interest. Yet 2/3 of the population is below the mountains; and if schism among them can be prevented, it will be placed below. The centrality of Charlottesville & other favorable circumstances places it on the highest ground of competition: and it is important to lift it up to the public view. The site is fixed at your former residence above Charlottesville. 200 acres of land provisionally agreed for. The commencement of the buildings immediately will draw the public attention to it but what, every one believes will bring it the most into notice, is a full meeting of the Visitors. The attendance of yourself there, Mr. Madison and the others will be a spectacle which will vividly strike the public eye, will be talked of, put into the papers, coupled with the purpose, and give preeminence to the place. A site marked out by such a visitation for the Central college, for that is the title the law has given it, will be respected, it will silence cis-montane competition, united suffrages and ensure us against schism. Your attendance for this once is looked for with great desire & anxiety by the people of this section of country, and you can never do an act so gratifying to them, as by joining this meeting. As a visit to your farm however short must be desirable to you, I am in hopes you will so time it as to meet us on the occasion. The other gentlemen will be at Monticello the overnight, that is to say the evening or to dinner on the 5th which is court day. I do suppose there can be nothing nationally important in the present state of general quiet, to oppose such a visit, and I will allow myself to hope we shall see you accordingly. I salute you with perfect affection and respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Apr. 15. 17.
Finding subsequently what had not been before attended to that the law had appointed the 1st day of our Spring & Autumn District court for the stated meetings of the Visitors of the Central College, it is concluded that our meeting should be on the 5th instead of the 6th of May (noted in my letter of the 13th) and that being the 1st day of both our County & district courts, the collection of the people will be great, and so far give a wider spread to our object. We shall hope therefore to see you on that day. Mr. Madison will join us the day before. Ever & affectly. yours.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington April 23. 1817
Dear Sir
I have to acknowledge three letters from you, of the 8th 13th & 15th of this month. The note, in the first, of the different kinds of wines, to be procur'd in France & Italy, and of the persons to be applied to for them, will be of great service to me. I shall immediately profit of it, and shall be very glad, to be able, to render you, any service by extending the order, to such as you may want, of which be so good as to inform me.
It would give me sincere pleasures to attend the meeting of Visitors to be held on the 5th of May, for establishing the site of the central college in our county, and I will do it, if in my power. In a few days, I will decide the question, and inform you of the result. Soon after my election to the present office, I determined to make a tour along our coast, & to the westward, to enable me to execute with the greatest advantage, the duties assignd me, relative to public defense, as to fortifications dock yards &c, and to set out about the middle of May. Arrangments are made for my departure about that time, and indeed, it is the best season for such a journey, especially as I hope, form it, much advantage to my health, which is however, now, in a good state. How the trip to Albemarle will be practicable, paying due regard to intermediate duties here, forms the difficulty, which I shall be happy to surmount, if in my power. To the wishes of the county, I have due sensibility, and should be highly gratified to meet so many friends as would be present there. There are no very important duties, pressing here, at this time, but you well know that there never is a moment, when there is not something of interest, and often of an embarrassing kind. Such exist now, relative to which, if I cannot make you the visit in contemplation, I will write you soon; and if I can, I shall have a better opportunity of communicating in person. For the interest which you take in my success, which is always very gratifying & consoling to me, I am truly thankful. With great respect very sincerely your friend James Monroe
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
I arriv'd here the day before yesterday on my way to Sacketts harbour, & thence to the westward in completion of the tour, which I advised you, that I had in contemplation before I left Washington. I have been, Eastward, as far as Portland, and after returning to Dover in N. Hampshire, have come here by Concord & Hanover in that state, & Windsor, Montpelier, & Burlington in Vermont. Yesterday, I visited Rouse's point, within two hundred yards of the boundary line, where we are engaged in erecting a work of some importance, as it is supposed to command the entrance into the lake, from Canada. Genl. Brown met me here. Tomorrow I proceed, with him, by Ogdensbg to Sackett's harbour, & thence to Detroit unless I should be compelled, on reaching Erie to cling to the southeastern side of that lake, & seek my way home through the state of Ohio by circumstances I may not be able to controul.
When I undertook the tour, I expected to have executed it, as I might have done, in an inferior station, and even as a private citizen, but I found, at Bal. That it would be impracticable for me to do it. I had, therefore, the alternative, of either returning home, or complying with the opinion of the public & immediately, I took the latter course, relying on them to put me forward, as fast as possible, which has been done. I have been exposd to excessive fatigue & labour, in my tour by the pressure of very crowded population, which has sought to manifest it respect for our union, & republican institutions in every step I took, and in modes wh made a trial of my strength, as well phisically as mentally. In the principal towns, the whole population, has been in motion, and in a manner to produce the greatest degree of excit'ment possible. In the Eastern section of our union, I have seen distinctly, that the great cause, which brought the people forward was a conviction that they had suffer'd in their character by their conduct in the late war, an a desire to show, that unfavorable opinions, and as they thought, unjust had been formd in regard to their views and principles. They seiz'd the opportunity, which the casual incident of my tour presented to them, of making a strong exertion to restore themselves to the confidence, and ground which they formerly held, in the affection of their brethren in other quarters. I have seen enough to satisfy me, that the great mass of our fellow citizens in the Eastern States, are as firmly attached to the union and to republican govt., as I have always believd, or could desire them to be.
In all the towns thro' which I passed there was an union between the parties, except in the case of Boston. I had suppos'd that that union was particularly to be desird by the republican party, since as it would be founded, exclusively on their own principles, every thing would be gaind by them. Some of our old, and honest friends at Boston were, however, unwilling to amalgamate with their former opponents, even on our own ground, and in consequence presented an address of their own. This formd the principal difficulty, that I have had to meet, to guard against any injury arising from the step taken, to the republican cause, to the republican party, or the persons individually. You will have seen their address & my reply, & be enabled to judge of the probable result.
I hope to see you the latter end of next month, when we will enter into details, which the few minutes I now enjoy do not admit, however glad I shod. be to do it. I most ardently wish to get home to visit my family & friends, & to enjoy in peace, some moments of repose, to which I have been an utter stranger, since I left Washington. With my best wishes for your welfare, I am dear sir respectfully & sincerely your friend & servt James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Octr. 11. 1817
James Monroe's best respects to Mr. Jefferson.
The enclosed communication from Com. Chauncy having relation to Mr. Catholon is sent for Mr. Jefferson's inspection.
J.M. has occasion to refer to the treaty of Ghent, & not being able to find it among his papers, will thank Mr, Jefferson for a copy of it, should he have one. It will be returnd in a day or two.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Oct. 13. 17
Dear Sir
I received last night a letter from M. Cathalan inclosing that for the Secretary of the Navy which I now forward to you. It was left open for my perusal with a request to stick a wafer in it & to forward it. The wish that I should know it's contents, and the trouble of copying so long a dispatch are I suppose his apology for this little irregularity. It proves the intrigues of Fitch, the testiness of Chauncy (not to give it a harder name) and with the correspondence of Gamble, what an admirable contrivance a navy is for begetting ill blood and wars between nations. But we are at present under a navy fever which must take it's course and be permitted to wear itself off.
Altho' I know how much you are oppressed with reading, I must still request you to read Cathalan's statement, & also his correspondence with Gamble, who after a letter of great insolence was honorable enough to make just acknolegement to the health office of Marseilles. The reading of this dispatch will save you all future trouble on the subject. The printed paper & it's endorsement is not worth reading because merely a document to prove Fitch's conduct. We were under a mistake in supposing Cathelan might be connected in business with Dodge. I had forgotten that he had for several years been withdrawn from all private & mercantile business. His statement of the fact in this letter recalled it to my memory. Affectionately & respectfully your's
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Oct. 30. 17.
Dear Sir
There will be some cases wherein it will be out of my power to refuse my testimony of worth to applicants for appointment, who may request me to say to you what I know of them. To these solicitations however I shall never yield, nor become troublesome to you but where the claims on me are peculiar. I do not know whether you were acquainted with George Stevenson while he pursued in our neighborhood his course of education with his father in law the late inestimable Peter Carr. In that situation I knew him intimately as a youth of fine genius and of a generous & devoted character. He left us to try his fortune in mercantile pursuits in Baltimore under the patronage of his uncles the Mr. Smiths & Mr. Holland and of Mr. Buchanan. He failed; but came pure out of the trial, with the increased confidence & attachment of the mercantile body. He proposes now to establish himself at the Havana, & will carry with him the unlimited confidence of the commercial community as well as the warmest wishes of his strong political connexions, himself having been, in the worst of times, one of the most decided republicans. The appointment of Commercial agent at the Havanna would start him on high & hopeful ground, and that he would discharge the duties of the appointment with zeal & ability his sound understanding & the integrity of his former life are pledges. These are the truths which I have to testify, and I am sure you will do on them what is most for the public good, and with the more pleasure if in doing that, it enables you to rehabilitate unsuccessful worth. I salute you with constant affection & respect.
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Decr. 23. 1817
Dear Sir
Some days elapsed, after the receit of your letter of the 13, before I could fulfill the injunction, of affording Mr. Mercer an opportunity of perusing, or, it would have been returned, immediately with my signature. I had not nothing to alter in, or to add to it. I hope and think, that it will succeed, in placing the university, where it ought to be; & that, by means of that institution, the character of the State, for distinguishd mental acquirement in its citizens will be maintained in the high rank it has heretofore sustained.
The affair with general Jackson is not terminated; it is however probable that it will be, on just principles, & retain him in service: that of Amelia Island & Galvestown, is also still a cause of concern, tho' the probability is, that the public mind, will discriminate between a banditti, form'd of adventurers of all nations, except the Spanish Colonies, plannd in our own country, & resting for support on presumed impurity within us, & the cause of the Colonies themselves, to which, we all wish success. It is also probable that the colonies will disavow them. The agent of Buenos Ayres had done it. The allied powers, that is, G. B. & France [tho' the latter has not been so explicit] have intimated a desire to arbitrate our differences with Spain, on the ground of making the Miss. the boundary, whence it is inferrd that if we pushed a quarrel with Spain, they would interpose against us. Russia stands aloof. With affectionate respect, James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Febry 13. 1818
Dear Sir
I enclose you a commission for Mr. Sasserno, as consul for Nice, with a memo: from the dept. of State relating to its transmission to him, respecting which we shall be happy to forward your views.
I enclose you also an extract from a letter of Mr. Gallatin relating to Mr. Cathalan, which it is thought proper for you to see. There are other things said of him, which impute his standing in society, of which you perhaps have heard. They impute to him a scandalous life, as to women, such as id deemed so, by all where he is. I shall take no step for the present, no do I wish to take any that you do not approve.
An indirect offer of her mediation by G. B. in our differences with Spain is the only material circumstance, that has lately occurr'd in our foreign concerns. It was declin'd in a friendly manner, for reasons which I need not explain to you.
With great respect & esteem your friend & servant James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Feb. 21. 18.
Dear Sir
I am the more indebted for your friendly letter of Feb. 13 mentioning the charges against Cathalan, because a long, an intimate and personal acquaintance with him interest my wishes for his welfare, so far as justice permits; while I certainly should not be his advocate if guilty of serious delinquencies of office. But I observe that all these complaints have originated since Mr. Fitch began to gape after his office. Till then I never heard an American speak of Cathalan but with commendations of his zeal and attentions, and I knew much of them myself. As Fitch (as we have seen) could infuse into Commodore Chauncey that the laws of Quarantine might have been suspended for him, had Mr. Cathalan the zeal which an American Consul would feel, so I have no doubt he has been equally careful , thro' the medium of his countrymen at Paris to have the same insinuations whispered into the ear of Mr. Gallatin, who repeats only what is represented to him. I know too that our smuggling Captains always count on their Minister and Consuls making common cause with them in covering their rogueries; that they expect them to get the laws of the country they dispensed for them, and think that the chief purpose for which they are placed there. I observe too that the allegations against Cathalan are all loose and general, such as may be brought against any body, and can be disproved ;by nobody no fact being specified which can be laid hold of and brought to the test of proof. Of his understanding you can judge from his letters, which shew indeed a diffuse mind, spreading it's matter thin, over a great deal of paper, but I suspect that neither do our Consuls generally write in the style of Tacitus. Cathalan shews really worst on paper. In conversation I can assure you that he appears with good sense, has great information in the line in which he has been brought up, and is much above the common level, instead of being below it, as represented to Mr. Gallatin. His knolege, his experience, and integrity have always given him a respectable standing among the merchants of that place, and considerable weight with the functionaries of the government.
The charge of passion for women is a very equivocal one in their country. After the loss of his wife, his only daughter & her husband continued to live with him till 2 or 3 years ago, when he married a 2d wife. Whether any settlement on her alarmed the avarice of his sone in law, or what else, I am not informed; but he left the house on that event with his wife, has broken off all intercourse with the father from that time, and given him in every way all the uneasiness in his power. It is possible that, be fore his 2d marriage, he may have indulged himself with women: perhaps , since that, he may not have withstood the gallantries of the country. Of this I know nothing. But you know how little is thought of it there, while to Americans generally, it does appear scandalous; and especially may so with the commentaries, the exaggerations, and industrious circulation of mater by his friend Mr. Fitch. I do not think however the wisdom of our government will add to it's other cares that of making themselves guardians of the chastity of all their officers, at home and abroad; or of erecting themselves into a court Christian, to take cognisance of the amours imputed to them truly or falsely. Rumors of this kind may furnish sufficient cause for refusing an office; but to take it away requires in the forum of justice, particular specifications, proof, defence, & a substantial corpus delecti.
After communicating to you here the papers on his subject; and the idea you appeared to form on them, I wrote to Cathalan that the government did not see, in what had passed, any cause of alarm to him, that if his proposal to resign had been prompted by any fear of a removal, he might consider himself as safe under the protection of it's justice: but that if independant of that fear, he wished to resign, he had only to repeat the wish, and I thought that his friend Mr. Dodge, by the recommendations in his favor, stood on favorable ground for the appointment. It will not be very long before I shall know his ultimate wish. Very likely it may be to resign but be that as it may, if the importunities of his competitors should make his continuance so troublesome as to render his resignation desirable to you, only drop me the hint, and I will effect his resignation.
I am very sensible of your kindness in the case of Sasserno, and return his commission to be forwarded from the department of state, with a letter from myself letting him know his obligations to you for it. I salute you with affectionate friendship & respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington July 22. 1818.
Dear Sir
I expected long before this to have had the pleasure of seeing you in Albemarle, but the necessity of being here, on the receit of Genl. Jackson's report of his operations in Florida, & in the expectation of the return of our commissrs from Buenos Ayres, whom I wished to meet, detained me in Loudoun till lately, when on the occasion of both events I return'd to the city.
The occurrance at Pensacola has been full of difficulty, but without incurring the charge of committing a breach of the Constitution, or of giving to Spain just cause of war, we have endeavour'd to turn it to the best account of our country, & credit of the commanding general. We shall tell the Spanish minister, that the posts will be deliverd up, but that their attach was owing to the misconduct of the Spanish officers, whose punishment wod. be demanded of his govt, and that his govt. must keep a strong force in Florida to enable it to comply with the stipulation of the treaty of 1795, which would be rigorously exacted. The proof of misconduct in the Spanish officers in stimulating the Indians to make war, furnishing them with munitions of war to carry it on &c, is very strong. It has appear'd to be altogether improper, to hold the posts, as that would amount to a decided act of hostility, and might be considerd an usurpation of the power of Congress. To go to the other extreme has appeard to be equally improper, that is, to being Genl. Jackson to trial for disobedience of orders, as he acted on facts which were unknown to the govt. when his orders were given, many of which indeed occurr'd afterwards, & as his trial unless he should ask it himself, would be the tryumph of Spain, & confirm her in the disposition not to cede Florida.
I lately transmitted to Mr. Madison a copy of a paper, written at Moscow, by order of the Emperor, as the basis of his instructions to his ministers at the allied courts, relative to the differences between Spain & her Colonies, & likewise a copy of a letter which I have written to Genl. Jackson on the subject mentiond above for your joint information. Those papers will give you full information on both subjects. I shall here this to day or to morrow for Loudoun, whence I shall proceed without delay with my family for Albemarle, where I hope to find you in good health.
With great respect & esteem your friend & servant James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Sepr 9. 1818
Dear Sir
Sometime ago you intimated to me a desire to dispose of a small tract of land, which you have between Mr. Alexanders & my land lying below the Blenheim tract. As this is detatched from your other lands, it is probable that you may still be desirous parting from it, and that it may fall into other hands, [which I should regret] without an arrangment between us. If my impression is correct, and we can agree, I shall be glad to become the purchaser, with which view I will thank you to state the price per acre. I shall be able to make the payment in Jany next, or sooner if desir'd.
I hope that your health improves. If I can be, in any manner useful to you, in the affairs of the College, during your confinement, I beg you to command me.
With great respect & regard your friend & servant James Monroe
I have finally decided to call my place here "Highland."
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
J. Monroe has the pleasure to submit to Mr. Jefferson's perusal a letter from Judge Bland, on So. American affrs. which he mentiond to him sometime since.
If the weather & Mr. Jefferson's health permit J.M. will be very much gratified by his company to day, with the gentlemen, now at Monticello, who promis'd with Col Randolph, to dine with him to day.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Novr. 23. 1818
Dear Sir
I send you a copy of the documents relating to negotiations with Spain, from a very distant day, to the end of the session, which will be interesting to you, tho' not now, having had the direction of them, in the stage, which formd the outline of what has since followd.
Our attitude with the allied powers, in regard to So. Am: is as favorable, as it well can be, Mr. Gallatin having had conferences, the former with Ld. C. & the latter with the Duke of R., & the Russian minister at Paris, in which they were informd by those ministers, that their govts. could not well move in that affr. without the UStates , by which it was meant, as is inferr'd against the UStates. Had we made a bolder or more precipitate movement, it might have produc'd a corresponding one on their part, every different from that, which it is expected, they will adopt & pursue. At present our weight is thrown into the scale of the Colonies in a way most likely to produce the desird effect with the allies in favor of the colonies, without hazard of loss to ourselves.
I heard, with great pleasure, by Mr. Burwell, that your health had improv'd, since I left you. That it may continue to improve is the sincere wish, of your friend & servant James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Decr 21. 1818
Dear Sir
General King of the District of Maine [Mass:] expressing a desire to being known to you personally, & his intention to make you a visit, I take much interest in forwarding his views, by giving him this introduction. His uniform support of the republican cause, & useful services in the late war, are I presume known to you. I hear with great pleasure that your health is completely restord. With best wishes for its continuance, I am dear Sir very respectfully your friend & servant
James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 18. 19
You oblige me infinitely, dear Sir, by sending me the Congressional documents in pamphlet form. For as they come out by peice meal in the newspapers I never read them. And indeed I read no newspapers now but Ritchie's, and in that chiefly the advertisements, as being the only truths we can rely on in a newspaper. But in a pamphlet, where we can go thro' the whole subject when once taken up, and seen in all it's parts we avoid the risk of false judgment which a partial view endangers on the subject of these communications I will venture a suggestion which, should it have occurred to yourself or to Mr. Adams as is probable will only be a little labor lost. I propose then that you select Mr. Adams's 4 principal letters on the Spanish subject, to wit, that which establishes our right to the Rio-bravo which was laid before the Congress of 1817.18 his letters to Onis of July 23 & Nov. 30 and to Erving of Nov. 28 perhaps also that of Dec. 2. Have them well translated into French, and send English & French copies to all our ministers at foreign courts and to our Consuls. The paper on our right to the Riobravo and the letter to Erving of Nov. 28 are the most important and are among the ablest compositions I have ever seen, both as to logic and style. A selection of these few in pamphlet form will be read by every body; but, by nobody, if buried among Nois's long winded and tergiversating diatribes, and all the documents; the volume of which alone will deter an European reader from ever opening it. Indeed it would be worth while to have the two most important of these published in the Leyden gazette, from which it would go into the other leading gazettes of Europe. It is of great consequence to us, & merits every possible endeavor to maintain in Europe a correct opinion of our political morality. These papers will place
us erect with the world in the important cases of our Western boundary, of our military entrance into Florida, & of the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. On the two first subjects it is very natural for an European to go wrong, and to give into the charge of ambition, which the English papers (read every where) endeavor to fix on us. If the European mind is once set right on these points, they will go with us in all the subsequent proceedings without further enquiry. While of the subject of this correspondence I will presume also to suggest to Mr. Adams the question whether we should not send back Onis's letter in which he has the impudence to qualify you by the term 'his Excellency'? An American gentlemen in Europe can rank with the first nobility because we have no titles which stick him here at any particular place in their line. So the President of the US. under that designation ranks with Emperors and kings, but add Mr. Onis's courtesy of 'his Excellency' and he is then on a level with Mr. Onis himself, with the Governors of provinces and even of every petty fort in Europe, or the colonies. I salute you with constant affection & respect.
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feby. 8th. 1819
Dear Sir
I was much gratified by your late letter to find that you had recover'd your health, which has since been confirm'd by Edward Coles.
The view which you take of the late proceedings in Florida, affords me great pleasure being that which we had formd, on the same evidence, and acted, in the measures connected with them. On recieving Genl Jackson's report, our attention was directed principally to those great objects, first, to secure the constitution from any breach, second, to deprive Spain & the allies of just cause of war, & third to improve the occurrence to the best advantage of the country. By restoring the posts; the two first objects were accomplishd, and there seemed to be little difficulty, in deciding on whom, in strict justice, the censure ought to fall, the Spanish authority or General Jackson, and as little as to the effect of the one, or the other course, on the public interest. Had General Jackson been brought to trial for transcending his orders, I have no doubt that the interior of the country would have been much agitated, if not convulsed by appeals to sectional interests, by charges of subserviency to the views of Ferdinand, of hostility to the cause of the Colonies & the like, no have I any doubt that Spain deriving confidence & courage from these divisions would have found new cause to persevere in her procrastinating & equivocating policy. With respect to General Jacksons conduct, I considerd it, as a question of merit or demerit in him, and seeing sufficient justification of him in the injuries receiv'd from the criminal aggressors in Florida, & nothing to palliate their conduct, in any claim of Spain on us, there seemed to be no reason for censuring him, & much for giving just weight & turning to the best account all the circumstances, which operated against them and her. If a general in executing orders, in a campaign against an enemy, should not make just discrimination in all instances, between the immediate objects of the war & others, I do not consider him as committing a breach of the constitution. If the government sets the affair right, in other respects, there is no breach, although he be not punished.
There is cause to hope that we shall adjust the affair with Spain in a week or 10 days, tho' there is always cause to suspect appearances in those with whom we have to treat. If a treaty is form'd the cession of Florida will be provided for, & in other respects the conditions will essentially correspond with what you have seen in the documents, of which I will send you a complete copy soon. I mean of those of recent date. Your suggestion respecting the publication of certain documents in the Leyden gazette, and the absurd practice of giving to the President a title will be attended to.
With respect & sincere regard your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Poplar Forest Aug. 17.19.
Dear Sir
With the transmission of two of the enclosed letters, I have to apoligise for having torn the cover leaves from their letter leaves before I discovered they were addressed to you. This operation I invariably practise on my own letters to economise stowage, and these being with others addressed to me under a general cover were submitted to the general operation before they were read. This apology is justly due to the fact altho of the less importance, as the letters contained nothing more than was addressed to myself by letters on the same subject. By that of the 7th of June you will percieve that Poinset is a candidate for the Consulship of Marseilles. My old friend Cathalan being dead his Chancellor John Dodge formerly a candidate for it has sent me some papers on the subject which in justice to him I inclose lest he should not have sent similar ones to the office of state. Having been brought up in the counting house of the Messrs. Crowninshields, they will of course be the best witnesses of his character. Having no further interest or feeling in the appointment I take my leave of it with sincere thanks to you for the protection you afforded my friend, who was I believe the oldest officer of the US. and be assured, that whatever intrigue may have invented or perverted, he merited that protection from yourself & our country. Colo. Rob. Nicholas is probably known to you personally as having been an officer of great merit in our late war. He went into mercantile business at Leghorn as the Agent of the house of Smith and Buchanan. Their failure throws him out of business, and he cast his eye on Alibama as a refuge. He wishes some particular appointment there, connected with the land office, but what I do not recollect, nor can I now find it having left the letter at Monticello. His understanding, his discretion and his honorable character have been so marked that I have no hesitation in believing him equal to the highest office there, and that he will be a comfort to the government in whatever they employ him. And having spoken of the son it is impossible to forget the father in his fallen fortunes. He can never be otherwise than a man of high order of merit, and particularly ingrafted into the esteem of this state generally. Having resigned his office at the bank and conveyed his whole estate to trustees for the payment of his debts, I am sure that himself and family have not the penny to-day with which they are to buy the loaf of tomorrow. I am indeed a sore sufferer myself by his forfiture, yet I cannot look to his situation but with the greatest commiseration. In his best days he accepted from me the Collectorship of Norfolk and the probability is that at this day he would accept of any office of decent grade which would give bread to his family. I am sure if any such in your gift should fall vacant it would be the highest gratification to yourself by holding out to him a helping hand in his distress, & proving to him what you are to give bread to his family. My last letters from Monticello inform me of your return & unfavorable state of health. I think you should withdraw from business until you recruit your own health. It will in the end save time for yourself and your country. In the mean time trust your ministers with the government. Affectionately adieu Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill, Loudoun, Octr. 5. 1819
Dear Sir
I have lately heard with much pleasure of your return in good health to Monticello, to which place I address this letter.
The papers relating to Mr. Dodge partner of the late Mr. Cathalan were receiv'd & deposited in the dept. of State. Altho' no promise was made to him, relative to the office, applicable to the present time, yet being there in the discharge of its duties, under the sanction of Mr. Gallatin & otherwise having fair pretentions to it, a commission has been sent to him with an assurance, that he will be nominated to the Senate.
I lament the pecuniary embarrassment which has spread over our union, & particularly the instance, which has occurr'd in Richmond, which has so essentially injurd you. How far it may be in my power to administer to the relief of the party, in the manner suggested, I do not at this time perceive, not knowing that his views extend to objects without the state & all the offices within it, being now filled. You know that that, which you formerly conferr'd on him is now held by Mr. Mallowry. I am far from indulging any feeling adverse to such a measure. The offices of Receiver & Register for the sale of lands are sought after from so many quarters, that the Treasury shelves are loaded with letters from applicants & recommendatory letters in their favor; and, indeed, in the expectation that appointments would have been made for the sale of lands, which it was expected, would have been brought to market this year, but of which the survey has not yet been compleated, hopes have been raised & even pledges given, which must be fulfilled. The young man however whom you have mention'd will be held in view, in the hope that some satisfactory provision may be made for him.
The late treaty with Spain was not ratified, at the date of our last intelligence from Madrid of July 31. The King had not refused to ratify, but took time, after the Spanish manner to consider whether he would do it. The sole pretext for delay is the understanding that the late grants of land in E. Florida shall be annulled, which being made to some of his household has thrown the palace into a commotion, which has put it out of his power to do anything. The report of the arrest of Onis is not true. The British govt. has formally disavow'd having interfer'd in the business; France is decidedly in favor of the ratification, as it is believd that Russia likewise is. It seems probable, therefore, that, after the domestic tumult subsides, a fear of consequences if not a sense of right, will induce the King, before the 6 months allow'd for the performance of that act, expire, to redeem his pledge.
The expectation that my presence in Washington may be called for in relation to this treaty, during the autumn still keeps me here, where we have a comfortable lodge, less than 35 miles from the city, on the same range of elevated & healthy country with that, in Albemarle.
With great respect & affectionate regard yours James Monroe
A letter from Mr. Forsyth of Augt. 8th just communicated to me states, that the treaty had not then been ratified, & that Onis had not been bidden to court, but resided on a wretched hamlet in Castile; whether by order of the govt, or nor, he does not say.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 15. 20
Dear Sir
On the failure of the house of Smith & Buchanan their connections in Baltimore, Colo. Robert Nicholas, who was doing business for them in Leghorn, was of course deprived of that employment. He was at the same time Navy agent for the US. there. But that not affording a subsistance, he determined to return to his own country. In a letter of Aug. 17 from Poplar Forest, I took the liberty of bringing him under your notice as a person of excellent understanding, sound judgment & distinction, of great worth, and one who would be an acquisition to the government in any office in which they could employ him. Having served faithfully also in a high grade (that of Colo.) in the late war, I thought him justly entitled to a participation in the good dispositions of the government towards those officers in their appointments to offices falling vacant. Not having carried with me however to the place from which I wrote the letter in which his particular wish was expressed. I erred entirely in saying to you that it was some birth connected with the land office of Alibama. This was a gross default of memory. The Florida treaty having produced an universal expectation that we should immediately be invested with that country, he simply wished that on quitting the Navy agency of Leghorn, he might obtain the same appointment at Pensacola, or where ever else in the South we should make our principal navy establishment. He is now returned to this country in the firm determination never more to meddle or connect himself with any thing commercial and the unfortunate catastrophe of his father's affairs leaves him without resource. We do not see as yet what the government will do in the Florida case but should possession be taken, I renew the sollicitation for this meritorious officer, and able and honest man, whose appointment to this office would be the fulfilment of the great gratification with which I received the assurance in yours of Oct. 5 from Oak Hill that he should be held in view, in the hope that some satisfactory provision might be made for him. If our claim to Florida should still be left in abeyance perhaps some other employment within the compass of his views may bring him to your recollection in which case I shall feel a most particular gratification, and great obligation to you. Think of him dear sir and accept the assurance of my sincere & affectionate attachment and respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 16.20.
What can I do, my dear friend, with such letters as the inclosed, but forward them to you? And the rather as I presume you must have known the merits of the writer as well as I did: that he was an active whig and officer in the revolution of 1776, and a firm republican in that of 1800. I reject the numerous applications made to me to be troublesome to you; but now and then comes one which principle or feeling does not permit me to refuse. I am sure I deposit it in the hands of justice when I commit it to you. Ever & affectionately yours Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feby 7. 1820
Dear Sir
I send you by this days mail, the documents of greatest interest which have been presented to Congress during the present session. On our concerns with Spain we have nothing new, & little reason to expect a minister here from that country during the Session, Mr. Vivas said to have been appointed some months ago being under quarantine, within a few leagues of Madrid in consequence of passing on his way thither through some town infected with disease. The Missiouri question absorbs by its importance & the excitment it has produc'd every other, & there is little prospect from present appearances of its being soon settled. The object of those, who brought it forward was undoubtedly to acquire power, & the expedient well adapted to the end, as it enlisted in their service, the best feelings of all that portion of our union in which slavery does not exist & who are unacquainted with the condition of their southern brethren. The same men in some instances, who were parties to the project in 1786 for closing the mouth of the Mississippi for 25 years may be consider'd as the authors of this. The dismemberment of the Union by the Allegheny mountain, was then believed to be their object, and altho' a new arrangment of power is more particularly sought on this occasion, yet it is believed that the anticipation of even that result would not deter its authors from the pursuit of it. I am satisfied that the bond of union is too strong for them, and that the better their views are understood throughout the whole union, the mor certain will be their defeat in every part. It requires however great moderation, firmness & wisdom, on the part of those opposed to the restriction to secure a just result. These great & good qualities will I trust, not be wanting.
Your letters in favor of the gentlemen, mention'd in them were receivd with the best disposition, to promote your wishes, but it is impossible for me to say what can be done in any instance. Wherever territory is to be sold with in a state the Senators oppose the appointment of the officers intrusted with it of persons from other states, an opposition which is now extended even to the Indian agencies. The number of applicants too for every office is so great & the prospect from the quarter interested, so earnest, that it is difficult in any case to be resisted. With my best wishes for your health & welfare I am sincerely your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feby 13. 1820
Dear Sir
Major General Brown, who commands the northern division of our army, will have the pleasure to deliver you this letter. He visits Virga. for the purpose of manifesting his respect & regard for yourself & Mr. Madison & I have him this introduction to you at his request. His gallant conduct on the Niagara frontier in the last war, and his meritorious services, thro' the whole war in other respects, are known to you, so that I need not dwell on them. I refer you to him for information on all interesting subjects, depending here, and have only to add my affectionate wishes for your health & happiness. James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feby 19.1820
Dear Sir
I forward to you by this days mail a copy of the Journal of the Convention which formd the constitution of the UStates. By the act of Congress providing for the distribution of them, one is allowd to you, & likewise to Mr. Madison & to Mr. Adams.
The Intelligencer will communicate to you some account of the proceedings of Congress on the Missouri question, & particularly of the late votes taken on different propositions in the Senate. It seems, that a resolution was adopted on the 17th, which establishes a line to commence from the western boundary of Missouri in Lat: 36.30 & run westward indefinitely, north of which
slavery should be prohibited; but permitted south of it. Missouri & Arkansas, as is presumed, to be admitted without restraint. By the terms applied to the restriction "forever" it is inferr'd that it is intended that the restraing should apply to the territories, after they become States, as well as before. This will increase the difficulty incident to an arrangment of this subject, otherwise sufficiently great, in any form, in which it can be presented. Many think that the right exists in one instance & note in the other. I have never known a question so menacing to the tranquility and even the continuance of our union as the present one. All other subjects have given way to it, & appear to be almost forgotten. As however there is a vast portion of intelligence & virtue in the body of the people, & the bond of union has heretofore prov'd sufficiently strong to triumph over all attempts against it, I have great confidence that this effort will not be less unavailing.
With great respect I am your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Mar. 3. 20.
Dear Sir
I am often placed under the dilemma of either abandoning my old friends or of giving you the trouble of reading a letter and I have had too many proofs of your friendship not to know you will take that trouble to save me from a painful an alternative. I know our difficulties and after giving my testimony, I pay no attention to the result, leaving that to yourself who alone have a view of the whole ground. Christopher Ellery the subject of the inclosed letter from Mr. Collins was one of the most active of our friends in R. I. In the times of our trials whether our government should be republican in practice as well as profession. He came into the Senate when I came into the administration and assisted in giving us a majority in that body, nor was there a more zealous or active one in it. He is a good republican, a good man and of good understanding.
I am indebted to you for your two letters of Feb.7 & 19. This Missouri question by a geographical line of division is the most portentous one of however contemplated. King is ready to risk the union for any chance of restoring his party to power and wriggling himself to the head of it. Nor is Clinton without his hopes nor scrupulous as to the means of fulfilling them. I hope I shall be spared the pain of witnessing it either by the good sense of the people, only the more certain reliance, the hand of death on this or that side of the Styx. I am ever and devotedly yours. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington May 3. 1820.
Dear Sir
We are still destind to have further trouble with Spain. It was hoped that the minister lately arrivd would have terminated every difficulty, but it appears that he has come to act the part of his predecessor to make complaints, demand explanations, & report them to his government, who may take as many years to conclude another treaty, as they did the last. This minister admits that there is no cause for his govt. to decline the ratification of the treaty but insists that it shall be made dependant, not on the conditions containd in it, but a stipulation that the UStates will form no relations with the So. A. Colonies, especially of recognition, untill they be recognized by other colonies. I shall lay the correspondence before Congress, the latter end of this week.
I hope that your health is good, & that I shall be able to visit Albemarle, soon after the adjournment of Congress, & to find you there. The contiquity of my home in Loudoun to this place, together with a desire to attend to its improvement; with a view to its sale, where good land will sell for anything thing, to place me finally out of debt with a moderate subsistence in Albemarle will induce me to divide my time between the two places.
Very sincerely your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello May 14. 20
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 3d is recieved and always with welcome these texts of truth relieve me from the floating falsehoods of the public papers. I confess to you I am not sorry for the non-ratification of the Spanish treaty. Our assent to it has proved our desire to be on friendly terms with Spain; their dissent the imbecility and malignity of their government towards us. We have placed them in the wrong in the eyes of the world, and that is well. But to us the province of Techas will be the richest state of our union, without any exception. It's Southern part will make more sugar that we can consume and the Red river on it's North is the most luxuriant country on earth. Florida, moreover is our's. Every nation in Europe considers it such of right. We need not care for it's occupation in time of peace, and in war, the first cannon makes it ours without offence to any body. The friendly advisements too of Russia and France, as well as the change of government in Spain, now ensured, require a further and respectful forbearance. While their request will rebut the plea of prescriptive possession, it will give us a right to their approbation when taken in the maturity of circumstances. I really think too that neither the state of our finances, the condition of our country, nor the public opinion urges us to precipitation into war.
The treaty has had the valuable effect of strengthening our title to Techas because the cession of the Floridas in exchange for Techas imports an acknolegement of our right to it. This province moreover, the Floridas & possibly Cuba will join us on the acknolegement of their independence, a measure to which their new government will probably accede voluntarily. But why should I be saying all this to you, of whose mind all the circumstances of this affair have had possession for years?
I shall rejoice to see you here; and were I to live to see you here finally, it would be a day of Jubilee. But our days are all numbered, & mine are not many. God bless you & preserve you muchos anos. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington May [ante 27] 1820
Dear Sir
I have receiv'd your letter of the 14 containing a very interesting view of the late treaty with Spain, and of the proceedings respecting it here. If the occurrence involvd in it nothing more than a question between the UStates & Spain, or between them & the Colonies, I should intirely concur in your view of the subject. I am satisfied, that we might regulate it, in every circumstance, as we thought just, & without war. That we might take Florida as an indemnity, and Texas for some trifle as an equivalent. Spain must soon be expelled from this Continent and with any new govt. which may be form'd in Mexico, it would be easy to arrange the boundary in the wilderness, as to include as much territory on our side as we might desire. No European power could prevent this, if so disposed. But the difficulty does not proceed from these sources. It is altogether internal, and of the most distressing nature and dangerous tendency. You were apprized of the negotiation, which took place in 1785.6 with the minister of Spain for shuting up the mouth of the Mississippi, a knowledge of which might have been deriv'd in part from the secret journal of Congress, which then came into your hands. That, was not a question with Spain, in reality, but one among ourselves, in which her pretentions were brought forward in aid of the policy of the party at the head of that project. It was an effort to give such a shape to our union, as would secure the dominion over it, to its eastern section. It was expected that dismemberment by the Allegheny mountain would follow the exclusion of the river, if it was not desir'd tho' the latter was then & still is my opinion. The union then consisted of eight navigating & commercial States, with five productive holding slaves; and had the river been shut up, and dismemberment insued, the division would always have been the same. At that time Boston ruled the four New England States, and a popular orator in Fanuel hall ruled Boston, Jays object was to make N. York a New England State which he avowed on his return from Europe to the dissatisfaction of many in that State, whose prejudices had been excited in the revolutionary war by the contest between N York & those States respecting interfering grants in Vermont. It was forseen by these persons, that if the Mississippi should be opend and new States be established on its waters, the population would be drawn thither, the number of productive states be proportionately increased & their hope of dominion on that contracted sectional scale be destroyed. It was to prevent this that that project was formed. Happily it failed, & since then our carrer in an opposite direction has been rapid & wonderful. The river has been opend & all the territory dependant on it acquir'd; eight States have already been admitted into the union in that quarter; a 9th is on the point of entering, & a 10th provided for, exclusive of Florida. This march to greatness has been seen with profound regret by those in the policy suggested, but it has been impelled by causes over which they have had not controul. Several attempts have been made to impede it among which the Harford convention in the late war, and the proposition for restricting Missouri are the most distinguished. The latter measure contemplated an arrangment on the distinction solely, between slave holding and non-slaveholding states, presuming that on that basis only such a division might be formed, as would destroy by perpetual excitment the usual effects proceeding from difference in climate, the produce of the soil, the pursuits & circumstances of the people, & marshall the States differing in that circumstance, in increasing opposition & Hostility, with each other. To what account this project had it succeeded to the extent contemplated, might have been turn'd I cannot say. Certain however it is, that since 1786 I have not seen so violent & persevering a struggle, and on the part of some of the leaders in the project for a purpose so unmasked & dangerous. They did not hesitate to avow that it was a contest for power only, disclaiming the pretext of liberty humanity &c. It was also manifest that they were willing to risk the union on the measure, if indeed, as in that, relating to the Mississippi, dismemberment was not the principal object. You know how this affair terminated, as I presume you like wise do, that complete success was prevented by the patriotic devotion of several members in the non slave holding states, who preferr'd the sacrifice of themselves at home, to a violation of the obvious principles of the constitution, & the risk of the union. I am satisfied that the arrangment made, was most auspicious for the union, since had the conflict been pursued there is reason to believe that the worst consequences would have followed. The excitment would have been kept up during which it seemd probable that the slaveholding states would have lost ground daily. By putting a stop to the proceeding, time has been given for the passions to subside & for calm discussion & reflection, which have never failed to produce their proper effect in our country. Such too was the nature of the controversy, that it seem'd to be hasardous for either part to gain a complete triumph. I never doubted the right of congress to make such a regulation in territories, tho' I did not expect that it would ever have been exercised.
From this view, it is evident that the further acquisition of territory to the west & South, involves difficulties of an internal nature, which menace the union itself. We ought therefore to be cautious in making the attempt. Having securd the Mississippi and all its waters, with a slight exception only, and erected states there, ought we not to be satisfied, so far at least as to take no step in that direction, which is not approved by all the members or at least a majority of those who accomplished our revolution? I could go into further details had I time. I have thought that these might afford you some satisfaction. When we meet in Albemarle we will communicate further on the subject.
With great respect & sincere regard yours James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Highland Augt. 2. 1820.
Dear Sir
In addition to Mr. Gallatin's & Mr. Rush's letters which I promised last night to send you to day, I inclose a copy of the instructions given to Mr. Forbes' appointed agent-to So. America, either Buenos Ayres, or Chili, to be decided by a circumstance mentiond in them. As they explain in a general way, and relations with that country, and state some facts of an interesting nature. I have thought that it might be agreable to you to see them. The instructions to Com Perry, which are mentiond in those to Mr. Forbes, & Mr. Prevost, I should be glad to send you if I had them here as they wod. give the whole view. You shall see them on some future occasion.
Yours with the greatest respect & regard James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Aug. 19. 1820
Dear Sir
A man of whom I heard you speak lately, as a gardener to whom you had rented some land below be called with Mr. Price some days since to rent a piece of my land on my saw mill stream. Finding that he was the person of whom you spoke, I observ'd that unless I knew that you consider'd him at liberty to treat with another I could have nothing to say to him. He promised
to produce that evidence. To day he called again & on my asking for it, he observ'd that as I had given him no promise, he might by relinguishing his home with you, lose both objects. I told him that I would communicate with you myself, after which I would give an answer. As he professes to be a gardener you may wish to retain him. If you do, I can easily give him an answer, that will be satisfactory to him which I shall most willingly do, in complyance with your desire.
The Emperor of Russia has instructed his minister at all the European courts to make known his disapprobation of the movment in Spain, which he calls a suite of the French revolution. The reply given at St. Petersburg to the note announcing the establishment of the constitution of 1812 is decidedly to that effect. In terms very distinct, tho' sufficiently kind, he regrets the want of firmness & energy in the king of Spain, which he seems to anticipate will be productive of much mischeif.
With great respect & regard yours James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Augt. 23. 1820.
Dear Sir
I return you the extract which you were so kind as to give me the perusal of, with an assurance of my thorough conviction that it cannot fail to have a good effect. The sentiments expressd in favor of an American interest & policy, intended in the first instance to the preservation of order along our coast, & in our seas, is sound, and will in all probability ripen into a system at no distant period. The destiny however of this western world depends on the continud prosperity & success of this portion of it. If the European has more wisdom & energy, than the African or Asiatick, I am satisfied that the citizens of this Republick, have in like proportion more, & for the same causes, than the inhabitants of any other portion of this hemisphere, not excepting those, or their descendants who emigrated from other countries, than that, from which we took our origin.
The only danger attending a close connection with Portugal, or rather Brazil, is that which I suggested to you yesterday. Our union at this time against pirates would be represented by some as an union against the Colonies, since unfortunately all the piracies, if not conniv'd at by them, as I verily believe they are not, proceed from that quarter. Portugal would of course turn it to her account in that way, using as an instrument to prop her up against a revolutionary movement, which must overwhelm her with the others. The project of such an union will produce, as I presume, a good effect with the present govt. of Brazil, but it can never take effect with any but the revolutionary govts. of So. America.
Very respectfully & affectionately yours, James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Novr. 15. 1820.
Dear Sir
You will receive herewith a copy of the message in which I have endeavour'd without looking at the old governments of Europe, to place our own, in such prominant circumstances as seem'd to require attention from me at this time, in such a light, as to shew a striking contract between them. The amount of the debt paid off since the war is, I presume, greater than has been generally supposed, and the actual state of the treasury much better.
Soon after I left Albemarle, I made a visit here from Loudoun. Mr. Correa had been here, seen Mr. Adams, & gone to the neighbourhood of Phila., to remain till he could enter the city, secure against the fever of the season. Mr. Adams told me that he had shewn great moderation in conferring on the subject of his not, demanding the institution of a board for the liquidation of claims for property taken from Portugheese subjects by citizen privateers, charging two of our judges with having disgrac'd their commissions &c. I saw at once that his tone had been changed, by his communications with you, having made his demand under excitment, & without a knowledge of the subject. He had promis'd Mr. Adams to send him a communication in the spirit of his former note, as soon as he entered Phila. I waited some time for it, but none arriving, and fearing that his demand might be the foundation of a similar one, on the part of Spain, as a sett off, against our claims admitted by two treaties, I requested him to write Mr. Correa an answer to his former letter, declaring his demand to be inadmissible, unjust in itself, & unwarranted by the usage of all Nations, & to request also the names of the judges whom he had denounced in such unqualified & strong terms, as of the officers said to have servd on board citizan privateers. A letter to this effect was written in the most mild & conciliatory terms; but he gave no answer to it. I suspect his intention has been to transfer this affair to the person left by him as chargé, and that we may probably hear from him on it.
Very respectfully & sincerely your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Feby. 17. 1821.
Dear Sir
I regret to have to inform you of the death of Mr. W. Burwell which took place on yesterday after a long & distressing illness. All possible care was taken of him. He was a most virtuous man & estimable member of the H. Reps.
The treaty with Spain has been ratified by her govt. unconditionally, & the grants annulled in the instrument of ratification. It is before the Senate on the question whether it shall be accepted, the time stipulated for the ratification, having expir'd. It is presumed that little if any opposition will be made to it.
There is also some hope that Missouri will be admitted into the Union, on a patriotic effort from the Senators & other members from Pennsyla, Hope is also entertaind that our commercial difference with France will be adjusted.
Very respectfully & sincerely your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Apr. 8.21.
Dear Sir
Our university asks a kind attention from you. You doubtless know that our legislature constituted the debt due to them from the US. into a literary fund, for the purposes of education, & that on this fund the University is established and dependant. At their late session they authorised the Literary board to advance to the University 64,000 D. of the monies still to be recieved from the US.. I am told that the liquidation of that account has proceeded so far as to shew that that amount may be safely paid as admitted to be due. Our request is for as speedy a payment of that sum to our Literary board as circumstances and forms admit. We are now at the end of our building funds, and unless we can receive this money very speedily, we must discharge all our workmen, who having come from different parts of the Union, could not be re-assembled this season. That sum exactly enables us to compleat the whole of the buildings, it is therefore to expedite only what is in itself just that we ask your friend attention to this important interest of our institution to whom a delay would be as ruinous as a denial. Accept the assurance of my constant affection and consideration Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Aug. 13. 21.
Dear Sir
You have seen announced in several of our papers an intention of the Polonese nation to erect a monument near Cracow to the memory of Genl. Kosiuzko, and their wish that England and the US. by joining in contributions might give a proof of the interest they take in his character; that for this purpose they had addressed a letter to Ld. Holland in Engld. and to myself in the US. I recieved in fact such a letter some weeks ago from the President of the Senate of Cracow, with an indication that it should be communicated to you also. Much at a loss to devise in what way I could set about the execution of this proposition, I have held the subject for some time under consideration. Retired as I am, among the mountains of our interior country, I see nobody but the farmers of my neighborhood who would consider contributions to public monuments in either countries as very foreign to the condition and business of their lives. I have been so long withdrawn too from intercourse with the world that I no longer know who of Kosciuzko's fellow souldiers are now living as from them we might expect the most zealous cooperation in rendering this last testimony of respect to him; and above all other considerations, the heavy hand of age, paralysing the faculties, both of body and mind, have rendered me quite unequal to the correspondence it might require, and unfit to become the center of such an operation independant of the express intimation to communicate the papers to you. I should of myself have turned my views first to you, as the friend of his fame, and aid of my age; and because should any communications with Ld. Holland be expedient, your acquaintance with him could open the door to them. Notwithstanding therefore the burthens of business which your office imposes on you I have hoped that in your position you could put the thing into an organised course with little trouble. You know who remain of his former companions in arms, and where to be found, you could probably think too of some person in each state and great city, who would undertake with zeal the necessary sollicitations, and you could command attentions which would not be yielded to me. The trouble of drawing a circular, which the scribes by whom you are surrounded would multiply would , I hope, be the principal labor imposed on your, for I presume the contributions should be deposited in convenient banks, form whence they could be easily brought together for remittance, or (which is very possible under present distresses) should their amount fall short of what might be deemed worthy of acceptance, they could be readily restored to the Contributors, and an apology to the Senate of Cracow be given on reasonable ground: I suggest this course by way of example only for you may probably devise some other more practicable and promising. I inclose you the papers sent to me, and knowing the labors of reading to which you are subjected, I would point out to you the letter of the President, and the Proclamation of the Senate No. 1 as the material papers for explaining to you their wishes & expectations. I hope you will excuse this trespass of age leaning on your younger shoulders, to relieve myself from a burthen to which it is unequal. From such an one I never shrunk while I had force to encounter it in all events be assured of my constant & affectionate friendship & respect Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill Sepr. 6 1821
Dear Sir
Your letter of the 13ulto found me at the Shannon dale spring, to which I had carried my family on account of the indisposition of Mrs. Monroe & of our little gd. Child the daughter of Mr. Gouverneur. The duties which I had to perform in this distressing occurrence, which terminated the day before yesterday in the death of the infant, superadded to those of the office I hold, prevented my giving an earlier answer to your letter. I undertake with great pleasure the trust you have committed to me, as well from my earnest desire to relieve you from every burden to which I may be in any degree equal, as to evince my profound respect for the character of general Kosiusko, to whose memory the Senate of Cracow propose to erect a statue, as a testimonial of their sense of his exalted merit. Of the prospect of success it is impossible for me to speak, with any confidence at this time. It was natural for the Senate of Cracoe, & for the Polish nation to look to the UStates for support in such an undertaking from the known devotion of our fellow citizens to the cause of liberty, & his important services to that cause in our country. But the great demand which has been & is still made on them in various ways, in support of institutions & measures on which these highest interests depend, has been so sensibly felt, that a like attempt in honor of the memory of General Washington has recently failed in this state. Nor has a statue yet been erected to his memory by the nation. I will move in the affair with all the caution which you suggest, taking no step in it, without having previously communicated with the members of the administration, availing myself of their council & aid informally. Abortion attempts should be avoided , although slight discouragements should not be yielded to. As soon as I have had communication with the members of the administration I will apprize you of their sentiments on the subject.
We return'd here yesterday from the Spring, & it is my intention to visit Albemarle as soon as some arrangments to be made here, of a private & others at Washington of a public nature, will permit, when I shall be happy to see you in good health, should your allotment for the summer not have taken you to Bedford.
With great respect & sincere regard, I am your friend & servant James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Highland Sepr. 27. 1821
Dear Sir,
I send you the papers which I mentiond to you yesterday, that is, the letter of Lt. Javis, & the opinion of the court of Enquiry on the charges alledged against Commander Barron, which, after perusing, be so kind as to return to me. A letter from Mr. Thompson is also enclosed.
I shall set out to morrow, it appearing necessary by the communications from Washington, that I should either be there shortly or within daily reach of it. Wher'ever I may be, I began to be assured that nothing will be more gratifying to me, than to be useful to you, in any way, in which you may command me, & that I shall always take a deep interest in what relates to your welfare reputation & happiness. Your affectionate friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington March 14. 1822
Dear Sir
I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 6th, & to forward that to Dr. Morse inclosed in it, in the manner desired. I have read with great interest & satisfaction the very luminous view, which you have taken of the many & very serious objections to the association of which he may be said to be the author. I concur with you thoroughly in every sentiment which you have expressd on the subject, & I hope you will excuse a liberty which I have taken, to retain a copy of it, & that you will also permit me to shew it to the members of the administration & some other friends here. I have shewn it to Mr. Hay, who expresses a strong desire that it could be made publick, as he thinks that it would produce a very happy effect, in checking combinations of the kind. Mr. Gouverneur who copied it, is the only other person who has seen it, or who will see it, without your permission.
You have I doubt not read the message respecting the independent governments to the south of the UStates. There was danger in standing still or moving forward, of a nation, in both instances, which will redly occur to you. I thought that it was the wisest policy to risk that, which was incident to the latter course, as it comported more with the liberal & magnanimous spirit of our own country than the other. I hope that you will concur in the opinion that the time had arriv'd, beyond which it ought not to have been longer delayd.
With great respect & esteem your friend & servant James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Mar. 19. 22.
Dear Sir
Your favor of Mar. 14 has been duly recieved. In that you ask if my letter to Mr. Morse may be communicated to the gentlemen of the administration and other friends. In the first place the former are entitled to it's communication from Mr. Morse as named members of his society. But independantly of that, a letter addressed to a society of 6 or 8ooo people is de facto made public. I had supposed it possible indeed that the society or some of it's members might perhaps publish it as the only practicable means of communicating ti to so extensive an association. This would be best, because Mr. Morse might otherwise consider it, as done by myself, and that it was a guantlet thrown down to challenge him into the arena of the public papers; and should he take it up, I should certainly ... a recreant knight, and never meet him in that field. But do in this whatever you please. I abandon the letter to any good it may answer with respect to Spanish America. I think you have taken the exact point of time for recognizing it's independence, neither sooner nor later I give whatever credit they merit to those who are glorifying themselves on their premature advice to have done it 3 or 4 years ago. We have preserved the approbation of nations, and yet taken the station we were entitled to of being the first to receive & welcome them as brothers into the family of nations. Affectionate & respectful salutations Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Sep. 5. 22.
Dear Sir
I have made it a rule and have pretty steadfastly deserved it, not to permit myself to be used as an instrument to trouble and embarras the government with sollicitations for office. Now & then a case occurs which from peculiar circumstances cannot be declined. Still I wish it always to be understood that I ask no departure from what justice, or the necessary rules of government may require. A year or two ago, in a letter to Mr. Secretary Thomson, I seconded the application of Mr. Gibson of Richmond for the reception of his sone into the corps of Midshipmen. The father is a most worthy man was jointly with my late friend and relation George Jefferson, for 20 years my correspondents in business in Richmond, of the purest integrity & personal worth. [He] is one of those who suffered in the general catastrophe of commerce which took place two or three years ago, has a numerous family, and is rendered helpless by the deplorable state of his health. I inclose you a letter lately recieved from him with the expression only of the gratification I should feel should the necessary rules of the government now admit his request. Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate esteem and respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Nov 25th. 1822
Dear Sir
We have all been very much distressd, of the accounts recently receivd of the misfortune you have sustaind in the fracture of your arm, or at least of one of its bones. We hope that it has not bee so serious as has been represented, & that you are rapidly recovering from it.
This is a moment, as you well know, when, in addition to the heavy cares which bear on me, the calls of the members of Congress, which can not be resisted, & of others, absorb my whole time; tho' in truth I have little interesting to communicate to you. The enclosd letter will give the most recent & authentic accounts from Mexico. They are however of a distressing character. Return it to me under a blank cover after perusing it.
A warrant has been put to Mr. Gibson for his son. Very sincerely & affey. your friend
James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Dec. 1. 22
I thank you Dr. Sir for the oppy. of reading Mr. Taylor's lre which I now return. News that one can rely on from a country with which we have so little intercourse & so much mutual interest is doubly grateful. I rejoice to learn that Iturbide's is a mere resurson & slenderly supported. Altho' we have no right to intermeddle with the form of govmt of other nations yet it is lawful to wish to see no emperors nor kings in our hemisphere, and that Brazil as well as Mexico will homologize with us. The accident to my warm was slight, it is doing well & free from pain. I thank you sincerely for your favor to Gibson. He is a worthy but unfortunate man. Ever & affectly, yours Th. J
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. Feb. 21. 23.
Dear Sir
The inclosed answers your favor of the 29th ult. on the value of your lands. I had had great hopes that while in your present office you would break up the degrading practice of considering the President's house as a general tavern and economise sffly. to come out of it clear of difficulties. I learn the contrary with great regret. Your society during the little time I have left would have been the chief comfort of my life. Of the 3 portions into which you have laid off your lands here, I will not yet despair but that you may retain that on which your house stands. Perhaps you may be able to make an equivalent partial sale in Loudon before you can acompleat on here.
I had flattered my self that a particular and mere resource would have saved me from my unfortunate engagements for W.C. N. but they faild me, and I must seel property to their amount.
You have had some difficulties and contradiction to struggle with in the course of your admn but you will come out of them with honor and with the affections of your country. Mine to you have been & ever will be constant and warm. Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. Mar. 29. 23.
Dear Sir
In answering a letter from Mr. Short I indulged my self in some off-hand speculns on the present lowering state of Europe, random enough be sure, yet on revising them I thot I would hazard a copy to you on the bare possibility that out of them as we sometimes do from dreams, you might pick up some hint worth improving by your own reflection. At any rate the whole reverie will lose to you only the few minutes required for it's perusal, and therefore I hazard it with the assurance of my constant affection & respect ... Th. J
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill Loudn. April 14. 1823
Dear Sir
I receivd with great pleasure your favor of the 29 of March with a copy of one which you had sent to our friend Mr. Short, and should not be surprised if the predictions containd in the latter should be verified by a rapid succession of events, proceeding from the mov'ment of the French government lately announced in the Speech of the King. When it is recollected that he, his whole family, & all those around him were 20 years in banishment & poverty, & restord more by accident and the folly of a man then at the head of affairs, than the gallantry or wisdom of all Europe imbodied against him, and when we also see that the position of this King is unsettled & precarious, gaining strength more by habit and time, taking off gallant spirits to the grave, that by any merit of his own, it is difficult to express the feeling, which the declaration in his speech, that any rights which the people enjoy are derivd from him. If the spirit of the revolution & of liberty is not extinct, in France & throughout Europe the passage of the pryrinees by the French armies promises to be a signal for great events. That Alexander will profit, of the state of things, west and south of him is probable; what Britain will do is uncertain. The nation presses in one direction, the King in another. If he can controul, he will watch the mov'ment and endeavour to give to Spain a constitution like that of England, and to turn every occurrance to British account, by neutral commerce, acquisition of territory &c. I should be surprised however if the nation which had been misruled by Pitt & thrown into the scale of despotism against human rights, should get the ascendancy, & direct the course in which case, it would be on the side of the Cortes, & of liberty. Canning has more talents & a better heart than his predecessor, but yet I fear that he has not those fixd principles, which distinguished Fox among modern English Statesmen, and cannot therefore be thoroughly relied on, for a persevering effort against the crown, and in support of the right cause.
Respecting Cuba the idea which you suggest had occurrd of a mutual guarantee of it to Spain by the UStates & G. B., but a difficulty occurrd, shall it be of a character to prevent the people of the Island, from following the examples of Columbia, Buenos Aryres &c, and would Spain accept it, it if did not extend to that object, or would England unite in it?
The situation of Mexico is peculiar in our hemisphere. When a nomination of minister to the new govt. was made Iturbide alone had sent a minister here. To have nominated to the other govt. & not to Mexico would have been so marked a proceeding, that it would have been felt by the holy alliance, as well as our neighbour. Bu the nomination of Genl. Jackson the complement was fixd & by his declining to accept the appointment, as was anticipated, the object in not sending one, there is attaind as no other will be made for the present.
I shall remain here a few days only, then return to Washington, and shortly afterwards proceed to Albemarle, where I hope to find you & in perfect health.
With great respect & affectionate regards I am dear Sir always yours James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington June 2. 1823.
Dear Sir
I regretted very much that my duties here with the necessity I was under to pass through Loudon & remain there some days, detained me so long as to deprive me of the pleasure of seeing you on my late visit to Albemarle. Being informd by Mrs, Randolph that you intended to return in a fortnight I should have prolong my stay there for that term but was compelled to return to revise the instructions which had been prepard for our ministers, who were just about to sail for Spain, & So. America, & by other duties. The moment is peculiarly critical, as respects the present state of the world, & our relations with the acting parties in it, in Europe & in this hemisphere, & it would have been very gratifying to me, to have had an opportunity of free communication with you, on all the interesting subjects connected with it. The French armies have entered Spain, & thus the Bourbon family has put at issue by an offensive mov'ment its own fortune, perhaps its existence for should the attack fail, they will have no claim on the justice, if on the liberality of any portion of these, even in France at whose vital interests the blow was aimed. What the precise organization of the revolutionary force in Spain is, or whether any is formed in France are facts with which we have little knowledge. We cannot believe that the revolutionary spirit has become extinct in the latter country, after the astonishing feats performd in favor of liberty by Frenchmen in latter days, nor can we suppose that the governing power in Spain would have risk'd so much, or could have gone so far, had it not relied on the support of the nation. The British govt. is I fear, playing rather into the hands of France & of the holy alliance, so far at least, as to promote the establishment of a house of peers in Spain after its own model, than of affording to Spain the aid, which is so necessary to her independence, and to all past principles at the present time. The motive is obvious. The court is, I have no doubt, in principle, with the holy alliance, and is therefore averse to aid Spain in any manner, whereby to aid the cause of human rights. How far, it may be driven from its policy by the sentiment of the nation, is uncertain. We saw that in the struggle of France, G. Britain was the most decisive & active party against that cause. I think that a change has since been wrought by many causes, but can form no estimate of the extent to which that change has gone. Russia looks, as is presumed, with peculiar anxiety to Constantinople, & so firmly is despotism establishd there, that her Emperor takes less interest, than the powers nearer at hand in what passes in the west & south of Europe. Should the French armies be repulsed, and a party in France declare, in favor of going Boniparte, it is probable that Austria would at least be paralized, if she did not take part with him. That any thing of a bolder stamp wod. be now practicable, there is much cause to doubt. Such is the state of Europe, & our relation to it is pretty much the same, as it was in the commencment of the French revolution. Can we, in any form take a bolder attitude in regard to it, in favor of liberty, then we then did? Can we afford greater aid to that cause by assuming any such attitude, than we now do, by the force of our example? These are subjects, on which I should be glad to hear your sentiments.
In regard to So. America our relations are very friendly, tho' the destiny of many of its parts is uncertain. The presumption is that the whole country will settle down under a republican system; but so great is the ignorance of the people, & so little the dependance to be placed on their popular leaders and active the intrigues of foreign powers, that we cannot pronounce with certainty on the result. Our ministers are about to sail to Columbia, Buenos Ayres, & chile; and now that the despotism, lately established in Mexico has been overthrown, a new appointment will soon be made to that section. When the late nominations were made, Mexico, alone had sent a minister here. To have nominated to the others, & not to her, would have announced to the holy alliance, a reason which would have been felt by it, since in truth, it would be difficult to assign one, not equally applicable to most, if not to all its members. General Jackson declining, another appointment was declind, for a reason which will readily occur to you. That reason no longer exists.
I called at the university and was much gratified to find that the Rotunda had been commenced and was in train of rapid execution. That the institution may be put in motion as soon as possible, is an object of general solicitude. I was happy to hear that your health had improved. With the best wishes for its long continuance, I am dear sir with the greatest respect & most sincere regard your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello. June 11. 23.
Dear Sir
Considering that I had not been to Bedford for a twelve month before, I thought myself singularly unfortunate in so timing my journey as to have been absent exactly at the moment of your late visit to our neighborhood. The loss indeed was all my own, for in these short interviews with you. I generally get my political compass rectified, learn from you where? we are, and correct my course again. In exchange for this, I can give you but newspaper ideas, and little indeed of these for I read by a single paper, and that hastily. I find Horace & Tacitus so much better writers than the champions of the gazettes, that I lay those down to take up these with great reluctance. And on the question you propose whether we can; in any form take a bolder attitude than formerly, in favor of liberty? I can give you but common place ideas. They will be but the widow's mite, and offered only because requested. The matter which now embroils Europe, the presumption of dictating to an independant nation the form of it's government is so arrogant, so atrocious, that indignation as well as moral sentiment enlists allow partialities and prayers in favor of one, and our equal execrations against the other. I do not know indeed whether all nations do not owe to one another a bold and open declaration of their sympathies with the one party, and their detestation of the conduct of the other, but farther than this we are not bound to go; and indeed for the sake of the world, we ought not to increase the jealousies nor draw on ourselves the power of this formidable confederacy. I have ever deemed it fundamental for the US. never to take active part in the quarrels of Europe. Their political interests are entirely distinct from ours. Their mutual jealousies, their balance of power, their complicated alliances, their forms and principles of government, are all foreign to us. They are nations of eternal war. All their energies are expended in the destruction of the labor, property and lives of their people. On our part, never had a people so favorable a chance of trying the opposite system of peace and fraternity with mankind, and the direction of all our means and faculties to the purposes of improvement instead of destruction. With Europe we have few occasions of collision, and these with a little prudence and forbearance may be generally accomodated. Of the brethren of our own hemisphere, none are yet, nor for an age to come will be, in a shape, condition, or disposition to war against us. And the foothold which the nations of Europe had in either America is slipping from under them, so that we shall soon be rid of their neighborhood. Cuba alone seems at present to hold up a speck of war to us. It's possession by Great Britain would indeed by a great calamity to us. Could we induce her to join us in guarantying it's independence against all the world, except Spain, it would be nearly as valuable to us as if it were our own. But, should she take it, I would not immediately go to war for it; because the first war on other accounts will give it to us; or the island will give itself to us, when able to do so. While no duty therefore calls on us to take part in the present war of Europe, and a gold harvest offers itself in reward for doing nothing, peace and neutrality, seem to be our duty and interest. We may gratify ourselves indeed with a neutrality as partial to Spain as would be justifiable without giving cause of war to her adversary; we might, and ought to avail ourselves of the happy occasion of procuring and cementing a cordial reconciliation with her, by giving assurance of every friendly office which neutrality admits, and especially against all apprehension of our intermedling in the quarrel with her colonies. And I expect daily, and confidently to hear of a spark kindled in France, which will employ her at home, & relieve Spain from all further apprehensions of danger.
That England is playing false with Spain cannot be doubted. Her government is looking one way and rowing another. It is curious to look back a little on past events. During the ascendancy of Bonaparte, the word among the heard of Kings was 'sauve qui peut.' Each shifted for himself, and left his brethren to squander off and do the same as they could. After the battle of Waterloo and the military possession of France, they rallied and combined in common cause to maintain each other against any similar and future danger. And in this alliance Louis now avowedly and George secretly but solidly were of the contracting parties; and there can be no doubt that the allies are bound by treaty to aid England with their armies should insurrection take place among her people. The coquetry she is now playing off between her people and her allies is perfectly understood by the latter, and accordingly gives no apprehensions to France, to whom it is all explained. The diplomatic correspondence she is now displaying, these double papers fabricated merely for exhibition in which she makes herself talk of morals and principle, as if her qualms of conscience would not permit her to go all lengths with her holy allies, are all to gull her own people. It is a theatrical farce in which the five powers are the actors. England the Tartuffe, & her people the dupes. Playing thus so dextrously into each others hands, and their own persons seeming secured; they are now looking to their privileged orders. These faithful auxiliaries or accomplices must be saved. This war is evidently that of the general body of the aristocracy in which England is also aching her part. 'save but the Nobles and there shall be no war,' says she, masking her measures at the same time under the form of friendship and mediation, and hypocritically, while parties offering themselves for judges to betray those whom they are not permitted openly to oppose. A fraudulent neutrality, if neutrality at all, is all Spain will get from her, and Spain probably perceives this, and willingly winks at it rather than have her weight thrown openly into the other scale. But I am going beyond my text, & sinning against the adage of carrying coals to Newcastle. In hazarding to you my crude and uniformed notions, of things beyond my cognisance, only be so good as to remember that it is at your request, and with as little confidence on my part as profit on yours. You will do what is right, leaving the people of Europe to act their follies and crimes among themselves, while we pursue in good faith the paths of peace and prosperity. To your judgment we are willingly resigned with sincere assurances of affectionate esteem & respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello June 23.23.
Dear Sir
I have been lately visited by a Mr. Miralbe, a native of Buenos Ayres, but resident in Cuba for the last 7 or 8 years, a person of intelligence, of much information and frankly communicative. I believe indeed he is known to you. I availed myself of the opportunity of learning what was the state of public sentiment in Cuba as to their future course. He says they would be satisfied to remain as they are; but all are sensible that that cannot be: that whenever circumstances shall render a separation from Spain necessary, a perfect independence would be their choice, provided they could see a certainty of protection; but that, without that prospect, they would be divided in opinion between an incorporation with Mexico, and with the US Colombia being too remote for prompt support. The considerations in favor of Mexico are that the Havanna would be the Emporium for all the produce of that immense and wealthy country, and of course the medium of all it's commerce: that having no ports on it's Eastern coast, Cuba would become the depot of it's naval stores and strength, and, in effect, would in a great measure have the sinews of the government in it's hands. That in favor of the US. is the fact that 3/4 of the exportations from Havanna come to the US. that we are a settled government, the power which can most promptly succour there, rising to an eminence promising future security; and of which they would make a member of the sovereignty: while as to England, they would be only a colony, subordinated to their interest, and that there is not a man in the island who would not resist her to the bitterest extremity. Of this last sentiment I had not the least idea at the date of my late letters to you. I had supposed an English interest there quite as strong as that of the US. and therefore that, to avoid war, and keep the island open to our own commerce, it would be best to join that power in mutually guaranteeing it's independence. But if there is no danger of it's falling into the possession of England, I must retract an opinion founded on an error of fact: we are surely under no obligation to give her, gratis, an interest which she has not, & the whole inhabitants being averse to her, and the climate mortal to strangers, it's continued military occupation by her would be impracticable. It is better then to lie still in readiness to receive that interesting incorporation when sollicited by herself. For certainly, her addition to our confederacy is exactly what is wanting to round our power as a nation to the point of it's utmost interest.
I have thought it my duty to acknolege my error on this occasion, and to repeat a truth before acknoleged that retired as I am, I know too little of the affairs of the world to form opinions of them worthy of any attention and I resign myself with reason, and perfect confidence to the care & guidance of those to whom the helm is committed. With this assurance accept that of my constant & affectionate friendship & respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington June 30. 1823.
Dear Sir
The view which you have communicated of the condition, relation, & disposition of Cuba, & its inhabitants founded on the information of Mr. Miralle, is very interesting. It accords also in every particular with that which has been taken here, aided by all the light which we have been able to obtain, through the most authentic channels, from the Island. The people consider Columbia too distant to render a connection with another community, in case of the dismemberment from Spain; that a connection with Mexico is liable in part to the same objection; and that an incorporation with the UStates, is, in all respects, the most desirable event that can occur to them, being more contiguous, more powerful, stable in a system of govt. which they admire & in which, they wish to participate, and likewise intimately connected with them in commerce. To England they would become a colony only. They think that they cannot maintain their independence themselves, for even in foreign powers would not molest them, they fear, that if separated from Spain, the superiority of the black population would secure the govt. to them. We have advised them to cling to Spain for the present, & indeed as long as they can, and to resist by force, any attempt to get possession of the Island by England, intimating in case such an attempt should be made, and they should then make known their preference for us that the subject would be laid before Congress, who would decide on a full view of the State of things at the time, on the part which it would be proper for the UStates to take, & which there was great cause to believe would be favorable to their wishes. This advice, has been given them, through different organs, in which they have confidence. I have always concurr'd with you in sentiment, that too much importance could not be attached to that Island, and that we ought if possible to incorporate it into our union, availing ourselves of the most favorable moment for it, hoping also that one would arrive, when it might be done, without a rupture with Spain or any other power. I consider Cape Florida & Cuba, as forming the mouth of the Mississippi, & other rivers, emptying into the gulph or Mexico, within our limits, as of the Gulph itself, & in consequence that the acquisition of it to our union, was of the highest importance to our internal tranquility, as well as to our prosperity and aggrandizement.
Mr. Gallatin has returned very much dissatisfied with the conduct of the French govt. towards the UStates, on many very important points, on which he was instructed, & held communication with that govt. The demand of indemnity for spoliations on our commerce, made during the term of Boniparte, has entirely failed, altho' such indemnity was made to some of the allied powers: the French government drove our fishermen from the strait of Belle Isle formd by New Foundland & the Labrador coast, the right of fishing on wh. secur'd to us by treaty with England & rightfully
as is believd, without any previous notice to our govt. It has also declind ratifying one of the separate articles in the late commercial treaty, or to say whether it will, or will not retify it. In these concerns, it has evaded in each instance the question, setting up in regard to the claims, one on its part, to a preference to other powers, in a commerce with Louisiana, under the treaty by which that territory was ceded to the UStates, or an indemnity for withholding it, and various other unfounded pretentions. The question, relating to the right of fishing in the quarter mentiond, our right being, as is thought, fully establishd, by argument, it has not met in that form; and to the third one, it has given no answer whatever. A few days before Mr. Gallatin left France he communicated his sentiments freely to the minister of foreign affairs on these points, as he also did on the conduct of France in regard to So. Am:, & likewise in the invasion of Spain, which he assurd him, was in the opinion of the UStates & of their govt. an unjustifiable measure. The minister heard him attentively, but gave no answer, on either point.
The British govt. has enter'd into a formal arrangement with France, by which she agrees to remain neutral in the war with Spain. Of the progress of the armies, we having nothing new, except that Mina has thrown himself in the rear of the French army, but whether in sufficient force to meet it in battle, or merely as a partisan mov'ment is not known.
I have receivd a kind invitation from our neighbours to meet them at Milton, on the 4th of July for the celebration of the anniversary of our independence there, which I should be happy to do, as I have assurd them, if I was not detaind here, for the present by many pressing duties, & also by the indisposition of my family.
Very respectfully & sincerely your friend James Monroe
You have, I presume, seen by the gazettes, that a motion has been made in the British house of commons, to liberate the slaves in the W. Indies, & been treated with respect by Mr. Canning. The effect should the measure be adopted, on those in the Southern States may be anticipated. The govt. of St. Domingo has demanded its recognition, & complains that a formal application for it, has not been answered. The subject was referrd to me at the last session, by a motion of Mr. Holmes of Maine, and on which I sent a special message, adverting very concisely to all the most important considerations involved in it, in the expectation that it would be published, & in the hope that the view therin taken, would conciliate the several parts of the union towards each other, in regard to the delicate interest to which it related. The Senate decided not to publish it, not knowing as I presume the views of the Executive on that point.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Augt 18. 1823.
Dear Sir
The enclosed letters from Mr. Appleton & Genl. Dearborn will give you our latest intelligence from Cadiz & Lisbon, which you will find of a very gloomy & discouraging nature. After perusing them be so kind as to enclose them to Mr. Madison, with a request that he return them to me.
Our accounts from So. America, & Mexico indicate that those people must undergo great difficulties before they can attain a firm establishment on a republican basis. The great defect is the ignorance of the people, by means whereof, they are made in the hands of military adventurers, & priests, the instruments of their own destruction. Time, however, with some internal convulsions, and the form of our example, will gradually mature them, for the great trust deposited in their hands.
I hope to see you in Albemarle in a few weeks, in good health.
With great respect & sincere regard dear sir yours James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Highland Sepr. 18. 23
Dear Sir
I enclose you, the latest account, which I have recd, of the affairs of Spain, and of the incidents attending our mission there, in a letter from Judge Nelson. You will see, that the frigate has been warnd off the port, whereby his entering has been prevented. Two letters from Mr. Appleton of an earlier date, directly from Cadiz will communicate other interesting details. Very Respectfully & sincerely yours, ... James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill October 17th. 1823
Dear Sir
I transmit to you two dispatches which were receiv'd from Mr. Rush, while I was lately in Washington, which involve interests of the highest importance. They contain two letters from Mr. Canning suggesting designs of the holy alliance against the Independence of So. America, & proposing a cooperation, between G. Britain & the UStates , in support of it, against the members of the that alliance. The project aims in a first instance at a mere expression of opinion some what in the abstract, but which it is expected by Mr. Canning will have a great political effect, by defeating the combination. By Mr. Rush's answers, which are also enclosed, you will see the light in which he views the subject, & the extent to which he may have gone. Many important considerations are involvd in this proposition. 1st. shall we entangle ourselves at all in Euro0pean politicks, & wars, on the side of any power against others, presuming that a concert by agreement, of the kind proposed, may lead to that result? 2d. If a case can exist in which a sound maxim may & ought to be departed from, is not the present instance, precisely that case? 3d. Has not the epoch arriv'd when G. Britain must take her stand, either on the side of the monarchs of Europe, or of the UStates, & in consequence, either in favor of Despotism or of liberty, & may it not be presum'd that, aware of that necessity, her government has seiz'd on the present occurrence, as that, which it deems, the most suitable, to announce & mark the commenc'ment of that career.
My own impression is that we ought to meet the proposal of the British govt. & to make it known, that we would view an interference on the part of the European powers, and especially an attack on the Colonies, by them, as an attack on ourselves, presuming that, if they succeeded, with them, they would extend it to us. I am sensible however of the extent & difficulty of the question, & shall be happy to have yours, & Mr. Madison's opinions on it. I do not wish to trouble either of you with small objects, but the present one is vital, involving the high interests, for which we have so long & so faithfully & harmoniously contended together. Be so kind as to enclose to him the despatches, with an intimation of the motive.
With great respect & regard I am dear sir your friend James Monroe
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Oct. 19. 23
Dear Sir
I forward to you the inclosed letter on the same ground on which it is addressed to me, and not that Duane has any moral claims on us. His defection from the republican ranks, his transition to the Federalists, and giving triumph in an important state to wrong over right, have dissolved of his own seeking, his connection with us. Yet the energy of his press, when our cause was laboring and all but lost, under the overwhelming weight of it's powerful adversaries, it's unquestionable effect in the revolution produced in the public mind, which arrested the rapid march of our government towards monarchy, overweigh in fact the demerit of his desertion, when we had become too strong to suffer from it sensibly. He is in truth the victim of passions which his principles were not strong enough to controul. Altho therefore we are not bound to clothe him with the best robe, to put a ring on his finger, and to kill the fated calf for him yet neither should be leave him to eat husks with the swine. His advocate may look too high when he talks of the Post office; but is some more secondary birth should be vacant (as Dpy. collector, Inspector, Nav. officer) something which would feed and cover him decently, I am persuaded it would be a gratification to the old republicans, who do not feel that all he has done is cancelled by one false step. As to any particular demerits towards yourself, without recollecting them, I am sure you were above their infliction, & the more so as he was then fighting openly in the ranks of the enemy. But all this is left to your own feelings and reflection. Being written only "ut valeat quantum valere potest". Dios guarde a Vm muchos anos. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Oct. 24.23.
Dear Sir
The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most momentous which has been ever offered to my contemplation since that of Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points the course which we are to steer thro' the ocean of time opening on us. And never could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with Cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicil of despotism our endeavor should surely be to make our hemisphere that of freedom. One nation. Most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the band of despots, bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at one stroke which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us the most harm of any one, or all, on earth; and with her on our side we need not fear the whole world. With her then we should the most sedulously cherish a cordial friendship, and nothing would tend more to knit our affections than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the same cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of taking part in her wars. But the war in which the present proposition might engage us, should that be it's consequence is not her war, but ours. It's object is to introduce and establish the American system, of keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. It is to maintain our own principle, not to depart from it. And if, to facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of the European powers, and draw over to our side it's most powerful member, surely we should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion that it will prevent, instead of provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn from their scale and shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe combined would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be slighted which this proposition offers of declaring our Protest against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the interference of any one in the internal affairs of another so flagitiously begun by Buonaparte, and now continued by the equally lawless alliance, calling itself Holy.
But we have first to ask ourselves a question. Do we wish to acquire to our own confederacy any one or more of the Spanish provinces? I candidly confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of states. The controul which with Florida point, this island would give us over the Gulph of Mexico and the countries, and the isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose waters flow into it, would fill up the measure of our political well-being. Yet, as I am sensible that this can never be obtained even with her own consent, but by war; and it's independence, which is our second interest (and especially it's independence of England) can be secured without it, I have no hesitation in abandoning my first wish to future chances, and accepting it's independence with peace, and the friendship of England, rather than it's association at the expence of war & her enmity.
I could honestly therefore join in the declaration proposed that we aim not at the acquisition of any of those possessions, that we will not stand in the way of any amicable arrangement between them and the mother country, but that we will oppose, with all our means, the forcible interposition of any other power, as auxiliary, stipendiary, or any other form or pretext, and most especially their transfer to any power by conquest, cession, or acquisition in any other way. I should think it therefore advisable that the Executive should encourage the British government to a continuance in the dispositions expressed in these letters, by an assurance of his concurrence with them as far as his authority goes, and that as it may lead to war, the declaration of which requires an act of Congress, the case shall be laid before them for consideration at their first meeting, and under the reasonable aspect in which it is seen by himself.
I have been so long weaned from political subjects, and have so long ceased to take any interest in them, that I am sensible I am not qualified to offer opinions on them worthy of any attention. But the question now proposed involves consequences so lasting, and effect so decisive of our future destinies, as to rekindle all the interest I have heretofore felt on such occasions, and to induce me to the hazard of opinions, which will prove only my wish to contribute still my mite towards any thing which may be useful to our country. And praying you to accept it at only what it is worth, I add the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect.
Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Decr. 4. 1823
Dear Sir
I now forward to you a copy of the message, more legible than that which sent by the last mail. I have concurr'd throughly with the sentiments expressd in your late letter, as I am persuaded you will find by the message, as to the part wrought to act, toward the allied powers, in regard to So. America, I consider the cause of that country as essentially our own. That the crisis is fully as menacing as has been supposed is confirmd by recent communications from another quarter, with which I will make you acquainted in my next. The most unpleasant circumstance in these communications is, that Mr. Canning's zeal has much abated of late. Whether this process from the unwillingness of his govt. to recognize the new govts. or from offers made to it by the allied powers to seduce it, into their scale, we know not. We shall nevertheless be on our guard, against any contingency. Very respectfully and sincerely yours James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Decr[ante 11] 1823.
Dear Sir
Shortly after the receipt of yours of the 24th of October, & while the subject treated in it, was under consideration the Russian minister drew the attntion of the govt. to the same subject, tho' in a very different sense from that in which it had been done by Mr. Canning. Baron Tuyll announced in an official letter, and it was understood by order of the Emperor that having heard that the republic of Columbia had appointed a minister to Russia, he wishd it to be distinctly understood that he wuld not receive him nor would he receive any minister from any of the new govts de facto of which the new world had been recently the theatre. On another occasion he observ'd that the Emperor had seen with great satisfaction the declaration of this govt. when the new govts. were recognized. That it was the intention of the UStates to remain neutral. He gave this intimation for the purpose of expressing the wish of his master, that we would preserve in the same policy. He communicated soon afterwards an extract of a letter from his govt. in which the conduct of the allied powers in regard to Naples, Spain, & Portugal was reviewed and their policy explain'd distinctly avowing their determination to crush all revolutionary movements & thereby to preserve order in the civilized world. The terms "civilized world" were probably intended to be applied to Europe only, but admitted an application to this hemisphere also. These communications were recieved as proofs of candour, & a friendly disposition to the UStates, but were nevertheless answer'd in a manner equally explicit, frank, & direct, to each point. In regard to neutrality it was observ'd then that sentimt. was declard, that the other powers of Europe had not taken side with Spain-that they were then neutral. If they should change their policy, the state of things on which our neutrality was declar'd, being alterd, we would not be bound by that declaration, but might change our policy also. Informal notes, or rather a proces of verbal of what passed in conference to such effect, were exchangd, between Mr. Adams & the Russian mingier with an understanding however that they should be held confidential.
When the character of these communications & that from Mr. Canning, & that from the Russian minister is considerd, & the time when made, it leaves little doubt that some project against the new govts. is contemplated. In what form is uncertain. It is hoped that the sentiments expressd in the message, will give a check to it. We certainly meet in full extent the proposition of Mr. Canning, & in the mode to give it the greatest effect. If his govt. makes a similar decln. the project will, it may be presumed, be abandoned. By taking step here, it is done in a manner more conciliatory with, & respectful to Russia, & the other powers, than is taken in England, and as it is thought with more credit to our govt. Had we mov'd in the first instance in England, seperated as she is in part from those powers, our union with her, being masked, might have producd irritation with them. We know that Russian dreads a connection between the UStates & G. Britain
or harmony in policy. Moving on our own ground, the apprehension that unless she retreats, that effect may be produced may be a motive with her for retreating: Had we mov'd in England, it is probable that it would have been inferrd that we acted under her influence, & at her instigation, & thus have lost credit as well with our southern neighbours, as with the allied powers.
There is some danger that the British govt. when it sees the part we have taken, may endeavour to throw the whole burden on us, and profit, in case of such interposition of the allied powers, of her neutrality, at our expense. But I think that this would be impossible after what has passd on the subject; besides it does not follow from what has been said, that we should be bound to ingage in the war, in such event. Of this intimations may be given should it be necessary. A messenger will depart for Engld with despatches for Mr. Rush in a few days who will go on to St. Petersbg. With others to Mr. Middleton. And considering the crisis, it has occurr'd that a special mission of the first consideration from the country directd to Engld. in the first instance with power to attend any Congress, that may be conven'd on the affrs. of So. Am. or Mexico might have the happiest effect. You shall hear from me further on this subject.
Very sincerely your friend.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. Dec. 19. 23.
Dear Sir
Mr. Girardin, president of the college of Baltimore understanding that the office of librarian to Congress is expected to become vacant by resign. and desirous of being placed it, has requested me to state to you what I know of his qualifns. He lived at Milton in this nbhood 2 or 3 y while writing his hist. Of Virga, and was during that time in great intercourse and intimacy with my self. He is a scholar of high grade, industrious, methodical, careful or correct morals and conduct, and particularly proficient in bibliographical knolege, an important qualificn in that office. I have thought it a duty to bear witness to what I know of him in these respects, and that I render a service even to yourself by enabling you to judge between him and other competitors for the appmt, and to give it to the worthiest as I know is your first wish. Accept the assurance of my constant and high esteem & respect. Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Jany 12th. 1824
Dear Sir
Since my last we have receiv'd no communication from Mr. Rush, on the subject of Mr. Cannings proposition. From our chargé des affrs in France a letter has been recently recd. by which it appears that the British ambassador there, had intimated to the French minister of foreign affairs the desire & expectation of his govt. that no measure should be decided on, by the allied powers, without a consultation with the govt of the UStates, & to which a reply was given
that none would be adopted, without a due consultation, which Mr. Sheldon understood as excluding us from an congress or other meeting that might take place between them with a view to that object. The fact however that the British govt. has made such an intimation being in accord with a suggestion or Mr. Canning to Mr. Rush, tends to strengthen the presumption that that govt. will oppose any measures having for their object the subjugation of the new govts. to the South. We may daily expect farther intelligence on the subject, which I will communicate to you as soon as received.
I shall forward the views of Mr. O. Flaherty & Col. Roane by communicating to you the enclosd papers by which it appears, that the former seeks employment in our university, & that the latter thinks highly of his qualifications, especially by his knowledge of the antient languages.
Very respectfully & sincerely your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. Feb. 5. 24.
Dear Sir
The inclosed letter is form a person entirely unknown to me. Yet it seems to expect a confidence which prudence cannot give to a stranger, and as he seems to write under your authority I take the liberty of confiding my answer to yourself directly & of returning his paper to you. I do not know that the publicn of the papers of the old Congress could be objected to, except such as might contain personalities of no consequence to history. But care should be taken that they should be impartially published and not all on one side. We have seen how false a face may be given to history by the garbling of documents. Even during the old Congress and in it's body we had our whigs & tories. Mr. Wagner says that for the present he acknoleges no party, and supposes his continuance in office during 6 yr of my admn a proof of his fidelity and impartiality even while he was a party man. But every one knows that the clerks of the offices had been appd under federal heads who appd federalists only and exclusively that the whole mass of them were federal, and that I medled with none of them. His conversion from vehemence to neutrality having taken place only since his withdrawing from the Editorship of the Baltimore Federalist, the proofs of it have not yet reached our part of the country. Yet his word need not be doubted further than as we all believe ourselves neutral. He is certainly capable of the task, and has the adge. Of being familiar with the arrangment of the papers, yet not more so than the gentlemen now in that office & who have been longer in it than he was. On the whole my opinion is favble to the publicn when it can be verily made and that it's want is not so pressing but that it is better to let it wait till it can be so done as to give to history it's true face.
I shall be among those most rejoiced at seeing LaFayette again. But I hope Congress is prepared to go thro' with their compliment worthily. That they do not mean to invite him merely to dine . That provision will be made for his expences here, which you know he cannot afford, and that they will not send him back empty handed. This would place us under indelible disgrace in Europe. Some 3 or 4 good townships in Missouri or Louisiana or Alibama &c should be in readiness for him, and may restore his family to the opulence which his virtues have lost to them. I suppose the time of the visit will be left to himself, as the death of Louis XVIII which had probably taken place or soon must do so, will produce a crisis in his own country from which he could not absent himself by a visit of compliments ever& affecty. Yours Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. Feb. 20. 24.
Dear Sir
The multiplied solicitns. To interest myself with you for applicants for office have been uniformly refused by me. In a few cases only where facts have been within my knolege I have not been able to refuse stating them as a witness, which I have made it a point to do so only as that you might understand that I took no particular interest in the case. In a conversn. With you however at OakHill some two or three years ago I mentioned to you that there would be one single case, and but one in the whole world into which I should go with m whole heart and soul, and ask as if it were for myself. It was that whenever the Post office or Collector's office at Richmd. either of them should become vacant, you would name Colo. B. Peyton to it, and preferably to the P.O. if both were to be vacant. Both incumbents have for years been thought near their exit and Foushee should be now at death's door, yet I would not ask this were there a man in the world more capable, or more diligent or more honest than Peyton, one of higher worth or more general favor or to whom I would give it myself in preference to hi,. He is all this, and I will be responsible that his nomination will not only be a general gratification, but I believe a more general than any other not only to the vicinage, but to the legislature & to the state for he is very generally known having been a captain in the late war and since that a Commn mercht. of uncommon esteem. To me it will be supreme satisfacn for I look on him with almost the eyes of a father. I know you will be most strongly sollicited for others, and those too of unexceptionable merit and great interest. I will say boldly however for no one who will execute the office more faithfully & diligently or with more comity than Peyton. Grant me this and as I never have, so I never will again put your friend ship to the trial as for myself. I inform Peyton that I have written to you, and desire him at the moment of the occurrence to address a letter to yourself directly that no time may be lost by it's passing thro' me, for note a moment will be lost by others, and the earlier the notice to you, the sooner you may be able to preclude other importunities. I salute you with constant affection & respect. Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington March 22d. 1824
Dear Sir
Such has been the pressure on me of late, that I have not had a moment to pay attention or even answer the calls of my friends. I have felt that I had faild, both to you and to Mr. Madison. There have been several candidates under me in the admn. for the office which I hold, and such the activity & animosity of their respective advocates & friends, toward the rival candidates, that my situation has been peculiarly embarrassing. In the appointment to office I have been forc'd either to distribute the offices among the friends of the candidates to guard myself against the imputation of favoritism or to take my own course, and appoint those whom I knew & confided in, without regard to them. Had I pursued the former, the office in my hands, for two or three years of the latter term would have sunk to nothing. I therefore adopted the former, and have steadily pursued it, believing that I had given sufficient proof, of respect for, and confidence in each, of the members of the administration, by appointing & continuing him in his place.
From Europe we have nothing of late to vary the view which is exhibited to the public in the gazettes.
Dr. Foushee still lives. Governor Preston had applied for the post office at Richmond & I had some years since given him some hope of obtaining it should a vacancy occur while I am here; but my earnest hope is that matters may take such a shape, as to enable me to meet your wishes in regard to Col. Peyton before my retirment.
My particular motive is to state to you a communication which was lately made to be by Mr. Livingston. He assured me, that it was an object of deep interest to him, to know that you entertaind no unkind feelings towards him-that he earnestly wished to be restord to the footing which he held in your estimation some 25 years since. I told him that I was satisfied the intimation of that sentiment on his part, would be gratifying to you. If you are willing that I should say any thing to him on the subject, trace, what it shall be, and I shall be happy to be the organ.
With great respect and sincere regard dear Sir yours James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Mar. 27.24.
Dear Sir
I receive Mr. Livingston's question through you with kindness and answer it without hesitation. He may be assured I have not a spark of unfriendly feeling towards him. In all the earlier scenes of life we thought and acted together. We differed in opinion afterwards on a single point. Each maintained his opinion, as he had a right, and acted on it as he ought. But why brood over a single difference, and forget all our previous harmonies? Difference of opinion was never, with me a motive of separation from a friend. In the trying times of federalism, I never left a friend. Many left me, have since returned, and been recieved at Monticello with as hearty a welcome as he would have been in 1800. The case with Mr. Adams was much stronger. Fortune had disjointed our first affections, and placed us in opposition in every point. This separated us for a while. But on the first intimation thro' a friend, we re-embraced with cordiality, recalled our ancient feelings and dispositions, and every thing was forgotten but our first sympathies. I bear ill will to no human being.
Another item of your letter fills my heart with thankfulness. With the other competitor for it is an imaginary want, a mere change of lounge, to fill up the vacancies of mind. Ever affectionately and respectfully yours. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington April ante 6 1824
Dear Sir
The claims of the State for the allowance of interest on monies borrowed & applied to the payment of the militia in the late war, has been considerd by the administration in a full meeting, at the instance of the Senators & of Mr. Cabell, & the result has been that the allowance could not be made by the Executive the uniform decision in such cases having been against it. The claim will be brought before Congress and wither by me, or the members, as may be deemd most adviseable. If presented by me, as there are many states having similar claims, it is thought that I should take it up on general principles, applicable to all, & it was urgd in the admn. & apparently acquiesed in, that if a state had money in hand, as was the case with Maryland, & paid it to the militia as calld for, that the State is intitled to interest, in the principles of justice, in equal degree, as if she had borrowed the money, & paid the interest on it. It was urgd that if there was any thing peculiar in the circumstances of the claim of Virga. more favorable than of the other States, it might be urgd with greater advantage if brought forward by the members, than by me: I shall make myself master of the subject and take any course safe & proper in itself, which may be most agreable to our members, & in accord with the views of the admn. Should you have formd any opinion on this head, it will give me pleasure to be made acquainted with it. My solicitude is the greater, from the reliance on this fund, in and of our University, on which the State & indeed our whole system of govt. so essentially depend.
You are acquainted with all the circumstances, relating to the compact with Georgia, entered into in 1802 for the extinguishment of the Indian title to land, within the State, on the condition specified. During your term, & that of Mr. Madison much land was acquird, as there has been since I held this office. I was also going on to press the object, with much zeal, & as I thought in
harmony with the delegation from the State, looking to the claims of humanity as well as of right on the part of the Indians, when on an earnest remonstrance from a deputation of the Cherokee nation here, against further cessions, or appropriations of money to obtain cessions, which was communicated to the members from the State, they address'd to me a letter replete with the most bitter reproaches, expressd in the harshest language against the conduct of the Executive in the execution of that article of the compact from its date. I take this however to myself, for whom it was I presume primarily intended. Being satisfied that Mr. Crawford knew nothing of the measure, I communicated the papers to him with an intimation that if the members asked to withdraw their paper, I would permit it. He disapproved their conduct, intimated through one, to the others, his wish that they would withdraw it. They met, & decided that they would not withdraw it, nor communicate with him on the subject. Finding it necessary to bring the wishes of the State before Congress, I sent in this paper, with others with a message some few days since. I will forward to you a copy of the message & documents as soon as printed.
I send you a copy of the Message & documents relating to the Massachusetts claim, for militia services in the late war. On great consideration of the subject, & communication with the most enlightend of the republicans of that Section, I was satisfied, that the measure, especially should it be supported by the republicans to the South, wod give great aid to the republican party, to the Eastward, & in consequence to our system of govt.
Very respectfully & sincerely your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. July 2. 24
Dear Sir
I took the liberty some time last fall of placing Mr. Duane under your notice, should any thing occur adapted to his qualifns and to his situation which I understood to be needy in the extreme. His talents and informn are certainly great, and the services he rendered us when we needed them, and his personal sacrifices and sufferings were signal and efficacious and left on us a moral duty not to forget him under misfortune. His subsequent aberations were after we were too strong to be injured by them. I have lately recd. a letter from him, which I inclose because it will better shew his prospects of distress and anxieties for relief that any thing I could say. Whether the latter may too much influence his reasonable hopes, you are the proper judge. If they do, his former merits will still claim a recollection on any proper occasion which may occur; I perform a duty in communicating his wish; yours will be to weight it's relations to the public service. I congratulate you on the return of repose after a campaign so agitating as the late one. Your nephew who was so kind as to call on me a day or two ago gave me hopes we should see you here during the summer or early autumn. I have a visit to Bedford in contempln. The time of which is quite immaterial, and could I previously know when that of your visit to Albemarle will probably be, I should so arrange mine as not to miss the pleasure of seeing you here. I salute you with sincere & affectionate respect. Th. J
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)
Monto. July 10. 24.
Dear Sir
My friend Colo. Peyton passing thro' Washn. on a trip to the North will pay his respects to you with this letter. He is the same for whom I have heretofore sollicited you, and still sollicit you to keep him in mind for either of the two offices in Richmd. which may first become vacant. I shall hope a fortnight or 3 weeks previous notice of your visit here that I may not lose the pleasure of seeing you by a visit to Bedford ever constantly and affly. your friend Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress)..
Washington July 12th. 1824
Dear Sir
I have had the pleasure to receive your favor of the second instant, with one inclosed from Mr. Duane, & should be glad for the reasons stated in yours, & the interest you take in his behalf to place him in some situation, which might afford a subsistence to him and his family. His abuse of me for 4 or 5 years is disregarded; his real standing however in the community must be attended to, & that is such, as would expose me to censure if he should be placd in any trust of a marked character. His late claim before Congress I aided, and I caused it then to be made known to him that I took an interest in his welfare. I saw him afterwards & intimated the same to him personally; he sought the office in the Treasury dept of 4th auditor, but the feeling of all here, revolted at it. I shall hold him in view and should any opportunity occur, within the limit stated, be glad to serve him.
I regret much that it is not now in my power to fix any period at which I may with certainty promise myself the pleasure of seeing you. Mrs. Monroe's health is such as not to permit her to undertake the journey, and is also subjected to such occasional unfavorable changes, as to make it difficult for me to leave her for any length of time. It was my intention to have visited Albemarle more than a month since, but I was prevented by that and other causes. I shall take her to Loudon, in a day or two, where the elevation of the country & air, resemble what we have so long profited of in Albemarle, & should the change prove advantageous to her, I will continue my journey thither. But this is so uncertain, that I must beg of you not to permit your mov'ment to depend in the slightest degree on mine. Whether I go over at the time suggested on not, I shall endeavour to see you in the autumn, when many concerns foreign & domestic will probably have reachd a stage to require the most profound attention, and on which I shall be happy to confer freely with you & Mr. Madison.
It is represented to us, by the minister from Columbia, that an agent of the French govt. is now on his way to Bogata with authority to offer to the republic, the acknowledgment of its independence, provided it will establish a monarchy: to state that France will make no condition as to the person to be placd in that station, and would be satisfied with Bolivar, if the people should prefer him. In making this communication the minister asks by order of his govt. if the proposal should be rejected, & the people adhere to their republican system, and France, & other allied powers, refuse to recognize them, & pursue measures of hostility towards them, what part the UStates would take? Would they aid them by taking part in the war? This question will probably be pressd from other quarters, if not from all the new Southern states, & surely none can be of higher importance to ourselves. The British govt. it is fear'd will act the part in this concern, that it did lately in regard to Spain & Portugal with this difference, that seeking the independence of the new States, it may not consent that armies shall be sent there, at least in the present state, in the hope that the southern people will execute their purpose, on condition that their independence is acknowledgd. The attitude which we have to maintain in this great crisis, is in the highest degree important to the whole civilized world, since we stand alone with every power beyond the Atlantic against us, & with those on this side, yeilding us a very feeble if any support.
With great respect I am dear Sir very sincerely your friend. James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello July 18. 24.
Dear Sir
I have duly recd. your favor of the 12th inst. and concur in every sentimt. you express on the subject of mine of the 2d. They were exactly what I should have told to you myself had our places been changed. My letter meant only to convey the wishes of the party, and in few cases where circumstances have obliged me to communicate sollictatns have I ever suffered my own wishes to mingle with theirs that of Peyton I except, which yet I would not have urged were it possible for you to appoint a better man, or one more solidly in the public esteem. In the case which was the
subject of my lte of the 2d the abilities are sfft., the temper & prudence questionable and the standing in public opn. defective. Yet this latter circumstance is always important, because it is not wisdom alone, but public confidne in that wisdom which can support an admin. Something however less marked may occur to give him decent and comfortable maintenance.
I am sorry to hear that England is equivocal. My reliance was on the great interest she had in the indepdce of the Spanish colonies, and my belief that she might be trusted in followg whatever clue would led to her interest. The Spanish agents will doubtless think it reasonable that we make our commitmt depend entirely on the concurrence of Engld. With that we are safe; without it we cannot protect them and they cannot reasonably expect us to sink ourselves uselessly & even injuriously for them by a Quixotic encounter of the whole world in arms, were it Spain alone I should have no fear. But Russia is said to have 70 ships of the line. France approaching that number and what should be in fronting such a force. It is not for the interest of Spain with America that our republic should be blotted out of the map, and to the rest of the world it would be an act of treason. I see both reason and justificn in hanging our answers to them on the coopern of England & directing all their importunities to that govmt. We feel strongly for them, but our first care must be for ourselves. I am sorry for the doubtfulness of your visit to our nghood, and still more so for the ground of it. With my prayers that the last may be favorably relieved, accept the assurance of my affecte. Frdship & great respect Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. July 22. 24.
Dear Sir
I inclose you a letter from Thos. Lieper, the Doyen you know of the genuine republicans of Pensva, who on the prospect that the Director of the Mint is about closing the term of his life wishes that Dr. Patterson son of the Director could be appd his successor. My testimony in hi favor is not form personal acqte, but from the informn of others which is very highly in his favor when he went to Europe I gave him letters at the request of his father, and on his return I had the most favble reports of the advantageous manner in which he had employed the oppties that voyage gave him. The office of Director was given to Mr. Rittenhouse by Gl. Wash. At my request while secy. of state, on acct. of his distinguished mathem. science. I gave it myself on the same ground to Dr. Patterson the father, the office requirs. a proficiency in Mathems. & mechanics science in so much that to this day we feel the benefits of Sr. Isaac Newton's employment in that station. The father having himself educated his son, the present applicant, could not fail I presume to have made him a good proficient in his own science, the handmaid as it is to medicine for which the son was destined. Of these his qualitfns however comparatively with his competitors you are to decide ultimately, and in contempln of the infinite derangment & mischeif which may be done to our circulating medium by ignorance in it's direction. Knowing that this decision cannot be in juster hands I add only fir justice to the assurances of my affectionate respects. Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. Aug. 25. 24.
The moment my dear friend, is come which I was so anxious should happen in your time. the office of P.M. in Richmd. is become vacant by the long expected death of the incumbent, and I cannot omit to urge my former suits in behalf of Colo. Peyton, in the several cases in which I have been forced to hand to you the names of sollicitants for office I never suffered my wishes to go beyond the duties of meer testimony. In this case I confess my personal anxieties are deeply embarked. But they too should have been restrained had I not known the object of them to be in capacity for the office integrity, diligence, worth, and public esteem and confidence equal to what can be urged for any competitor. I hope you will pardon my laying your frdship under contribn in this single case and consider me now as ever devotedly yours. Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill, Augt. 26. 1824
Dear Sir
The death of Dr. Foushee has forcd on me very reluctantly the appointment of some person to fill his place, in the p. office at Richmond. I feel this, from the number of applicants, several of whom are particular friends, but more especially from the interest which I know you take in favor of Col. B. Peyton, who is now with me, & the distress it give me to reject any of them. I mentiond to you on a former occasion, on an intimation from you, in favor of Col. Peyton, the claims of Govr. Preston, and the calculation I was apprized he made on this office without any special pledge from me at the time, in case the vacancy should occur during my service. The circumstances on which he relied were these. He had been severely wounded in an action on the northern frontier in the late war, his thigh being broken, & the enemy pressing & he retiring on a litter, he was thrown from it, & his thigh broken again. As soon as he could be brought home, he was taken by his brother & brought to my house in Washington, where we had much conversation, relative to his situation & circumstances, relative to his situation & circumstances, as well as on mine, & on which I gave him assurance of my good offices for any object which he might have in view. This was glanc'd at. I was then in the dept of State. I had a hope at the time of our communication, that some other provision might have been made for him and that such would have been my situation, in other respects, as to leave me at liberty, to perform what would have been very gratifying to me, a complyance with your wishes. The case is however different, & under circumstances which will I trust be satisfactory to you. It is proper for me further to add, in profound confidence, that among the other applications, one has been made by a person of great consideration, respecting whom in competition with any other person I cannot consult you. This forms another difficulty which would be felt, if Col. Preston was out of the question. I shall treat Co. Peyton with every degree of kindness, & communicate with him freely on the subject of his visit.
With very great respect & sincere regard I an your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington October 18. 1824<
Dear Sir
General La Fayette left this for York, on Saturday and is I presume now near his port of destination. Whether he will proceed thence by Richmond to your house or directly to Charlestown & Savannah, & return by your residence, he had not decided, when he left us. Time, has produced less waster of his form, since you last saw him, than it does on most men, and none on his mind. His mov'ment since his arrival in the UStates has been well directed. Had he visited this city in the first instance, the compromitment of the govt. with the holy alliance would have been much greater, than by going directly to our fellow citizens, & from them to the govt. By this course the nation has the credit. The holy alliance & all the govts. of Europe must therefore look to us, as an united people, devoted to the principles of our revolution & of free republican government. My hope is, that the nation will provide for him, in a way to put him at ease, the remainder of his days, and to indemnify his family for the losses which the principles which he imbibed in our great struggle & of which he has been the victim subjected them to.
It is my earnest desire to visit Albemarle, & to pass a day with you and one with Mr. Madison, before the commenc'ment of the Session. If I do, it must be soon, as I must be back, early in the next month, to prepare for that event. My present impression is, that I will go, & set out in the course of this week.
All our accounts from Russian are favorable. The treaty lately concluded, respecting the No. West coast, & the Pacific is, I think, all that we could have asked.
With great respect & regard I am dear Sir your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Highland Oct. 31. 1824
Dear Sir
Finding that Genl. LaFayette will not arrive till Thursday, and that the Dinner will not be given on that day, and may be deferrd some days longer, I regret that it will be utterly out of my power, to remain in the county, to unite with you & other friends in those demonstrations of regard for him to which he is so justly entitled, & we all so sincerely feel. I have resolvd therefore to set out on my return to the city, early in the morning, wishing you to be so kind as to make the necessary explanations to him of the cause, in aid of those which are hastily suggested in the enclosed letter, which you will be go good as to deliver to him, on his arrival at your house. The meeting of Congress is so near at hand, that I have not a moment to lose, in making the preparations which will be necessary, for my communications to that body. The collection & arrangments of the documents will require time, as will the digest of the subject matter to be communicated. I shall be heartily rejoiced when the term of my service expires, & I may return home in peace with my family, on whom, and especially on Mrs. Monroe the burdens & cares of my long public service have borne too heavily. With great respect & sincere regard I am dear sir yr friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Novr. 11. 1824
Dear Sir
Col. Sullivan of Massachusetts having intimated to me his intention of visiting certain parts of Virga, & of calling on you, I have taken the liberty of giving him this letter of introduction to your acquaintance. He is a son of Govr. Sullivan, and was Secretary to Mr. Bowdoin in his mission to Spain, in which character I became acquainted with him at London in 1805. Our acquaintance has since been preserv'd, and it gives me pleasure to state, that I have derivd great satisfaction from it, from the experience it has afforded of his talents and merit, as well as of his amiable qualities. His Lady will accompany him, who was the niece of Mr. Bowdoin, and is a very estimable woman.
With great respect I am very sincerely your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Decr 9th. 1824
Dear Sir
Hearing that Mr. Webster & Mr. Ticknor will call on you, and indeed that their visit is principally intended for yourself & Mr. Madison, I take much interest in recommending them to your kind attention. They are known to the public as citizens of great respectability & talents, and the latter, is well known to you personally in those lights, so that little is left to me to add, than to bear my testimony in their favor, to the same effect. I hope that you have intirely recoverd from the indisposition, with which you still sufferd, which I was with you.
With great respect & sincere regard I am dear Sir your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington Decr. 11th. 1824
Dear Sir
I sent you the other day a copy of my message as first printed & with errors in it. I now send one which is I presume correct. I forward also a copy of the document for the suppression of the slave trade.
In the settlement of the accounts of both my missions to Europe, that commencing in 1794 under General Washington, and that of 1803 under you, I have thought that injustice was done me. A more serious injury has been attempted in the two last sessions of Congress in an apparently organized form, it being in that of a Committee in each Session. The period of my retirment approaching I intend to invite the attention of Congress to both subjects, that I may place both, in the light in which they ought to stand, and to protect myself in the latter from malignant aspersions after my departure. It would be gratifying to me to be permitted by you, to shew to the committee to whom the subject will probably be referrd, the first paragraph of your letter of the 13th of Jany. 1803 announcing my appointment, or such parts of it as you may think proper. No copy would be given, and the sole object, in addition to the evidence it affords of your good opinion would be, to shew the haste with which I hurried from home, and from the country, having private concerns, in consequence unsettled. I need not add, that of you & Mr. Madison, in the settlement of the account, for the latter mission, I have no complaint, as well be distinctly stated.
At this time I am much pressed, or should say something on the subject of internal improvement, explanatory of the principles on which I have acted, tho I can add but little to what is stated in a former message to Congress on the subject. Should I say any thing hereafter, it will be explanatory only & to which I shall wish no answer. I hope that your health is perfectly restord. With great respect & sincere regard I am dear sir your, James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Dec. 15. 24.
Dear Sir
I have examined my letter of Jan. 13. 1803 as well as the indistinct copy given by the Copying press permits. In some part it is illegible. The publication of the whole of the 1st paragraph would merit very serious considn as respects myself. Written when party passions and conduct were at their greatest height, and expressing freely to you, with whom I had not reserve, my opinion of the views of the other party, which were all but treasonable they would kindle embers long seeming to be extinguished, and altho' at that time the views stated were known to be true, and not doubted at this moment, yet promulgated now, they would seem very harsh, and renew personal enmities and hatreds which time seems to have quieted. Yet I am perfectly willing that such parts as would be useful to you, without committing me to new persecutions should be made publick. With this view I have revised the paragraph, suppressed passaged which would be offensive, modified here and there an expression, and now inclose you the form in which I should consent to it's publcn. Your letter by Mr. Tichnor & Mr. Webster has been ruly recd. With the former I had had acquaintance and correspondence of long standing, and I am much gratified by the acquaintance made with the latter. <One of our Professors hourly and three others sailed for Norfolk long enough to have been here. On their arrival we shall give notice that the instn will be opened on the 1st of Feb. > Ever and faithfully yours Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Washington March 9. 1825
Dear Sir
Mr. Owen intending from motives of respect to pay to you & Mr. Madison a visit, has requested of me a letter of introduction to you, with which I readily comply. His character for benevolence, & improvement in certain branches of industry is I doubt not, well known to you. He indulges a strong hope that the good effect of his system, may be sensibly felt, in improving the condition of mankind.
With great respect & esteem I am Dear Sir yrs. ... James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Jany. 15. 1826
Dear Sir
The communication which you made to me when last at your house, of the correspondence between you & Mr. Giles, in reference to a communication made to you by Mr. Adams, pending the embargo, of certain combinations which menaced the union, & producd its repeal, has engaged my attention since, as far as the urgent business in which I have been engaged would permit. I have reflected more on it, since, that business was concluded, and now on the road, take the liberty to drop you a few lines on it.
My opinion is that Mr. Giles in himself may write what he pleases, & do no harm. My fear is, that if your name is connected, with that very important occurrence, by any act of your own, and especially by a correspondence with him that it will become the cause of great inquietude to you, and do a public injury. It will on the first instance connect you with whatever he may do hereafter, that is, with his writings, and his whole career, for it may, & probably will be inferrd that you would not have sanctiond that publication by a disclosure of all the facts connected with it, without approving the use to be made of it.
Whether the communication made to you, by Mr. Adams was of a confidential nature, is a point, which you have no doubt, fully weighed, & on which I shall, in its relation to Mr. Adams say nothing. In other views, however, the disclosure is important to yourself, as well as to the public. The disclosure by you, of a fact, which forc'd the govt, form its ground, to save the union, is of the most serious import. The fact, was never known before, and would not be believ'd, if not vouched by you. What the effect may be, on the state of the union, at this time, I know not, for I have not had time to trace it, in all its bearings, in the present divisions, with which it is agitated, and which, altho' very much of personal nature, may under certain excitments lead to great results. I suggest for your consideration. I write you this in haste, and in profound confidence, and from the motives stated, a regard for the public welfare, and for your happiness, being very sincerely your friend. James Monroe
The object of this is to bring the subject under your consideration, in the light suggested, that you may, if in your power, controul it, should you deem it proper.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Jan. 21. 26
Dear Sir
Your favor of Jan. 15 is recieved and I am entirely sensible of the kindness of the motives which suggested the caution it recommended, but I believe what I have done is the only thing I could have done with honor & conscience. Mr. Giles requested me to state a fact which he knew himself, and of which he knew me to be possessed. What use he intended to make of it I knew not nor had I a right to enquire or to indicate any suspicion that he would make an unfair one. That was his concern, not mine; and his character was sufficient to sustain the responsibility for it. I knew too that if an uncandid use should be made of it, there would be found those who would so prove it. Independent of the terms of intimate friendship on which our Mr. Giles and myself have ever lived together, the world's respect intitled him to the justice of my testimony to any truth he might call for; and how the testimony should connect me with whatever he may do or write hereafter and with his whole career, as you apprehend is not understood by me. With his personal controversies I have nothing to do I never took any part in them, or in those of any other person. Add to this that the statement I have given him on the subject of Mr. Adams is entirely honorable to him in every sentiment and fact it contains. There is not a word in it which I would wish to recall. It is one which Mr. Adams himself might willingly quote, did he need to quote anything. It was simply that during the continuance of the embargo Mr. Adams informed me of a combination
(without naming any one concerned in it) which had for it's object a severance of the union for a time at least. That Mr. Adams and myself, not being then in the habit of mutual consultation and confidence, I considered it as the stronger proof of the purity of his patriotism, which was able to lift him above all party passions when the safety of his country was endangered. Nor have I kept his honorable fact to myself. During the late canvas particularly, I had more than one occasion to quote it to persons who were expressing opinions respecting him of which this was a direct corrective. I have never entertained for Mr. Adams any but sentiments of esteem and respect; and if we have not thought alike on political subjects, I yet never doubted the honesty of his opinions, of which the letter in question, if published will be an additional proof. Still I recognize your friendship in suggesting a review of it, and am glad of this, as of very other occasion of repeating to you the assurance of my constant attachment and respect Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill Feby 13. 1826.
Dear Sir
It was my intention as it was my desire, to have communicated to the committee no part of your letter of the 13th of Jany 1803, announcing my appointment, to France & Spain, and on that principle I acted at the last Session. From this however I have been inducd to depart reluctantly by intimations which have been recently given me, by some friends in Washington, that no evidence being shewn of any particular solicitude on your part, for my acceptance of that mission, & prompt departure in execution of its duties, the fact might, and probably would be denied in the house, whereby an essential ground on which a part of my claims rest would be shaken. I therefore copies the first paragraph of that letter, in the form possess'd, by that of the last winter, & gave it to Mr. Gouverneur when here last week to be deliver'd to the Chairman of the Committee, which I presume he has done. Independant of any effect which it may have on my claim, the evidence which it affords of your favorable opinion of my previous services, & friendly feeling towards me, will always be a source of great qualification to me.
Although my inheritance in Westmoreland county was small, yet by the sale of it, and the judicious investment of the amount receiv'd from it, in western lands in early life and the application thereof in alternate purchases elsewhere & particularly in Albemarle where I expected & wished to have passd the remainder of my days, I had laid the foundation, with some small professional aid, of independence, which had I remained at home a few years longer, would, I have no doubt, have been compleated. By my public imployments, and especially those abroad, this hope has been defeated, and such is actually my situation, that I do not think that the grant of my claims will nearly relieve me by which I mean, will leave me enough to exist in tolerable comfort with my family. My debts abroad were great, and my plantations in Albemarle & here, have added considerably to them every year, so that with accumulated loans and interest, compound added to simple, they have come immense. This is a true, tho' melancholy picture of the actual state of my affairs. I have been led to give it by the obligation I have felt to explain to you my motive for communicating to the committee, the extract from your letter , above noticd.
With great respect & sincere regard I am your friend & servant James Monroe
Feby. 14th P.S. I have this moment receivd a paper from Richmond, which gives an account of your application to the Legislature, for the grant of a lottery for the sale of your estate to relieve you from embarrassment. I cannot express the concern which this view of your affairs has given me, altho' I can readily conceive the causes which have led to it. They are such as the State, and inclosed the whole union, most feel. I will write to you again on the subject.
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Feb. 22. 26.
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 13th was recieved yesterday. Your use of my letter with the alterns subsequently proposed, needs no apology. And it will be a gratifn. To me if it can be of any service to you. I learn with immense affliction the difficulties with which you have to still to struggle. Mine are considble. But the simple permission given me by the legislature of such a mode of sale as ensures a fair value for what I must sell, will leave me still a competent provision. If sold under the hammer it must have been for whatever the bidder would gratuitously offer. For such a piece of property for example as my mills there could not have been two bona fide bidders in the state. A Virginia estate managed vigorously well yields a comfortable subsistence to it's owner living on it, but nothing more. But it runs him in debt annually if at a distance from him, if he is absent, if he is unskillful as I am, if short crops reduce him to deal on credit, and most assuredly if thunder struck from the hand of a friend as I was. Altho' all these causes conspired against me, and should have put me on my guard. I had no suspicions until my grandson undertook the managment of my estate and developed to me the state of my affairs fortunately while yet retrievable in a comfortable degree. I hope you will still find yours so. And with sincere wishes that they may prove so to be I salute you with constant frship and respect.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill Feby 23. 1826.
Dear Sir
I mentiond in a letter which I lately wrote to you, that I had seen in a paper from Richmond, a notice of an application which you had made to the legislature for permission to sell a large portion of your estate, by lottery, for the payment of your debts, and that I should write you again on the subject. Since then I have been much indisposed with the influenza, from which, I have not yet intirely recover'd. I have been much concernd to find, that your devotion to the public service, for so great a length of time & at so difficult an epoch, should have had so distressing an effect, on your large private fortune, and my regret is the greater, from the interest I take in what relates to your family as well as to yourself. It is a concern in which I am satisfied, the people will take a deep interest, and that the very high claims on your country what it seldom refuses to any one, cannot be doubted. As soon as I saw that notice, I communicated it to my friends in New York, and particularly to Mr. Gouverneur, with a request , that they would promote the object and which they will do. I shall do the same to others in other quarters. My motive in this, is, to assure you that if in any way, I may be useful to you, it will be very gratifying to me, to be apprized of it.
With great respect and sincere regard I am your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill Feby 27. 1826
Dear Sir
The enclos'd letter from Mr. Gouvernr. relating to a subject interesting to you, and your family, I forward it to you with pleasure. We have heard with deep regret of the afflicting calamity with which you have been visited, but well know that you will not want resources, to meet any disaster, to which, our nature is subject. With our best wishes to Mrs. Randolph & family. I am dear Sir very sincerely your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monticello Mar. 8. 26.
Dear Sir
I have duly recieved your two favors of Feb. 23 and 27 and am truly sensible of the interest you so kindly take in my affairs and of the encoraging aspect of Mr. Gouverneur's letter. All that is necessary for my relief is a successful sale of our tickets, of which the public papers give good hope. If this is effected at a reasonable value for what I shall sell what will remain will leave me at a good degree of well. To keep a Virginia estate together requires in the owner both skill and attention, which I never had and attention, I could not have, and really when I reflect on all circumstances my wonder is that I should have been so long as 60 years in reaching the result to which I am now reduced. Still if this resource succeeds I am safe. With the scheme and management of the lottery I meddle not at all. Age and ill health render me intirely unequal to it. I have committed it therefore to my grandson altogether, and put into his hands all letters coming to me on the subject, that he may avail himself of the kindnesses offered, as far as his arrangements will admit.
I hope your affairs will wind up to your wishes and pray you to be assured of the pleasure it will give me to learn your happy issue out of all your difficulties and of my great and sincere affection and respect. Th. Jefferson
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Oak Hill April 9th. 1826
Dear Sir
The committee to whom the business was committed have recently made a report on my claims, a copy of which, I have requested a friend at Washington, to procure & forward to you. I regret to find, that it has not met my expectation, either in regard to some of the items, or the period at which, interest, shall commence. If for example, money was withheld, which ought to have allowed me, on the first mission, the interest should I presume, commence from the date at which it was due. I can conceive no reason why its commencement, should be postponed, until the settlement of the account for the second mission 12 years or more afterwards. I did never ask, an indemnity for injuries done me in the first mission, of you, or Mr. Madison, nor could I do it with honor. To touch the subject, after I came into the admn. Was utterly impossible. There never was a period, at which, I could bring it into view, until that of which I availd myself. Nor should I have done it, even then, had I alone been interested in it. In addition to the just claims of my family, there are creditors, and friends, who are pledg'd for me, for whom I was bound, to procure every cent that I thought justly due to me. No more did I ask, & that I have expected. For the money which I advanc'd to Thomas Paine, and for the loans, which I extra. officially made in the late war, I asked nothing. Had I not been minister in Paris, that afflicted veterate in our service could not have applied to me for aid. And had not very extraordinary emergencies occurr'd in the late war, I should neither have been in the dept. of war, or had any thing to do with loans. You will pardon me for touching on these subjects, and attribute it, to its true cause, the freedom with which I write you in confidence, are such as have been, and are interesting to me. I have another motive, which is indeed that, which induces me more particularly to write you this letter. The committee requird evidence of your permission to me, to come home, in a few weeks after my return to London, from Spain, which I had affirmd to be the fact. From all your letters to me, I understood that after the mission to France had terminated, I might come when I pleased, and that the epoch alluded to was particularly fixd on. I looked over our correspondence in haste, & extracted from it, the few paragraphs which bore more on it, that any others, & sent them forth with to the committee, understanding that despatch was necessary. As they contain nothing but what relates to that subject, and are in the same sentiment with the extract, the communication of which you sanctiond, I trust that you will approve it. It is my intention to visit Albemarle in a few weeks, when I hope to find your health much improvd. I am dear Sir with great respect very sincerely your friend. James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Monto. Apr. 15. 26.
Dear Sir
The use you have made of my letters needed no apology. They were in fact public in their nature. Had not my memory so totally left me, I have no doubt I might supply from that source whatever may be defective in the extracts you have made. For altho' I cannot say I recollect that fact yet from my knolege of myself I am conscious that a compliance with your request to return home was so just that I must have consented and I have no doubt Mr. Madison could recall the business whole to my recollection had I the oppty of a conversation with him. With the sincerest wishes for success to your reclamations I tender you the assurces. of my great friendship & respect ... Th. J.
FC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Highland June 15. 1826
Dear Sir
It was my intention to have called on you this evening, and to have presented in person Mr. Goodwyn, who will have the pleasure to deliver to you this letter, but have been prevented by the rain. He is a son of Mr. P. Goodwyn, a member of Congress, I believe during your service, in the govt. as well as mine. Having purchased a part of my land here, he will become your neighbour, and I am led to conclude from my acquaintance with him that you will find him a fair representative of his father, a very worthy & respectable man.
Having faild in the sale of my tracts of land in this county, which were advertised for sale on the 12th & 14th of this month, my engagments with different banks will take me immediately hence and in the first instance to Richmond, whither I propose to set out to morrow. I have resolv'd to make a new experiment on the 18th of next month by offering them for sale to the highest bidder, of which I have given notice in the central & other gazettes. On my return at that period, I hope to be more successful, and in consequence to be more at leisure, in which event, I shall have the pleasure to be more frequently with you.
Very respectfully & sincerely I am your friend James Monroe
RC (Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress).
Thomas Jefferson
AND THE
NATIONAL CAPITAL
Containing Notes and Correspondence exchanged between Jefferson, Washington, L'Enfant, Ellicott, Hallett, Thornton, Latrobe, the Commissioners, and others, relating to the founding, surveying, planning, designing, constructing, and administering of the City of Washington
1783--1818
WITH PLANS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
FIRST GREAT SEAL OF THE UNITED STATES
ADOPTED IN 1782
Preface by HAROLD L. ICKES
Edited by SAUL K. PADOVER
LC
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON · 1946
New York July. 11. 1790.
Dear Sir
Your last favor was of May 25. mine was of June 20. having written regularly every third week to you, & the intermediate one to Patsy or Polly. the bill for the removal of the federal government to Philadelphia for 10. years & then to George town has at length past both houses, so that our removal is now certain: and I think it tolerably certain that the President will leave this place on a visit to Mount Vernon about the last of August or first of September. that will fix my visit to Monticello to the same time.
[ Th: Jefferson]
Mr RANDOLPH
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 1 Probably drafted while the question of the national capital was under discussion.]
[Note 2 Probably used during the discussion of this question in Congress, April 13, 1784. Cf. Journals. [P. 458n, Ford, WRITINGS, III.]]
[Note 3 Alexander White and Richard Bland Lee, both Congressmen from Virginia. Daniel Carroll, of Maryland, also changed his vote. Carroll was appointed a Commissioner of the District [of Columbia] in January, 1791; he was succeeded by Alexander White in 1795.]
Thursday, July 15, 1790.
WASHINGTON TO JEFFERSON.
Dear Sir: Have you formed an opinion on the subject I submitted to you on Tuesday?4 Have you heard whether the Bill was disputed in both or either House of Congress on the ground of the Constitution, or whether this objection (in its full force) was held in petto for the last move, in the present Stage of the business? If it was debated, as above, whether the arguments adduced by the Author of the Address to the P-- were made use of, and how treated? and what would be the consequence supposing such a case, as he states, should arise? Yours sincerely and Affectionately.
[Pp. 69--70, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 4 A marginal note by Jefferson states: "For fixing the seat of the federal govmt"]
Th: Jefferson begs pardon of the President for being later in sending the inclosed than he had given him reason to expect. the sole cause has been that the act of copying took him longer than he had calculated, he will have the honor of waiting on the President to answer to any thing which he may have omitted materially in these papers.
July 15. 1790.
[Ms., Records of the Department of State, Miscellaneous Letters, June-July 1790, in the National Archives.]
Thursday July 15. 1790.
Sir
I have formed an opinion, quite satisfactory to myself, that the adjournment of Congress may be by law, as well as by resolution, without touching the constitution. I am now copying fair what I had written yesterday on the subject & will have the honor of laying it before you by ten oclock.--the address to the President contains a very full digest of all the arguments urged against the bill on the point of unconstitutionality on the floor of Congress. it was fully combated on that ground, in the committee of the whole, & on the third reading, the majority (a Southern one) overruled the objection, as a majority (a Northern one) had overruled the same objection the last session on the Susquehanna residence bill, so that two majorities, in two different sessions, & from different ends of the Union have overruled the objection, and may be fairly supposed to have declared the sense of the whole union. I shall not lose a moment in laying before you my thoughts on the subject. I have the honor to be with the most respectful esteem
Sir
your most obedient
& most humble servt
Th: Jefferson
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[Ms., Records of the Department of State, Miscellaneous Letters, June--July, 1790, in The National Archives; pp. 204--5, Ford, WRITINGS, V.]
A Bill having passed the two houses of Congress, & being now before the President, declaring that the seat of the federal government shall be transferred to the Patowmac in the year 1790, that the session of Congress next ensuing the present shall be held at Philadelphia, to which place the offices shall be transferred before the 1st. of December next, a writer in a public paper of July 13. has urged on the consideration of the President that the constitution has given to the two houses of Congress the exclusive right to adjourn themselves, that the will of the President mixed with theirs in a decision of this kind would be an inoperative ingredient, repugnant to the constitution, and that he ought not to permit them to part, in a single instance, with their constitutional rights: consequently that he ought to negative the bill.
That is now to be considered.
Every man, & every body of men on earth, possesses the right of self-government: they recieve it with their being from the hand of nature, individuals exercise it by their single will: collections of men by that of their majority; for the law of the majority is the natural law of every society of men. when a certain description of men are to transact together a particular business, the times & places of their meeting & separating depend on their own will; they make a part of the natural right of self-government, this, like all other natural rights, may be abridged or modified in it's exercise, by their own consent, or by the law of those who depute them, if they meet in the right of others: but--so far as it is not abridged or modified, they retain it as a natural right, & may exercise it in what form they please, either exclusively by themselves, or in association with others, or by others altogether, as they shall agree.
Each house of Congress possesses this natural right of governing itself, & consequently of fixing it's own times & places of meeting, so far as it has not been abridged by the law of those who employ them, that is to say, by the Constitution. this act manifestly considers them as possessing this right of course, & therefore has no where given it to them. in the several different passages where it touches this right, it treats it as an existing thing, not as one called into existence by them. to evince this, every passage of the constitution shall be quoted, where the right of adjournment is touched; & it will be seen that no one of them pretends to give that right; that on the contrary every one is evidently introduced either to enlarge the right where it would be too narrow, to restrain it where, in it's natural & full exercise, it might be too large & lead to inconvenience, to defend it from the latitude of it's own phrases, where these were not meant to comprehend it, or to provide for it's exercise by others where they cannot exercise it themselves.
'A majority of each house shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, & may be authorised to compel the attendance of absent members.' Art. 1, sect. 5. a majority of every collection of men being naturally necessary to constitute it's will, and it being frequently to happen that a majority is not assembled, it was necessary to enlarge the natural right, by giving to 'a smaller number than a majority' a right to compel the attendance of the absent members, & in the mean time to adjourn from day to day. this clause then does not pretend to give to a majority a right which it knew that majority would have of themselves, but to a number less than a majority a right which it knew that lesser number would not have of themselves.
'Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.' ibid. each house exercising separately it's natural right to meet when and where it should think best, it might happen that the two houses would separate either in time or place, which would be inconvenient, it was necessary therefore to keep them together by restraining their natural right of deciding on separate times & places, & by requiring a concurrence of will.
But as it might happen that obstinacy, or a difference of object might prevent this concurrence, it goes on to take from them, in that instance, the fight of adjournment altogether, & to transfer it to another, by declaring Art. 2. sect. 3. that 'in case of disagreement between the two houses with respect to the time of adjournment the President may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper.'
These clauses then do not import a gift, to the two houses, of a general right of adjournment, which it was known they would have without that gift, but to restrain or abrogate the right it was known they would have, in an instance where, exercised in it's full extent, it might lead to inconvenience, & to give that right to another who would not naturally have had it. it also gives to the President a right, which he otherwise would not have had, 'to convene both houses, or either of them, on extraordinary occasions.' thus substituting the will of another, where they are not in a situation to exercise their own.
'Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate & house of representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President for his approbation &c.' Art. 1, sect. 7. the latitude of the general words here used would have subjected the natural right of adjournment of the two houses to the will of the President, which was not intended, they therefore expressly 'except questions of adjournment' out of their operation, they do not here give a right of adjournment, which it was known would exist without their gift; but they defend the existing right against the latitude of their own phrases, in a case where there was no good reason to abridge it. the exception admits they will have the right of adjournment, without pointing out the source from which they will derive it.
These are all the passages of the constitution (one only excepted which shall be presently cited) where the right of adjournment is touched: & it is evident that none of these are introduced to give that right; but every one supposes it to be existing, and provides some specific modification for cases where either a defect in the natural right, or a too full use of it would occasion inconvenience.
The right of adjournment then is not given by the constitution; & consequently it may be modified by law, without interfering with that instrument, it is a natural right, &, like all other natural fights, may be abridged or regulated in it's exercise by law; & the concurrence of the third branch in any law regulating it's exercise is so efficient an ingredient in that law, that the right cannot be otherwise exercised, but after a repeal by a new law. The express terms of the constitution itself shew that this right may be modified by law, when, in Art. 1. sect. 4. (the only remaining passage on the subject not yet quoted) it sais 'the Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, & such meeting shall be on the 1st. Monday in December, unless they shall, by law, appoint a different day.' then another day may be appointed, by law; & the President's assent is an efficient ingredient in that law. nay further, they cannot adjourn over the 1st. Monday of December but by a law. this is another constitutional abridgment of their natural right of adjournment; and completing our review of all the clauses in the constitution which touch that right, authorises us to say no part of that instrument gives it; and that the houses hold it, not from the constitution, but from nature.
A consequence of this is that the houses may by a joint resolution remove themselves from place to place; because it is a part of their fight of self-government: but that as the right of self-government does not comprehend the government of others, the two houses cannot, by a joint resolution of their majorities only, remove the executive, & judiciary from place to place. these branches possessing also the rights of self-government from nature, cannot be controuled in the exercise of them, but by a law, passed in the forms of the constitution, the clause of the bill in question therefore was necessary to be put into the form of a law, & to be submitted to the President, so far as it proposes to effect the removal of the Executive & Judiciary to Philadelphia. so far as respects the removal of the present houses of legislation thither, it was not necessary to be submitted to the president: but such a submission is not repugnant to the constitution, on the contrary, if he concurs, it will so far fix the next session of Congress at Philadelphia, that it cannot be changed but by a regular law.
The sense of Congress itself is always respectable authority. it has been given very remarkeably on the present subject, the address to the President in the paper of the 13th. is a complete digest of all the arguments urged on the floor of the Representatives against the constitutionality of the bill now before the President; & they were over-ruled by a majority of that house, comprehending the delegations of all the states South of the Hudson, except South Carolina. At the last session of Congress, when the bill for remaining a certain term at New York, & then removing to Susquehanna or Germantown was objected to on the same ground, the objection was overruled by a majority, comprehending the delegations of the Northern half of the union with that of South Carolina. so that the sense of every state in the union has been expressed, by its delegation, against this objection, South Carolina excepted, and excepting also Rhode island which has never yet had had a delegation in place to vote on the question. In both these instances the Senate concurred with the majority of the Representatives. The sense of the two houses is stronger authority in this case, as it is given against their own supposed privilege.
It would be as tedious, as it is unnecessary, to take up & discuss one by one, the objections proposed in the paper of July 13. every one of them is founded on the supposition that the two houses hold their right of adjournment from the constitution. this error being corrected, the objections founded on it fall of themselves.
It would also be a work of mere supererogation to shew that, granting what this writer takes for granted (that the President's assent would be an inoperative ingredient, because excluded by the constitution, as he says) yet the particular views of the writer would be frustrated, for on every hypothesis of what the President may do, Congress must go to Philadelphia. 1. if he assents to the bill, that assent makes good law of the part relative to the Patowmac, and the part for holding the next session at Philadelphia is good, either as an ordinance, or a vote of the two houses, containing a compleat declaration of their will, in a case where it is competent to the object, so that they must go to Philadelphia in that case. 2. if he dissents from the bill, it annuls the part relative to the Patowmac; but as to the clause for adjourning to Philadelphia, his dissent being as inefficient as his assent, it remains a good ordinance, or vote, of the two houses for going thither, & consequently they must go in this case also. 3. if the President witholds his will out of the bill altogether, by a ten days silence, then the part relative to the Patowmac becomes a good law without his will, & that relative to Philadelphia is good also, either as a law, or an ordinance, or a vote of the two houses, & consequently in this case also they go to Philadelphia.
Th: Jefferson
July. 15. 1790.
[Ms., Records of the Department of State, Miscellaneous Letters, June--July 1790, in The National Archives; pp. 205--210, Ford, WRITINGS, V.]
Sunday, January 2, 1791.
WASHINGTON TO JEFFERSON
Dear Sir: The enclosed Notes7 are sufficiently descriptive to comprehend the two objects fully; but it is necessary to remark, that if the first line8 begins at a point on Hunting Creek, the fourth line cannot, in any part touch (though it will include) the Town of Alexandria; because Huntg. Creek is below the boundaries of the Town. And, if it could be so ordered as for the first line to avoid touching the town, that is, to allow room for its extending backwards, as well as up and down the River, without throwing too much of the district into Virginia, it would be a desirable measure. Where are the Acts, or Resolutions of the States of Virginia and Maryland (respecting the Cession of the ten miles Square) to be met with? If to be brought from the Archives of these States, much time will be required in obtaining them: but quere, are they not among the deposits of the Genl. Government.? The presumption is, that they were transmitted by the two States above mentioned. Yrs. Affectly.
[Pp. 189, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 5 Gen. John Mason.]
[Note 6 Quer. If local situation or interest be an objection outweighing the advantage of proximity and zeal for the object, as the President is to prescribe the place& the commis. only to define the district, and as the subsequent discretion in the Comiss. will give no opportunity of sacrificing their trust to local considerations, The essential point seems to be that the Commission's be filled by men who prefer residing (a majority at least) so conveniently to the scene of business as to be able to attend readily & gratis.]
[Note 7 These notes of the courses and distances are, with this letter, in the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress.]
[Note 8 The southwest boundary line of the District of Columbia.]
Tuesday [ January 4,9 1791.]
WASHINGTON TO JEFFERSON.
The P. begs to see Mr. Jefferson before he proceeds further in the Proclamation. From a more attentive examination of some Papers, in his possession, he finds that it is in his power to ascertain the course and distance from the Court House in Alexandria to the upper and lower end of the canal at the little Falls with as much accuracy as can be known from Common Surveying if not to mathematical truth.
If Mr. Jefferson is not engaged with other matters the President will be at home at nine Oclock.
[P. 191, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 9 This date could also be Jan. 24, 1791, post.]
Philadelphia Jan'y 24. 1791.
TO DANIEL CARROLL ESQR.
Dear Sir
The President of the united States desirous of availing him self of your assistance in preparing the federal seat on the Potomac, is in hopes you will act as one of the Commissioners directed by the law for that purpose. I have the honor now to enclose a joint Commission for yourself and two others, together with a copy of the Proclamation meant to constitute your first direction. The President will from time to time communicate such further directions, as circumstances shall call for. I have the honor to be with great esteem, Dear Sir, &c.
Th: Jefferson.
[Ms., p. 198, American Letters, Vol. IV, 1788--92, Letters of the Secretaries of State, State Department Archives in the National Archives; p. 144, U. S. v. SMITH.]
[Note 10 Records, Columbia Historical Society, vol. 2, p. 170. As Major Ellicott's appointment is dated February 2, 1791, the date of the letter of Mr. Jefferson must be an error.]
Philadelphia January 24, 1791.
TO THOMAS JOHNSON & DAVID STUART ESQRS.
Dear Sir
The President of the united States desirous of availing himself of your assistance in preparing the federal seat on the Potomac, has appointed you one of the three Commissioners directed by the law for that purpose, a joint Commission is made out and deposited in the hands of the honorable D. Carroll, who is named second therein. I have the honor to enclose you a copy of the Proclamation meant to constitute your first direction. The President will from time to time communicate such further directions as circumstances shall call for. I have the honor to be with great esteem, Dear Sir &c.
Th. Jefferson.
[Ms., p. 199, American Letters, Vol. IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives; p. 144, U. S. v. SMITH.]
Philadelphia January 29. 1791.
TO THOMAS JOHNSON & DAVID STUART ESQRS.
Sir
Mr. Carroll supposing that doubts may arise whether he can act as one of the Commissioners for the federal Seat, while a member of Congress, has declined, and has returned me the commission, which had been deposited with him as one of the members. I have now the honor to enclose it to [you] and to observe that two members suffice for business. I will be some time before a third will be named. The President having thought Major L'Enfant peculiarly qualified to make such a draught of the ground as will enable himself to fix on the spot for the public buildings, he has been written to for that purpose, and will be sent on if he chuses to undertake it. I have the honor to be, Sir &c
Th: Jefferson.
Note.--In the letter to Mr. Stuart these words were comprised in the Brackets instead of ["you"] vizt.
["mr. Johnson first named therein"]
[Ms., p. 199, American Letters, Vol. IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives; p. 45, U. S. v. SMITH.]
February 1, 1791
My dear Sir:
Nothing in the enclosed letter superceding the necessity of Mr. Ellicots proceeding to the work in hand I would thank you, for requesting him, to set out on thursday; or as soon after as he can make it convenient: also for preparing such instructions as you may conceive it necessary for me to give him for ascertaining the points we wish to know; first, for the general view of things, and next for the more accurate and final decision.
Yrs. Sincerely and affly
[Pp. 206--7, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31; p. 56, HISTORY OF WASHINGTON, Tindall.]
March 1791.
JEFFERSON TO MAJOR L'ENFANT
Sir,
You are desired to proceed to Georgetown, where you will find Mr. Ellicot employed in making a survey and map of the Federal territory.11 The special object of asking your aid is to have drawings of the particular grounds most likely to be approved for the site of the federal town and buildings. You will therefore be pleased to begin on the eastern branch, and proceed from thence upwards, laying down the hills, valleys, morasses, and waters between that, the Potomac, the Tyber, and the road leading from Georgetown to the eastern branch, and connecting the whole with certain fixed points of the map Mr. Ellicot is preparing. Some idea of the height of the hills above the base on which they stand, would be desirable. For necessary assistance and expenses, be pleased to apply to the Mayor of Georgetown, who is written to on this subject. I will beg the favor of you to mark to me your progress about twice a week, by letter . . .
[P. 221, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, III.]
Georgetown Mars the 10--1791
L'ENFANT. recd Mar. 24.
Sir
On the 17ult the change of the weather at last having permitted me to proceed to the Eastern branch I deed on the afternnon of that day set about the survey, but the variety of the weather has been such since as has much impeded my progress, I have only been able, to this day, to lay down of that part which lay between the eastern branch and the tiber so much as includ Jenkins Hill & all the water course from round carroll point up to the ferry landing leaving for a better time some swampy pass which were rendered absolutely impasable by the Eavy rain which overflowing all the low ground determined me to confine myself on the heigh land--I Expected to have before this day attempted to lay down somme part of those laying between the tyber and Rock creek had not a fall of snow and stormy wind which succeeded for these three day past prevented me--I hope to morrow will prove more favorable for me to proceed laying down that part which you prescribe in the letter which I this moment receive from M' Ellicot who brought it himself to me & shall according to your direction join his endeavour to mine in running as much as possible of the wather course as may serve--connect the whole of our different surveys together--
I have the Honor to be with great respect sir your most humble and most obedient servant
P. C. L'Enfant
THE HONble TH. JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
[Pp. 150--1, U. S. v. SMITH.]
[Note 11Extracts from Georgetown Weekly Ledger of March 12, 1791.
"Some time last month arrived in this town Maj. Andrew Ellicott, a gentleman of superior astronomical abilities. He was appointed by the President of the United States to lay off a tract of land ten miles square on the Potomac for the use of Congress. He is now engaged in this business and hopes soon to accomplish the object of his mission. He is attended by Benjamin Banniker, an Ethiopian, whose abilities as a Surveyor and Astronomer clearly prove that Mr. Jefferson's concluding that race of men were void of mental endowments was without foundation."
"Wednesday evening arrived in this town Major Longfont, a French gentleman employed by the President of the United States to survey the lands contiguous to Georgetown where the federal city is to be built. His skill in matters of this kind is justly extolled by all disposed to give merit its proper tribute of praise. He is earnest in the business and hopes to be able to lay a plat of that parcel of land before the President upon his arrival in this town."]
March 11, 1791.
Objects which may merit the attention of the President, at Georgetown.
The commissioners to be called into action.
Deeds of cession to be taken from the land-holders.
Site of the capitol and President's house to be determined on.
Proclamation completing the location of the territory, and fixing the site of the capitol.
Town to be laid off. Squares of reserve are to be decided on for the capitol, President's house, offices of government, townhouse, prison, market, and public walks.
Other squares for present sale designated.
Terms of sale to be settled. As there is not as yet a town legislature, and things may be done before there is one to prevent them, which yet it would be desirable to prevent, it would seem justifiable and expedient that the President should form a capitulary of such regulations as he may think necessary to be observed, until there shall be a town legislature to undertake this office; such capitulary to be indented, signed, sealed, and recorded, according to the laws of conveyance in Maryland. And to be referred to in every deed for conveyance of the lots to purchasers, so as to make a part thereof. The same thing might be effected, by inserting special covenants for every regulation in every deed; but the former method is the shortest. I cannot help again suggesting here one regulation formerly suggested, to wit: To provide for the extinguishment of fires, and the openness and convenience of the town, by prohibiting houses of excessive height. And making it unlawful to build on any one's purchase any house with more than two floors between the common level of the earth and the eaves, nor with any other floor in the roof than one at the eaves. To consider in what way the contracts for the public buildings shall be made, and whether as many bricks should not be made this summer as may employ brick-layers in the beginning of the season of 1792, till more can be made in that season.
With respect to the amendment of the location so as to include Bladensburgh, I am of opinion it may be done with the consent of the legislature of Maryland, and that that consent may be so far counted on, as to render it expedient to declare the location at once.
The location A B C D A having been once made, I consider as obligatory and unalterable, but by consent of parties, except so far as was necessary to render it practicable by a correction of the beginning. That correction might be lawfully made either by stopping at the river, or at the spring of Hunting creek, or by lengthening the course from the court-house so that the second course should strike the mouth of Hunting creek. I am of opinion, therefore, that the beginning at the mouth of Hunting creek, is legally justifiable. But I would advise the location E F G H E to be hazarded so as to include Bladensburgh, because it is a better location, and I think will certainly be confirmed by Maryland. That State will necessarily have to pass another act confirming whatever location shall be made, became lier former act authorized the delegates then in office, to convey the lands. But as they were not located, no conveyance has been made, and those persons are now out of office, and dispersed. Suppose the non-concurrence of Maryland should defeat the location E F G H E, it can only be done on this principle, that the first location A B C D A was valid, and unalterable, but by mutual consent. Then their non-concurrence will re-establish the first location A B C D A, and the second location will be good for the part E I D K E without their concurrence, and this will place us where we should be were we now to complete the location E B C K E. Consequently, the experiment of an amendment proposed can lose nothing, and may gain, and probably will gain, the better location.
When I say it can lose nothing, I count as nothing, the triangle A I E, which would be in neither of the locations. Perhaps this might be taken in afterwards, either with or without the consent of Virginia.
[Pp. 561--3, WRITINGS, Washington ed., VIII.]
[ March 16, 1791.]11a
WASHINGTON TO JEFFERSON
My dear Sir: Enclosed is the last letter I have received from Messrs. Deakins and Stoddart. What step had I best take to bring matters to a close with Burn's, and by declaring at once the Site of the public buildings, prevent some inconvenience which I see may arise from the opinions promulgated by Mr. L'Enfont? as much probably from complaisance as judgment. Yrs.
[P. 244, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 11a Date received, according to the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress, Vol. 62, p. 16712.]
Philadelphia march 17. 1791.
TO MAJOR L'ENFANT
Sir
Your favor of the 11th instant has been duly received: between the date of that and your receipt of the present, it is probable that the most important parts of the ground towards the eastern branch will have been delineated. However, whether they are or not, as the President will go on within two or three days, and would wish to have under his eye, when at Georgetown, a drawing also of the principal lineaments of the ground between Rock Creek and the Tyber, you are desired, immediately on the receipt of this, to commence the survey of that part, beginning at the River, and proceeding towards the parts back of that till his arrival. If the meanders of these two creeks and of the river between them should not have been already laid down either by yourself or mr. Ellicott, it is desired that mr. Ellicott should immediately do this while you shall be employed on the interior ground, in order that the work may be as much advanced as possible on the arrival of the President, and that you will be so good as to notify this to mr. Ellicott. I am with great esteem Sir &c.
Th: Jefferson.
P.S.--There are certainly considerable advantages on the Eastern branch: but there are very strong reasons also in favor of the position between Rock creek and Tyber independent of the face of the ground. It is the desire that the public mind should be in equilibrio between these two places till the President arrives, and we shall be obliged to you to endeavor to poise their expectations.
[Ms., p. 216, American Letters, Vol. IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives; pp. 148--9, U. S. v. SMITH; p. 40, Columbia Historical Society, Records, Vol. 35--6.]
Mount Vernon, March 31st, 1791.
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON
Dear Sir,
Having been so fortunate as to reconcile the contending interests of Georgetown and Carrollsburg, and to unite them in such an agreement as permits the public purposes to be carried into effect on an extensive and proper scale, I have the pleasure to transmit to you the enclosed proclamation, which, after annexing your counter signature, and the seal of the United States, you will cause to be published.
The terms agreed on between me, on the part of the United States, and the Landholders of Georgetown and Carrollsburg are That all the land from Rock-creek along the river to the eastern-branch and so upwards to or above the ferry including a breadth of about a mile and a half, the whole containing from three to five thousand acres, is ceded to the public, on condition that, when the whole shall be surveyed and laid off as a city, (which Major L'Enfant is now directed to do) the present Proprietors shall retain every other lot, and for such part of the land as may be taken for public use, for squares, walks, &c they shall be allowed at the rate of Twenty five pounds per acre. The Public having the right to reserve such parts of the wood on the land as may be thought necessary to be preserved for ornament &ca. The Landholders to have the use and profits of all their ground until the city is laid off into lots, and sale is made of those lots which, by the agreement, become public property. No compensation is to be made for the ground that may be occupied as streets or alleys.
To these conditions all the principal Landholders, except the purchaser of Slater's property who did not attend have subscribed, and it is not doubted that the few, who were not present, will readily assent thereto--even the obstinate Mr. Burns has come into the measure.
The enlarged plan of this agreement having done away the necessity, and indeed postponed the propriety, of designating the particular spot, on which the public buildings should be placed, until an accurate survey and subdivision of the whole ground is made, I have left out that paragraph of the proclamation.
It was found, on running the lines, that the comprehension of Bladensburg within the district, must have occasioned the exclusion of more important objects, and of this I am convinced as well by my own observation as Mr. Ellicott's opinion.
With great regard and esteem, I am, dear Sir,
your most obedient servant,
Go. Washington.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, ESQUIRE,
Secretary of State
[Pp. 256--8, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31; pp. 155--6, U. S. v. SMITH.]
[Note * the part within [--] being conjured, will be to be rendered conformable to the ground when more accurately examined.]
George Town Apr. 6th. 1791
Sir,
The inclosed for Mr Madison is open for yr perusal & information.
The prospect before us respecting the great object of the Seat of Govt is pleasing at present here.--I shall have occasion probably at times to communicate to you what may occur, & shall embrace every occasion of assuring you that I am,
Sr with very great regard & esteem,
Yr respectful & obt Servt
Danl Carroll
P.S.--I expect we shall in a few days proceed to take proper deeds.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 12 Jefferson's letter of Mar. 27, 1791 to Washington is in WRITINGS edited by Washington, pp. 230--2, III.]
[Note 13 House of Representatives of Pennsylvania.]
[Note 14 Pennsylvania.]
Philadelphia April 10. 1791.
TO MAJOR L'ENFANT
Sir
I am favored with your letter of the 4 instant, and in complyance with your request I have examined my papers and found the plans of Frankfort on the Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburg, Paris, Orleans, Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin, and Milan, which I send in a roll by this Post. They are on large and accurate scales, having been procured by me while in those respective cities myself. As they are connected with the notes I made in my travels, and often necessary to explain them to myself, I will beg your care of them and to return them when no longer useful to you, leaving you absolutely free to keep them as long as useful. I am happy that the President has left the planning of the Town in such good hands, and have no doubt it will be done to general satisfaction. Considering that the grounds to be reserved for the public, are to be paid for by the acre, I think very liberal reservations should be made for them; and if this be about the Tyber and on the back of the town, it will be of no injury to the commerce of the place, which will undoubtedly establish itself on the deep waters towards the Eastern branch and mouth of Rock Creek; the water about the mouth of the Tyber not being of any depth. Those connected with the Government will prefer fixing themselves near the public grounds, in the center, which will also be convenient to be resorted to as walks from the lower and upper town. Having communicated to the President, before he went away, such general ideas on the subject of the Town, as occurred to me, I make no doubt that, in explaining himself to you on the subject, he has interwoven with his own ideas, such of mine as he approved: for fear of repeating therefore, what he did not approve, and having more confidence in the unbiassed state of his mind, than in my own, I avoid interfering with what he may have expressed to you. Whenever it is proposed to prepare plans for the Capitol, I should prefer the adoption of some one of the models of antiquity, which have had the approbation of thousands of years, and for the President's House I should prefer the celebrated fronts of modern buildings, which have already received the approbation of all good judges. Such are the Galerie du Louvre, the Gardes meubles, and two fronts of the Hotel de Salm. But of this it is yet time enough to consider, in the mean time I am with great esteem Sir &c.
Th: Jefferson.
[Pp. 236--7, WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON, Washington, Vol. III; pp. 159--160, U. S. v. SMITH.]
George Town July 29th. 1791
Dear Sir,
This will be deliverd by Mr. Cabot, a Gentleman of Massachusetts lately setteld in this place. He has expressed a desire of being acquainted with you. The character he bears, together with his respectable connections induce me readily to obtain for him that pleasure. I believe he has been mentioned in some letters to the President from the East. You will find him a sensible, intelligent Gentln. As he has enterd on business among us, he is desirous of embracing anything which may suit, with a prospect of advantage, in the transactions respecting the public buildings & federal city. He has been in treaty with the Directors of the Potomack Co. abt. supplying a number of his Countrymen for the purpose of makeing the Canal at the Little falls; they did not agree. He intends to Pha. with Major L'Enfant; I suppose many matters will be talk'd over respecting the business on hand. Permit me to take the liberty of requesting you, if it should fall in yr way, to assist Mr Cabot in his views, on those appearing to coincide with the public interest.
It is with pleasure, I take this occasion, of assuring you that I am Dear Sir, with great esteem, & respect,
Yr obt & Hble Servt
Danl Carroll
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Philadelphia, August 18, 1791.
TO MAJOR L'ENFANT
Sir
The President had understood for some time past that you were coming on to Philadelphia and New York, and therefore has delayed mentioning to you some matters which have occurred to him. Will you be so good as to inform me by return of post whether it is still your purpose to come this way, and when, that the President may thereon decide whether he will communicate his ideas by letter, or await your coming to do it by word? If you are detained by laying out the lots, you had better not await that, as a suggestion has been made here of arranging them in a particular manner, which will probably make them more convenient to the purchasers, and more profitable to the sellers. A person applied to me the other day on the subject of engraving a map of the federal territory. I observed to him that if yourself or Mr. Ellicott chose to have this done, you would have the best right to it--do either of you intend this? If you do I would suggest to you the idea of doing it on a square sheet to hang corner upwards, thus the outlines being N.W. N.E. S.E. & S.W. the meridian will be vertical as they ought to be; the streets of the city will be horizontal and vertical, and near the center, the Potomac and Eastern branch will be nearly so also; there will be no waste in the square sheet of paper. This is suggested merely for your consideration. I am with much esteem Sir &c.
Th: Jefferson.
[Ms., p. 278, AMERICAN LETTERS, Vol. IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives; p. 174, u.s. v. SMITH.]
Philadelphia August 22. 1791
Sir
The Commissioners for the public buildings at Georgetown inform the President that they are in want of a sum of money for the objects of their appointment, and that they suppose you will accept his draught for the first instalment of the money granted by the State of Maryland. The President being unwilling to make any draught but on a certainty of its acceptance, I am to ask the favor of your information whether, from the circumstances of the funds, you find yourself in a condition to accept his draught for the first instalment or for any, & what, smaller sum. I have the honor to be &c
Th: Jefferson
[Ms., p. 279, American Letters, Vol. IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives.]
Philadelphia August 28. 1791.
Gentlemen
Your joint letter of the 2. instant to the President, as also Mr. Carroll's separate letters of the 5. and 15. have been duly received. Major L'Enfant also having arrived here and laid his plan of the federal city before the President, he was pleased to desire a conference of certain persons, in his presence, on these several subjects. It is the opinion of the President, in consequence thereof, that an immediate meeting of the Commissioners at Georgetown is requisite, that certain measures may be decided on and put into a course of preparation for a commencement of sale on the 17. of October as advertised. As Mr. Madison and myself, who were present at the conferences, propose to pass through Georgetown on our way to Virginia, the President supposes that our attendance at the meeting of the Commissioners might be of service to them, as we could communicate to them the sentiments developed at the conferences here and approved by the President, under whatever point of view they may have occasion to know them. The circumstances of time and distance oblige me to take the liberty of proposing the day of meeting and to say that we will be in Georgetown on the evening of the 7. or morning of the 8. of the next month, in time to attend any meeting of the Commissioners on that day, and in hopes they may be able in the course of it to make all the use of us they make think proper, so that we may pursue our journey the next day. To that meeting therefore the answers to the several letters before mentioned are referred.
The letter is addressed externally to Mr. Carroll only with a requisition to the post master at Georgetown to send it to him by express, under the hope that he will by expresses to the other Gentlemen take timely measures for the proposed meeting on the 8. I have the honor to be with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem Gentlemen &c.
Th: Jefferson
[Ms., p. 281, American letters, Vol. IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives; p. 181, u.s. v. SMITH.]
Monday Morning, August 29, 1791.
Dear Sir: The enclosed for Mr. Young, I pray you to put under cover to Mr. Johnson, the other for Mr. Vaughan may go in like manner, or otherwise, as you may think best; both however by the Packet.
The letter for Mr. Carroll15 I also return, besides which, were you to write a line or two to Mr. Johnson, addressed to the care of the Postmaster in Baltimore, it might be a mean of giving him earlier notice of the intended meeting. The Plan of Carrollsburgh sent me by D-- Carroll15 it will be necessary for you to take along with you. To settle something with respect to that place and Hambg. which will not interfere with the genl. Plan is difficult, but essential. There are other Papers also which it may be useful for you to have. Mode of improving, regulations, &ca. &ca. will be subjects to occupy your thoughts upon. I am, etc.
[P. 349, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 15 Daniel Carroll.]
Nov. 6. 1791.
Sir
I have the honour to inclose you a draught of a letter to Governor Pinkney, & to observe that I suppose it to be proper that there should, on fit occasions, be a direct correspondence between the President of the U. S. and the Governors of the states; and that it will probably be grateful to them to recieve from the President answers to the letters they address to him. the correspondence with them on ordinary business may still be kept up by the Secretary of state in his own name.
I inclose also a letter to Majr. Pinkney with a blank to be filled up when you shall have made up your mind on it. I have conferred with mr M. on the idea of the Commissioners of the federal town proceeding to make private sales of the lots & he thinks it adviseable.--I cannot but repeat that if the surveyors will begin on the river, laying off the lots from Rock creek to the Eastern branch, and go on, a-breast, in that way from the river towards the back part of the town, they may pass the avenue from the President's house to the Capitol before the Spring, and as soon as they shall have passed it a public sale may take place without injustice to either the Georgetown or Carrolsburg interest. will not the present afford you a proper occasion of assuring the Commissioners that you leave every thing respecting L'Enfant to them? I have the honor to be with the most sincere respect, Sir, your most obedt. humble servt.
Th: Jefferson
THE PRESIDENT OF THE U. S.
[Ms., Records of the Department of State, Miscellaneous Letters, November--December 1791 in the National Archives; pp. 297--8, WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON, Washington, III; p. 206, U. S. v. SMITH.]
Philadelphia Novemr. 21. 1791.
Gentlemen
A Mr. Blodget has a scheme in contemplation for purchasing and building a whole street in the new City, and any one of them which you may think best. The magnitude of the proposition occasioned it to be little attended to in the beginning; however, great as it is, it is believed by good judges to be practicable: it may not be amiss, therefore, to be ready for it. The street most desirable to be built up at once, we suppose to be the broad one (the avenue) leading from the President's House to the Capitol. To prepare the squares adjoining to that, on both sides, in the first place, can do no harm; because if Mr. Blodget's scheme does not take effect, still it is part of a work done, which was to be done: if his scheme takes effect, you will be in readiness for him, which would be desirable. The President, therefore, desires me to suggest to you the beginning at once on that avenue, and when all the squares on that shall be laid off, they may go on laying of the rest of the Squares between that and the river, from Georgetown to the Eastern Branch, according to an idea he has suggested to you in a letter not long since. This however is but a suggestion for the good of the undertaking, on which you will decide as you think proper.
I have the honor to be Gentlemen &c.
Th: Jefferson
[Ms., Records of the Department of State, Miscellaneous Letters, November--December 1791, in the National Archives; pp. 300--01, WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON, Washington, III (incompletely published); p. 207, U. S. v. SMITH.]
Philadelphia Dec. 1. 1791.
Sir
I have recieved with sincere concern the information from yourself as well as others, that you have proceeded to demolish the house of mr Carrol of Duddington, against his consent, and without authority from the Commissioners, or any other person. in this you have laid yourself open to the laws, & in a country where they will have their course, to their animadversion will belong the present case.--in future I must strictly enjoin you to touch no man's property, without his consent, or the previous order of the Commissioners. I wished you to be employed in the arrangements of the federal city. I still wish it: but only on condition that you can conduct yourself in subordination to the authority of the Commissioners, to the laws of the land, & to the rights of it's citizens.
[ Th: Jefferson]
MAJOR L'ENFANT
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
8th Decr. 1791
Sir,
Immediately on the receipt of your letter of the 21st ultmo we gave directions to Mr: Ellicot, to lay out squares in the places mentioned--The enclosed letter will inform you of the progress he has made. From the opportunities we have had, of acquiring any knowledge on this subject, we think it will be of importance that some squares on the most eligible situations on Navigation, should be in readyness by the next sale--We are enclined to think from our conversation with Majr. L'Enfant, and Mr. Ellicot, that it will not be advisable to have a sale sooner than the middle of June, Mr. Blodget has not yet arrived--It would certainly be very desirable to form a contract of such magnitude with him--We fear from some Ideas thrown out by a Mr. Welsh who, (we understand) is to be concerned with him in the contract, that he rates the importance of it, to the City so highly, as to expect to get the ground at a low rate--We should be happy in case of an Offer from him, to be favoured with the Presidents, Ideas respecting the terms which might be acceded to--In so great a purchase, as Mr. Blodget contemplates, it would certainly, be wrong to take our late sales as the only guide or standard--But how far short of what they averaged pr Acre would it be proper to stop--The circumstances respecting Mr. Carroll's house we have already laid before the President, and received his late communications on the subject--As the house was nearly demolished before the Chancellors injunction arrived, Mr. Carroll did not think it worth while to have it served, trusting perhaps, that our directions expressly forbidding their further proceedings in it would have been attended to--We are sorry to mention that the Majr. who was absent at the time we issued them, paid no attention to them but completely demolished it on his return, this instance has given fresh alarm, as the proprietors had flattered themselves, that in any instances in which they might conceive themselves injured, they should be able to obtain redress from the Commissioners--As we have already more than once, from our high oppinion of his talents sacrificed our feelings to our Zeal we have done it again--The Majr. has indeed done us the honour of writing us a letter justifying his conduct--We have not noticed it, and believe as we are likely to get every thing happily adjusted between Mr, Carroll and him, it will be most prudent to drop all explanations--We expect you will see the Majr. in Philadelphia in a short time--We cannot conclude, without expressing our Sanguine hopes from the train in which all matters are now respecting the unhappy affair, that however reprehensible it may have been, in the mode of, conducting it, that it will prove Ultimately salutary.
We are Sir &c--
[COMMISSIONERS' LETTER BOOK, Vol. 1, 1791--1793, p. 42 in the National Archives; p. 208, U. S. v. SMITH.]
December 11, 1791.
Observations on Major L'Enfant's letter of December 7th, 1791,16 to the President, justifying his demolition of the house of Mr. Carroll, of Duddington:
He says that "Mr. Carroll erected his house partly on a main street, and altogether on ground to which the public had a more immediate title than himself could claim." When blaming Mr. Carroll, then, he Considers this as a street; but when justifying himself, he considers it not yet as a street, for to account for his not having pointed out to Carroll a situation where he might build, he says, "The President had not yet sanctioned the plan for the distribution of the city, not determined if he would approve the situation of the several areas proposed to him in that plan for public use, and that I would have been highly to be blamed to have anticipated his opinion thereon." This latter exculpation is solid; the first is without foundation. The plan of the city has not yet been definitely determined by the President. Sales to individuals, or partition decide the plan as far as these sales or partitions go. A deed with the whole plan annexed, executed by the President, and recorded, will ultimately fix it. But till a sale, or partition, or deed, it is open to alteration. Consequently, there is as yet no such thing as a street, except adjacent to the lots actually sold or divided; the erection of a house in any part of the ground cannot as yet be a nuisance in law. Mr. Carroll is tenant in common of the soil with the public, and the erection of a house by a tenant in common on the common property, is no nuisance. Mr. Carroll has acted imprudently, intemperately, foolishly; but he has not acted illegally. There must be an establishment of the streets, before his house can become a nuisance in the eye of the law. Therefore, till that establishment, neither Major L'Enfant, nor the commissioners, would have had a right to demolish his house, without his consent.
The Major says he had as much right to pull down a house, as to cut down a tree.
This is true, if he has received no authority to do either, but still there will be this difference:To cut down a tree or to demolish a house in the soil of another, is a trespass; but the cutting a tree, in this country, is so slight a trespass, that a man would be thought litigious who should prosecute it; if he prosecuted civilly, a jury would give small damages; if criminally, the judge would not inflict imprisonment, nor impose but a small fine. But the demolition of a house is so gross a trespass, that any man would prosecute it; if civilly, a jury would give great damages; if criminally, the judge would punish heavily by fine and imprisonment. In the present case, if Carroll was to bring a civil action, the jury would probably punish his folly by small damages; but if he were to prosecute criminally, the judge would as probably vindicate the insult on the laws, and the breach of the peace, by heavy fines and imprisonment. So that if Major L'Enfant is right in saying he had as much authority to pull down a house as to cut down a tree, still he would feel a difference in the punishment of the law.
But is he right in saying he had as much authority to pull down a house as to cut down a tree? I do not know what have been the authorities given him expressly or by implication, but I can very readily conceive that the authorities which he has received, whether from the President or from the commissioners, whether verbal or written, may have gone to the demolition of trees, and not houses. I am sure he has received no authority, either from the President or commissioners, either expressly or by implication, to pull down houses. An order to him to mark on the ground the lines of the streets and lots, might imply an order to remove trees or small obstructions, where they insuperably prevented his operations; but a person must know little of geometry who could not, in an open field, designate streets and lots, even where a line passed through a house, without pulling the house down.
In truth, the blame on Major L'Enfant, is for having pulled down the house, of his own authority, and when he had reason to believe he was in opposition to the sentiments of the President; and his fault is aggravated by its having been done to gratify private resentment against Mr. Carroll, and most probably not because it was necessary; and the style in which he writes the justification of his act, shows that a continuation of the same resentment renders him still unable to acquiesce under the authority from which he has been reproved.
He desires a line of demarcation between his office, and that of the commissioners.
What should be this line? and who is to draw it? If we consider the matter under the act of Congress only, the President has authority only to name the commissioners, and to approve or disapprove certain proceedings of theirs. They have the whole executive power, and stand between the President and the subordinate agents. In this view, they may employ or dismiss, order and countermand, take on themselves such parts of the execution as they please, and assign other parts to subordinate agents. Consequently, under the act of Congress, their will is the line of demarcation between subordinate agents, while no such line can exist between themselves and their agents. Under the deed from the proprietors to the President, his powers are much more ample. I do not accurately recollect the tenor of the deed; but I am pretty sure it was such as to put much more ample power into the hands of the President, and to commit to him the whole execution of whatever is to be done under the deed; and this goes particularly to the laying out the town: so that as to this, the President is certainly authorized to draw the line of demarcation between L'Enfant and the commissioners. But I believe there is no necessity for it, as far as I have been able to judge, from conversations and consultations with the commissioners. I think they are disposed to follow implicitly the will of the President, whenever they can find it out; but L'Enfant's letters do not breathe the same moderation or acquiescence; and I think it would be much safer to say to him, "the orders of the commissioners are your line of demarcation," than by attempting to define his powers, to give him a line where he may meet with the commissioners foot to foot, and chicane and raise opposition to their orders whenever he thinks they pass his line. I confess, that on a view of L'Enfant's proceedings and letters latterly, I am thoroughly persuaded that, to render him useful, his temper must be subdued; and that the only means of preventing his giving constant trouble to the President, is to submit him to the unlimited control of the commissioners; we known the discretion and forbearance with which they will exercise it.
[Pp. 564--7, WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON, Washington, VII.]
[Note 16 Published in Kite, L'ENFANT AND WASHINGTON, pp. 89--91.]
Philadelphia, December 14, 1791.
Dear Sir:
I am very glad to find that matters, after all that has happened, stand so well between the Comrs. and Majr. L'Enfant. I am sorry, however, to hear that the work is not in a more progressive State.
Yesterday afternoon I wrote a letter, of which the enclosed is the copy to Majr. L'Enfant. and receivg. his of the 10th. added the Postscript thereto. I hope the two will have a good effect. I am etc.
[P. 445, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol, 31.]
December 25, 1791.
My dear Sir:
You will find by the enclosed that our troubles in the Federal City are not yet at an end. I pray you to give the letters a consideration and inform me of the result, tomorrow, or next day.17 Yours, etc.
[P. 449, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 17 No further record of this matter has been discovered in either the Washington Papers or Jefferson Papers.]
[ January 14, 1792.]18
The P. begs that Mr. J--and Mr. Ma--would give the enclosed letters from the Commrs.19 an attentive perusal, and the whole of that business a serious consideration before nine oclock tomorrow morning, at which hour the P--would be glad to converse with them on the subject.
Friday Morning.
[ Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress; p. 458, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 18 Date received, according to the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress, Vol. 69, p. 12068.]
[Note 19 "Copies of the letters from the Commissioners of the District of Columbia of January 7 and 9 are filed in District of Columbia Letters and Papers in the Library of Congress." [P. 458 n, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]]
Th: Jefferson has the honor to return to the President the letters of the Commissioners on their discharge of the workmen Etc. in the Federal city. the copy of the Extracts from them for Majr L'Enfant was not finished till last night, & therefore could not be sent to him till to-day, consequently the conference with him is put off to tomorrow. Th: J. incloses a copy of his letter to Majr Lenfant covering them.
The letter & papers on the subject of Duddington Carrol's house are likewise returned, they are worthy the perusal of the President.
Mr. Peters has desired that his commission may be held back a few days to give time to the Senate to make up their minds about his successor.
Jan. 15. 1792.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 20 Date received, according to the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress, Vol. 69, p. 12075.]
Wednesday, January 18, 1792.
Dear Sir:
The conduct of Majr. L'Enfant and those employed under him, astonishes me beyond measure! and something more than even appears, must be meant by them! When you are at leisure I should be glad to have a further conversation with you on this subject. Yrs. etc.
[Pp. 462--3, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
January [27], 1792
Be pleased to consider this letter as from one private individual to another. The conduct of the agents who ought to be subordinate is properly viewed here. . . In the mean time the President apprehends that accident or malice may throw down the stakes by which the lots are marked on the ground and thus a whole summer's work be lost. He thinks the attention of one 1person might be savingly employed in a daily visit to these stakes; and fastening such as may be getting loose or replacing those which may be withdrawn. I have thought it not improper to suggest this to you and am with great esteem,
Dear Sir--.
[Elizabeth S. Kite, L'ENFANT AND WASHINGTON, 1791--1792. HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS, INSTITUT FRANÇAIS DE WASHINGTON, CAHIER III (The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md., 1929) pp. 134--5. Reprinted through the courtesy of the Johns Hopkins Press.]
George Town. Feby. 3d. 1792
Dear Sir,
Yr favor of the 27th Ulo. came to hand yesterday--when the Comsrs were compelled to discharge Mr. Roberdeau, they employ'd a carefull person with instructions "to pay attention in a very particular manner to the posts and Marks in the federal City, as their being distroyed or misplac'd may occasion a repetition of heavy expences besides delay equally injurious."
In addition to what the Comsrs did, I have thought it prudent to send for a Mr Orm who was employd by Mr. Ellicot, as an assistant in surveying & fixing the Stakes to go over the ground occasionally with Mr. Williams, the person we have employed-- & I will myself pay all the attention in my power to this important object. Mr. Orme may not possess all the knowledge wishd for on this occasion, but it is the best now to be done. Mr. Williams will make his dayly visits to see that the Stakes are kept secure in their proper positions.
I have reason to believe Mr Johnson will be with you before this gets to yr hands. I beg leave to refer to him for many matters, & to subscribe myself Dear Sr. with great esteem,
Yr. respectfull & Obt Servt
DANl. CARROLL
Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[ February 7, 1792.]
The enclosed came to my hand yesterday evening. I have heard nothing more of Mr. Johnson. I wish the business to which these letters relate,21 was brought to an issue, an agreeable one is not, I perceive to be expected.
[P. 476, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 21 The business was the difficulty with L'Enfant.]
Thursday Morng. [ February 9, 1792.]22
The P--requests that Mr. J--would give the enclosed letter and papers a reading between this and dinner; and come an hour before it, that he may have an opportunity of conversing with him on the subject of them.
Mr. Walker of George Town is in this City; from him, if Mr. J--could contrive to get him to his house, he might learn the sentiments of the people of that place. Carrolsburg &ca., with respect to the dispute between the Comrs. and Majr. L', and generally of the State of the business.
[Pp. 477--8, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 22 Date received, according to the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress, Vol. 70, p. 12231.]
Saturday, February 11, 1792.
Dear Sir:
If you and Mr. Madison could make it convenient to take a family dinner with me today; or, if engagements prevent this, wd. come, at any hour in the afternoon most convenient to yourselves we would converse fully, and try to fix on some plan for carrying the affairs of the Federal district into execution.
Under present appearances it is difficult, but it is nevertheless necessary to resolve on something. Yrs. etc.
[P. 479, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
Wednesday, February 15, 1792.
Dear Sir:
Before I give any decided opinion upon the letter you have written to Majr. L'Enfant,23 or on the alterations proposed for the engraved plan, I wish to converse with you on several matters which relates to this business. This may be, if nothing on your part renders it inconvenient, immediately after 8 Oclock tomorrow; at wch. hour I breakfast, and at which If agreeable to yourself I should be glad to see you.
In the meanwhile, I send for your perusal an address from Mr. Welsh, which, (though dated yesterday) is but just received. You will recollect the communications of Mr. Walker on Saturday afternoon. From these, those of Sunday differed but little. But as he said Major L'Enfant had declin'd committing, or suffering to be committed to writing any ideas of his, forasmuch as he had given them to me before in a letter, I have looked these over, and send the only one I can find in which he has attempted to draw a line of demarkation between the Commissioners and himself. I also send you the general ideas of another person, principally on the subject of a loan, that you may, If leisure and inclination will permit give the whole a perusal before I see you. Yours etc.
P.S. If Mr. Madison can make it convent, to come with you I should be glad to see him also. In that case, it might be well to give him a previous perusal of the enclosed papers.
[Pp. 480--1,WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 23 Probably the letter from Jefferson to L'Enfant, Feb. 22, 1792, which is in the Digges-Morgan-L'Enfant Papers in the Library of Congress.]
Wednesday, 7 Oclock AM [ February 22, 1792.]24
Dear Sir:
The enclosed meets my approbation. Did Walker accord willingly, or reluctantly?
The Plan I think, ought to appear as the Work of L'Enfant. The one prepared for engraving not doing so, is, I presume, one cause of his dissatisfaction. If he consents to act upon the conditions proposed, and can point out any radical defects, or others to amend which will be a gratification to him, not improper in themselves, or productive of unnecessary, or too much delay, had he not better be gratified in the alterations? This, yourself and Mr. Walker can think of. The Plans of the buildings ought to come forward immediately for consideration. I think Mr. Walker said yesterday he (L'Enfant) had been shewing the different views of them to Mr. Trumbul. Yrs.
[Pp. 482--3, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 24 Date received, according to the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress, Vol. 71, p. 12270.]
4 Oclock, February 26, 1792.
Sir:
I have perused the enclosed answer25 to your letter, to Majr. L'Enfant. Both are returned. A final decision thereupon must be had.26 I wish it to be taken upon the best ground, and with the best advice. Send it, I pray you, to Mr. Madison who is better acquainted with the whole of this matter than any other. I wish also that the Attorney General may see, and become acquainted with the circumstances (I can think of no other, at this moment to call in), and wish that all th[mutilated] of you would be with me at half after Eight o'clock tomorrow, if convenient, [if not,]27 at a later hour to be named, that I may be at home and disengaged. Yours, etc.
[Pp. 486--7, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 25 L'Enfant's letter of February 26. . . .]
[Note 26 This final decision resulted in Jefferson's letter to L'Enfant, Feb. 27, 1792. . . .]
[Note 27 Words in brackets supplied for mutilated space.]
Philadelphia Feby. 27. 1792.
Sir
From your letter received yesterday in answer to my last, & your declarations in conversation with Mr. Lear, it is understood that you absolutely decline acting under the authority of the present Commissioners. If this understanding of your meaning be right I am instructed by the President to inform you that notwithstanding the desire he has entertained to preserve your agency in the business the condition upon which it is to be done is inadmissible, & your services must be at an end.
I have the honor to be Sir &c.
Th: Jefferson.
[P. 212. U. S. v. SMITH; Ms. p. 354, American Letters, IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives; pp. 151--2, L'ENFANT AND WASHINGTON, Kite.]
Philadelphia, March 1, 1792
Sir
I was sorry that, being from home at the time you were so good as to call upon me I missed seeing you. The president being engaged also, was equally unlucky. As you left no letter for me I took for granted that your negotiations with Mjr Lenfant had proved fruitless. After your departure the President sent Mr. Lear to Majr. Lenfant to see what could be made of him. He declared unequivocally that he would act on no condition but the dismission of the Commissioners or his being made independent of them.--the latter being impossible under the law and the former too arrogant to be answered he was notified that his services were at an end. I think you have seen enough of his temper to satisfy yourself that he never could have acted under any control, not even that of the President himself: and on the whole I am persuaded the enterprise will advance more surely under a more temperate direction; under one that shall proceed as fast and no faster than it can pay. Measures will be take to procure plans for the public buildings, in which business five months have been lost in a dependance on Majr. Lenfant, who has made no preparations of that kind. I wish yourself and the inhabitants of Georgetown to be assured that every exertion will be made to advance and secure this enterprise.
I have the honor to be etc.
Th: Jefferson.
[Elizabeth S. Kite, L'ENFANT AND WASHlNGTON, pp. 156--57. Reprinted through the courtesy of the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md.]
[Note 28 Unable to locate this letter.--S.K.P.]
Philadelphia Mar. 1. 1792.
Dear Sir
Much time has been spent in endeavoring to induce Major Lenfant to continue in the business he was engaged in, in proper subordination to the Commissioners. he has however entirely refused, so that he has been notified that we consider his services as at an end. the plan is put into the hands of an engraver, and will be engraved within three or four weeks. about the same time mr Ellicot will return to finish laying out the ground, as to every thing else it will rest on your board to plan & to have executed. the President desires you will call a meeting at the earliest day you can after the 11th instant. by that time you will receive from hence such general ideas & recommendations as may occur. you will then have to advertise for plans of the buildings.--it is taken for granted the design of the Commissioners in the action commenced against Roberdeau was merely to suspend his operations, and produce in him a proper conviction of his error. under this idea they will probably feel no difficulty in consenting to let him off as easily as they can. you will receive formal letters on the general business, shortly; in the mean time I am with great & sincere esteem Dear Sir
Your friend & servt
Th: Jefferson
D. CARROL. ESQ.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
11 Oclock, A. M., March 4, 1792.
The enclosed came by the Post yesterday. I send it for your perusal.
Have you had any conversation with Mr. Ellicot respecting the completion of the Survey, and lots of the Federal City? If so, what was the result? He ought, if he undertakes it, to proceed to that place immediately, so as to be there at the proposed meeting of the Commissioners.
The Engravers say eight weeks is the shortest time in which the Plan can be engraved; (probably they may keep it eight months). Is not this misteriously strange! Ellicot talked of getting you to walk with him to these People. The current in this City sets so strongly against the Federal City, that I believe nothing that can be avoided will ever be accomplished in it.
Are there any good Engravers in Boston? If so, would it not be well to obtain a copy (under some other pretext) and send it there, or even to London, with out any one (even Ellicot's) being appris'd of it? Yrs. etc.
[P. 495, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
Philadelphia, March 6, 1792.
Gentlemen:
It having been found impracticable to employ Major L'Enfant about the federal city, in that degree of subordination which was lawful and proper, he has been notified that his services are at an end. It is now proper that he should receive the reward of his past services; and the wish that he should have no just cause of discontent, suggests that it should be liberal. The President thinks of two thousand five hundred, or three thousand dollars; but leaves the determination to you. Ellicot is to go on, the week after the next, to finish laying off the plan on the ground, and surveying and platting the district.29 I have remonstrated with him on the excess of five dollars a day and his expenses, and he has proposed striking off the latter; but this also is left to you, and to make the allowance retrospective. He is fully apprised that he is entirely under your orders, and there will be no person employed but under your orders. The enemies of this enterprise will take advantage of the retirement of L'Enfant, to trumpet an abortion of the whole. This will require double exertions, to be counteracted. I enclose you the project of a loan which is agreed on, if you approve it. Your answer will be immediately expected, and is kept entirely secret, till the subscriptions are actually opened. With this money, in aid of your other funds, the works may be pushed with such spirit as to evince to the world that they will not be relaxed.
The immediate employment of a superintendent, of activity and intelligence equal to the nature of his functions and the public expectations, becomes important. You will, doubtless, also consider it as necessary to advertise immediately for plans of the Capitol and President's house. The sketch of an advertisement for the plan of a Capitol, which Mr. Johnson had sent to the President, is now returned with some alterations, and one also for a President's house. Both of them are subject to your pleasure, and when accommodated to that, if you will
[P. 145, RECORDS, COLUMBIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Vol. 2.] return them, they shall be advertised here and elsewhere. The President thinks it of primary importance to press the providing as great quantities of brick, stone, lime, plank, timber, &c., this year as possible. It will occur to you that the stone should be got by a skilful hand. Knowing what will be your funds, you will be able to decide which of the following works had better be undertaken for the present year.
The cellars of both houses.
The foundations of one, or both.
Bridge over Rock Creek, and the post road brought over it.
Canal.
Wharves.
The affair of Mr. Carrol, of Duddington's house, seems to call for settlement. The President thinks the most just course would be, to rebuild the house in the same degree, using the same materials as far as they will go, and supplying what are destroyed or rendered unfit; so that the effect will be in fact, only the removal of the house within his lot, and in a position square with the streets. Do you not think it would be expedient to take measures for importing a number of Germans and Highlanders? This need not be to such an extent as to prevent the employment of eastern laborers, which is eligible for particular reasons. If you approve of the importation of Germans and have a good channel for it, you will use it, of course. If you have no channel, I can help you to one. Though Roberdeau's conduct has been really blamable, yet we suppose the principal object of the arrest was to remove him off the ground. As the prosecution of him to judgment might give room to misrepresentation of the motives, perhaps you may think it not amiss to discontinue the proceedings. You will receive herewith a packet of papers, among which are several projects and estimates which have been given in by different persons, and which are handed on to you, not as by any means carrying with them any degree of approbation, but merely, that if you find anything good in them, you may convert it to some account. Some of these contain the views of L'Enfant.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
[Pp. 336--8, WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON, Washington, Vol. III.]
Received a Letter from the Secretary of State, advising of Majr L'Enfant's dismissal--inclosing the project of a Loan, a copy of an Advertizement for the plan of a Capitol and presidents house--proposing particular objects of attention, &c.
13th. March 1792[P. 80, Proceedings of the Commissioners, Vol. I, 1791--5, in the National Archives.]
A Premium
of 500 dollars, or a Medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the federal buildings to the person who before the--day of--next shall produce to them the most approved plan for a President's house to be erected in the city of Washington & territory of Columbia. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect & outline of his plan, & its destination of the building will point out to the artist him the number, size & distribution of the apartments, it will be a recommendation of any plan that if the central part of it may be detached & erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and the other parts added be capable of admitting the additional parts in future if they shall be wanting.
[March 6, 1792: enclosed in Jefferson's letter to the Commissioners on that date.]
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Pencilled note by President Washington at the bottom of Jefferson's draft: "I see nothing wanting but to fill the blanks, and that I presume the Comrs. will do, unless, after the words 'destination of the buidling' is added 'and situation of the ground' for I think particular situation wd. require parlr. kind or shaped buildings." [P. 500, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 31.]
[Note 29 On Feb. 17, 1792, L'Enfant wrote to Tobias Lear: "I daily attended the progress of the business in all its stages until Mr. Andrew Ellicott gave me to understand that he was ordered by Mr. Jefferson to attend himself to that business in consequence of which he had already agreed with an engraver, this determined me to concern myself no more about it being confident that the meaning of Mr. Jefferson's order to Mr. Ellicott could not be to publish the plan without my knowledge or concurrence, and convinced that it would not be completely finished without recourse to the large map in my possession."]
George Town March 6th, 1792.
Dear Sir
This is principally to acknowledge the receipt of your favour of the 1st Instant--previous to the receipt of it I had recd a line from Doctr Stuart informing me that he shou'd see me on the 11th Inst. we shall then take measures to have a communication with Mr. Johnson according to circumstances--I have written to that Gentn inclosing a Copy of yours.
It gives me much pleasure to find we shall have the Engraved plan in circulation soon, which is not only essintial against the Next Sales but to the Object in general.
I am, Dear Sir, with great esteem & regard
Yr Most Obt & respectful Hble Servt
Danl Carroll
[TO MR JEFFERSON]
[P. 232, U. S. v. SMITH.]
[Note 30 This was a mistake for 100,000. at the time of writing the paper & will be corrected the first time Th:J. can see mr Blodget. it was meant that 40. per cent should be paid every year till all should be paid. [ Footnote in the original.]]
[ March 7, 1792.]
Dear Sir:
I do not recollect whether any notice has been taken in your letter to the Commrs. of Mr. Johnsons suggestion of bringing the Canal navigation to the City. The ascertainment of the practicability ought by all means to be encouraged. Yours.
G. W.
Thursday
Morning
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Philadelphia Mar. 8. 1792.
Dear Sir
I received your favor of Feb. 2931--the day after I had written a public letter to the Commissioners, which touched on some of the subjects of yours. I may say in this private letter what could not be so well said in a public one, that there never was a moment's doubt about parting with Major Lenfant rather than with a single commissioner. I must correct an error in my public letter. I said there that the engraving would be done in three or four weeks: this idea had been given, but on further enquiry I find we cannot have it these two months. you formerly hinted the expediency of bringing the navigable canal from the little falls down to Washington. the President thinks the practicability of this should be properly examined into, as it would undoubtedly be useful.
In my public letter, I sent you the outlines of a proposed
It appears from the above that the commissioners will receive 468,500 dollars, & have to pay after 4 considerable intervals 665,000. dollars. Now 468,000:665,000::100:142. that is for every 100.D. they receive, they will have to pay in the long run 142.D. but we may certainly hope that the effect of the 468,000 dollars, if judiciously employed, will be raise the value of the lots more than 42 per cent.
Suppose the interest, after 1794, is kept down by the sale of lots to raise it.
D.
100 lots a year at 300.D. each will pay the annual interest of 30,000 say 550. lots.
1666. do.--at 300.D. will pay the principal ... 500,000 ... 1666
The whole loan then will absorb from beginning to end (@ 300.D.) ... 2216 lots.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
loan. I now inclose you a calculation, somewhat on the plan of yours. I think there is no doubt but that the lots will sell better after the employment of the money than before it. consequently that it is better to raise money by a loan, and to sell for repayment after that money shall have been employed to raise the value of what is to be sold: the mortgage on this plan is put on the best footing possible. no doubt it will be well to be making sales for repayment as fast as they may be advantageously made, even before the lapse of the eight years. We have questioned mr Ellicot very particularly whether the plan now in hand is exact. he says the original one mixed conjecture with fact: but that the conjectural parts are since ascertained by exact survey and that this plan is corrected from the survey, and may be relied on to the utmost minuteness. we see in fact that some whole squares of lots in the original plan are occupied by the channel of the creek in the corrected one. I fear your other apprehension is better founded; to wit, that the avenues are made to converge to the ends of a building of supposed extent, that the building may very probably be of less extent, & consequently not reach the points of view created for it's use. I believe the only remedy is acquiescence for the present, & hope for the future that our building may extend with the fortunes of our government. the angular buildings at the commencement of the avenues, may probably be offensive to the eye, if not well managed. I have seen this deformity obviated by terminating the house at that end with a bow-window, or with a semicircular portico, & with other fancies. should not rows of trees in the avenues & streets be an object of early attention? Majr. Lenfant had no plans prepared for the Capitol or government house. he said he had them in his head. I do not believe he will producethem for concurrence. on speaking with the President on mr Stewart of Baltimore's idea of facing the buildings with stone of different colours, he seemed rather to question whether from the water-table, perhaps from the ground upwards, brick facings with stone ornaments would not have a better effect but he does not decide this. the remains of antiquity in Europe prove brick more durable than stone. the Roman brick appears in these remains to have been 22 inches long, II I. wide & 2 I. or 2½ I. thick. the grain is as fine as that of our best earthen ware. before I conclude, I will mention that in bringing the canal from the little falls into the city, it is worth while to consider whether it should not be delivered into the canal of the Tyber, to ensure the due cleansing of that by it's current. I am with great & sincere esteem Dear Sir
Your friend & servt
Th: Jefferson
P. S. you seem to suppose the Commissioners liable in their private fortunes on the plan of the loan you had seen. ours is certainly clear of that, in it's plan. nothing could make the commissioners liable but fraud, or such gross negligence as is as impossible as fraud; and then I presume it could only be each for his own individual act.
MR. JOHNSON
[Note 31 Unable to locate this letter.--S.K.P.]
Georgetown March 9th 1792
Sir
Your favour of the first instant I had the honour to receive and was certainly sorry that I missed seeing you the evening before I left Philada although I then had been able to obtain no reply from Major L'Enfant to the letter I had the honour to hand him from you: therefore did not think it necessary to write.
This dismission of Major L'Enfant has given great alarm to the Proprietors, and all those interested in the City of Washington; although I have fully explained to them, the difficulties the President had to surmount in treating with him.
I this day received the enclosed letter, which they wish should be laid before the President when convenient.--I am sorry to discover such a want of confidence in the ability of the Commissioners, and am afraid the affairs of the City will come into public investigation if means cannot be adopted by which Major L'Enfant may be yet continued.
I have the honour to be with reverence and respect
Sir Your Mo. obt. St.--
George Walker
[Elizabeth S. Kite, L'ENFANT AND WASHINGTON, pp. 167--68. Reprinted through the courtesy of the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md.]
Philadelphia Mar. 11. 1792.
Gentlemen
I inclose you two letters, the one from a mr Leslie of this place, offering to make a clock for some one of the public buildings at Washington, the other from mr R. B. Lee proposing that mr Ciracchi a statuary now at this place should be employed to erect at Washington a monument he has proposed. with respect to Leslie, he is certainly one of the most ingenious artists in America; and as to mr Ciracchi he has given unquestionable proofs here of very superior talents in his line, & of great worth, the letters are meant merely to be lodged with your to be taken up when you think that your works are advanced to a proper stage for them.
I have the honour to be with the most perfect esteem Gentlemen
Your most obedt & humble servt
Th: Jefferson
[TO THE COMMISSIONERS]
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
George Town 14th March 1792
Sir/
Your favour of the 6th. Instant is now before us. We doubt not but every advantage will be taken of the dismission of Majr. L'Enfant. It is to be regretted that his Temper made it a necessary measure. As far as our exertions can Counteract any ill effects expected from it they may be relied on. With respect to his compensation we have adopted the Presidents Ideas, in a letter to Mr. Stewart. As he has already received £225 from us besides having his expences of living here paid we flatter ourselves he will have no Cause to Complain of having met with an inadequate reward. Enclosed is a Copy of our letter to the Majr.. Tho' Mr. Ellicott from his conversation with you, has appeared disposed to make some abatement in his own wages, so far at least as respects his expences in living, he has informed us that his Brothers, expects [sic] if they return to have three Dollars a Day. He mentions that they were offered this Sum last Year by the Jerssie Company, which is now increased to a Dollar more. Their wages last year were two Dollars a day and their expences paid. If they will bear their own expences, it will be more satisfactory to us to give them three Dollars than to have them on the former terms. We have accordingly informed Mr. Ellicott, that we would give them this Sum, provided, they paid their own expences. As it would be particularly unfortunate at this time, to meet with a second dissappointment in those who have been in our employment, we beg you will set fie the matter with him. Whatever you do will be confirmed by us. We shall have no difficulty in dismissing the Action against Mr. Roberdeau. As we consider him as a misled young man, we are even disposed to employ him again, if he chuses it. The President on his return from Charlestown, last Summer, mentioned to us an Architect who had been highly recommended to him by some of the first Characters in the place. If he still approves of him and we can be informed of his name we will endeavor to engage him. Or will it be best to advertise for a Superintendant. If you think the latter the most eligible, as there is no time for delay, we request when you Advertise for Plans, you will advertise for Superintendants also. If you think it necessary to mention his Salary, as it must depend much on the talents and abilities we shall leave it to be settled by you and the President. The advertisements for Plans of the buildings, having our approbation, are returned for insertion. From our conversation with Mr. Ellicott in December last, respecting the time at which a second sale might take place, he was of oppinion it could not be sooner, than the End of June. from the unexpected disapointment we have met with about the engraved plans, perhaps it would be most eligible now, to defer it till the last of July, to give as much time as possible for their dispersion and circulation. It appears to us to be important to have the Plans of the buildings at that time for general inspection. If approved they will no doubt contribute much to generous bids. For these reasons we think the blanks maybe filled up with the 20th. July. But as you have the opportunity of conversing Mr. Ellicott on the subject we beg you will fill them up as you may think proper. It would certainly be desirable to have the Plans as much sooner as possible, but we apprehend this cannot be expected. We have the satisfaction of informing you, that we have got a very large Quantity of Earth thrown up at the Presidents house, and that we shall soon set in to making Bricks. The erection of a bridge over rock-Creek and turning the Post Road over it has always appeared to us, as a measure which demanded our earliest attention. As we shall be in immediate want of a Wharf, for the landing of materials, we shall set about it as soon as the Logs we have contracted for arrive. Our time at present will not permit us to give our Ideas more at large on the several subjects you have suggested. We shall take the earliest opportunity of adjusting the affair respecting Mr. Carroll's house. Your Ideas concerning the importation of Germans & Highlanders meet with our approbation, and we shall be glad to receive from you any Plans you may have formed on the subject, or calculation of the terms on which they can be had. We hope the great objects which so immediately press on us, at present will be so far forewarded by an other Spring, as to give us an opportunity of extending our Ideas to many other matters than what at present offer themselves to our contemplation. We are &c.
HONO. THO. JEFFERSON
Secretary of State, Philadelphia.
N.B. Your favour of the 9th. just received.
[Pp. 66--8, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK Vol. I, 1779--1793, in the National Archives; pp. 233--4, U. S. v. SMITH.]
George-Town 14th March 1792
COMMISSIONERS TO JEFFERSON
Sir
The plan of the Loan from Mr. Blodget which you enclosed us, appears to us to be very eligible. It has therefore our warmest approbation. Tho' we have not the smallest apprehension from the best attention we have been able to bestow on it that we can in any measure be liable in our private capacities, yet we think it prudent, to express our desire, that this may be well understood by Mr. Blodget. We are &c.
TO MR. JEFFERSON
[P. 65, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives.]
March 14, 1792
Your favor of March 9 came to hand yesterday with the letter of several of the proprietors of Georgetown, desiring the reemployment of Mj. Lenfant and were duly laid before the President. He would be happy to satisfy the wishes of those gentlemen wherever propriety and practicability admitted. The retirement of Majr. Lenfant has been his own act. Nobody knows better than yourself the patience and condescensions the President used in order to induce him to continue. You know also how these were received on his part. When the President sent his Secretary to take Major Lenfant's ultimate conditions, they were, as I informed you in my former letter a dismission of the Commissioners or his independence of them. Such conditions could produce one idea only; that his reemployment was never more to be thought of. That it was believed he might have been useful, the efforts to continue him have fully proved, but that the success of the enterprise depended on his employment is impossible to believe.
[Elizabeth S. Kite, L'ENFANT AND WASHINGTON, p. 173. Reprinted through the courtesy of the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md.]
[Note 32 This draft was prepared and approved by Thomas Jefferson.]
Wednesday, March 14, 1792
At the time Mr. Jeffersons letter to the President was put into his hands he was so much engaged as hardly to find time to read it. The general purport of it, however, he well recollects was agreeable to him but whether the following ideas if they are not already substantially expressed, might not with propriety be conveyed, Mr. Jefferson will judge of, and act accordingly.
That no farther movement on the part of Government, can ever be made towards Majr. L'Enfant without prostration, which will not be done. That the P--thinks himself insulted in the answer given to his Secretary, who was sent to him for the express purpose of removing some of his unfounded suspicions, viz "that he had already heard enough of this matter."
No farther overtures will ever be made to this Gentn. by the Government; in truth it would be useless, for in proportion as attempts have been made to accommodate what appeared to be his wishes, he has receded from his own ground. If therefore his conduct should change and a reinstatement of him is desired, the only way to effect it is by a direct application to the Commissioners.
[Pp. 3--4, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32.]
March 21, 1792
Sir,
Your favor of the 14th Inst I had the honour to receive and have communicated the contents to the Proprietors of this City. In consequence of which I this day received the enclosed letter which they wish may be laid before the President of the United States. As I may some time after take an oppt. of conveying to you my Sentiments on this business I shall not add at present but that I am with great esteem and respect
Sir
Your mo. obt. Servant
George Walker.
[Elizabeth S. Kite, L'ENFANT AND WASHINGTON, p. 175. Reprinted through the courtesy of the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md.]
Georgetown, March 21, 1792
Sir
In answer to your communication of Mr. Jefferson's letter to you of the 14th Inst., permit us to request the favor of you to inform Mr. Jefferson, as a piece of justice which seems requisite to ourselves, that we are very far from being so unreasonable as to expect that Maj. L'Enfant would be or to think that he ought to be employed on either of the conditions mentioned in his [Jefferson's] first letter to you & repeated in the second. If M. L'Enfant persists in not returning on any other, we know that all ideas on the subject must be abandoned.--but if on the contrary he should now be willing to accept such conditions as can with propriety be given we should hope that the simple circumstance of his once asking more, would not be deemed sufficient to deprive forever the City of the services of a man of acknowledged Capacity and Merit, who has already been found highly useful.
The Commissioners are respectable men and our own interest as well as a Public Duty would prompt us to give all the little aid in our power to their efforts, which we have no doubt will be directed at least, by good intentions and zeal towards the growth of the City--But we must still lament as a very great misfortune to the object, the loss of a man deservedly (at least in point of talents, zeal, industry & total disinterestedness) possessing in a high degree the public confidence.
The sentiments contained in this, & our former letter, are those of individuals deeply interested in the progress of the city, who do not pretend to set up a claim that additional weight should be given them from the circumstance of their coming from proprietors. A distinction we wish to be made.
We are sir Your Most Obt. Serts.
[Elizabeth S. Kite, L'ENFANT AND WASHINGTON, pp. 175--6. Reprinted through the courtesy of the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md.]
[ Received, March 21, 1792.]
I hope Mr. Blodget does not begin to hesitate concerning the loan? And I hope the Commissioners, when they are about it, will build a Stone bridge and a complete one, over Rock Creek, it will be the cheapest in the end. Yrs. etc.
Wednesday
Afternoon
George Washington
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Philadelphia March 21st. 1792
Gentlemen
Your favors of March 14th. have been duely received, as also Mr. Carrol's seperate letter of March 15th. I now enclose you copies of the two advertisements inserted in Freneau's, Fenno's, and Dunlaps', papers of this place. You will probably think it proper to have them inserted in papers of other parts of the Union, following herein, your own choice. It is rather desired too that you adopt such method as you think best for obtaining a Superintendant of proper qualifications, whether by advertising, or by private enquiry. the President is not able to give you any satisfactory information as to the Charlestown architect. Mr. Ellicott being of oppinion he cannot be in readyness for a Sale before the last of July, the blanks for the day of producing the plans are filled up with 15th of that month, so as to allow time for decision between them, before the sale. Mr. Ellicott sets off the day after tomorrow, he says it was his intention that his brothers, receiving 3 Dollars a day should bear his own expences. I have advised him to reconsider with you his own demand of 5 Dollars, and abate from it what reason my require, so that he considers, that allowance as still open. there is at Amsterdam a Mr. Hermen-Hend Damen a merchant-broker (conected with the Van Stephorsts) who is from the Palatinate. Tripoli Column, erected in the Navy Yard, 1808, the first monument on public grounds in the National Capital. One of the boundary stones at the north point of the District of Columbia. The Capitol as it stood in the administration of Thomas Jefferson (Statuary Hall, the old House of Representatives, at right; the Senate at left); and connecting covered way, 100 feet long, where is now the Rotunda. (Courtesy of National Commission of Fine Arts.) The old Capitol Building, completed by Charles Bulfinch in 1827. Robert Brent's first commission as mayor of the City of Washington, reproduced in Volume 2, Records of the Columbia Historical Society. he informed me that the Palatines who emigrate to America, come down the Rhine to embark at Amsterdam. he undertook to procure any number I should desire, and to deliver them at Richmond, clear of all expence, for 10. Guineas a man, paid at Amsterdam, or 11 Guineas at Richmond. they were to be indentured to serve me one year for their passage, and to remain 7 years tenants on my lands on half-stocks, you would have to propose wages instead of this and a shorter contract; and very moderate wages would probably do. if you have no preferable channel of your own, and will be good enough to do what is necessary on your part, I will forward your letters, and accompany them with my own to Mr. xxx Damer. & to the Vanstaphersts so as to have your purpose answered with zeal and fidelity, the temporary check on the price of public paper, occasioned by Mr. Duer's failure, induces Mr. Blodget to think it will be better to pospone for a few days the opening of the Loan proposed, as he thinks it important that the present panic should be so far over, as to enable him to get it through at once, when proposed. I have the honour to be with the most perfect esteem and respect Gentlemen--Yours &c.
Th: Jefferson
P.S. The President thinks the bridge over
Rock-creek should be of stone, and that it will be the cheapest in the end.
[Pp. 84--5, Commissioners' letterbook, Vol I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives.]
[ March 24, 1792.]
The Letters from Mr. de Mirbeck33 and Mr. Vall-travers34 to the P--and from the Proprietors of the Federal City35 to Mr. Walker, he wishes Mr. Jefferson to read and consider, that answers to, or proper notice of them, may result from it.
[P. 11, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32.]
[Note 33 "Not now found in the Washington Papers." [Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32 p. 11 n. 27.]]
[Note 34 "Rodolph Vall-travers wrote half a dozen letters from Rotterdam. . . . Some of these . . . are in the Washington Papers." [Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32 p. 11 n. 28.]]
[Note 35 "This letter is in District of Columbia Letters and Papers and is signed by Robert Peter, John Davidson, Samuel Davidson, James M. Lingan, Abraham Young, William King, Ben Stoddert, Uriah Forrest, Wm. Prout, Overton Carr, David Burnes, and Elephaz Douglas." [Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32 p. 11 n. 29.]]
Philadelphia Mar. 26, 1792.
Sir
I have duly received your favor of the 21st with the letter from sundry inhabitants of George town which it inclosed, and have laid them before the President. you have before understood, Sir, that Majr. L'Enfant was originally called into the service by mr Carrol, who doubting, before Majr. L'Enfant's arrival here, whether he could with propriety act as a Commissioner while he remained a member of the legislature, it fell on the President to point out to the Majr. the objects of his attention & to send him on to the other Commissioners under whose employment & direction he was explicitly informed that he was to act. this accident alone gave an appearance of an original interference by the President, which it neither was, nor is his intention to practise, whoever wishes for employment, whether it be Majr. Lenfant or any other, must apply to the Commissioners directly, the President being decided not to meddle with those details, he would certainly wish to do what would gratify the inhabitants, in any instance where it could be consistent with propriety, in the present he can do no more than leave the Commissioners free to follow their own judgment.
I am with great esteem, Sir
Your most obedt servt
Th: Jefferson
MR GEORGE WALKER.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress; p. 180, Kite, L'ENFANT AND WASHINGTON.]
Georgetown 30th March 1792
Sir/
Having felt much anxiety at our last meeting, to see business of some sort, commenced here, we determined on the immediate erection of a Bridge over Rock-Creek, and advertised for models to be exhibited to us by the 26th. Mr. Herbaugh, from Baltimore, an artist with whose ingenuity, you must be acquainted from his patents, exhibited to us the enclosed one, which has our approbation, as well as that of all here--
We had some doubts at first whether one Arch might be sufficient for the discharge, of the water in times of great floods, but have been fully satisfied on that head by those, who are best acquainted with it--A conditional agreement was immediately made with him, of which you have enclosed a Copy, together with his estimate of the expences--The proprietors of the ground from the Creek to George-Town, made a cession last fall of half their interest, in it, for the purposes of a bridge and Causeway which was deposited with Majr. L'Enfant, who has it still--This made it necessary for us to apply to them, for a renewall of it, which we have obtained, and send you a Copy of--You will observe we are bound to complete both the bridge and causeway, before we can be entitled to the benefits of the Cession--As the River at present occupies almost, the whole of the Street, leading from G. Town over the Bridge, this would be perfectly useless without the Causeway: As the latter however is not included within the limits of the City, we do not think ourselves authorised to destine any part of the funds entrusted to us, to any purpose not so encluded, tho' immediately conected with it, and have thought it proper to submit the matter to the Presidents consideration--Allowing the property ceded to the Public, to sell only at one half the price which such property commands at present in Baltimore and Alexandria, the Public will be more than reimbursed the expences of the Bridge, and Causeway provided no sale is made till these are completed--So that the Money advanced for effecting these objects, may be considered only as a loan, and for a very short time--Upon the whole, then, we doubt not but the President will approve of our making an absolute contract for them--To enable you to judge better of the value of the property, we enclose you a Survey we caused to be made of the ground, with a sketch of the lots to be devided between the Public and the individuals--Mr. Harbugh gives us reason to think he will undertake the Causeway likewise--He returns to Baltimore, tomorrow, to prepare for the undertaking he has entered into conditionally, if it receives the Presidents assent, of which we promised him, to request you to drop him immediate notice, at Baltimore that there may be no delay--Such indeed is the important point of view in which we consider this matter, that sooner than have incurred, this we should notwithstanding, the doubt respecting our authority, have agreed absolutely with him--It was our intention founded on the expectation of meeting Mr. Ellicott here to have employed hands on the Post-road--A Skillfull hand is engaged to superintend the work at the Quarries, which will commence next week--We are in dayly expectation of a person from Baltimore, who has been highly recommendedto us, to superintend the making of Bricks--Many offers of lime from the Eastward have been made us, but so exorbitent, that they have been declined; and we think ourselves fortunate in having done so, as we now have infinitely better, made us, from the upper parts of the Potomac--Indeed our pursuits from this Quarter are very flattering both with respect to Plank and lime--If lime can at present be supplied on cheaper terms from thence, then the Eastward, what may not be expected Summer twelve month, when we have the strongest assurance of the Navigation being completed, and when we shall have the greatest demand for it--With respect to its quality our information from those who have had experience of each is, that the Potomack line is one fifth superior--Advertisements of the Plans have been sent to Boston, Baltimore Chariestown & Richmond--As soon as we are informed of the success of the event you mention, our Views will of course be extended to every possible object--From our short acquaintance with Mr. Herbaugh, we are impressed with the most favourable, opinion of him, and besides flattering ourselves that he will be found generaly usefull, think he will be the most proper person we can engage, when it shall be necessary to undertake the Canal and the contraction of Goose-Creek--We have received a letter from Majr. L'Enfant refusing our offer to him and requesting we would recall our draft in his favour--This place is becoming an object of much consequence, as to the atracting the notice of artists and laborers from all Quarters--This being the Case we will defer our answer to your offer respecting Germans, till Mr. Johnsons arrival whom we expect in the Course of a few days--We have conversed with Mr. Carroll on the subject of his house, who readyly accedes to the proposition, of having it rebuilt to the same State as when it was destroyed--We shall therefore employ persons immediately, upon it--We are &c
TO MR. JEFFERSON
[P. 71, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; pp. 234--6, U. S. v. MORRIS.]
[ March 30, 1792.]
The enclosed Instrumt. does not accord with my recollection of Mr. Blodgets proposed Loan, and I confess I had much rather see a clear expression of the intention than to meet an explanation of it afterwards by one of the parties, to the contract.
The number of Lots to be Mortgaged I do not positively recollect; but sure I am one half were to be North of an East and West line from the Presidents House. I do not remember that the words " valuable Lots" were inserted in the proposition of Mr. Blodget and think the Mortgaged Lots were releasable by the substitn, of others. If therefore the subsequent instrument should not place these matters in a very precise point of view, a foundation will be laid for much discontent, and probably disputes.
Did you see Mr. White36 yesterday? and in that case what was his opinion respecting M--n's37 acceptance in the manner suggested?
[Pp. 13--14, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32.]
Ellicott to Jefferson
Geo. Town April 3 1792
Sir/
I arrived at this place on friday evening last, after the Commissioners had sent their Letters for you, to the Post Office; which will account for their not mentioning my arrival in their despatches. I understand that Mr. George Walker, has been sent on to Philadelphia by the Proprietors of the Lands in the City of Washington, to prevail upon the President, to restore Mr. L'Enfant to his former employment in the City. This measure, I am informed was taken, in consequence of a Letter from Mr. Cabot, to Mr. Davidson, which Letter in my opinion is highly exceptionable and if the Commissioners should be able to procure a copy of it, they will no doubt send it to you. I suspect that some of the Proprietors are now sorry, that they appeared in the above business. Several of them, have acknowledged to me, that their desire for the restoration of Major L'Enfant, arose from a wish to dispose of their lands the ensuing season: and expected, that his extravagant plans, added to his great confidence, and mad zeal, would be highly favourable to them; but confessed at the same time, that on account of his ungovernable temper, his dismission must unavoidably take place at no very distant period. After the next meeting of the Commissioners, which will be on the 9th of this month, I shall be able to write to you more particularly, in the mean time,
I am Sir
Your Hle Servt
Andw. Ellicott
HONBLE. THOMAS JEFFERSON ESQR.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 36 "Alexander White. He was a Member of Congress from Virginia, who became a Commissioner of the District in 1795." [Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32 p. 14 n. 35.]]
[Note 37 "Daniel Morgan." [Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32 p. 14 n. 36.]]
Philadelphia April 5. 1792
Sir
The President of the United States has approved the Contract of the Commissioners of the federal building with you, for erecting a bridge over Rock Creek, of which I notify you according to their desire. I am Sir &c.
Th: Jefferson
[Ms., p. 371, American Letters, Vol. IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives.]
Philadelphia, April 5th 1792
Gentlemen
I now send you 500 obligations for your Signature. should Mr. Johnson not be with you it will be proper to send them to him by express, as soon they have received all your signatures if you will be so good as to return them to me, the business shall be finally compleated. I received yesterday yours of March 30 & laid it immediately before the President. tho' he thinks the estimate of the Bridge very high, yet not doubting you have satisfied yourself, by proper enquiry, he approves of the Contract. Indeed he thinks and wishes that having once consulted him, on the works to be undertaken, you would make your contracts, and proceed in the execution, without farther reference to him; as he has perfect confidence in the endeavours you will use, to do every thing in the best way possible, and he has hardly time to attend to any details, he thinks that if you were to reduce the foot ways, of the bridge to 6 feet each, and make the Carriage way 26 feet, it might be better.
I have the honor to be with great esteem and respect Gentlemen
Your mo. &c
Th: Jefferson
P.S. -- I notify Mr. Herbaugh by this Post.
[Pp. 85--6, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives.]
Philadelphia April 9th. 1792
Gentlemen
In a former letter I enclosed you an Idea of Mr. Lee's for an immediate appropriation of a number of Lots, to raise a sum of Money for erecting a national monument in the City of Washington, it was scarcely to be doubted but that you would avoid appropriations for matters of ornament till a sufficient Sum should be secured out of the proceeds of your sales to accomplish the Public buildings, bridges & other such objects as are essential. Mr. Ceracchi, the artist, who had proposed to execute the monument, has had hopes that a subscription set on foot for that purpose, would have sufficed to effect it. that hope is now over, and he is about to return to Europe. he is unquestionably an artist of the first Class. he has had the advantage of taking the model of the President's person in plaster, equal to every wish in resemblance and Spirit, it is pretty certain, that the Equestrian Statue of the President can never be executed by an equal workman, who has had equal advantages, and the Question is, whether a prudent caution will permit you to enter into any engagement, now taking time enough before the term of payment, to have accomplished the more material objects of the public buildings &c. He says that to execute the Equestrian Statue with the cost of the materials in marble, will be worth 20,000 Guineas. That he could begin it on his return, if four or five years hence you can engage to pay him 20,000 Dollars, and the same sum annually afterwards till the whole is paid, before which time the Statue shall be ready. It is rather probable that within some time Congress would take it off our hands, in compliance with an antient Vote of that body. The Question for your consideration are whether, supposing no difficulty as to the means, you think such a work might be undertaken by you? whether you can have so much confidence in the productiveness of your funds, as to engage for a residuum of this amount, all more necessary objects being first secured, & that this may be within the times, before proposed? And in fine which will preponderate in your minds, the hazard of undertaking this now, or that of losing the aid of this Artist. The nature of this proposition will satisfy you, that it has not been communicated to the President, and of course would not be unless a previous acceptance on your part should render it necessary to obtain his sanction. Your answer is necessary for the satisfaction of Mr. Ceracchi, at whose instance I submit the proposal to you, & who I believe will only wait here the return of that answer. I have the honour to be with the most perfect esteem,
Gentlemen, yours &c.
Th: Jefferson
[Pp. 86--7, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; p 322, Mem. Ed., VIII.]
George-Town 11th. April 1792
Sir/
We now send you the Warrants executed on our part: by our counting there are 519 which you'll be pleased to notice. By the rigour of this Loan the whole number of lots remains in Mortga. till the intire payts.. it is desireable if it can, as we suppose, be changed without inconvenience so far as that on Payment of every 200 Dollars one Lot should be released from the Incumbrance. by this the Sale may go on with Safety to Purchasers, as soon as the time of Payment comes, and may much accomadate the public. However, if there's the least Difficulty we do not wish it to be insisted on. We have left the Numbers blank. The situation of things here is very different from what we expected, or you perhaps have any Idea of. People are on tip Toe to come from all parts, we might probably have 2000 mechanics and labourers here on very short notice, we think therefore, there is no occasion to import People from abroad unless Stone-cutters of whom there are but few and their wages high of them indeed 20, or 30 from Scotland are desirable & we wish them introduced. We are of Oppinion that in the application of the Funds, we ought to class our work, into Necessary, Usefull, and Ornamental, preferring them in that order. Without going into the Question of right to apply the money to defray the expence of Mr. Cerachie's Design or the propriety of the design itself, we decline going into that business. You may be assured Sir that our Coolness does not proceed from any Disinclination to concur in monumental Acknowledgments of the Favour of Heaven and the Virtues of the Heroe but it certainly ought to be a National Act. We cannot but be unesy at the situation . . . chosen for the Capitol we have had a free conversation with Majr. Ellicott on it and on View of the ground, taking in the value of Mr. Youngs improvements which must be paid for on the present plans taking place, and which may be left clear by a small alteration, we reckon the difference of expence must be at least 15,000£ but that still is not the worst, within three Hundred Yards the inviting Situation will always reproach the Choice presuming that the delay and Expences influenced we should be glad this business was reconsidered. Ellicott says in his letter which we enclose, it will not take above 3, or 4 weeks to correct what will be necessary, this may be shortened, we have no doubt by introducing a few accurate measures, and the difference of expencemuch in favour of it. we have told Majr. Ellicott that we wish an opportunity, to make him a present at the Close of the work for his Expedition in doing it. He says and the Fact is that the Deviation for the Plate will be imperceptable but on measuring, and that the Plate will convey an Idea of the work sufficiently exact to any man living. We would avoid Importunity but the President will bear a little with our anxiety and let us know his Resolution soon which will be chearfully executed though it should be contrary to our wish. We are Sir &c.
[Pp. 78--80, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives.]
Philadelphia April 20th. 1792
Gentlemen
Your favour of the 11th. has been duly received and laid before the President. He thinks it best to decline making any alterations in the plan of the City. The consideration which weigh with him are the expediency of fixing the public opinion on the thing as stable & unalterable, the loss of the work done if altered, the changing all the Avenues which point to the Capitol, removing the two houses to a still greater distance, change in the engraving, and that it will not be necessary to dig away the hill to the Eastward, since were it to be dug away, private buildings would as effectually exclude prospect from the Capitol, except merely along the avenues. He thinks that the obstruction given by Mr. Youngs house need not bring on any question for years to come.
The warants are received, and your desire shall be attended to for releasing the lots mortgaged [there is a space left here in the book] with redemption, but I do not know that, that can now be effected. You have certainly heard of the extraordinary crush which has taken place, here at N York and Boston, of persons dealing in paper, & of good merchants and others who had dealings with paper-men, it has produced a general stagnation of money contracts, which will continue till it is known who stands and who falls, during this crisis, Mr. Blodget thinks it prudent to suspend proposing our loan, & indeed we think so too. this will oblige you to keep back, some of your operations. Perhaps proper offers to workmen, and labourers, without being addressed to any place in particular, might at this moment draw great numbers from New-York, Boston and this place. The procuring workmen from Scotland is an object of importance: and it may be doubted whether the importation of some Germans might not be a good experiment as well in economy, as to have a certain dependance. They are distinguished for their industry & sobriety, and might do good as an example & model to be refered to. I have the honor to be with the utmost respect and esteem Gentlemen &c.
Th: Jefferson
[Pp. 87--8, COMMISIONERS' LETTERBOOK Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; U. S. v. MORRIS, pp. 2213--14, Vol. 7.]
New York 20th April 1792.
Sir
In reply to my letter respecting the Plan of the City of Washington my friend has written vizt "Mr Hill fears it will take 2 months to compleat the engraving & estimates the expense at about 160 Doll'rs, no time shall be Lost to have it compleated in his best maner."
--This City wears a very gloomy aspect owing to the late failures, fraudulent conveyances are much talked of, & one (suposed from Mr. McComb to his Brother in Canada, for upwards of £70 000 in Real Estate,) it is said might be rendered null provided the Bankrupt Law now Pending in Committe is passed this Session of Congress. excuse the Liberty I have taken to mention this, of which I am at present unable to form an opinion, and believe me to be with the most perfect respect your ever devoted humble servant,
S Blodget Jun'r
I return in a few days to Philadelphia & hope the honor of paying you Immediately my respects on Business.
[P. 219, U. S. v. SMITH.]
New York 3d May 1792
Sir
By last nights post I have recd information that Mr Hill contracted to engrave the Plan of the City of Washington for 150 Dollars, he has promised to touch nothing in the line of his proffesion till this work is compleated which he hopes may be in all June at furthest. I expect to wait on you the seventh Instant at Phila & am with great respect
your most obedt servant
S Blodget Junr
This City has remained very quiet since my last. a Ship arrived this day from London but without later Intelligence than we have had. it is said that Clinton will be re elected but this is mere conjecture at present. I mention these circumstances merely to shew my desire to give you news of which there is scarce any at Present
Blodget S. 3 May 1792 recd. May 5.
[P. 220, U. S. v. SMITH.]
Philadelphia May 11th. 1792
Gentlemen
I am to acknowledge the receipt of your joint favour of April 14th and Mr. Carrol's separate one of April 16th. I had informed you in a former Letter that the Catastrophe among the paper dealers would retard the Completion of the Loan. I now enclose you a Letter from Mr. Blodget, by which you will perceive its effect to be greater than he had at first supposed. He thinks that the payment of June, which if the Loan had been filled up, would have been of 50,000 Dollars must now be thrown back and consolidated, with that of November, except as to 10,000 Dollars which he undertakes to pay on the 15th June for 180 Shares he takes himself, and 20 he has disposed of. After consultation with the President, we concluded nothing better was to be done than still to leave the matter in Blodget's hands. I therefore yesterday delivered him 500 warrants for which I enclose his receipt, & I return you the 19 Supernumerary which he wishes you to preserve, lest accident might destroy or deface some of those he has. He is Sanguine in his expectations that he can dispose of the whole in the Summer and for so much as he can he will obtain earlier payments than November of the first hundred Dollars a Share. You will of course however not enter into engagements faster than the actual sales. I have the honour to be, with the most perfect esteem & respect, Gentlemen, &c.
Th: Jefferson
[PP. 94--5, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives.]
Geo. Town May 13th 1792
Sir/
The Commissioners for the City of Washington, have had two meetings since my last, and in my opinion have conducted their business with judgment, and firmness; they nevertheless continue to meet with a decided opposition from several Gentlemen in this place; who are doubtless actuated more from private animosity, and disappointment, than a desire to serve the business. This opposition appeared to be on the decline, when Mr. Cabot returned; but since that period, has not only revived, but made its appearance in the public papers printed in this Town. I am in hopes that no reply will be made, because silence in such cases, generally produces the best effects by witholding the fuel, which supplies envy, and disappointment with fire.
I have taken a level of the ground between Tyber, and St. James's Creek; and find the averaged elevation above the common high-water almost six feet, and the distance three hundred and sixty eight poles in the direction of the proposed Canal. My opinion is now, as it always has been, that joining those Creeks, ought to be delayed to some future period, as the execution of that part of the business, is almost unconnected with the accommodation of Congress; which ought to be the point kept constantly in view, and to which all the present exertion should be directed. When this object is fully accomplished, others of less magnitude will of course receive that attention, which they severally merit.
I am Sir with much
esteem and respect
Your Hbl. Servt.
Andw. Ellicott.
HONBLE. THOS. JEFFERSON Esqr.
Secretary of State.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
George-Town 2d June 1792
Sir/
The State of our Funds is such that we can with Convenience agree to the Indulgence Mr Blodget desires. We have fixed on the 8th. of October for a Public Sale of Lots, agreeable to the enclosed Advertisement. The Introduction of Mechanicks, and Labourers from Europe being thought by the friends of the City so advisable a measure, we have again taken up that subject it may indeed, eventually be usefull, perhaps almost necessary, and considering this a favourable Time, to hold out additional Motives, for Emigration we shall endeavour to concert a Plan with some of the Scots Merchants to bring over some Stone-cutters and others, from that Country. We request you also to fall on Measures to procure about 100 Germans single men and as many of them Stone-cutters Masons, & Bricklayers, as can be readily had we will make any Arrangements you may think proper to pay the common passage Money to Alexandria or George-Town. The Tradesmen to work 16, the Labourers 20 months for their Passage. This number may not be a sufficient Inducement to send a Ship in purpose to this River, but we have no doubt but that any number of Passengers may be immediately disposed of here on the common Terms, we hold it essential the Ship should come here, as this may begin to be known a proper place for the Destination of Emigrants.
We are Sir, &c
[Pp. 90--1, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; p. 16, . . . DOCUMENTARY HISTORY . . . OF THE CAPlTOL, incomplete text.]
George Town, 6th. June, 1792.
Sir, We had through Majr Ellicott for the Presidents View a Draft for the Capitol by William Hart of Toney Town and an imperfect Essay of Mr. Law, these are all we have yet received. Nothing has happened in the Course of this Meeting worth Communicating.
We are, Sir &c.
TO MR. JEFFERSON
[P. 94, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. i, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; incomplete text in DOCUMENTARY HISTORY . . . OF THE CAPITOL . . ., p. 16.]
Philadelphia June 9. 1792.
Gentlemen
I have been duly honoured with your favor of the 2d inst. and have thought that I could not do better, with respect to the German emigrants, than to address the inclosed letter to the Messieurs Van Staphorsts & Hubbard of Amsterdam, leaving it to yourselves to point out the number & description of persons you want, and the conditions, and to opening a correspondence with them yourselves directly on the subject, as it is probably this may not be the only occasion in which you may want similar supplies, if mr Damon is living, I think you may count on his executing your wishes; if any accident should have happened to him, the Messrs. Van Staphorsts & Hubard will be able to put your commission into other trusty hands. -- mr Blodget is gone, I believe, to Boston. I shall hope to hear from him in the course of the ensuing week as to the 10,000 Dollars which ought to be paid on the 15th inst. I have the honor to be Gentlemen
Your most obedt
& most humble servt
Th: Jefferson
MESSRS. JOHNSON, STUART, & CARROL
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress; p. 16, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY . . . OF THE CAPITOL. . ., incomplete text, under date of June 3, 1792.]
Philadelphia June 9. 1792
Gentlemen
When I was at Amsterdam you were so good as to make me acquainted with a Mr Herman Hend Damen, a merchant broker, connected with you, who, being from the Palatinate informed me he could at any time procure any number of emigrants from the country to come over on certain conditions then mentioned between us, or others equivalent, and that he would undertake to send me any number whenever I should be in readiness on paying him 10. guineas each at Amsterdam or 11. guineas at the port of delivery, in lieu of all charges of procuring & transporting them. being not yet in a situation to avail myself of this proposal, it is not for myself that I mention it to you, but for the Commissioners of the New City of Washington on the Potowmac which is to be our future Seat of government. these gentlemen having occasion for a number of labouring people, tradesmen & others, I informed them that I thought by addressing themselves to Mr Damen himself, or to him through you they could probably be furnished, they therefore propose to do it and will specify the kind of people they want, the number and the conditions; and the object being interesting to our government, I take the liberty of adding to their sollicitations for your attention and aid herein those of, gentlemen, your most obedient humble Servt.
[ Th: Jefferson]
MESSRS. VAN STAPHORST & HUBARD
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Philadelphia June 11th. 1792
Gentlemen
I have the honor to enclose you the Presidents order on the Treasurer of Maryland for 24,000. Dollars according to the desire expressed in your letter of the 6th. Instant, and of adding assurances of the esteem and respect with which I am, Gentle. men &c.
Th: Jefferson
[Ms., p. 389, American Letters, IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives; p. 96, COMMISSIONERS' LETTER BOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives.]
Philadelphia June 22. 1792.
Sir
The 15th inst. being past when a deposit of 10,000 dollars was expected by the Commissioners of the Federal city, & not having heard from you, I take the liberty of asking a line from you, on account of the Commissioners who wish to know what they may be permitted to count on. I am Sir
Your most obedt humble servt
Th: Jefferson
MR. BLODGET
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress; Ms. p. 393, American Letters, IV, 1786--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives.]
Boston June 25th 1792
Sir
Mr H, Otis, the Bearer of this will deliver you four first Impressions of the City of Washington, from the plate executed by your order, for Mr Hill, who wishes to make some slight additions before he sends it forward to you. I hope by return of Post to receive your permission to take off a few for my friends provided you may deem that the circulating them as presents may be conducive to the general good of the object I have so much at heart
I have found everyone much disposed to favour the Plan of the City, & believe we shall obtain many good Citizens from this Place, where I have disposed of as many of my lots as I thought were sufficient to make it of general notoriety; but this I have done at a low price--however I doubt not, by the next season, that the laying the foundation for the principle Buildings will give due encouragement to settlers, many of whom are only waiting to see the principle objects rising at their approach to the seat of our future greatness;--(merely owing to a want of Cash of all the persons who promised to assist in the Loan not one have paid in their first Instalment except myself, & this I have done at some disadvantage however the circulating money will increase by means of the late establishment of a new Bank in which this state are concerned one third, under the title of the Union Bank this has been effected on a plan of mine with the assistance of Mr S Adams, Dr Jarvis Mr Austin, & the " Old Whigs in order some say to counteract in part the too great Influence of the U. S. Bank & its Branches in tending fast toward ye Consolidation of the State Governments &c. &c. I must beg pardon for diviating in part from my orders by paying one half of the money only to Vizt 5000 dollars into the Branch Bank which remains subject to the order of the Commissioners, by any Bill at Sight that may be signed by them for the amount. The other 5000, dollars rests with the agents for the Union Bank & an draft Order for that amount on me or on Benj'a Green their treasurer, will be as duly honored as the former Mr Bulfinch, through modesty, has declined presenting his Plan & this has frightned me out of my Intention. however I doubt not but that there will be enough to make a choice from,--The Plate I will keep till I hear from you & am till then and ever after with much respect your devoted servant
S Blodget Junr
Blodget Saml. 1792. 25 June recd. July 11.
T. Jefferson Esqr
Secy of State & for foreign affairs
Philadelphia
hand by Mr Otis
forwarded by Sir yr most obedt hum.
H. G. Otis
[P. 220--21, U. S. v. SMITH.]
Philadelphia July 3. 1792.
Dear Sir
I inclose a letter38 for Dr. Stewart, open to you, because I think, besides taking care that he receives it, you will have the goodness to make the same inquiries which I press on him, and that this will double my chance of finding out a level road which I am justly sure exists, and would be an immense convenience to me. be so kind as to stick a wafer in the Dr's letter. I am with great esteem Dr. Sir
Your most obedt. humble servt
Th: Jefferson
MR. ANDREW ELLICOT.
[Note 38 Unable to locate this letter. . . S.K.P.]
Washington July 5th. 1792
Sir, We have received several plans for the Public Buildings which we had prepared to send forward and expect several more will be presented, but as we have just heard from the President's Steward that he may be expected here by the 15th Instant, we shall to save the Trouble of carrying and returning, retain them for his Inspection and Choice here.
Mr. Hoben applies himself closely to a Draft of the Presidents House. He has made very favourable Impressions on us.
Our Affairs in general are in rather a Pleasing Train and we hope that as soon as plans are approved we shall be able to proceed with Vigour. We are &c.
TO MR. JEFFERSON
[P. 99, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; p. 17, . . . DOCUMENTARY HISTORY . . . OF THE CAPITOL . . . incomplete text.]
[Note 38a See Jefferson's letter to the Commissioners, June 9, 1792.]
Philadelphia 11th July Rec 16th July 1792
Gentlemen,
I am honored with yours of the 5th Instant. The President has left this place, this afternoon -- being encumbered with lame and Sick horses he was uncertain when he should reach George-Town -- perhaps on Monday morning -- I forward to you by Post this morning two Plans you had formerly sent to the President, and a plan of a Capitol and another of a President's House by a Mr. Hallet, I now send a proof sheet of the plan of the Town engraving at Boston. I observe the Soundings of the Creek and River are not in it. It would be well to know of Mr. Ellicott whether they were in the original sent to Boston -- If not you will probably think it adviseable to insert them in this proof Sheet, and send it to Boston, addressed to Mr. Blodget, under whose care the ingraving is going on -- I enclose you a letter39 received from him this day, informing you that the deposite of 10,000 D. is made in the two Boston Banks and will be paid to your orders -- I enclose you an account and voucher of my Office against you, no appropriation which would cover this purpose having been made by Congress, we should not be able to pass these articles in the Accounts of the Office -- I have the honor to be with great esteem, Gentlemen, &c.
Th Jefferson
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE FEDERAL BUILDINGS
[P. 101, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; p. 17, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY . . . OF THE CAPITOL . . ., incomplete text; p. 222, U. S. v. SMITH.]
[Note 39 Blodget to Jefferson, July 5, 1792.]
Philadelphia July 12. 1792.
Sir
I have duly recd your favor of June 25. & forwarded the letter it inclosed for the Commissioners. I am setting out tomorrow for Virginia, & therefore in the midst of hurry have only time to say that I suppose it will be well to retain a few copies of the plan of the town, disposing of them where they will be most seen. I observe the soundings are not in the sheets you send me. I have written to the Commissioners recommendg to desire mr Ellicot, if they were not in the original, to insert them in one of these proof sheets & forward it to you that they may be put into the plate, some good plans of buildings have been proposed.
I am Sir
Your most obedt humble servt
Th: Jefferson
MR. BLODGET
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Recd. 27 th August 1792
Monticello July 29th 1792
Gentlemen/
I enclose you a letter and receipt for the engraved plate of the City, just coined to hand, from Mr. Blodget -- as the plate will probably be delivered, in my absence to Mr. Taylor chief clerk of my Office. I write to him by this post to hold it subject to your orders, and to execute anything you may choose to have done with it --
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect, Gentlemen, etc.
Th. Jefferson
MESSRS. JOHNSON, STUART, AND CARROLL
[P. 107, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; p. 222, U. S. v. SMITH.]
George Town Octr. 13th. 1792
Dear Sir,
It may be some satisfaction to you to know that the letter you dropd from Mr Madison came to hand the next day by post. I conclude from thence that you have likewise got the packet.
We have been in anxious expectation of receiving some of the Pha. plans of the City of Washington with the Soundings on them.
The Sales average abt. £80 p Lott some were sold by Squares. The average of those sold by Single Lotts abt £91. P Lott. The sales not considerable. We have a good prospect of doing well in the private Sales. Several of the late purchasers will become improvers & settlers immidiately.
I am, Dear Sir, with great esteem
& respect
Yr most Obt Servt.
Danl. Carroll
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Baltimore Octr. 25th. 1792
Dear Sir,
Yr favor respecting Mr Hallet40 came to my hands just as I was leaving home. I presumed you received by him the letter which Docr. Stuart & myself wrote to you. I hope what we did for him was sufficient for his purposes, & that I shall meet him at George-Town the 1st of Next week.
On my reaching this place I found a letter from George Town giving me information that Mr. Blodgett had in consequence of what had passed between him and the Commissioners disposed of 12 Lotts (£100 each) to persons residing to the Northwards who came down after the public Sale. The Commissioners have said something in their letter to you as well as the President respecting this Gentleman. I cannot forbear adding that he appears to me to be very much in earnest for the prosperity of the City of Washington, & I believe may have it in his power to render it great Service.
I am, My dear Sir, with great esteem
Yr most respectful hble Servt
Danl. Carroll
P.S. I should be glad to hear something of the plans of the City with the Soundings.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 40 Unable to locate this letter. -- S.K.P.]
George Town 5th Novr 1792.
Sir,
We have to beg you will lay before the President of the United States, our request that he would favour us with a Scale of Feet
To the Hon. Commissioners of the Federal Buildings &c An Elevation for a CAPITOL ByJames Diamond of Simmond G. State of Maryland for PLAN No. 2.
Elevation of James Diamond's competitive design for a Capitol, unaccepted. Elevation of Stephen Hallet's design for a Capitol, unaccepted. Front elevation of Philip Hart's competitive design for a Capitol, unaccepted. Elevation of Samuel Dobie's competitive design for a Capitol, unaccepted. Draft on the Governor of Virginia, for such a part of the Donation of that State as is due for the Second year -- Besides other Circumstances which require a replenishment of our funds, some of the proprietors have called on us for a payment of the appropriations which have been made of their property, to which they are entitled by the Terms of their alienation -- We have the pleasure to inform you that since the Public Sales we have sold by private bargain, fifteen Lots, at one hundred Pounds each Enclosed is a list of the lots sold and the Purchasers As they are all men of Large Property, and from the Eastward, we consider it as the most Valuable Sale yet made -- We must at the same time confess our obligations to Mr. Blodget, for his instrumentality in effecting it -- Applications are made to us by the Merchants here, for the Plans now executing in Philadelphia, as most correct to send to their Correspondents in Europe -- If finished we must beg you will cause them to be forwarded on to us -- We have observed in a late Philadelphia paper, a description of a Machine for cutting and polishing Stone, which if it answers the description must be very Valuable We are sensible your time at present must be much engrossed; but when your leasure, will permit it we shall thank you to make some enquiry respecting it -- We are Sir &c.
P.S. Just as the letter was sending to the Office we received a letter from Mr. Taylor which will be answered by the next post D.S.
[P. 117, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; pp. 226--7, U. S. v. SMITH.]
Philadelphia, Nov. 13th. 1792
Gentlemen/
Your letter of the 5th Instant came duly to hand, and you will receive by tomorrows Stage, 500 Copies of the City of Washington with the Soundings -- It has been proposed here to sell them at ¾ of a Dollar, and the Boston plans at 3/8, on this you will be pleased to decide -- I have the honor to enclose you the Presidents, order on the Treasurer of Virginia for the second Instalment of the Money given by that State, and the letter of advice to the Treasurer, (also enclosed) will explain to you why the Draft is in that form -- The merits of the Machine for cutting and polishing Stone, shall be enquired into and communicated to you -- In the mean time permit me to add, that in the French Encyclopedie, you will find the drawings of mills for this purpose -- The Idea which has been suggested, of our employing a superintendant, to execute all the details of your institution under your general orders, if finally approved by yourselves, would meet the approbation of the President, but whether it should be Mr. Blodget, of whom you appear to think well, or what other person, the President would leave entirely to yourselves -- I have the honor to be with great esteem Gentlemen &c
Th Jefferson.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE FEDERAL BUILDINGS
[Ms., p. 149, American Letters, IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives; p. 123, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; p. 238, U. S. v. SMITH.]
To the Treasurer of Virginia
Philadelphia Novemr. 13. 1792
Sir
The Commissioners of the federal buildings having desired the President to draw on you, for the monies unpaid and payable on the part of the State of Virginia, towards those buildings, the President has this day drawn on you in their favor for the second instalment of those monies. He has been obliged so to express it, without specifying the sum, because it happens that no copy of the Act granting the money is possessed here; if you could favor me with a copy of the Act, it would enable the President to conform his draughts more satisfactorily to the tenor of it. I have the honor to be with great & sincere esteem Sir &c.
Th: Jefferson
[P. 430, American Letters, IV, 1788--92, State Department Archives in the National Archives.]
City of Washington Novbr. 26th 1792
Sir
I have taken the liberty of sending you an Almanac for the year 1793, which I calculated, and compiled during my sickness last september. The Astronomical part is adapted to the meridian, and latitude of the City of Washington.
I am Sir
Your Hbl. Servt.
Andw. Ellicott
HONBLE. THOS. JEFFERSON ESQR.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
George-Town 5th Decr. 1792.
Sir/
We have now to acknowledge the receipt of your Letter, enclosing to us the Presidents order on the Treasurer of Virginia for the second Instalment due from that State -- The Plans are also received, & we shall have them distributed for sale immediately at the price you have rated them -- We beg you to inform the President, that we shall take into mature consideration at our next meeting, the several matters, mentioned by him, particularly that respecting an Agent for conducting the sale of lots in the different States as soon as Mr. Blodget shall have submitted to us, his plan -- Our conversation with him on this subject was but short, but approving of the Idea, we mentioned it to the President at his request to give him an opportunity of explaining himself more fully -- From this conversation we were led to expect he would have submitted to the Presidents consideration some digested plan on the subject -- We are sorry to inform you that there has not only been a great want of punctuality among those who purchased at the first sale, in their second payments, but even among those who were purchasers at the last, of their first advance -- They have all been written to pressingly -- We have received a letter from Mr. Mullikin, offering to set up a mill for cutting stone -- We shall postpone answering it, till we are informed of the result of your enquiries respecting it -- We have not an opportunity of consulting the Encyeclopdie Methodique but think it probable that Mr. Hallet's design of that kind, which he has shewed us is derived from that source -- We have equal discouragement to our attempts to procure Mechanics from Scotland, with what Mr. Van Staphorts letter presents us & have consequently, just reasons to ferar a poor progress next Spring -- A Mr. Thornton of Philadelphia informs us he has a plan of a Capitol to send us, as we expect by our next meeting Mr. Hallet's plan will be ready to send on to the President we have desired him to lay his before you, for the President's Inspection, in the first place, that he may have an opportunity, of judging of their comparative merits -- We are happy to inform you that the outlines of the territory are nearly compleated, and that Mr. Ellicott, informs us we shall have it in our power next month of sending in our report, to the President on this subject -- We are &c
[P. 127, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; pp. 239--40, U. S. v. SMITH.]
Philadelphia 23d. December 1792
Gentlemen, Thinking it best that you should received all possible information on the subject of procuring workmen, in order that you may avail yourselves of such parts of it as circumstances render eligible, I have the honor to mention to you, that in a conversation with Mr. Pierpoint Edwards and Colonel Wadsworth of Connecticut, they inform me that any number of house Carpenters may be got in that State, as far perhaps as 500, or 1000, their wages 2/3 of a Dollar and to be fed. They have but few Masons, however some may be had, they combine their, [sic] the cutting and laying stone, and laying brick. they mention one Trowbridge as one of their best workmen. however I could not find that he had ever done anything higher than stonesteps. he never had even cut a column. his wages a Dollar a day and fed. they think also that common labourers may be got there, they observe that Connecticut is a better place to apply to than Boston where there being a greater deman for workmen, they are dearer and more difficult to draw from their own Country. I have the honor to be with great esteem, Gentlemen, &c.
Th: Jefferson
[Pp. 130--131, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives; pp. 20--21,. . . DOCUMENTARY HISTORY . . . OF THE CAPITOL. . . .]
Washington 5th. Jany. 1793
Sir/
We have your two favours of the 13th. and that of the 17th. of last mo. before us. It appears to us more, and more desirable to expedite the Stone-cutting by Machinery, not more on account of the expences, which the State of our Funds require to be attended to, then to ensure the Quantity wanted in Time, for we have as yet only about ⅕ done of what will be wanted, on the large scale of the Presidents House, to the Water Table of it. Mr. Harbaugh who is very ingenious, and cheerfully renders us every assistance in his power, after seeing the sketch enclosed by you a Draft by Mr. Hallet, and having as it seems to us a perfect Idea of Mr. Millikins plan has made and shewn us a Model, of a stone saw mill to be worked with Horses, or Oxen, on the principle of giving motion to the Saws by a Spiral Line, the simplicity and cheapness of it and our hope of its effecual [sic] operation have induced us to desire him to set up one instantly which he has undertaken. We do not however rely on the success of this effect. we have agreed on the most generous Terms, for the Introduction of Foreigners and enclose you a Copy of them, as well as our Letter open to Mr. Traquair, if the whole number which we do not expect should be engaged we should be rather overburthened for the too probable State of our Finances, otherwise we could wish to have the cutt-stone so forward that a sufficient number might be early spared to assist private Buildings, which would tend to Beautyfy the City. Messrs. Mason and Fenwick will have the Charge of this Business in France, assisted by a Letter from Mr. Hallet. -- Mr. Delier's House -- Brewine for Germany and Mr. Hoben has fallen on measures for some from Dublin, as Mr. Williamson has for some from Scotland, and we hope Mr. Traquair may succeed at least in part. As it is not expected to get Higher next year than the water Table. J. E. 13 feet elevation there are Carpenters enough who may be had on the spot. And we shall want but a few additional masons next Season, for some in each line have already purchased and agreed to sink the price, by their work, so that we think it can be no object to introduce others from connecticut. Yet we are almost certain that there will be Employment for a great many Mechanicks in the City, and George: Town next Season, on private buildings on Connecticut wages which are rather lower than here. the provisioning of workmen draws after it so many Expences, and so much waste that we have hitherto left them to provide for themselves, we are under a necessity, of doing otherwise as to the labourers, a part of whom we can easily make up of Negroes and find it proper to do so. Those we have employed this Sumer have proved a very useful check & kept our Affairs Cool. We have agreed with Mr. Blodget for his Services, and hope that his Assistancewill be very usefull, he has great Confidence in a Lottery, we find ourselves at liberty and agree to it our Communications with him go into some particulars which we suppose need not be repeated here. Mr. Walker we understand will go soon for Scotland, any thing he could do there, for us we imagine may be done at least as well by Mr. Traquair through his Correspondent and we must be excused from giving Signs of Approbation and confidence that we do not feel. Mr. Hallet looses nothing of our Estimate of him, he has not been able to finish his Plan so soon as he hoped, but says it shall be ready in about three weeks. The Survey seems to us very tedious and we know it is very Expensive. we have had some explanations with Majr. Ellicott, but do not yet know how they may End, indeed in the other parts of our Business we have necessarily, not precisely entered into Engagements to a great Amount with Officers, which will be thought extravagant unless our funds hold out to fill up with actual Labour. Much depends on the next Sale, on weighing every thing within, one Sale on the 17th September gives the best Chance. We are Sir &c
[Pp. 139--41, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives.]
Geo. Town Jany. 9th 1793
Sir/
From a conversation which I had with you some time ago, I remember you was desirous of discovering the Indian name of the Eastern Branch of the Potomak: by some old surveys it appears to be Annakostia.
The reasons of my disagreement with the Commissioners, and ultimate determination to quit the business of the City of Washington, on the first day of May next, shall be published immediately after that date: And I have no doubt, but that from a clear investigation of facts, my conduct, and exertions, will be approved of by the candid and discerning.
I am with much esteem
Your Real Friend
Andrew Ellicott
HONBLE THOMAS JEFFERSON ESQ.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Philadelphia Jan. 15. 1793.
Dear Sir
I have duly recieved your favor of the 9th. the President thinking it would be better that the outlines at least of the city, and perhaps of George town should be laid down in the plat of the territory, I have sent it back to the Commissioners from whom it came, that you may do this. suppose you were to consult them on the propriety of adding to the Eastern branch, the words ' or Annakostia.' This would probably revive the antient Indian name instead of the modern one. I am extremely sorry to learn that there has arisen any dissatisfaction between the Commissioners & yourself. I am sure it is without a fault on either side, such is my confidence in both parties, the work you are employed in must be slow from it's nature: and it is not wonderful if the Commissioners should think it too much so. however I hope you will change your mind about bringing it before the public, this cannot be done without injuring the expectations built on the city, nor can it be necessary in a case unknown beyond the circle of George town. within that circle, verbal explanations will certainly answer equally well as a justification to you. indeed I hope nothing will take place to render your future services there unobtaineable with the Commissioners, and that you will suspend any resolution you may have taken on the subject. --
I am with great esteem ... Dear Sir
Your very humble servt
Th: Jefferson
MR. ANDREW ELLICT.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress; also printed under date of January 15, 1794, pp. 188--89, Records, Columbia Historical Society, Vol. 2.]
[Note 41 Attached to a letter from George Taylor, Jr., to the Commissioners.
January 10, 1793: "In mine of 28 October I mentioned the number of small plans then distributed, and by advice of Mr. Jefferson omitted sending off any more until there should be some of the large ones to accompany them. The printer has not been able to finish, having broken his press twice, which consumed much time in repairing, but supposes as it is now in order that he can accomplish the whole in a few days."]
Philadelphia Jan. 15. 1793
Gentlemen
The President, thinking it would be better that the outlines at least of the city and perhaps of Georgetown should be laid down in the plat of the Territory, I have the honor now to send it, and to desire that mr Ellicot may do it as soon as convenient that it may be returned in time to be laid before Congress. I have the honor to be with perfect esteem, Gentlemen,
Your most obednt
& most humble servt
Th: Jefferson
MESSRS JOHNSON, STEWART & CARROLL
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Philadelphia, February 1, 1793.
JEFFERSON TO MR. CARROLL
Dear Sir:
Doctor Thornton's plan of a capitol42 has been produced, and has so captivated the eyes and judgment of all as to leave no doubt you will prefer it when it shall be exhibited to you; as no doubt exists here of its preference over all which have been produced, and among its admirers no one is more decided than him whose decision is most important. It is simple, noble, beautiful, excellently distributed, and moderate in size. The purpose of this letter is to apprize you of this sentiment. A just respect for the right of approbation in the commissioners will prevent any formal decision in the President till the plan shall be laid before you and be approved by you. The Doctor will go with it to your meeting in the beginning of March. In the meantime, the interval of apparent doubt may be improved for settling the mind of poor Hallet, whose merit and distresses interest every one for his tranquillity and pecuniary relief. I have taken the liberty of making these private estimates, thinking you would wish to know the true state of the sentiments here on this subject, and am with sincere respect and esteem for your colleagues and yourself, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
[P. 508, WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON, Washington, III.]
[Note 42 The prize-winner, Dr. William Thornton, was a self-taught architect. He recalled in a letter written on October 12, 1802: "The president and secretary of state published a premium of a gold medal of $500 and a lot for a house in the city of Washington for the best plan and elevation of a capitol of the United States. I lamented not having studied architecture, and resolved to attempt the grand undertaking and study at the same time. I studied some months and worked almost night and day, but I found I was opposed by regular architects from France and various other countries." Records of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D. C., XVIII, 176. Reprinted through the courtesy of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D. C.]
George Town 12th. Feb y 1793
COMMISSIONERS TO JEFFERSON
Sir/
From the short notice we had of Mr. Ellicots intention to go to Philadelphia we omitted sending the Act. of the expences incurred in running the outlines of the Territory. We now send it, that if it is thought proper, we may be reimbursed. The original from whence the present Acct. is taken was signed by Mr. Ellicott, who, if it be necessary will no doubt sign this. The specimens of Marble alludded to in a former letter, were sent by Mr. Ellicott. We are with great respect your &c.
[P. 161, COMMISSIONNERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. I, 1791--1793, in the National Archives.]
Philadelphia January Febr. 18th 1793
Sir,
The Commissioners of the Territory of the United States on the Potomac having, according to law, had the said Territory surveyed and defined by proper metes and bounds, and transmitted their report with a plat of the boundary, I have now the honor to lay them before you. As this work has been executed under the authority of the Legislature, I presume it would be proper to communicate the report to them, and to submit the Plat also to their inspection, that they may be duly informed of the progress of the work.
I have to add that these papers, being original, are again to be deposited with the Records in the Office of the Department of State.
I have the honor to be, with Sentiments of the most perfect esteem and attachment,
Sir,
Your most obedient and
Most humble Servant,
Th: Jefferson
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Th: Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to the President. apprehensive that there has been some misconception of his correspondence with mr Ellicot, he incloses to the President full copies of the only letters he has written to mr Ellicot in the course of the years 1792 & 1793. the last of them was written with no other view than to prevent public altercation between mr Ellicot and the Commissioners, and after having received the President's opinion that it was desireable to prevent it. Th: J. will thank the President to make any use of the letters which may remove any suspicions excited by an inexact idea of them.
March 4, 1793
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
March 9, 1793
Dear Sir: The enclosed from Messrs. Johnson and Carroll have this instant come to hand. Along with them you will receive the letter (this day read) from Doctr. Stuart, that the sentiments of all three of the Commrs. may appear in one view.
I pray you, before Mr. Madison leaves town, to lay all three before him and the Attorney Genl.; and give me a written Memo. of the measures which you, and they, shall think most advisable for me to pursue, provisionally, or otherwise, in this business.
You will all recollect the points that were touched upon to day; I shall not, therefore, repeat them.
I am always Yours etc.
[Endorsed by Jefferson]: recd. Mar. 9 93. what sacrifice to retain Johnson? sum in gross and what? if he goes, any sacrifice to retain other Commrs in town? Commrs. in town, sum in gross?
[P. 379, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32.]
March 11th, 1793.
Question 1st. -- What sacrifice may be made to retain Mr. Johnson in the office of commissioner for the federal territory?
Answer. -- For such an object, it is worth while to give up the plan of an allowance per diem; to give, instead of that, a sum in gross, and to extend that sum to five hundred dollars per annum, and expenses; the latter to be rendered in account.
If Mr. Johnson persists in resigning, as it is evident Dr. Stewart will not continue even for the above allowance, and Mr. Carroll does not appear to make any conditions, the President will be free as to Mr. Carroll and two new associates, to adhere to the allowance per diem already proposed, or to substitute a sum in gross.
Question 2d. -- May new commissioners be chosen in the town?
Answer. -- It is strongly desirable that the commissioners should not be of the town, nor interested in it; and this objection is thought a counterpoise for a sensible difference in talents; but if persons of adequate talents and qualifications cannot be found in the country, it will be better to take them from the town, than to appoint men of inadequate talents from the country.
Question 3d. -- How compensate them?
Answer. -- If they come from the country, the per diem allowance is thought best; if from the town, a sum in gross will be best, and this might be as far as three hundred dollars a year, and no allowance for expenses. If partly from the town, and partly from the country, then three hundred dollars a year to the former, and the same, with allowance of expenses, to the latter.
Mr. Madison, Mr. Randolph and Thomas Jefferson having consulted together on the preceding questions, with some shades of difference of opinion in the beginning, concurred ultimately and unanimously in the above answers.
[P. 437, WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON, Washington, VII.]
Philadelphia, March 22, 1793.
Sir: -- Your letter of the 16th to the President has been duly received wherein you require an examination into the execution of the general plan of the city by men of known profesional abilities, if this be addressed to the President under an expectation that he should order such an examination, I have to observe to you that it would be out of the line of his interference to originate orders relative to those employed under the Commissioners, their plans come to him for approbaton or disapprobation, but everything concerning the execution is left to themselves; and particularly the President declines all interference with those employed by them, or under them. The President is sincerely concerned at the difference which has taken place, but does not suppose it to be a case for any interposition on his part. To these expressions of his sentiments on the subject of your letter I have only to add those of regard and esteem from Sir
Your most obed't humble serv't,
Th. Jefferson.
MR. ANDREW ELLICOTT
[P. 190, Columbia Historical Society, Records, VoL 2.]
Recd. March 28
Geo. Town March 26th 1793
Sir/
I have been most injuriously treated by the commissioners: Accused, and dismissed on a charge of errors where there were none, and my character degraded so far, as they could degrade it. In this situation I thought the most respectful mode of obtaining redress, was by an appeal to the President: but by your letter of the 22d I am cruelly disappointed. Has a man in public service, tho' under the direction of the commissioners, no resource for vindication from calumny, and oppression, but in an appeal to the candid public? If the President will have the patience to inform himself fully of the truth of the charges made against me by the commissioners, I would chearfully submit to his decision. I am the more sanguine in the hope of this indulgence, from having seen a letter from the commissioners to a gentleman in this place dated the 14th. saying, "Having taken our resolution with respect to Major Ellicott, and on a very different state of facts than he has communicated to you, we have laid them before the President, and with candour, and an effectual decision on our conduct, can come only from him." This is the very decision I wish for. I am Sir with
much regard and
esteem Your Hbe. Servt.
Andw. Ellicott
HONBLE. THOs. JEFFERRSON ESQR.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Mount Vernon, June 30, 1793
Dear Sir: You will find by the enclosed letter from the Commissioners that Mr. Hallet reports unfavorably of Doctr. Thornton's Plan "on the great points of practicability, time and expence." And that I am referred "to Mr. Blodget, Hoben and Hallet whose verbal information will be better than any we can give you" on which to form ultimate Instructions.
Mr. Blodget I met at Baltimore in the moment I was about to leave it; consequently I had little conversation with him on the subject referred; but Mr. Hallet is of opinion that the execution of Doctor Thornton's Plan (independent of the cost, which would far exceed our means; and the time allowed for the accomplishment of the buildings) is impracticable; or if practicable, would not in some parts answer the ends proposed. Mr. Hoben seemed to concur in this opinion; and Mr. Blodget, as far as I could come at his sentiments in the short time, I was with him approved the alterations in it which have been proposed by Mr. Hallet.
It is unlucky that this investigation of Doctor Thornton's plan, and estimate of the cost had not preceeded the adoption of it: but knowing the impatience of the Carrollsburg interest and the anxiety of the Public to see both buildings progressing; and supposing the plan to be correct, it was adjudged best to avoid delay. It is better, however, to correct the error, though late, than to proceed in a ruinous measure, in the adoption of which I do not hesitate to confess I was governed by the beauty of the exterior and the distribution of the appartments, declaring then, as I do now, that I had no knowledge in the rules or principles of Architecture, and was equally unable to count the cost. But, if there be such material defects as are represented, and such immense time and cost to complete the buildings, it would be folly in the extreme to proceed on the Plan which has been adopted. It has appeared to me proper, however, that before it is laid aside, Justice, and respect to Doctor Thornton, requires, that the objections should be made known to him and an opportunity afforded to explain and obviate them, if he can.
For this reason, and because Mr. Blodget is in Philadelphia and it might not be convenient for Doctr. Thornton to leave it; I have requested Mr. Hallet and Mr. Hoben to repair without delay to Philadelphia, with all the plans and documents which are necessary to elucidate this subject, and do pray you to get all the parties herein named together, and after hearing the objections and explanations report your opinion on the case and the plan which ought to be executed. Nothing can be done to the foundation until a final decision is had, and this decision ought not to be delayed one moment that Can be avoided; because time is wasting fast; because the public expectation is alive, and because the daeman Jealousy may be at work in the lower Town when one building is seen to progress rapidly, and a plan for the other not yet decided on. Whether it be practicable (even at an expence) to call in the aid of any other scientific Character in Philadelphia to assist in deciding this point; or whether there be any thence, is more than I can tell. Your own knowledge of this, and judgment, will decide. The case is important, a Plan must be adopted; and good, or bad, it must be entered upon. I am etc.
[Pp. 510--12, WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, Fitzpatrick, Vol. 32.]
Philadelphia July 17. 1793.
sir
According to the desire expressed in your letter of June 30. I called together Doctr. Thornton, Mr. Hallet, Mr. Hoben, and a judicious undertaker of this place, Mr. Carstairs, chosen by Dr. Thornton as a competent judge of the objections made to his plan of the Capitol for the City of Washington. These objections were proposed and discussed on a view of the plans: the most material were the following.
This alteration has in fact been made by mr. Hallet in the plan drawn by him, wherein he has preserved the most valuable ideas of the original and rendered them susceptible of execution; so that it is considered as Dr. Thornton's plan reduced into practicable form. The persons consulted agreed that in this reformed plan the objections before stated were entirely remedied; and that it is on the whole a work of great merit. But they were unanimously of opinion that in removing one of the objections, that is to say, the want of light and air to the Executive and Senate chambers, a very capital beauty in the original plan, to wit, the Portico of the Eastern front, was suppressed, and ought to be restored; as the recess proposed in the middle of that front instead of the Portico projecting from it, would probably have an extreme ill effect. They supposed that by advancing the Executive chamber, with the two rooms on it's flanks, into a line with the Eastern front, or a little projecting or receding from it, the Portico might be reestablished, and a valuable passage be gained in the center of the edifice, lighted from above, and serving as a common disengagement to the four capital apartments, and that nothing would be sacrificed by this but an unimportant proportion of light and air to the Senate and Representatives rooms, otherwise abundantly lighted and aired.
The arrangement of the windows in front on different levels was disapproved, and a reformation of that circumstance was thought desirable though not essential.
It was further their opinion that the reformed plan would not cost more than half what the original one would.
I need not repeat to you the opinions of Colo. Williams an undertaker also produced by Dr. Thornton, who on seeing the plans and hearing the objections proposed, thought some of them removeable, others not so, and on the whole that the reformed plan was the best. This part in your presence, and with a declaration at the same time from Col. Williams that he wished no stress to be laid on opinions so suddenly given, but he called on me the day after, told me he had considered and conferred with Dr. Thornton on the objections, and thought all of them could be removed but the want of light and air in some cases, he gave me general ideas of the ways in which he would remove the other objections, but his method of spanning the intercolonnations with secret arches of brick, and supporting the floors by an interlocked framing appeared to me totally inadequate; that of unmasking the windows by lowering the Galleries was only substituting one deformity for another, and a conjectural expression how head-room might be gained in the Stair-ways shewed he had not studied them.
I have employed mr Carstairs to calculate the cost of the whole masonry of the building, according to the Philadelphia prices, because the cost of the walls of a building furnishes always a tolerable conjecture of the cost of the whole, and because I thought that a statement in detail of the Philadelphia prices of materials and work might be of some value to the Commissioners.
I have the honor to be with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir
Your most obedient &
most humble Servant.
Th: Jefferson
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[Ms., Records of the Department of State, Miscellaneous Letters, July--August 1793, in The National Archives; pp. 26--27,... DOCUMENTARY HISTORY... OF THE CAPITOL...]
Philadelphia Augt. 15th. 1793
Gentlemen, By this day's post I have the honour to return the drawings of the Capitol, which had been left here in order to have an estimate made; I send also that estimate together with the rates of the different work, as made by a skilful workman here, the sum total it is supposed will enable you to form some idea of the whole cost of your building, as there is a tolerably well known proportion between the cost of the Walls of a building and its whole cost; and the rates will serve as information perhaps in contracts which you may have to make hereafter.
I have the honor to be with great respect, Gentlemen, Your most Obt. & most Hum. Servt.
Th: Jefferson
[P. 28, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF ... THE CAPITOL ...]
PHILADA, 15th March, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I received your letter of the 23d ultimo; but not at so early a period as might have been expected from the date of it.
My mind has always been more disposed to apply the shares in the inland navigation of Potomac and James Rivers, (which were left to my disposal by the legislature of Virginia) towards the endowment of an University in the United States, than to any other Object it had contemplated. In pursuance of this idea, and understanding that other means are in embryo for establishing so useful a seminary in the Federal City, I did, on the 28th of January last, announce to the Commissioners thereof my intention of vesting in perpetuity, the fifty shares I hold under that act, in the navigation of Potomac, as an additional mean of carrying the plan into effect, provided it should be adopted upon a scale so liberal as to extend to and embrace a complete system of education.
I had little hesitation in giving the Federal City a preference of all the places for the institution, for the following reasons. 1st On account of its being the permanent seat of the Government of this Union, and where the laws and policy of it must be better understood than in any local part thereof. 2d, because of its centrality. 3d, because one half (or near it) of the District of Columbia is within the Commonwealth of Virginia, and the whole of the State not inconvenient thereto. 4th, because, as part of the endowment, it would be useful, but alone would be inadequate to the end. 5th, because many advantages, I conceive, would result from the jurisdiction, which the general Government will have over it, which no other spot would possess. And, lastly, as this seminary is contemplated for the completion of education and study of the sciences, (not for boys in their rudiments,) it will afford the students an opportunity of attending the debates in Congress, and thereby becoming more liberally and better acquainted with the principles of law and government.
My judgment and my wishes point equally strong to the application of the James River shares to the same object at the same place; but, considering the source from whence they were derived, I have, in a letter I am writing to the Executive of Virginia on this subject, left the application of them to a seminary within the State, to be located by the Legislature.
Hence you will perceive, that I have in a degree anticipated your proposition. I was restrained from going the whole length of the suggestion by the following considerations. 1st, I did not know to what extent, or when any plan would be so matured for the establishment of an University, as would enable any assurances to be given to the application of M. D'Ivernois. 2d, the propriety of transplanting the professors in a body might be questioned for several reasons; among others, because they might not all be good characters, nor all sufficiently acquainted with our language: and again, having been at variance with the levelling party of their own country, the measure might be considered as an aristocratical movement by more than those, who, without any just cause that I can discover, are continually sounding the bell of aristocracy. And, 3d, because it might preclude some of the first professors in other countries from a participation, among whom some of the most celebrated characters in Scotland, in this line, might be obtained.
Something, but of what nature I am unable to inform you, has been written by Mr. Adams to M. D'Ivernois. Never having viewed my intended donation as more than a part of the means, that were to set this establishment afloat, I did not incline to go too far in the encouragement of professors, before the plan should assume a more formal shape, much less to induce an entire college to migrate. The enclosed is the answer I have received from the commissioners; from which, and the ideas I have here expressed, you will be enabled to decide on the best communication to be made to M. D'Ivernois.
My letter to the commissioners has bound me to the fulfilment of what is therein engaged; and if the Legislature of Virginia, in considering the subject, should view it in the same light I do, the James River shares will be added thereto; for I think one good institution of this sort is to be preferred to two imperfect ones, which, without other aid than the shares in both navigations, is more likely to fall through, than to succeed upon the plan I contemplate; which, in a few words, is to supersede the necessity of sending the youth of this country abroad for the purpose of education, (where too often principles and habits unfriendly to republican government are imbibed, and not easily discarded,) by instituting such an one of our own, as will answer the end, and associating them in the same seminary, will contribute to wear off those prejudices and unreasonable jealousies, which prevent or weaken friendships and impair the harmony of the Union. With very great esteem, I am &c.
[Pp. 118--120, Records of the Columbia Historical Society, Vol. 17. Reprinted through the courtesy of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D. C.]
[Note 43 Unable to locate this letter. -- S.K.P.]
Commissioners Office
5th Decr 1800
Dear Sir
I have examined my correspondence with Col: Little and Mr Strade respecting the proposed road; I find Colonel Little only engaged to join with Mr Strade in tracing the ground, in which he said three other gentlemen one a surveyor and all good Woods men, would assist; but I never heard of any thing being done; and unless Mr Strade was on the ground (and of this he would probably have informed) there certainly has not. I am with sentiments of great respect
Dear Sir
Your Most Obt Servt
Alexr White
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
TH: JEFFERSON having referred mr. Ellicott's letter to the Secretary of the Treasury (mr Dexter) received from him the inclosed note. he leaves this place on the 21st. inst. to be absent one month, when m Madison will also enter on his office. in the mean time mr Lincoln will have charge of the Secretary of State's office & will recieve any application from mr Ellicott, & do justice on it. he presents him his friendly salutations.
Mar. 13. 1801
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 44 March 11th.
The President of the United States this Day signed & delivered to the Board a Proclamation, authorizing a further suspension of the first & third articles for regulating the materials & manner of buildings & improvements on the Lots in the City of Washington which the Board direct may be printed in the National Intelligencer & the Museum, twice a Week for six Weeks. He also delivered to the Board an Estimate made by James Hoban, relative to the Presidt's. House.
[P. 123, PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMISSIONERS, Vol. VI, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]]
Mar. 18 1801
Sir
I am to appoint a Marshall for the District of Columbia. it has been imparted to me by a mutual friend that you might perhaps be willing to accept of that office, on this suggestion I take the liberty of proposing it to you. as a court is to be held here on Monday next, it becomes necessary for me to ask the favor of an answer by the bearer, [illegible] [illegible] [illegible] [illegible] for this purpose, because should you decline it, I shall still have to make an appointment before Monday. my anxiety to place in the offices men who will give weight to them & command the public confidence inspires an earnest desire that this may be acceptable to you.
Your most obedt. servt.
Th: Jefferson
DANIEL CARROL BRENT ESQ.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Sir
Be pleased to allow me to lay before you, the case of an artist, who chearfully quitted his occupations and prospects in London, to accept through Colonel John Trumbull; the invitations of the Commissioners of Washington to visit this country, for the purpose of superintending the building of the Capitol.--
After having continued in that Office, for three years, and superintended the execution of the most difficult part of that building; I was abruptly dismissed to the great injury of my professional reputation.
Sensible, that such treatment could not fail to cause me to experience very serious consequences, if left unnoticed: I hastened to lay my situation before the late President of the United States, but after considerable delay and anxiety, I found that I had no hope of redress, in consequence of which I have had the painful mortification, not only of seeing my work remain for the praise and reputation of those, who have meditated and effected my ruin: but also, of having my productions for Public buildings surreptitiously taken from me, and executed, without my receiving any compensation for them.
I hope that I shall not be thought too presumptuous if I am desirous to shew, that the great increase of expence in consequence of the unnecessary alterations made in the Capitol; after I had left it, as well as the present leakiness and other defects of that building: arise from an entire ignorance of the plans & mode intended by me, and of course lost in consequence of my dismission.
And I will further venture to say, that had I been permitted to superintend my work & designs in the building of the Executive Offices, that the late unfortunate fire in one of them, would not have happened from the causes, by many supposed & alledged; and it appears, that those buildings, from the manner of their execution, will always be subject to similar accidents, if suffered to remain in their present state.
I shall not, Sir, at present trouble you, with a tedious detail of particulars, but should you think my case, worthy of your notice, I trust that I shall be able to substantiate my assertions, supported by some of the most respectable characters in this City.
I shall only say for the present that I suffer considerably through the oppressive treatment which I have received from the Commissioners of the City: but encouraged as I am, by letters lately received from Col. Trumbull in Europe, and by other friends here, and presuming that the advantages I have had during the pursuit of my studies might be of further utility in the present state of the City, I have taken the liberty thus to lay my case before you, with no other view, Sir, than to endeavour to make myself useful, and thereby obtain a subsistence in a country which I have chosen to spend the remainder of my life in.--
I have the honor to be
with most profound respect,
Sir,
Your very obedient
humble servant
George Hadfield
Washington. March 27th 1801
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Commissioners Office, 28th. March 1801
Sir,
Deeply impressed with the necessity of bringing the Business of the Commission as near as possible to a close previous to the Meeting of the next Congress and of promoting the Interest of the City in the mean Time, we have had under consideration the Means of accomplishing those objects; but the Difficulties which occur are so great as to prevent an unanimous Opinion of the Board with regard to the Measures to be pursued. We therefore find ourselves under the necessity of stating the Subject of disagreement to the President for his Direction.
We have already advertised for Sale on the 12th of May next all the Property purchased by Morris and Greenleaf which we consider as liable to be resold for non-payment of the purchase-money, except such as has been already sold for the same cause, but there remains other Property liable to be resold, either purchased at private Sales, or at public Sales of Property resold for non-payment of the original purchase money -- of the last description, the Sum of $33,802 97/100 exclusive of Interest, is due on four notes drawn by Uriah Forrest, one for $16,407 04/100 endorsed by Benjamin Stoddert -- one for Dolls 6,269 92/100 endorsed by Gustavus Scott, and two endorsed by John Templeman & Benjamin Stoddert, one for $6,641 & the other for $4485 -- and the Sum of 1675 68/100 drawn by William Thornton and endorsed by Mr. Blodget. It is to be observed that the said Gustavus Scott, William Thornton and Uriah Forrest, together with James M. Lingan, are sureties for the sum of fifty thousand Dollars United-States six per cent: Stock borrowed of the State of Maryland under the Circumstances stated to the President in a Representation of the Commissioners dated 28th. Jany last on the affairs of the City of Washington, an Extract from which is enclosed (A) and it is urged that they might not to pay these Sums until the Money becomes due to the State of Maryland, they paying into the Hands of the Commissioners, a Sum equal to the Interest in the Mean Time which we admit they have exceeded, and have had Property equivalent conveyed to them which consequently cannot be resold. It is admitted that a payment to the State of Maryland, or an exoneration of the Public for so much, would be considered a payment for the Property purchased, and in giving their Notes, these Gentlemen reserved to themselves Time to negotiate that Business with the Legislature of Maryland, but we do not find that it was accomplished.
The points on which we wish the decision of the President are, whether we shall immediately pursue the most efficacious measures for the recovery of Debts generally -- whether there shall be an exception of those above-mentioned -- and if not whether it will be most eligible to bring Suits on the Notes, or to sell the Property agreeably to the Summary-Mode authorised by the Act of the Assembly of Maryland, and if the latter, whether the Sale shall be for ready money or on credit, and finally, whether it would be better to post-pone the Sale now advertised, and unite the whole Property in one Advertisement, or to suffer the Sale to take place on the 12th. of May on the Terms published, and to advertise a Sale Money of the remainder of the Property which is liable to be resold at as early a Day as circumstances will admit and here we would observe, that we think if payment of the Debts due from the Gentlemen who stand sureties to the State of Maryland is enforced, provision ought to be made for meeting the Demands of that State, which may, with more certainty be done by Sales on credit, than for cash. We are &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
(P.S.) Since writing the above, General Forrest has written a Letter to the Board, a copy of which we think proper to transmit to the President for his consideration.
[Pp. 63--5, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Washington, 6th. April 180145
Sir,
Agreeably to a Resolution of the Board of Commissioners of the 30th. Ulto. I went to Annapolis on thursday last. The Governor was in Virginia and not expected to return soon. Mr.. Shoaff, one of the Council was likewise absent, but expected on friday Evening. I waited on the other Member of the Council and procured a meeting on Saturday, when all the Members in the City attended, but Mr. Shoaff had not arrived. I presented to them the Commissioners' letter (of which a copy is enclosed) and conversed fully on the subject of my Mission in presence of the Agent and Auditor of the State, who had been notified to attend. It appeared that the State had found it necessary to borrow thirty thousand Dollars to answer the current Expenses of the last Year, and that without the Interest on the Money lent to the City, their funds were inadequate to the Expenses of the present Year, even though they should not pay any part of the Money borrowed. Under the circumstances, the Council were against granting any Indulgence with respect to the payment of that Interest.
I also presented a note (of which a copy is enclosed) the Council wished not to act on the subject of that Note till Mr Shoaff should be present, as some legal Difficulties were suggested. I did not think it necessary to attend their Deliberation, having said all that appeared proper for me to say. The result I expect to receive by post tomorrow. I am, &c.
A. White
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
[Pp. 67--8, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
[Note 45 April 6th.
A Letter written to the President of the U. S. by Alexr White, stating the result of the application made to the Governor and Council of Maryland agreeably to the resolution of the Board of the 30th Ulo. and enclosing a copy of the Commissioners letter on the subject of that application, also a copy of a Note presented by the said A. White to the Governour & Council on the 11th. [?] Inst. [P. 131, PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMISSIONERS, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
28th May 1801
THE PRESIDENT, OF THE U. S.
Sir,
A premium having been offered for the best design for Barracks, agreeably to the dimensions of one of the Squares designated for building Lots; that design having been given, and approved; and the contract for erecting the buildings advertized; It might be well before the foundation is dug, to examine the title of the U. S. to the ground designated as the scite; to see how far it agrees with the Plans of the City, with the sales to individuals, with public faith, and with the Deeds of Trust, under which the President and Commissioners are authorized to proceed.
On the first appearance of the affair, all respect for the Deeds of Trust seems to be lost, and, it appears one of these Strange and venturious steps which none but the City Commissioners would take, and which had already placed us on the verge of desolation. My Ideas, on the propriety of this measure may be crude and erroneous, & I may be now exposing my own vanity. Yet, it is better than an individual should be pitied for his opinions or his weakness, than injury should be done to the purchasers of Lots, to the City or the public.
The following doubts have occurred to me as necessary to be examined, before a decision on the Propriety of fixing the Barracks on the intended Capitol Square can be made.
By the Deeds of Trust from the original proprietors, the President is authorized to locate such squares for public uses as he considered necessary; the remaining Squares and Lots to be equally divided into two parts; one of which reverts to the original proprietor, the other part is to be sold and the monies arising therefrom given to the President, as a Donation for the purpose of erecting the buildings necessary to the accomodation of Congress, agreeably to the Act in that case provided.--One half of the Square in question, was assigned to Mr Prout the original proprietor,--the other half to the public, for sale, as stipulated in the Deed of Trust. Can the Commissioners under this Deed, give the Property away, and thereby lessen the Funds of the City for public purposes? They not only give the half assigned to the public for Sale, but exchange Lots with Mr Prout so as to give his half also.
If this Square is to be considered as a public appropriation for the use of the United States and made by the President under the Deeds, Mr P. ought to be paid therefor at the rate of 25 £, the acre;--and not as is proposed, by other Lots to twenty times that amount. It has never been shewn as such appropriation on any of the plans; and to consider it so now, would be a breach of faith, and deception to those who have bought and selected public property in its vicinity.
Let it once be admitted that the Commissioners can divert the Lots directed to be sold, to other purposes than contemplated in the plans and Deeds which direct such sale, and what Security is left that those Lots which now remain unsold, will contribute to the City funds.
Whether Barracks in the Commercial part of the City (as that eventually must be) are desireable, or not, I cannot say: they certainly were never calculated upon by those who have purchased in that part of the City, and erecting them in the Situation proposed, will be a real injury to those who dislike to reside in such a neighbourhood.
While there are such extensive appropriations for public Uses, in situations equally eligible; it may afford room for censure to divert to this purpose Lots which were expressly reserved for private buildings.
I can make no other Apology for this intrusion than my wish to benefit the City, and prevent any premature decision on the part of the Commissioners as their obtaining the assent of the Executive until the inconveniences were adverted to, and the right ascertained.
I am Sir,
With the greatest respect
Yours
Nichs. King
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Commissioner's Office 1st. June 1801.
Sir,
We have taken into consideration the prospect of an increased Representation in Congress, and have concluded that the present House will not, after the next apportionment of Members be Sufficient for their accommodation. We in consequence requested Mr. Hoban to sketch plans or Estimates of a Building which may temporarily answer that purpose; -- he has made out Estimates on three different plans, and will wait on you to give any explanations that may be required to enable you to form an opinion of the propriety of adopting any of them if means cannot be obtained to finish the South Wing. We are, &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
[P. 84, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
On consideration of the three plans presented by Capt Hobens for providing an apartment for the H. of Representatives of the US. that appears to me most to be approved which proposes to raise, to the height of one story only, the elliptical wall or arcade in the Southern wing destined ultimately for their occupation; without carrying up at present the external square wall which is to include it.
It seems preferable to that which proposes a temporary room of scantling in the center, to cost between 4. & 5000. D. the whole of which would be to be taken away in future, & nothing saved but what the scantling might then be worth. Whereas, of the elliptical room thought preferable, & which he supposes will cost 5600. D. he thinks not more than 1000. D. will be lost when the wing shall be compleated in future: and it seems desireable that, whatever money is expended should go as much as possible to the execution of the permanent building.
The plan of raising the elliptical building only one story seems preferable to that for raising it two stories. 1st because it will cost but half as much [illegible] circumstance desireable to the present state of the City funds & to their immediate prospects. 2. Mr. Hobens observes there will be considerable inconveniencies in carrying up the elliptical wall now without the square one, & the square one in future without the elliptical wall, and that these difficulties increase as the walls get higher. This obstacle then is lessened more than one half by raising the south elliptical wall only to one half of it's height only.
Another advantage in adopting the elliptic building is that, if before it is raised one story the prospects of money should brighten & the difficulties of proceeding with it separately from the square wall should be found less than has been apprehended, we can then proceed to raise it's second story.
Th: Jefferson
June 2d. 1801.
THE COMMISSIONERS
OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON.
[Copied from a photostat in the National Archives of the original in the Library of Congress; published in Documentary History... of the Capitol, 96--7.]
City of Washington Jun 11 th 1801
Honourable Sir
Pleas remember that soon after your being appointed to the high office of presedente, I called upon you at your lodging and hade a short Intercourse, one the subject of the commissioners how they hade behaved Towards me, and others that was in there employee and that I have got a Judgment for the contents of my contract, they pleaded to refer the execution to the nixt court that if they hade any defence to make to bring it forward, and me to prove my Servicess accordingly I attended the court with my prooffes but the commissioners nor any witness from them did not appear the truth is they hade non that could be ascertained as a witness except Hoben hade been admitted who has led them into all the mischef that has been Don in the city, as they did not attende I have got a dispensation from the court, to exemen the witness here, it is a small mater for the commissioners to be throwing away the publice money as they have don in defence of a Just caus, I was looked upon by all the Information that the first commissioners could find to be the only man fittest for the task, and it is sirtaint hade I been allowed to conduct the work in ginerel as my contract expresses, it would have been good for the publice as well as for me, but then how could the thives have hade liberty to steale and take the public matereals as they have don to a great extinte I was early instructed in arcticetry altho I only was employed heer as master mason, and in different stages of the work was under the necessity of giving instructions to him who was appointed to instruct me I built the first story of the presedents House and brought all the capatol above ground; before my dismission from the publice employee and it is to be seen what hand was made of it after wards, as I still suppose my self in the publice employee at least until the laws of the land shall discharge me, I thought it my deuty to Inform your excelency which I expect will atone for troubling you I should be very hapy I hade something to do in the way of my business, while I expect to be paid I expect it will not appear to your excellency a small mater that I was Indulzed to come from New york where I hade the best of employee and be treated as I have been.
Honoure Sir I am with great Respect your most obedent Houmble Servnt
Collen Williamson
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Commissioner's Office, 12th June 1801
Sir,
On the 13th Feby last, the claim of George Walker respecting two spaces of Ground in the City of Washington, which he conceives ought to be paid for and appropriated to public use, was laid before the late President, and all the Information, which the Board thought necessary for his Information, transmitted. We take the liberty of requesting your attention to this Business, as the payment of a Debt due from Mr. Walker depends on the President's decision, and we have agreed to wait till that decision shall be known. We are, with sentiments of the greatest respect, &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
[P. 87, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Commissioner's Office 17th June 1801
Sir,
We transmit the form of an Act to appropriate the two parcels of Ground which have been under your consideration; the last mentioned being described agreeably to the Ideas expressed in your communication of the 14th Instant, except that no reservation of a Water Street is made. This we did under an impression, that the Government may lay out a Water Street more convenient than the one now described.
We are, &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED-STATES.
[P. 88, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02 in the National Archives.]
Washington 8th August 1801
recd. Aug. 13.
Sir
To enable me to comply with your request respecting Samuel Davidsons claim, I have re-examined all the papers in the Commissioners Office relative to that case, and find that his claim rests solely on a supposition that L'Enfants Plan is the proper plan of the City; that it received its confirmation by the transmission thereof to Congress; In respect to which President Washington, in his letter dated 20th February 1797 in answer to the Commissioners letter enclosing Mr. Davidsons Memorial says "That many alterations have been made from Major L'Enfants Plan by Major Ellicott (with the approbation of the Executive) is not denied, that some were deemed essential, is avowed." Again "Mr Davidson is mistaken if he supposes that the transmission of Major L'Enfant's Plan of the City to Congress was the completion thereof; so far from it, it will appear by the message which accompanied the same, that it was given as matter of information to show what state the business was in, and the return of it requested; that neither House of Congress passed any Act consequent thereupon; that it remained, as before, under the controul of the Executive; that after wards several errors were discovered and corrected, many alterations made, and the appropriations (except as to the Capitol and Presidents house) struck out, before it went to the Engraver, including that work and the promulgation thereof were to give it the final and regulating stamp." Although the words "Presidents House" were retained in the engraved Plan, the Square was laid down differently from that of L'Enfant, and the President in his Act appropriating the same, has described it as delineated on the engraved Plan, on the same principle Mr Davidson has been paid for his Land within the Square. These circumstances appear to me conclusive; the Land thus described, is vested in the U. States; and the President cannot restore it, or any part of it to the original Proprietor, I therefore deem it unnecessary to detail the desultory matter whichMr. Davidson has introduced in his various applications; but I would observe, that if Mr L'Enfants Plan is to be admitted, as a matter of right, in one instance, it must be so in the whole; that this would set the City property afloat; the Streets, public appropriations, and building lots being laid out without any reference to that plan; but generally corresponding with the engraved plan, as nearly as the same could be adapted by actual survey, to the surface of the earth. This letter, I expect, will be considered as a private communication only. The Board if called upon will answer Mr. Davidsons complaint
I am with sentiments of the highest respect
Sir
Your most Obedt
Servant
Alexr. White
PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington, 17th. August 1801
Sir,
On taking a view of the Business entrusted to us, we are of opinion that with the Money now in hand and the Sums which we may depend on receiving, we shall be able to compleat the several Works recommended to us and to pay the current Expenses of the Year, provided no more than four thousand Dollars shall be expended on the Streets, and no more laid out on the temporary House of Representatives than the Contract calls for. But without further payments, there will be an arrear of Interest due to the State of Maryland on the first of October next to the amount of $10,500. We cannot rely on voluntary payments to answer this Sum. We therefore submit to the President of the United-States whether we shall proceed to enforce further Payments particularly from those who are bound to the State of Maryland for the re-payment of fifty thousand Dollars United States six per cent Stock, (Resolution of the Assembly of that State (A) and whose Debts to the City Funds originated in purchases of Property resold for default in payment at public Sales in the Years 1799 & 1800 on the Terms enclosed (B) and for which, the following Notes have since been given, payable 4th Feb'y 1801 -- vizt --
We understand that the right of the Commissioners to enforce the payment of these Sums will be disputed, should a Sale be proposed, and we think it improper to risk involving the Affairs of the City in a dispute without acquainting the President with the Grounds thereof, and receiving his Sanction to the Measures to be pursued. The facts of the case are, that on the application of Gustavus Scott and William Thornton two of the Commissioners, the Legislature of Maryland authorised the Loan of fifty thousand Dollars six per cent Stock, on the Terms mentioned in the aforesaid Resolution -- that the said Gustavus Scott and William Thornton with Uriah Forrest and James M. Lingan as their Sureties, entered into Bond to the State of Maryland, and Uriah Forrest executed a mortgage on 420 acres of Land, for securing the payment of the said fifty thousand Dollars Stock on the first of November 1802, with Interest quarter-yearly, agreeably to the Terms of the Said Resolution. The said Gustavus Scott & William Thornton having engaged by Letter, to hold all the City property (except that pledged by Act of Congress to secure the Payment of three hundred thousand Dollars) as a security for the re-payment of the said Stock, and to sell the said Property, or such part thereof as might be necessary, on notice from the said Forrest and Lingan; and to pay over the Notes or money arising therefrom to the State in discharge of that Debt. The correspondence on this subject is enclosed (C) Gustavus Scott has since deceased, and it is supposed that he was interested in this property, and that it has descended to his infant children. The Questions arising from these facts are, -- 1st. Whether the Commissioners had a right to pledge the public property in the manner stipulated by the aforesaid Correspondence, and what effect will it have on the right of enforcing the payment of Debts either from the Sureties or others, although the Debts from the Sureties were not due, and although it appeared evident that the Commissioners were incapable of obtaining by legal process or otherwise, the Money then due to the City; therefore without this Loan, the public Buildings could not be so far compleated as to accommodate the several Departments of Government. Note -- we must add, that the Monies received as well from the Sureties to the State of Maryland, as from others, have been indiscriminately applied to the general Expenditures on the Seat of Government, except that a preference has been given in the Payment of one Quarter's Interest of the said Loan of 50,000 Dollars.
2d. Whether Infants are entitled to any privileges in Proceedings under the Act of Assembly, an Extract of which is enclosed (D) -- and third, whether property once sold under that Act can be resold for default of Payment by the second Purchaser.
It may be proper to observe that between seven and eight thousand Dollars have been paid by General Forrest and the Endorsers of the Notes drawn by him; and that Mr. Stoddert purchased Property at the public Sale in May last to the amount of upwards of ten thousand Dollars, for which by the Articles of Sale, he was entitled to a credit of nine Months; but he has paid the Money in expectation of Indulgence for the same time in the Payment of an equal Sum on the Note endorsed by him. We would likewise submit to the President's consideration whether it is necessary to enforce Payments beyond the Interest to the State of Maryland, having as we suppose already the Means of accomplishing the other objects contemplated for the present Year. The Debts being well secured, and bearing an Interest, can be called in as the exigencies of the City may require. We are, &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED-STATES -- MONTICELLO.
P.S. Doctor Thornton has always observed that he will give no opposition to any measures which the President may think proper to direct respecting the Debts due from him.
[Pp. 93--6, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Geo Town 18 August 1801.
Sir
Knowing that the Comrs of Washington were about addressing you on a subject in which I have an Interest, I sent to them a letter, the copy of which I take the liberty to lay before you; as I find they had made up their dispatches before the rest of the letter.
Mr White, the Comr alluded to as not Joining in the engagement to the State of Maryland, informs me, that I have misstated his motive for the refusal -- that it was not the apprehension of pecuniary loss, but a doubt of the powers of the Comrs to pledge the lots to the State, which with-held him. -- Be it so -- my object was to prove some little merit, & no crime in those who notwithstanding such doubts would risk themselves to obtain money for the City, at a time when it could be got by no other means, and when it was known the necessary accomodations for the Govt could not be prepared without it. I have the honor to be with great respect Sir
Yr most obed Servt
Ben Stoddert
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington 24th. August 1801.
Sir,
We should think an apology necessary for intruding on your retirement, were we not convinced that your solicitude for the advancement of the City authorizes this liberty.
In reviewing the objects you were pleased to recommend to our attention, and calculating what has been done and what is yet to accomplish, we find our means will be inadequate to fulfil the whole of your intentions respecting the Roads within the Estimate. We therefore thought it proper to state what has been executed, and the Expenditures--
These last objects are unprovided for, and as we cannot execute the whole, we solicit your determination respecting the choice, should we be able to expend a few hundred Dollars more than the Sum calculated.
We have the satisfaction of informing you that the Brick Work of the Chamber of Representatives advanced with such rapidity that the whole will be finished ready for the Roof by the end of next week, and the Roof is in forwardness. Previous to the departure of our Colleauge Mr. White, for Winchester some Days ago, he joined in our opinion respecting the propriety of making this Statement as soon as the proper Returns were collected. We have the honor &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED-STATES.
[Pp. 97--9, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Monticello Aug. 24. 1801.
Gentlemen
Your favor of the 17th. came to hand on the 20th. but as it's contents required greater consideration than and time than the stay of the post and pressure of other business permitted I have been obliged to take another post for it's answer, the questions indeed which it proposes are so much blended with law that I should have been glad to have had the opinion of the Attorney general for my government: but his distance & the urgency of the case rendering this impracticable, I must venture to form opinions myself; which I shall do the more readily as such of the questions as it is now necessary to determine do not present great difficulties. you state that for the works contemplated now to be done, & the current expences of the year you have a prospect of money sufficient; but that without further payments there will be a deficiency in the payment of interest to the state of Maryland on the 1st. of Oct. next to the amount of 10,500. D. & that you cannot rely on voluntary payments for that sum. when we consider that by the terms of the loan a failure in the payment of interest gives the state a right to recover the whole principal immediately, and the ruinous distress on the funds of the city which this would induce, duty leaves us but one alternative, to enforce paiments. but as you observe, at the close of the letter, that you have the means of accomplishing the other objects contemplated for the present year, and it is desireable to produce no unnecessary distress, we should limit ourselves to enforce payment only to the extent of the interest due to Maryland. that a contribution towards this should be required from the sureties to the state of Maryland as well as others, seems both just and lawful. the case as to the principal of these is shortly this. General Forrest being indebted to the city about 33,800 D. payable at short days, becomes security for the city for 50,000. D. payable at a long day. this is no legal payment of his 33,800. D. the contracts have no connection, it is possible that if by subsequent events the affairs of the city were verging to evident bankruptcy, the Chancery might stay his payment till counter security should be given. but that is not our case. and were he to propose it to the Chancery, we would save them the question by saying, pay the money into the treasury of Maryland & all purposes will be answered, ours of the payment of interest, & his of lessening his responsibility by exactly as much as should be paid. I have heard it suggested that he might object to payment till he is countersecured as to the amount of securityship beyond his debt. but I think no lawyer will say this. -- the advance of 10,000. D. by mr. Stoddart 9 months before it was due seems justly to entitle him to an equal delay of an equal portion of the note endorsed by him & Genl. Forrest.
To the question whether property sold under the act of Maryland of Dec. 28. 1793. can be resold on default of payment? I should say that act in all cases of sale on credit, authorises a re-sale. it is true that it allows the resale to be for ready money, but if it be on credit, then a 3d. sale for default of payment is within the very words as well as the purview of the act. and I should extremely doubt whether the purview as well as the letter of this act will not be understood to have, as far as it extends, repealed, in these cases, the general principle which saves the rights of infants till they come of age. but will not all these questions be saved by a voluntary assessment by the debtors themselves, in proportion to their debts respectively, to the amount of the sum we want? less than 5/ in the pound would probably make it up. but if they consent to this, it should be in such a way as to render disappointment impossible.
My idea of the functions of the Board of commissioners is that they are to form resolutions, on which the President has an affirmative or negative. had I been at Washington I would have asked of them to resolve first on what they themselves should think right, & have reserved my own opinion for a simple approval or disapproval, it is at their request only, & to avoid the delay which a reference back to them might occasion, that I have presumed to originate propositions, which I do however on the express condition that they shall be deemed of no effect until approved by a vote of the commissioners. as such of them as shall be so approved will then include their opinion as well as that of the President, it will be of less importance which opinion was first given.
I pray you to accept assurances of my high consideration & respect.
Th: Jefferson
THE COMMISSIONERS OF WASHINGTON
[ Letters of the Presidents of the United States to the Commissioners of Public Buildings and Grounds, original in Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, photostat in National Archives.]
Monticello Aug. 29. 1801.
Gentlemen
Your favor of the 24th. is duly recieved. I consider the erection of the Representatives chamber and the making a good gravel road from the new bridge on Rock creek along the Pensylva & Jersey avenues to the Eastern branch as the most important objects for ensuring the destinies of the city which can be undertaken. all others appear to me entirely subordinate and to rest on considerations quite distinct from these. for the first of these works the ordinary funds of the city are understood to be competent; but not for the second, tho' according to rigorous law, the price of the site of the Marine barracks (pledged to Congress) should only have been credited by them to the city, I ventured to have 4000. D. part of it advanced from the treasury to be applied to the sole purpose of making the road above mentioned. I supposed that Congress in consideration of the utility of the object & the ampleness of the [rest] of the grounds pledged to them as a security would relax the rigor of their rights and approve what has been done. 4000. D. for 4 miles of road were then estimated to be sufficient. but from your statement 3695.99 D. have been expended, and half the distance (tho not half the work) remains to be finished. in this situation I should think it adviseable to postpone the circular street round the Capitol, because we have already a very practicable road ascending the Capitol hill at the North [end] of the building: then to apply what remains of the 4000. D. and any funds the city can spare to rounding the road from Pensylva avenue from the President's square to Rock creek & on to the upper bridge; & then to round the Jersey avenue from the work already done to the Eastern branch. I write by this post to the Secretary of the Navy to know whether any more & how much can be spared from the 20,000.D. appropriated by Congress for the Marine barracks beyond the 4000.D. already paid the Commissioners. I fear it will be little. but if any thing remain of that fund, I will venture to direct a further portion of the price of the Site to be paid you for compleating this road, on the same principles & presumption on which the 4000.D. were advanced from the treasury. in the mean time will you have the goodness to forward to me by post as just a statement as possible of what it will cost to accomplish these portions of the road I have designated, over and above the remains of the 4000.D. & the city funds which can be spared for this object? I shall at the same time receive an answer from the Secretary of the navy, & on a view of the whole decide on the further aid which can be given. Accept assurances of my high consideration & respect.
Th: Jefferson
THE COMMRS. OF WASHINGTON
[ Letters of the Presidents of the U. S. to the Commissioners of Public Buildings and Grounds, original in Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, photostat in National Archives.]
Two Letters received from the President of the United States, one of the 24th. Ulto. & the other of the 29th..
Sept. 1st. 1801.[P. 201, Proceedings of the Commissioners, VI, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Monticello Sep. 3. 1801.
Gentlemen
I take the liberty of referring to you the inclosed application from Bishop Carrol & others for respecting the purchase of a site for a church. it is not for me to interpose in the price of the lots for sale. at the same time none can better than yourselves estimate the considerations of propriety & even of advantage which would urge a just attention to the application, nor better judge of the degree of favor to it which your duties would admit. with yourselves therefore I leave the subject, with assurances of my high consideration & respect.
Th: Jefferson
[ Letters of the Presidents of the U. S. to the Commissioners of Public Buildings and Grounds, original in Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, photostat in the National Archives.]
Washington 4th. Septr 1801.
Sir,
We have had the honor of your Letter of the 24th. and 29th. Ulto which we take the earliest opportunity of answering.
We presume the impression you were under respecting our Subjection to the payment of the whole Debt of 250,000 Dollars to the State of Maryland, might have weight in your decision relative to the part we were to pursue in enforcing payment from the Debtors and we percieve that we have been deficient in our Information on that Subject. The State of Maryland have the power of subjecting us to the payment of only the last Loan on default of Payment of the Interest, but the debt of $200,000 not being subject to the same procedure raises a doubt regarding your Instructions to us.
We have not only conceived the law of Maryland authorised us to resell the property in default of Payment, but to repeat the Sales, and we have thus uniformly proceeded: it therefore gives us great satisfaction to find that we have the indirect approbation of such high authority. The Titles being still in us as Trustees and agents for the public we imagine would diminish the doubt of our power to sell the property to whomsoever it belonged, otherwise the spirit of the Act for the accommodation of Government might be defeated by common process.
We are in hopes that nothing will be left undone by the Debtors to raise such a Sum as will be necessary, and when we can have their assurances of what they expect and intend to do, we shall not fail to communicate them to you, with our opinions, which we acknowledge with sensibility ought rather to have been submitted than required, to meet your decision.
To the objects stated in your Letter of the 29th., we have paid particular attention and shall expedite them as much as possible.
The Returns that have lately been made are less favourable to our progress than we had supposed -- the very dry and hot Weather that we have so long experienced, diminished much the progress of our Labourers, and we have now changed entirely our mode of operating by which we can execute as much in One day as we have done in two. We have got strong ploughes, and two thousand Dollars will finish we hope the Roads you have recommended to our attention, in such a manner as will make them convenient and good. Half this Sum will finish rounding the Road to Rock Creek Bridge from the President's House, including the cut through the Hill. The other thousand will round the Road in New Jersey Avenue & first Street east on the Capitol Square. The Road is compleated to the seven Buildings in Sq. 118 and A Street north on the Capitol Hill. The whole Expense incurred on the Roads till the 1st Instant amounts to four thousand & eighteen Dollars. Our present Expenses on Pennsylvania & New Jersey Avenues amount to fifty Dollars per Day; but on a review of our Funds, we cannot proceed much further on the Roads unless we obtain Resources upon which we cannot at present calculate or presume on a favorable answer from the Secretary of the Navy.
We have the honor to be &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED-STATES,
Monticello.
[Pp. 100--01, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Washington 14th. September 1801
Sir
I returned on the 6th. instant a good deal indisposed. Although my disease (a diarrhoea) is in some measure checked, yet my health is not so far restored as to enable me to take an active part in business.
My Colleagues having answered your letters of the 24th. and 29th. Ulo. before my arrival I have nothing to say on the subjects of them, except to observe, that it has been the practice of this Office when a legal difficulty occurred to state the case to the President; not for his individual opinion, but for the opinion of his Law Officer; which opinion when transmitted to the Board has been considered as the instruction of the Executive. I expected the present business would have taken the same course, and altho' I had myself no doubt on any of the points stated, yet I thought the sanction of the Government absolutely necessary to enable us to carry into effect any coercive measures with respect to the Parties concerned. I am with sentiments of the highest respect
Sir
Your most Obt. Servant
Alexr White
PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Commissioners' Office, 3d. Octo 1801.
Sir,
We enclose an Estimate of the Sums which we consider as necessary to carry on the operations of the Season, and to pay the Interest to the State of Maryland to the end of the Year. This Estimate we do not consider as perfectly accurate but think it may be so far relied on as to enable the President to determine whether the Sum stated as necessary to complete the Streets, or what other Sum shall be expended thereon. This work which has been recommended by the President, we are very desirous of accomplishing, but wish to have his sanction for the necessary Expenditures.
We are &c
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED-STATES.
[P. 110, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Commissioners' Office, 15th. Octo 1801
Sir
An application was this day made to us to grant lots at a cash price and permit the value to be laid out in improving F Street N. from the President's Square to 11th Street west then down to Pennsylvania Avenue and again from 11th. Street west along E Street north to 8th. Street west, and to Pennsylvania Avenue.
We are of opinion, that the Improvement of F Street north, as far as 11th. Street west, and to the Avenue, would be highly advantageous; but, while we contemplate and acknowledge the utility of the undertaking by the mode proposed, we however cannot forbear alluding to the specific purposes to which the funds arising from the Property vested in the public by the original proprietors were destined and though in many Instances the strict Letter of the original intention has been deviated from, these deviations have comprehended many general advantages to the Public; and being peculiar in themselves they could not lead as examples to general consequences, yet, if the present application be admitted we fear the danger of similar applications to an extent that would create immediate inconveniences, by taking out of the public funds, the most saleable lots.
To the President, however, we submit the decision with the greatest deference. We are, with sentiments &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED-STATES.
[P. 113, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
City of Washington November 3d 1801
Sir,
The peculiarity of my position and the embarrassement ansuing from the conduct of the Board of the Commissionaires of the City of Washington in regard to requests and communications made to them rendering the freedome of a direct address to you unavoidable -- I hope the necessity will plead my excuse, and seeing the time near approaches when it is presumable you will wish to call Congress attention to the State of things relative to this new Seat of Government; I now with great dependance on your goodness beg your consideration of the circumstance with me.
Noticing that my object with the Board of Commissionaires was to have obtained through their mediation a Compensation for Services and for Injuries experienced at the hands of the Jealousers of the reputation and of the fortune which the planning and Executing of the City of Washington promised to me? it would be useless for me to relate how I became charged of the enterprise and to what extant my agency was Serviciable to it -- my plans orriginally met your approval and the zeal the Integrity and impartiallity of my management being generally acknowledged especially of those whose property the opperations affected, assures me the Service still must be fresh to memory and be remembered as deserving --. therefore passing over my Endeavours to promote the public object, the difficulties subdued, the contrarieties met and all the reasons for the resignation of my agency: the treatment experienced being likewise reminded of by letter to the Board of Commissionaires [August 1800] and by two subsequent memorial to Congress [december same year and february 1801 Inst.] the latter together with papers accompanying it remaining with other business of the Committee of claim not reported upon I believe I may spare the recital of any the contents! -- but attributing the repulse of my prayer, by the first petition, to misconception of the manner of my engagement and connexion of agency with the Commissionaires, finding they have deceived the dependance I placed in them for Explanation of matters to the Committee of claim, and -- unable to account way that Board elluded answering the request and communication to them, and on what principle having themselves advised, and offered their aide to, the petition to Congress, they can have deneyed to the Committee my having any cause for the call on Government I presume the Inclosed paper (A) may with propriety be here offered in explanation of certain transaction, the Injuries from which answering, gave me some right to the expectationbut the Board of Commissrs would have proved more earnest to help an obtainment of the redress and Compensation prayed for.
Deeming it to be here manifest that the conduct of the Board forbided the possibility of further call on them about the pending business exciting at the same time a mistruest of the end, and, making my difficulties the greater by thus discouraging what assistance it has been my unhappy lot for many years past to have had to recur to for Sustainance, I forbear more to animadvert upon the proceeding wishing but by this plain exposure of to shew the necessity of the appeal to your and to the Equity of Government.
Ensuring thus the exact state of thing will be known to you which it seem were kept from former administrations to an hindrance of the hearing of my call on different deportments -- what ever be those Interests the Jealousies and machinations, of which I have been dupe and victime they will not be feared where your power is extant. -- and allowing the private animosities, as of late years were fostered by parties politique, may yet stimule opposition to affording me a Compensation commensurate to the greatness of objects of national import in which I had a principal -- primary and essential agency ... possible as it is too for some minds not to feel the obligation to repay voluntary Sacrifices or Compensate the deprivation of great promises and of employements of great Expectancy -- I nevertheless trust but upon the whole the propriety will be generally acknowleged, of an honorable return being due to honorable acts and for the liberal use I have made of my talents and fortune particularly in the business of the City of Washington as also in other Services constantly volunteered to this Country for these twenty five years past both in a military and Civil employement to which I might add the merite of wounds of painfull captivity and of exertions, in a mission abroad too, at the close of the revolution war the success of which obtained at a great personal cost to me first of all embarrassed my affairs and never has been redeemed.
About these military matters: I have, in Jun last given in a statement to the Secretary at war Genal Dearborn claiming particular dues and respecting the manner of eventual cessation of my Services as the abituate [sic] Engineer to the United States; of which having beged the representation to be made to you, I only remind here to bring together to your view every circumstances which Joined to the absolut destruction of family fortune in Europe concured at almost the same Instant to reduce me here from a state of ease and of content, to one the most distressed and helpless? and the only raisonable hope I can maintain of relief from -- being in the Justice and liberality with which Government may reward my long Services I will own deed urged me to more minute enumeration of performance, to my own praise and with more reflection perhaps upon the treatment experienced than is congenial to my habit and disposition to have done, and, having thus out of necessity explained upon transactions the most Injurious to the reputation dear to all artists and also upon the most hurtfull to my fortune.
Now, Ser, permit me to observe as before expressed by the petitions above reffered to -- that none of the related by me flowed from wish of disgracing any one, not even those who acted the most unfriendly to me, being with much reluctancy that I related particular proceedings and yelded to the Suggestion by the Board of Commissionaires of the propriety of the petition, to the late Congress. -- and although the Sum stated by those petitions as the loss by me sustained be an exact nay moderate Compute of the value of the maps taken from me and of other benefits expected and of Right for a first year of the opperation of my plan. -- observing that I mean not to dictate what should the Compensation be for all that, but mearly by the enumeration of what my expectancy and right were, to invite the Consideration of the hardship of the reverse of my fortune: to render that reverse more sensible I gave the Contrast of the richess I would have now necessarily been accumulating and how these were werested from me by those Speculations and Jealousies which having left nothing possible to have pursued but with dishonor, it is well known made me resign all the Concern.
Believing that honesty and greatness of the Sacrifices I have made of Enticing prospects universally acknowledged, as that also my care to have ensured first the public advantage in all the bargain and Scheme by me brought within power of effecting carried me to a disregard of myself. -- an impossibility then being that in the hurry of so extansive business, whilst Endeavouring my best in all thing I could have watched the usage made of my plans & &c -- or have thought of procuring Surety to the promises to me so as to be able as in ordinary business to have produced those and made up accounts for Settlement. -- I cannot imagine possible that any thing the like be demanded nor expected from me. and -- to speak openly -- were this in my power to do, I would not think of offering other Support to the claim profered than what I have offered -- a Comprehensive view, and general Sum up, of the Interest in the business in which I was employed -- Conceiving best consistant with the liberality of unconditional Services and with the Confidence I place in the propriety of my System of plans and of opperation altogether to wait from the Public Sense of the merite of performance the Government award of the Compensation due for all the Injuries of the end.
Agreable to these Impressions and Sentiments I confine, Ser, to Sollicite your kind consideration of the misfortune depriving me of the necessary to existance. -- the small remain of hope, till very lately Indulged in, of regaining at least in part, some stocks of Bank, my only having in the country being now vanished away -- by reason of Rt Morris taking the benefit of the bankrupt act and the property on which he made me believe to have been secured being found absorbed by treble previous mortgage for Sum each far excedant the worth of that property. -- thus for a generous friendly assistance afforded him (on request for only three or four days) -- for these seven years past, both Capital and Interest, were inhumanly retained and I necessitated all the while to live upon Borrowed bread the obligations for which at this time to repay Comming with Imperious call and the addition of exorbitant charges for the advance, I must be excused for bringing to notice in this address being indeed what has been determining me to the desagreable disclosure of my situation and Confidently to request your permission now absolutly to leave the adjustment of the matters of the Subject of this address, to your Benevollance and Justice. --
Doing this I will no more than express -- that I after many heavy pecuniary Sacrifices occasioned by variety of Situations during the revolution war -- I since the peace of 1783 was also differently Encouraged and Invited by many Commissions to the free spending of my own, dependant upon promises of regular reappointment with promotion all which ended to my loss and absolut ruin. -- that on the particular Instance of my agency to the Entreprise of the City of Washington I have received no renumeration what ever, that -- no kind of preconvention were for the Service no price agreed upon for plans, nor the Copy right conceded to the Commissionaires nor to any ones else, and that -- extanded as was my Concerns and agency beyond the usual to Architects; although by the grand Combination of new Schems I contributed eminently to the ensurance of the city establishment by which numbers of Individuals and the Country to an immense distance desire a increasing of their wealth I deed by no one opperations nor transactions worked to my own profit.
Acquainted Ser as you necessarily must have became with managements of the City affairs in which my free exertions were not the least usefull to the promotion of the national object -- the merite, and that of orriginating of the plan you, doubtless, will readily allow to me and certain I am that -- for all what I suffered, the only reproach to which I may be liable (in this and business of military description) is my having been more faithfull to principle than ambitions -- too zealous in my pursuits and too hazardous on a dependance on mouth friends -- admitting I would deserve reproach if I had imagined every man actuated by liberal honorable views -- I nevertheless believe my Conduct in all Instance stand well applauded and Justified by all who knew the Spirite of the oppositions I met and the personages in whom I Confided and -- Since Seeing you, Ser, occupying the same heigh Station as the chief under whose order I acted as a Military and at whose Invitation my Services were engaged and by whose Instructions I Conducted in the affairs of the City now become the Seat of Government. -- esteeming your dispositions equally as I esteemed his, to be to redress Injuries and to recompense active honest Services -- knowing your power is all commensurate to -- I for all the reasons I have to lament the decease of that chief, feel reassured that the loss of his good testimonial and promised support shall not opperate my way detrimentally to my present expectancy and that in all respect your Justice will grant me the prayer made.
with great respect
I have the honor to be
Ser
your Most humble and obedient Servant
P. Charles L'Enfant
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON
President of the United States
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Commissioners Office 4 December 1801
Sir
We have the honour of addressing to you a memorial stating such facts as appear w us requisite for your information in addition to those stated in a representation made to your Predecessor during the late session of Congress; which representation with the documents accompanying it, being on the files of Congress, and in the hands of the President and members of the legislature, we supposed a general reference thereto sufficient. We are &c
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
[P. 1294, Annals of Congress, 7-2.]
December 4, 1801
The memorial of the Commissioners appointed by virtue of an act of Congress, entitled "An Act for establishing the temporary and permanent Seat of Government of the United States," respectfully sheweth:
That on the 28th of January last, the Commissioners, addressed to the late President of the United States, a representation, stating such facts respecting the Business committed to their charge, as appeared necessary for the Information of the Government; which Representation was by him transmitted to Congress, and by their order referred to a committee; but no measures having taken place in consequence thereof, either by the Executive or Legislature, your memorialists deem it expedient to recapitulate the most important facts then stated, and to add such other facts and observations as may tend to enable the President to judge of the measures proper to be pursued by him, and to aid the Legislature in their deliberation, should the subject be submitted to their consideration.
The act of Congress authorizing the President to locate a District for the permanent Seat of the Government of the United States; the actual location of that District; the grant of lands for a federal city; the power given by the President to the Commissioners to sell that part of the Land so granted, which was placed at his disposal; the sale of six thousand lots to Morris and Greenleaf, by agreement dated 23d December, 1793; the modification of that agreement by another, entered into in April, 1794; the failure of those gentlemen to fulfil their contracts, and the various measures pursued to obtain money to carry on the public Buildings, are recited in the above-mentioned Representation; and copies of the Legislative acts, Deeds, and other writings therein referred to, are annexed, and the whole printed for the use of the Members of Congress. The property belonging to the public is therein stated to consist of 24,655,735 Square feet of ground in the City of Washington, equal to 4,682 lots, of 5,265 Square feet each, exclusive of lots which bind on navigable waters -- these form fronts to the extent of 2043 feet, and on them are four wharves in an useful state. Of the first mentioned lots, 3,178 lie N.E. of Massachusetts avenue, the remainder being fifteen hundred and four are situated So. W. of that Avenue; also, an Island, containing free Stone, in Aquia Creek in the State of Virginia. The above property your memorialists consider as worthy of public attention; its' value may be estimated by the prices at which lots have been heretofore sold, the cost of the wharves and the price of the Island.
Lots on the So. W. Side of Massachusetts avenue sold by the Commissioners since passing the guarantee Bill in 1796, average 343 Dollars per lot. Those on the N.E. Side of that Avenue sold by the Commissioners and proprietors average 105 Dollars p[er] lot. Lots binding on navigable waters, sold within the same period, average $12 71/100 the foot front. The Island cost 6000 Dollars, and the Wharves $3,221 88/100, the whole amounting, at the rate lots have heretofore been sold, with the original cost of the Island, and wharves to $884,819 88/100. The lots sold by the Commissioners since the date of the abovementioned Representation, exclusive of a Square sold to the United States, for the site of Marine Barracks, average $470 71/100 p[er] lot. To elucidate more fully the real value of City Property, they have endeavored to ascertain the prices at which Proprietors have sold lots within the last eighteen Months, and so far as they have obtained Information, their Sales average $579 15/100 for cash and on short credit. $921 37/100 on a credit of 4, 5 & 6 Years, per lot, and their ground Rents are from one to three Dollars per foot front.
Your Memorialists readily admit that the public property remaining for sale, is not on an average, equal in value to that which has been sold; yet, a great abatement was, in many Instances, made in the price of lots, in consideration of Building Contracts, and as inducements to purchase in the City have much increased; they conceive those on hand may, in the course of a few years be disposed of, at least to as great advantage as those already sold; but if the Law authorising a Loan for the use of the City of Washington, should be carried strictly into effect, your Memorialists are apprehensive, that this property must be, in a great degree sacrificed. It is known that 200,000 Dollars have been borrowed of the State of Maryland under the Sanction of that Law, and that the City Property abovementioned is to be sold under the direction of the President of the United States, for the re-payment of that sum: an arrear of Interest to the amount of nine thousand Dollars is now due thereon; the accruing Interest of $12,000 per annum, payable quarter-yearly, and the principal which is payable by annual Instalements of $40,000 after the year 1803, are Sums which your Memorialists conceive, cannot be raised without frequent Sales for ready money, a measure which they consider as highly injurious, if carried to the extent necessary to answer those objects, and which they have in no Instance attempted, although the difficulties they have experienced in collecting Debts convince them that Sales on credit cannot be relied on for the punctual payment of the abovementioned Interest and Instalments; they therefore with great deference suggest the propriety of the Governments' paying the Money borrowed, and reserving the Property pledged for it's repayment, to be sold as advantageous offers may occur -- a policy which dictated the guarantee in 1796, and which has been fully justified by the Sales, made since that period. By pursuing a contrary policy, the property pledged will be greatly diminished by the payment of Interest only, while much larger Sums than are necessary to discharge both principal and Interest will probably lie dead in the Treasury.
Your memorialists also beg leave to state, that the Sum of fifty thousand Dollars in United States six per cent. stock, has been borrowed from the State of Maryland, to be repaid on the 1st of Novr. 1802, secured by the Bond of the Commissioners, and real and personal security given by private persons. The only fund applicable to the payment of this Sum at the disposal of the President or the Commissioners is, the Debts contracted for city lots purchased previous to passing the guarantee Law; this fund is indeed much more than sufficient, could those Debts be called in, to accomplish which, your memorialists have never ceased their exertions. They are now pursuing a measure not before attempted; a ready money Sale, in which, if they fail to sell the Property for as much as is due thereon to the public, the same policy would dictate to the Government to pay this sum of fifty thousand Dollars likewise, the last-mentioned Debts to a much greater amount, being ultimately secure.
The Commissioners have only received Dolls. 53,281 81/100 from the sales of property pledged by virtue of the guarantee law. They have paid in conformity to that law, the Sum of $29,687 92/100 to the original proprietors for property appropriated to public use, and 42,000 Dollars Interest which has accrued on money borrowed under the sanction of the same Law. This, the sum of $18,406 11/100 derived from the funds applicable to the payment of Debts contracted on the personal security of the Commissioners, has been applied to the purposes of the guarantee, and thereby the necessity of selling at depreciated rates the Property pledged to Congress, has been avoided.
Your memorialists would also observe, that the Debts due and to become due, to the City Fund, and which were considered as good, were stated in the last Representation to the President at $144, 120 80/100. Since which, $46,081 99/100 of those Debts have been received; but it may be observed, that the Sum of $80,000, which by the agreement of April 1794, was to rest on the Bond of Morris, Greenleaf, & Nicholson, is not included in that description, although your Memorialists are advised by their Counsel that certain Squares in the City of Washington containing 1,000 lots are liable to the payment of that Sum; the same being designated by an agreement of 9th July 1794 as the lots, the payment for which was to rest on the Said Bond; and this point is now depending for decision in the Court of Chancery of the State of Maryland.
To shew the progress and the present state of Buildings in the City, your Memorialists have had the number of dwelling Houses taken, and find, by an accurate Report, that on the 15th of May 1800, there were 109 of brick & 263 of wood -- and on the 15th of the last month there was an addition of 98 of brick & 151 of wood, besides 79 of brick, and thirty-five of wood, in an unfinished state; total amount, 735. Their particular situations will appear from the Schedule which accompanies this Memorial.
The above statement of facts and observations, are, with sentiments of the highest respect, submitted to the consideration of the President of the United-States.
Commrs. Office 4 th Dec. 1801.
[Pp. 239--44, PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMISSIONERS, Vol. VI, 1800--02, in the National Archives; an inaccurate and abbreviated copy is printed in DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF... THE CAPITAL, 97--8; Annals of Congress, p. 1294, 7-2.]
Commissioners' Office, December 19, 1801.
Sir:
Agreeably to the information given in our memorial of the 4th instant, we have held a sale of lots for ready money, which we kept open ten days. It has produced, by actual sales, 4,234 dollars, and by payments made by debtors, to prevent their property from being sold, 7,613 dollars, making, together, 11,847 dollars; yet our expenditures have been such as to leave at this time no more than 5,880 dollars in our hands. During the sale, we pursued our general policy of not selling any property for less than the sum due on it to the public; thinking it improper to change that system until it should be known what measures Government will take with respect to it, although (besides the interest due to the State of Maryland) the commissioners' note for 5,000 dollars discounted at the Bank of Columbia, will become due 22d (25th) January next, and we estimate the sums due for operations on the roads and buildings, expenses of the commissioners' office, and other contingencies to the end of the year, at 1,870 dollars, demands to which our present means are very inadequate.
We are, with sentiments of the highest respect, sir, your obedient servants.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
[P. 256, AMERICAN STATE PAPERS, MISCELLANEOUS, Vol. I.]
[Note 1 A large stone warehouse.]
[Note 1 church.]
[Note 2 A Church.]
[Note 3 And barracks.]
January 6, 1802
Gentlemen of the Senate:
During the late recess of the Senate, I have issued commissions for the following persons and offices, which commissions will expire at the end of this present session of the Senate. I therefore nominate the same persons to the same offices, for re-appointment, to wit:
William Kilty, of Columbia, Chief Judge of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, vice Thomas Johnson, declined.
John Oakly, of Columbia, Collector and Inspector of the Revenue, for the District of Georgetown, vice Matthew Lingan, resigned.
Walter Jones, Jun. of Columbia, Attorney for the District of Potomac.
William Baker, of Columbia, Marshal for the District of Potomac.
John Thompson Mason, of Columbia, Attorney for the District of Columbia, vice Thomas Swan, nominated February 28, but not appointed.
Daniel Carroll Brent, of Columbia, Marshal for the District of Columbia, vice Jas. L. Lingan, nominated February 28, but not appointed.
George Gilpin, of Columbia, Judge of the Orphans' Court for Alexandria county, Columbia, vice John Herbert, nominated March 2, but not appointed.
John Hewitt, of Columbia, Register of Wills for Washington county, Columbia, vice John Peter, nominated March 2, but not appointed.
The nominations which took place on the 2d of March, of Justices of the Peace, for the District of Columbia, having been thought too numerous, a commission issued to fourteen of those then nominated for Washington county, to wit: Thomas Situ Lee, Daniel Reintzell, Daniel Carroll, Cornelius Cuningham, Thomas Peter, Robert Brent, Thomas Addison, Abraham Boyd, John Laird, John Mason, William Thornton, Benjamin Stoddert, William Hammond Dorsey, and Joseph Sprigg Belt, and to one other, to wit: Thos. Corcoran, to be Justices of the Peace for Washington county; and another commission issue to eleven of those then nominated for Alexandria county, to wit: George Gilpin, William Fitzhugh, Francis Peyton, Richard Conway, Charles Alexander, George Taylor, Josiah Thompson, Abraham Faw, John Herbert, Cuthbert Powell, and Jacob Houghman, and to four others, to wit: Elisha Cullen Dick, Alexander Smith, Peter Wise, Jun. and Thomas Darne, to be Justices of the Peace for Alexandria county; all of whom are now nominated for re-appointment to the same offices.
[JOURNAL OF THE EXECUTIVE PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE, I,400--04.]
Commissioners Office 6th. January 1802.
Sir
William Rhodes having raised a frame for the purpose of a Stable within 8 feet of the building in which this office is kept, but little more than 12 from the Office of the Clerk of the County of Washington, and still nearer than either to another brick building; the Commissioners on the 10th Ultimo wrote him a letter (A) Whereupon Mr. Rhodes agreed with a Gentleman for liberty to place the frame on an adjacent lot, and declared his intention to remove it thither, as soon as it should be in a state to remove with ease and safety; we however observed that he was preparing to underpin the Frame where it now stands, and in consequence wrote him another letter (B) since which we understand legal advice has been sought, and an opinion obtained that no power exists in us to remedy this evil in a summary way. A principle which leads to important consequences, and which we presume may as well be determined in the present as in any future case; but altho we are of opinion that such avowed infractions of established rules should be checked and that this building in particular should be removed or demolished yet we do not think it prudent to engage in a measure which may probably end in litigation, without the direction of the President, or the opinion of his Council, as to the power of the Commissioners to enforce a compliance with the rules and regulations established by the President respecting the materials and manner of building in the City, and the mode of carrying that power into effect. That such an opinion may be obtained we inclose an Extract from the Deeds of Trust (C) and a Copy of the rules & regulations established by President Washington in pursuance thereof (D). It may be proper to observe that the Operation of the 1st and 3rd Articles of those rules has been suspended till the first day of the present month, with this exception that no wooden building should be placed within 24 feet of a brick or Stone building, this frame being within that distance we presume must be subject to the rules first established. We are &c.
[P. 123, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Washington Jan. 7. 1802
Gentlemen
I have recieved and duly considered your letter of yesterday on the subject of the frame house erected contrary to rule by mr Rhodes, and approve of your opinion that measures should be taken for it's removal. I suppose it will be best for you to apply to mr Mason the Attorney for the district. Accept my respect & best wishes.
Th: Jefferson
THE COMMISSIONERS OF WASHINGTON
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
January 11, 1802
I now communicate to you a memorial of the Commissioners of the City of Washington, together with a letter of later date, which, with the memorial of January 28, 1801, will possess the Legislature fully of the state of the public interests and of those of the City of Washington confided to them. The moneys now due, and soon to become due, to the State of Maryland, on the loan guaranteed by the United States, call for an early attention. The lots in the city which are chargeable with the payment of these moneys are deemed not only equal to the indemnification of the public, but to insure a considerable surplus to the city, to be employed for its improvement; provided they are offered for sale only in sufficient numbers to meet the existing demand. But the act of 1796 requires that they shall be positively sold in such numbers as shall be necessary for the punctual payment of the loans. Nine thousand dollars of interest are lately become due; three thousand dollars quarter-yearly will continue to become due; and fifty thousand dollars, an additional loan, are reimbursable on the first day of November next. These sums would require sales so far beyond the actual demand of the market, that it is apprehended that the whole property may be thereby sacrificed, the public security destroyed, and the residuary interest of the city entirely lost. Under these circumstances I have thought it my duty, before I proceed to direct a rigorous execution of the law, to submit the subject to the consideration of the Legislature. Whether the public interest will be better secured in the end, and that of the city saved, by offering sales commensurate only to the demand at market, and advancing from the Treasury, in the first instance, what these may prove deficient, to be replaced by subsequent sales, rests for the determination of the Legislature. If indulgence for the funds can be admitted, they will probably form a resource of great and permanent value; and their embarrassments have been produced only by overstrained exertions to provide accommodations for the Government of the Union.
[P. 100, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF . . . THE CAPITOL . . .]
Commissioners Office 22nd. January 1802.
Sir
The term having expired during which the first and third Articles of the Terms and Conditions, declared by the President of the United States on the 17th. October 1791 for regulating the materials and manner of building and improvements on the Lots in the City of Washington, have been suspended--We have taken the subject into consideration and are of opinion that it may be expedient to extend the indulgence last given to the end of the present year, with this difference that no wooden building covering more than 320 Square feet, or more than 12 feet high from the Sills to the eve, shall be permitted; houses of that discription will be sufficient for Tradesmen or others of small property for whose encouragement and accommodation alone we should think it adviseable to permit Wooden buildings of any dimensions to be erected in the City. We inclose a writing agreeably to former precedents for your signiture should you approve of the measure proposed.
We are &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
[Pp. 124--5, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Washington Feby 8th 1802
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Sir/
In consequence of an application to the Comrs of Washington by Mr. Barry in the year 1800 for the removeal of the houses of Mrs Fenwick, situated in south Capitol street, and a valuation being had to that effect, & Mrs Fenwick having gone to a considerable expence in building a new house, under the expectation of receiving that valuation, which has since been refused her by the Commrs, as will appear by the inclosed letters. In the mean time her enclosures were removed, her garden broken up, & much incommoded in other respects.--I beg leave to submit the letters and valuation to you, & beg if you see proper, you will direct payment to be made--. I have the honor to be
Sir
Your Mo Obt Servt
Danl Carroll of Dudn
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Commissioners' Note
The President of the U. States having in person returned the letter from the Governour of Maryland with the papers accompanying it, which were transmitted to him yesterday, and having recommended that the same should be communicated to the Comee. to whom his Message of 11th. Ulto. was referred; the same were accordingly enclosed in a letter to Joseph N. Nicholson Chairman of the said Comee.
Feby. 9th. 1802[P. 270, PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMISSIONERS, VI, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Commissioners' Note
A Note of this date received from the President of the U. States enclosing a letter to him from Daniel Carroll of Dudgtn. dated 8th. instant, with several letters which have passed between the Feby. 9th. 1802 Commissioners, Mr. Carroll and Mrs. Fenwick on the subject of removing her houses, also the valuation of those houses by Messrs. Harbaugh and Duncanson.
[Pp. 269--70, PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMISSIONERS, VI, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
[Note 46 Feby. 9th. 1802 In the recess of the Board a letter was received from the Governour of Maryland dated 2d instant, enclosing a letter to him of the same date from the Treasurer of the Western Shore, and a resolution of the Assembly passed 23d Decr. 1799 which first mentioned letter, with the enclosures, was yesterday transmitted to the President of the U. States agreeably to the request of the Governour, and a letter written to the President enclosing the same.
[P. 269, Proceedings of the Commissioners, VI, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]]
Washington Feb. 11. 1802
Sir
Immediately on the receipt of your letter on the subject of mr Fenwick's case, I referred it, with the papers accompanying it, to the Commissioners. their answer, with the same papers, is now inclosed. You will observe they do not consider a question on the demolition or removal of a house, as decided by their first proceedings on the subject; nor will they give the final order for it: and that the house having never in fact been demolished or removed, it's demolition or removal is not to be paid for. my means of proceeding with the board of Commissioners has been as if it were two houses of legislation. Where both concur affirmatively the thing is to be done. Where neither disagrees, nothing can be done. the board having negatived this proposition, it would have been useless for me to enter into the consideration of it, or to make up any opinion on the subject. Accept assurances of my esteem & respect.
Th: Jefferson
DANIEL CARROL ESQ.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Commissioners' Office
11 Feb'y, 1802
Sir:
In compliance with your wishes, as intimated to us, we transmit to you copies of the acts of Congress the late President Washington and Adams directing the conveyance of the streets and public appropriations in the city of Washington to the commissioners, agreeably to the act of Congress intituled "An act for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of Government of the United States."
We are, &c.,
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[P. 228, U. S. v. MORRIS; p. 128, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
City of Washington March 12th 1802
Sir
Under the apprehension of Impropriety in the liberty I took of adressing you, in november ultmo, but remaining Ignorant whether resting as I Decd requested leave to rest on you for Settlement of the business the subject of two repeated memorials to Congress be agreable to you:--the difficulties which this uncertainty set me under with regard to the Committee of claims to whom my memorials stand refered since the begining of this Congress (I having consequent to the wish Imparted to you and to the dependance I place in your goodness, beged the chairman of that Committee would delay their proceeding upon) forces on me the necessity to renew the Sollicitation to you.
From dispositions testified by my last address I promised to myself that such Settlement as I feel entitled to wait from government, might have been effected in some other ways than through a Committee of claims, which (besides, that, I fear from their having once already reported against the memorial) truely to my mind made it a disgracefull reflection that a recompense merited should be made necessary to claim.
of this however, Sir, your Judgement best will determine, and I only advert to the circumstance to speak of my embarrassement on the Subject and how seeing the session of Congress fast approaching to its close now add disquietude to the apprehension of having mistaken in the manner of late request to you--well persuaded nevertheless but you will excuse where the Intention was purely to prove my respect and esteem of your natural disposition:--encouraged by this hope I have here recalled to your mind all matters before stated--and beg you to believe that the request which I made to you appeared to me proper because more flatering to my embition to obtain my prayer through your Favour
with great respect
I have the honor to be
Sir--your Excellency
most obedient and--humble Servant.
P. Charles L'Enfant
HIS EXCELLENCY THOMAS JEFFERSON
President of the United States
P.S. having your Statement inclosed in the late address.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington Mar. 14. 1802.
Sir
Your letter of the 12th is at hand. immediately on the reciept of the former one I referred it to the board of Commissioners, the authority instituted by law for originating whatever proceedings regarding this city have been confided by the legislature to the Executive. their opinion, which I approved, was that they could only repeat you the offer formerly made with the approbation of General Washington, and they undertook to do this. for any thing else, the powers of the legislature are alone competent, and therefore your application to them was the only measure by which it could be obtained. Accept my respects & best wishes.
Th: Jefferson
MAJR LENFANT.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington March 28th 1802
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Sir/
Since you did me the honor the other day to mention the subject of the Canal from the fails of Poto to the Eastern branch, I have thought much on the subject, & satisfied you will excuse the liberty I am now taking, have determined to address you a few lines--I see innumerable difficulties attending the plan you proposed, one which you mentioned, the want of funds, The ground where you proposed introducing the Canal into the City to wit, Pensa. avenue I do suppose, must be about thirty feet, above the level of water struck in Geo Town, & would continue to that height, or nearly until you would come to the south of the Presidents house, shoud this be correct or nearly so, I apprehend to remove such a body of earth, to so great a depth, would be attended with an expence that would not be encountered. I am allso satisfied to take the canal along tiber, creek & introduce it into the eastern branch by new Jersey avenue, would cost considerably less, than taking through Geo Town, independant of the high ground on Pensa avenue--With high respect I am
Sir
Your Mo obt Servt
Danl Carroll of Dudn.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
April 5, 1802
Gentlemen of the Senate:
Since my message of January 6th, to the Senate, I have received information that Thomas Sim Lee, therein named as a Justice of the Peace for the county of Washington, had resigned that office; and that Benjamin Stoddart and William Hammond Dorsey, therein also named as Justices for the same county, had declined qualifying. This renders it necessary to withdraw their nominations for re-appointment, which I hereby do; and I nominate in their stead Anthony Reintzell, John Oakley, and Isaac Pierce, to be Justices of the Peace for the said county.
In the same message, of January 6th, the name of John Laird was inserted by mistake, instead of that of Benjamin More, who (and not John Laird), had been commissioned and qualified as a Justice of the Peace. I therefore beg leave to correct the error, by restoring to its place the name of Benjamin More, and nominating him to be a Justice of the Peace for the said county, and by withdrawing that of John Laird.47
I learn also, from the county of Alexandria, that William Fitzhugh, Richard Conway, and Thomas Dame, named in the said message as Justices for that county, have declined qualifying. I therefore withdraw their nominations; and I nominate in their stead, George Slacum, Presly Gunnell, and John Dundas, to be Justices of the Peace for the said county of Alexandria.48
[JOURNAL OF THE EXECUTIVE PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE, 1, 417--18, 423.]
[Note 47 On April 27, 1802, the Senate confirmed the following nominations of Justices of the Peace for the District of Columbia, Washington county: Daniel Reintzell, Daniel Carroll, Cornelius Coningham, Thomas Peter, Robert Brent, Thomas Addison, Abraham Boyd, John Mason, William Thornton, Joseph Sprig Belt, Thomas Corcoran, Anthony Reintzell, John Oakley, Isaac Peirce, Benj. Moore.]
[Note 48 On April 27, 1802, the Senate confirmed the following nominations for Justices of the Peace for the District of Columbia, Alexandria county: George Gilpin, Francis Peyton, Charles Alexander, George Taylor, Jonah Thompson, Abraham Faw, John Herbert, Cuthbert Powell, Jacob Hoffman, Elisha Cullen Dick, Alex. Smith, Peter Wise, Jun., George Slacum, Presly Gunnell, John Dundas.]
Recd. Apr. 13.
Commissioners Office 13th April 1802
Sir
In consequence of what you were pleased to mention this morning I send a rough sketch of a Resolve respecting a subject which I do not feel myself competent to act on. I have examined the Essays of Nicholas King while he was in the employ of the Commissioners, and acting under the auspices of Doctor Thornton, from which it appears that their Idea was to carry a Water Street 8o feet wide through the whole extent of the Patowmac and Eastern Branch, one hundred feet distant from the Channel, having all the space between that and the shore which in some instances I am inclined to believe is not less than one thousand feet, under water until it shall be filled up. I do not see the propriety of this, and have drawn the Resolve in such general terms, that without deviating from it, the President may direct the Street to be laid out in any manner he may think most proper.
I shall with great pleasure facilitate your views, but unless I can get away on Saturday next it will subject me to considerable inconvenience--I am with sentiments of the highest respect
Sir
Your most Obt Servt
Alexr White
PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Alexander White to Jefferson
[ April 13th 1802]
Resolved, as the opinion of the Board that a Plan of the City of Washington on which the public appropriations, as they are described in the several Acts of the President of the U States directing the conveyance thereof to the Commissioners; the Squares or Parcels of ground which have been divided, or prepared for division, as building lots; and the Streets as actually laid out on the ground, shall be plainly and distinctly delineated--ought to be engraved, and published under the sanction of the President of the U. States--And that a Street round those parts of the City which bind on navigable water ought also to be designated on such plan so that the same, in such parts as are covered with water, may hereafter be made, agreeably to an established Rule--
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Commissioners Office June 1, 1802
Sir
This being the expiring hour of Office we leave the Books Plans Papers Instruments and other articles belonging to the Commissioners Office in the Custody of Mr. Munroe our Clerk, to be delivered to the Superintendant when appointed by the President, except the Books and vouchers requisite to compleat the accounts in conformity to the act of Congress; which accounts have been commenced & progressed in as far as our time would allow. We are &c.
PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES
Mr. Daltons indisposition has prevented his attendance for a few days.
[P. 142, COMMISSIONERS' LETTERBOOK, Vol. 6, 1800--02, in the National Archives.]
Washington, June 3, 1802.
Dear Sir:
The Act of Congress incorporating the city of Washington has confided to the President of the U. S. the appointment of the Mayor of the city. As the agency of that officer will be immediately requisite, I am desirous to avail the city of your services in it, if you will permit me to send you the commission. I will ask the favor of an answer to this proposition.
Will you also do me that of dining with me the day after tomorrow (Friday) at half after three? Accept my friendly and respectful salutations.
Th: Jefferson.
TO ROBERT BRENT, ESQ.
[RECORDS OF THE COLUMBIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Vol. 2, pp. 239--40.]
Washington, June 3d, 1802.
Dear Sir:
I have had the honor of receiving your favor of this date, asking my acceptance of the appointment of Mayor under the late Act of Congress for incorporating this city.
Altho I feel great diffidence in the talents I possess for executing that duty, in a manner which may afford general satisfaction, yet feeling it a duty to contribute my feeble aid for the public service, I will venture upon its duties.
I beg you Sir to accept my thanks for the honor, which you are about to confer on me and for the obliging manner in which you have been pleased to communicate it.
I will, with pleasure, accept your polite invitation to dinner on Friday next. With sentiments of much respect and esteem I have the honor to be Sir, Your Obt. Ser.
Robert Brent.
[Reply to President Jefferson's letter of June 3, 1802. Taken from RECORDS OF THE COLUMBIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Vol. 2, p. 240.]
June 7th 1802
Sir/
Agreeable to your desire, I have spoken to mr. Hadfield to furnish a plan for the Jail. this he has promised to do, which when done shall be sent in to you--. I transmit herewith several plans which have been handed to me & from which some useful hint may perhaps be taken--. With sentiments of the highest respect I am Sir yr Obt Servt.
Daniel C. Brent
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Woodville 10th. June 1802
Sir
In the last conversation I had the honour to hold with you, you observed that you had not expected anything further would have been paid to the Commissioners on account of the Square conveyed to the U. States for the Site of Marine Barracks--This has occasioned me to reflect on what passed between us on that subject previous to the purchase; and if my memory does not fail me, the idea originated with you, having in view principally the putting the streets in a better state. Some doubt seemed to be entertained of the strict right thus to apply the money, and I was asked if I could not find an apology to excuse us to Congress. At our next meeting I stated that the Commissioners had expended much larger sums on objects authorised by the guarantee Law, than had been raised by the sale of property pledged and therefore I conceived the money proposed to be expended on the streets was entirely clear of the guarantee--It was then suggested as a doubt, whether money granted by the Proprietors of the soil for erecting the public buildings, could be applied to making Streets To which I answered, that the Land being granted for the purpose of a City, and the President being authorised to lay it off in such Streets &. as he should deem necessary, it appeared to be a matter of course, that the Streets should be opened and rendered passable; the President being Judge of the degree of repair into which they should be put, having regard to the means in his hands, and the various objects to which these means were applicable--On this explanation I thought all difficulties were removed, except that existing appropriations did not warrant the expenditure of a larger sum than $4,000; the Comrs. certainly counted on the receipt of the balance whenever an appropriation could be made, and regulated their operations accordingly. The Secretary of the Navy recommended the appropriation which no doubt would have been made had his letter been laid before the Committee of Ways and Means; for want of this sum we found ourselves much embarrassed at the expiration of our office; and I consider it as the principal fund on which Mr Munroe can rely to take up our Note in Bank, and to pay other pressing demands.
I would likewise observe that a purchase by the U. States of City property from the Comrs. is not unprecedented. During the former administration the Secretary of the Navy, and my Colleague Scott were anxious to obtain a donation of City Land for the Navy Yard, but finding me inflexible (although a majority of the Board would have complied) the Secretary thought proper to come forward with $4000 and make a purchase.
I have taken the liberty thus to recapitulate the circumstances attending this case, and to state the influence they had on the conduct of the Board, in hopes, that you will be of opinion, that an appropriation ought to be made, which I have no doubt will be done, unless it should be known that the Presidents opinion is unfavourable to the measure--With anxious wishes for the prosperity of our infant City--I remain with sentiments of the highest respect
Sir
Your most Obt Servt
Alexr. White
PRESIDENT OF THE U. S.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
June 26th 1802
Sir,
Mr. Hadfield yesterday furnished me with the Plans and specifications, herewith sent, which are submitted for your inspection and directions. I think in some few instances he ought to have been more particular; this however can be easily rectified. The Jack Rafters are I think too far apart, they ought not be more than nine Inches from center to center. From Blagden's note to me, you will see, nearly, the quantity of free Stone necessary, as also the price. Mr. Hadfield having changed the plan of the Steps a little and added some for the chimnies, the quantity is not accurately ascertained. There is no public Stone proper for the Stairs; this can quickly be obtained from the quarries.
I have thought the Ground I pointed out to you, as laid down in the printed Plan of the City for the Court-House, Jail and Gardens, consisted of three distinct Squares & were intersected by the Streets E & F; but Mr. Munroe informs me that it is one entire appropriation, and that no Street in the real Plan of the City passes through that or any other public appropriation: this I consider a lucky circumstance, for upon examining the Ground on yesterday, I found by placing the Jail in the center of the supposed Square from east to West, and forty feet from E Street, that it will be thrown into low Ground, whereas, as no Street passes through the appropriation, by fixing the front upon a line with E Street, we shall have excellent Ground. At 12 Oclock when I suppose you are about to ride out, I will call, and if convenient to you, will point out the Ground more correctly. With Sentiments of high respect,
I am Sir,
Yr Mo: Obt Servt
Daniel C. Brent
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Woodville 13th. July 1802
Dear Sir
I am favoured with yours of 5th instant. In the course of the summer or autumn I intend to visit the Cavities of Ice, and to make more particular observations than heretofore. Should I in the mean time obtain information which may deserve attention I will communicate it. I am much surprised at Hobans conduct--; his agreement with the late Commissioners, as entered in their Journal, ought perhaps to have been more explicit--but I believe it does not express that he should continue in pay till the buildings should be finished. A stipulation which I should have considered so improper, would hardly have escaped my recollection, but we need not depend on memory, the writing will speak for itself. Some years ago both my Colleagues were desirous of getting Hoban out of the way; and amazing exertions were made to find something in his conduct which would justify them in dismissing him. I believe he would then have disputed their right, but I did not understand, either on that occasion, or on a subsequent one, which I am about to mention that he expected to receive his salary after the works should cease. Towards the close of the year 1800 it was proposed to notify him that his services would not be required after a certain day, upon a supposition that there would be nothing further done towards carrying on the building till Congress should take order therein. He made no objection to this in conversation with me but the shortness of the notice--the time was then prolonged; and a letter written to him amounting to a discontinuance, and there the matter rested till after you came into office, and ordered the works to be proceeded on. After which we continued his salary by an order, implying according to my remembrance, that it had been discontinued, but the minutes will show how far I am accurate. I made no note of this transaction.
Our Harvest is productive beyond example, and the weather generally favourable, though we have at times been interrupted by showers, which promote vegetation in a great degree, but have not been sufficient to affect the Springs or Wells--
I wish you all the pleasure, during your retirement, which domestic life affords, and remain with sentiments of real regard
Dear Sir
Your Obt Servt
Alexr. White
THOS JEFFERSON ESQUIRE
P. U.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington 28th July 1802
recd July 31
Sir
The Secretary of State received the enclosed this morng. which he desired me to forward to the President.
I found on my arrival at Mount Vernon, that I was precluded from the pleasure I anticipated in purchasing for you the Terrestial Globe, which formerly belonged to General Washington; & which you wished to possess, as a Relick.--It was considered as belonging to the Library, &, consequently, the Property of Judge Washington, but the Legatees made him pay dearly for another Globe, which he considered himself in Duty bound not to part with. I mean the Head of the Testator; & this, after I had informed them, that as many Heads of him as there were Heads in the Army he commanded could be had for two or three Guineas each. The Judge did not know this, but declared he would give what any other Gentleman would give. Upon this a young man was advised (as I heard him afterwards acknowledge) to bid 250 Dollars, and the Judge was accordingly obliged to give that Sum.--I was sorry that the Heirs of such a man should have acted so unworthily--. But it was unknown to some of them. The Legatees then retired to a chamber & cast Lots for his Garments! There was something in the whole Scene, & in the general Proceedings that shocked me. But it was a Scene, which, although devoid of Feeling, was not without Interest.
Accept,
Sir,
my sincerest good wishes
& highest Consideration.--
William Thornton
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington, Augt. 3d. 1802
recd. Aug. 5
Sir,
Enclosed is a copy of a Letter from Mr Hadfield which I think proper to communicate to you and to request your directions on the subject.
As I understood it to be a direction from you to me, that the Grates should be fixed in Iron frames, I have contracted for them so to be done, and contrary to the opinion and wishes of Mr Hadfield, who insists upon his Plan as the best. The article respecting the Ironwork of the Windows, is thus expressed--"all the windows in the ground Story except in the goalers Room, to have double Grates of eight cross Bars each--four upright & four horizontal--all the windows above, except the goalers Room, to have only one cross grate of eight Bars--the windows of the goaler's Room above and below, to have only four upright Bars in each--all the horizontal bars to be one inch and one inch & a quarter thick, and the upright Bars three Inches broad, and three quarters of an Inch thick, to be punched through so as to receive the horizontal Bars--all the Bars to be fixed in an Iron frame, each going through, and well rivetted--the frame to be sunk into the Stone it's whole thickness--the frame is to be three Inches broad, and three quarters of an Inch thick."
I am not attached to this mode, and am ready to adopt any that may be thought better; but I do not think myself at liberty to make a change without your directions--this change, if deemed proper, will not delay the work--with respect to the Doors, I shall have them iron sheeted, agreeably to your former Instructions. As to the Roof, I should prefer the substantial parts of good white Oak--The Rafters and Lathing, I think may with safety be of good pine or yellow Poplar--the Roof of course will be much lighter, and I think, will last as long-- We shall commence to lay the foundation on about Monday next--the granite which the undertakers have already got down from the falls, I am told, is of a very excellent quality.
I am, with Sentiments of high respect,
Sir,
Yr. Mo: Obt. Servt.
Daniel C. Brent
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington 13th August 1802.
Sir:
Mr. King, the late Surveyor of the City, and his Son Robert having this morning informed me that they shall on Sunday next sail for England in a vessel lying at Alexandria--and that several persons have applied to them within the last day or two to lay off lots & give levels, and other necessary information relative to buildings, which it will not be in their power to do before their departure, and as some inconvenience may arise from the want (even for a short time) of a person to perform these particular duties, I have deemed it proper to communicate the circumstances for your direction on the subject.
Mr. King, the younger, tells me there are upwards of seventy houses now building, & about to be commenced in the City; if so, many applications will be made by the builders for information similar to that heretofore given by him under his appointment from the Commissioners to regulate the lines and levels of Lots, and to carry into effect the general regulations for building declared by the President on the 17th of October 1791.
I fear the State of the Surveying Department generally is more irregular and confused, and will require much more attention and labor to adjust & compleat it than has been supposed. Some inconvenience has lately been experienced & complained of from the want of a Surveyor properly qualified to attend the Office. Several of the Lots advertised for sale on the 30th Inst I find have not been calculated and their contents in square feet ascertained, nor have the divisions of all the squares been perfected. I think we cannot do well without a Surveyor at the Sale. Various cases have occurred at all past sales which required the services of one. If there be any documents or materials which may be deemed useful in correcting the plate for a permanent plan of the City they can be more conveniently collected during the present & next two months, than at a later period, in case you should honor me with any directions on the subject.
With sentiments of the highest respect,
I have the honor to be Sir,
Yr Mo Ob Servt,
Thomas Munroe.
[Pp. 22701, U. S. v. MORRIS, Records, Vol. VII.]
Monticello, August 16, 1802.49
Sir,
Yours of the 13th. is this moment received, informing me of the vacancy in the office of Surveyor of the City, by the departure of the late Surveyor, and of the necessity of an immeadiate appointment. According therefore to what had been proposed in that event taking place, I presume it is proper to appoint Mr Nicholas King, to that place. I believe his appointment was heretofore made by the Commrs. with the approbation of the President, but that the appointment had only their signature, if so, yours is now to supply that, and consequently, you will get the final authority to Mr Nichs. King to act. should I be mistaken in this and should a commission signed by the President be requisite then let such an one be forwarded to me for signature, and desire him to act in the meantime under the authority of this letter, that nothing may suffer. Accept my best wishes and respects.
Th: Jefferson.
[Ms., Letters of the Presidents of the U. S. to the Commissioners of Public Buildings and Grounds, original in Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, photostat in National Archives.]
[Note 49 Copy made from the original in the State Department on Aug. 1, 1890.]
Washington, 24th August 1802.
Sir:
I have the honor of enclosing a letter which I yesterday received from Mr. Nicholas King.
The Commissioners have always heretofore appointed the Surveyor by Letter, or by entry in the minutes of their proceedings; but in case Mr. King's proposition respecting Salary shall be acceded to, a short Letter of appointment from the President would, I have reason to believe, be more agreeable to him than if it were otherwise conferred, and if there be no objections to his being gratified it will be quite as agreeable to me as any other mode of appointment.
I have the honor to be with the most respectful consideration, Sir,
Yr Obt Servt
Thomas Munroe.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
[P. 2271, U. S. v. MORRIS, Records, Vol. VII.]
Philadelphia. December 15th. 1802.
Sir/
Capt. Dale, of the U. States Navy, called upon me this morning, and in conversation upon the Naval Arsenal or Dry-docks proposed by you to be erected at the Federal City, which he most warmly approved,--he informed me that the Swedish Government had lately concieved the idea of adopting the same means of preserving their Navy in times of peace. The Swedish Admiral Söderstrom described to him the situation of the Dock which was then in the progress of construction. It was intended to contain eight ships of 74. guns, and another was projected to contain 12, in all making provision for 20. ships of the line. The situation was remarkably favorable. Deep water close to a perpendicular rock, which can be easily wrought, gives the opportunity of excavating the Dock, the rock forms the wall, and the roof is laid over, at such a height that the ships go in with their lower masts standing. Capt. Dale did not exactly know how the ships were worked into the dock, but from his description of the situation I presume they are tide-docks.
Admiral Söderstrom said, that the vessels were to be washed with fresh-water, perfectly drained, and opened to a circulation of air, and that he had no doubt of their remaining in perfect repair in the dock for a century, and gave many reasons for his opinion which were convincing.
[Copied from ms. Records of the Senate, in the National Archives; published in AMERICAN STATE PAPERS, Vol. 23, p. 108.]
January 24, 1803
I transmit a report by the superintendent [Thomas Munroe] of the city of Washington on the affairs of the city committed to his care. By this you will perceive that the resales of lots prescribed by an act of the last session of Congress did not produce a sufficiency to pay the debt to Maryland, to which they were appropriated; and, as it was evident that the sums necessary for the interest and instalments due to that State could not be produced by a sale of the other public lots, without an unwarrantable sacrifice of the property, the deficiencies were of necessity drawn from the treasury of the United States.
The office of surveyor for the city, created during the former establishment, being of indispensable necessity, it has been continued; and to that of the superintendent, substituted instead of the board of commissioners, at the last session of Congress, no salary was annexed by law. These offices being permanent, I have supposed it more agreeable to principle that their salaries should be fixed by the Legislature, and therefore have assigned them none. Their services to be compensated are from the 1st day of June last.
The marshal of the District of Columbia has, as directed by law, caused a jail to be built in the city of Washington. I enclose his statements of the expenses already incurred, and of what remains to be finished. The portion actually completed has renedered the situation of the persons confined much more comfortable and secure than it has been heretofore.
[Pp. 337--38, AMERICAN STATE PAPERS, DOCUMENTS, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the U. S., I, 1834; the superintendent's report; also p. 103, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY . . . OF THE CAPITOL.]
[Note 50 This order suspending the original Articles was repeatedly published throughout Jefferson's administration.]
[Note 51 Estimate of the expense necessary for finishing the interior of the west side of the new jail in the city of Washington.]
[Note 52 City of Washington, January 19, 1803.
Sir:
The new jail is now ready for your reception, as completed agreeable to contract, except in a few articles, which the present season has prevented being done, and which, by agreement, may be finished at any future period; for which purpose I shall note them hereafter. The building, I presume, is executed throughout with fidelity to the contract; the execution is plain, but the work is strong, substantial, and firm.
An expense for some extra articles has unavoidably accrued, either for work which has been thought greatly advantageous to the building, or other contingencies not to be foreseen but during the progress of a building; in consequence of which, and also of a clause in the contract providing for additional work, the contractors bring in an extra claim of $962; $253 of which I reject as unfounded; the remainder $709 are for iron work, and other articles ordered for reasons as above mentioned; a deduction in your favor must be made for the omission of the iron frames, which I calculate ought not to amount to less than $260; in which case the remaining sum for extras to be examined would be $449.
I presume, sir, that if you approve of the building, you might receive it, and close the contract with the undertakers, to prevent delay, leaving the business of extra claims to any time afterwards.
I remain your obedient servant,
George Hadfield.
D. C. BRENT, ESQ.]
Feby 17th. 1803
Recd. Feb. 17
Sir/
It is difficult to ascertain the quantity of stone that can be raised in a given time by a given number of hands, because the rock is buried in the earth from 5 to 15 feet, & it cannot be known whether it is good or will cut well, untill the earth is removed, the removing of which constitutes a considerable portion of the labour in quarrying; & it not infrequently happens that the rock either is not good or will not cut, & the labour & time taken up in removing the earth is lost.
In the year 1797 a company I was concerned in delivered at the City wharf 900 Tons of stone, & I think more than 100 Tons remained in the quarry--this was done by about 26 hands, hired by the year, includeing, in that number, 2 Overseers, 1 blacksmith & his striker, 1 cooke, 1 shipper & 3 watermen; in addition to this labour we, in the summer hired hands by the month. Not haveing the weekly returns of the hands here, I cannot state the amount of this labour, but from my best recollection I am confident it did not exceed that of 10 hands by the year, & I think less than that of five.--
It is proper to observe: that every thing was well prepared to commence with the year--no time was lost, that the hands hired by the year were well experienced in quarrying,&were chosen from the best of those who had been accustomed to that work--that I think as many equally good hands cannot be got at present that more stone cou'd then be raised in that quarry, than any other on Aquia creek, as there was less dirt to remove, & the stone cut better--I have writ to Virginia on this subject & so soon as the answers return you shall know the result. I have to apologize for not sending in this evening, but, I was kept up almost the whole of Tuesday night, with mot respect I am Sir Yr. Obt. Servt
Daniel C. Brent
[Ms. Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
March 6, 1803
Sir: Congress has appropriated a sum of $50,000, to be applied to the public buildings under my direction. This falls, of course, under the immediate business of the superintendent, Mr. Munroe, whose office is substituted for that of the board of commissioners. The former post of surveyor of the public buildings, which Mr. Hoban held until the dissolution of the board at [$1,700 a year], will be revived.
If you choose to accept it, you will be appointed to it, and would be expected to come on by the 1st of April. Indeed, if you could make a flying trip here to set contractors at work immediately in raising freestone, it would be extremely important, because it is now late to have to engage laborers, and the quantity of freestone which can be raised, delivered, and cut in the season is the only thing that will limit the extent of out operations this year.
I set out to-morrow for Monticello, and shall be absent three weeks, but shall be glad to receive there your answer to this.
Accept my friendly salutations and regards.
P.S.--On the raising of freestone be pleased to consult Col. D. H. Brent, who can give you better information and advice on the subject than any other person whatever, having been much concerned in the business himself.
[Glenn Brown, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL, I, 32.]
March 6, 1803
Dear Sir: The letter in which this is inclosed being a public one, and to be produced whenever necessary as a voucher, I have thought that it would be useful to add a word in one of a private and friendly nature. From the sum of $50,000 we shall take between $5,000 and $10,000 for covering the north wing of the Capitol and the President's House.
The residue of $40,000 to $45,000 will be employed in building the south wing, as far as it will go. I think it will raise the external walls as far as the uppermost window sills, being those of the entresols, and I have no doubt Congress at their next session will give another $50,000, which will Complete that wing inside and out in the year 1804 . . . Should you think proper to undertake it, if you come on here on a flying trip, as suggested in my other letter, you can advise with Mr. Munroe, who will set into motion whatever you may desire, and if you can be here finally the first week in April you will find me here, and everything may be put under full sail for the season. Accept my best wishes and respects.
P.S.--I think a great deal of sheet iron will be wanting.
[Glenn Brown, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL, I, 32--33.]
Washington 14th March 1803
Sir,
I recd, on the 10th Instant, the Letter which you did me the honor to write from Col Wrens on the 7th--We are proceeding with diligence in our operations on Pennsylvania Avenue according to your directions. It seems to be a very general opinion here that without the trees are boxed, or otherwise protected from the horses and cattle a great many, if not all of them will be barked and destroyed--several instances have been pointed out to me where they were planted last year, and all destroyed.
A man near the Avenue says he had twenty or thirty destroyed by a neighours horse in one night--I should not myself suppose that we should lose more in that way than we could easily replace --. Do you, Sir, think that a coat of whitewash, which I am told they give to the young trees in the English Deer Parks would have any good effect, or be advisable as a protection against cattle? A person who thinks boxing absolutely necessary says each tree will cost One dollar, when completed, that is, the tree itself, planting, boxing painting and box, and doing everything else relating to it.--
The Stakes to tie the trees to, which it is said will probably cost nearly as much as the trees, would as is said, be unnecessary, if boxes were used, but the expense of boxing would I imagine be at least double.
Dr Thornton, Mr King and myself have conversed on the manner of laying off the lines and planting the trees--The three modes illustrated by the enclosed sections--were suggested--I mentioned the plan No. 3 as the one which I believed you had designed, and would, I thought, adopt, but as no inconvenience would arise from the delay of submitting the other two plans to you I got Mr King to make the sketch--The row on each side of the footways nearest the Houses which we are proceeding in will at all events be right and comfortable to either plan--I shall get the trees from Mount Vernon, and Genl Masons Island & I expect from the samples I have seen, they will be of a good size, price twelve & a half Cents each. Genl Mason is one of those who think they will not do without boxes.
I have just recd the enclosed letter from the Committee Appointed at a meeting of the Contributors to the Theatre contemplated to be built here They are very anxious, on acct. of the building season having arrived, to receive an answer so soon as the convenience of the President and the important subjects of his consideration will admit--The spot solicited is that coloured yellow in the space called "Bank square" in the sketch herewith sent.--Perhaps part of the public ground on the south side of the Avenue nearly opposite would suit as well or better as a grant of the site asked for may be objectionable on the ground of its having been generally supposed to be designed for another purpose.--I have taken the liberty of forwarding herewith a plan of the City as it is possible you might not have one at Monticello.
I Have the Honor to be with perfect respect & Consideration, Sir,
Yr mo Ob Servt
Thomas Munroe
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
[Pp. 277--8, U. S. v. SMITH.]
Monticello Mar. 21. 1803.
Dear Sir
Your letter of the 14th. was recieved on the 18th. and this goes by the return of the first post, that which brought it not affording time for an answer. No. 2. in the draught mr King was so kind as to send me is exactly what Dr. Thornton explained to me as the original design except that he did not mention the two middle rows of trees but only the two outer ones on each side. and, omitting the two middle rows, I think this the best design, it will then stand thus.one reason of preference is that this agrees with the present disposition of the Pensylvania avenue, it will allow us also next autumn either to plant our oaks, elms &c in the same lines with the lombardy poplars, giving to these trees of large growth a distance suitable to their size, or we may plant them midway at a.a. so as to make a shaded mall of 41. f. breadth, or pass a canal along the middle at a.a. at a future day, or a gravel walk, or anything we please, as you have already planted the rows b.b. you will therefore be pleased to plant c.c. at 33. f. distance from b.b. or at 4. f. distance from the gutters. The stakes may be omitted, and as my return will be so soon, the boxing or other guard may then be the subject of consultation.
Until the organisation of the district of Columbia, when a better directory for the city than the President of the U. S. will probably be provided, I am unwilling to do any thing which will bear delay, and especially to change any original destination of the public grounds. and as I shall be with you within one week after you recieve this, the object of the committee for the Theatre shall be considered immediately on my return, be pleased to mention this to them and to accept my friendly salutations.
Th: Jefferson
MR. MUNROE
[Ms. Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington May 28. 1803
Gentlemen
I have received your letter of the 24th proposing the application of any public monies that may be under my controul & which could with propriety be so used, to the improvement of the Pensylvania avenue from the capitol to the bridge now to be built over the Eastern branch, the funds of the city formerly applicable to such objects, are now appropriated by law to the reimbursement of the monies lent by the US. to the Commissioners, the only remaining fund under my direction, which has any relation to the city, is the sum of 50,000 D. appropriated by a law of the last session to 'such repairs or alterations in the capitol & other public buildings as may be necessary etc. and also for keeping in repair the highway between the capitol & other public buildings.' these are the words of the law, and you will be sensible that they are descriptive of the Pensylvania avenue between the capitol & the public buildings on the President's square exactly, and of no other highways, and as they were expressly explained to me by the member who moved the insertion of these words, and by others, sincerely desirous of promoting the interests of the city and of Georgetown (for their contiguity & other circumstances identify them in their relation to the government) I should have been happy to have it in my power to improve their communications with each other & with the country round about them: but no such power has been given to me. Accept assurances of my great respect & consideration.
Th: Jefferson
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
The mode stone cutters practice fore the valuation
of columns, in stone similar to that got at Aquia
1st The stone in a quarried state per foot cube
Shaft suppose in three pieces, first block including cincture and third the astragal at $/50 per foot Super.
Fore the circumferance of base girt the upper toras and capital the upper part of Avolo
Girt the shaft at bottom and that multiplied into the height including cincture and astragal
The above prices is fore a column of two feet diameter, setting will be an extra expence.
Geo Blagden
Washington
27 Septr. 1803
[TO THE PRESIDENT]
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Geo Town 12 Oct. 1803.
Sir
The attention the City of Washington has constantly experienced at your hands, leads me to hope, that any honest plan which promises advantage to the City, and which can injure nobody, will have your countenance.
Washington suffers more than any other place, for want of active capital. Men of money, have not shown a disposition to move to Washington with their money; nor is it probable they will, until they see that capital can be had without them. The City never can flourish, until active capital, without which there can be no enterprize, shall by some means, be introduced.
It was from considerations like these, that an effort was made last session of Congress, to get an insurance Company incorporated, on a plan similar to the one, I have now the honor to enclose. After passing the house of Reps. by a large majority it failed in the Senate, by one or two votes. I think it failed because cause some members did not understand it--and perhaps it was taken up at too late a period of the Session.
The remarks that accompany the bill, were made for the people of the City & Town--I enclose them, not under the impression, that the subject is not already well understood by you.--Nor have I taken the liberty thus to obtrude upon your time, from an expectation, or even a wish, that you should make this thing of sufficient importance to notice it to Congress.
I have the honor to be
With high respect Sir Yr.
Mo Obed. Servt.
Ben Stoddert
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Superintendent's Office Washington, 18th Feb. 1804.
Sir:
The enclosed representation having been this day delivered to me, to be laid before you, it may not be improper for the following observations to accompany it.
A man by the name of Jenkins, tenant of Samuel Davidson an original proprietor, claims the right of retaining possession of the part of the City mentioned in the representation under that part of the Deed of Trust, of which the enclosed is a copy, and accordingly keeps the same enclosed as a Corn-field--the Cattle, horses and hogs of the Citizens get into this field, and it is said Jenkins frequently kills them. Several applications have been made to me for prompt redress under your Authority, and I have told the Applicants they must resort to the Judicial authority, it being the Opinion of the Attorney of the District "that so soon as appropriations & designations were made by the President, whether for streets or other public purposes, and so soon as Lots were sold to individuals, from that moment did the right of the Original proprietor to possess the land so disposed of cease."
I have frequently communicated this to Davidson, Jenkins, and the persons who have made complaints, as long ago as April last, but Jenkins still keeps up his enclosures and justifies it under his landlord's construction of the deed of Trust; altho' he admits the streets are designated by the plan of the City, and that lots have been sold in their vicinity; but he contends, these lots must be required for actual improvements & that the streets must become necessary for the convenience of the improvers of the lots, or of the public in such degree as to make it manifestly necessary that the Original proprietor should relinquish his possession.
I have always suggested that these streets were notoriously known as such, and that the plan of the City was a sufficient designation of them; but perhaps you, Sir, may deem it proper to make some declaration on the subject to be published that the Court may have the less hesitation in acting, & Offenders have better information.
I have the honor to be with the utmost respect, Sir,
Yr. mo Ob Hum Servt
Thomas Munroe.
[Pp. 2271--2, U. S. v. MORRIS, Records, Volume VII.]
[Note 53 qu. whether some of the provisions in the act of 1802 ch. 41. respecting the canal do not rest merely on the assent of the President given to that act, & how far they could be revoked?]
February 22, 1804
I communicate to Congress, for their information, a report of the surveyor of the public buildings at Washington, stating what has been done under the act of the last session concerning the city of Washington on the Capitol and other public buildings, and the highway between them.
[P. 104, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY...OF THE CAPITOL.]
Washington, February 27, 1804.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Dear Sir: I judged very ill in going to Dr. Thornton. In a few peremptory words he in fact told me that no difficulties existed in his plan but such as were made by those who were too ignorant to remove them, and though these were not exactly his words, his expressions, his tone, his manner, and his absolute refusal to devote a few minutes to discuss the subject, spoke his meaning even more strongly and offensively than I have expressed it. I left him with an assurance that I should not be the person to attempt to execute his plan, and had I been where I could have obtained immediate possession of pen, ink, and paper, I should have directly solicited your permission to resign my office.
I owe, however, too much to you to risk by so hasty a step the miscarriage of any measure you may wish promoted, and I shall devote as before my utmost endeavors to execute the disposition in the committee, to which I am summoned to-morrow morning, in favor of the appropriation.
In respect to the plan itself, it is impossible to convey by words or drawings to the mind of any man the impression of the practical difficulties in execution which twenty years' experience creates in the mind of a professional man. I fear I have said too much for the respect I owe your opinions, though much too little for the force of my own convictions. The utmost praise I can ever deserve in this work will be that of la difficulté vaincue, and after receiving your ultimate directions all my exertion shall be directed to gain this praise at least.
My wish to avoid vexation, trouble, and enmities is weak compared to my desire to be placed among those whom you regard with approbation and friendship.
If you, therefore, under all circumstances, conceive that my services still be useful, I place myself entirely at your disposal.
In order to pass my accounts it will be necessary to produce a regular appointment from you to my office. May I beg you to give the necessary directions for this purpose? I ought to leave Washington on Wednesday morning. I am, etc., etc.
[ B. H. Latrobe]
[THE JOURNAL OF LATROBE pp. 119--121]
Washington, February 28, 1804.
Dear Sir
I am sorry the explanations attempted between Dr. Thornton and yourself, on the manner of finishing the chamber of the House of Representatives, have not succeeded. At the original establishment of this place advertisements were published many months offering premiums for the best plans for a Capitol and a President's house. Many were sent in. A council was held by General Washington with the Board of Commissioners, and after very mature examination two were preferred, and the premiums given to their authors, Doctor Thornton and Hobens, and the plans were decided on. Hobens' has been executed. On Doctor Thornton's plan of the Capitol the north wing has been extended, and the south raised one story. In order to get along with any public undertaking it is necessary that some stability of plan be observed -- nothing impedes progress so much as perpetual changes of design. I yield to this principle in the present case more willingly because the plan begun for the Representative room will, in my opinion, be more handsome and commodious than anything which can now be proposed on the same area. And though the spheroidical dome presents difficulties to the executor, yet they are not beyond his art; and it is to overcome difficulties that we employ men of genius. While, however, I express my opinion that we had better go through with this wing of the Capitol on the plan which has been settled, I would not be understood to suppose there does exist sufficient authority to control the original plan in any of its parts, and to accommodate it to changes of circumstances. I only mean that it is not advisable to change that of this wing in its present stage. Though I have spoken of a spheroidical roof, that will not be correct by the figure. Every rib will be a portion of a circle of which the radius will be determined by the span and rise of each rib. Would it not be best to make the internal columns of well-burnt brick, moulded in portions of circles adapted to the diminution of the columns? Burlington, in his notes on Palladio, tells us that he found most of the buildings erected under Palladio's direction, and described in his architecture, to have their columns made of brick in this way and covered over with stucco. I know an instance of a range of six or eight columns in Virginia, twenty feet high, well proportioned and properly diminished, executed by a common bricklayer. The bases and capitals would of course be of hewn stone. I suggest this for your consideration, and tender you my friendly salutations.
[ Th: Jefferson.]
[Pp. 13--15, WRITINGS, Memorial Edition, Vol. XI.]
Newcastle, March 29, 1804.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
WASHINGTON.
Dear Sir: I herewith transmit to you a separate roll containing drawings, being the plans and sections of the south wing of the Capitol according to the ideas which I explained to you when I had the favor of seeing you last. I fear, however, that these and any other preparations for proceeding with the public works may be useless, for by a letter from Mr. Lenthall I learn that the appropriation bill has passed the Senate with an amendment enjoining the removal of Congress to the President's house. This amendment must either be fatal to the bill when returned to the House of Representatives or divert the expenditure of the appropriation from the Capitol to I know not what sort of an arrangement for Congress and for the President, if it should pass into a law.
However, as it is impossible to think or speak with legal respect of the years in such a measure, or to suppose that such a law should pass both houses, I will take the liberty to explain the drawings as concisely as I can.
[ B. H. Latrobe.]
[THE JOURNAL OF LATROBE, p. 122.]
Monticello Apr. 9. 04.
Dear Sir
I received three days ago your favor of Mar. 29 and have taken the first leisure moment to consider it's contents & the drawings they refer to, and I approve generally of the several distribution of both the floors, with some exceptions which shall be noted below. But we must for the present defer whatever is external in the North wall of the South wing, that is to say, the vestibule, the speaker's chamber, the withdrawing room, for the members and the coridor & staircase between them; 1st because all our efforts will be not more than sufficient to finish the South wing in 2 summers & 2dly for a more absolute reason that the object of this appropriation is to finish the wing. there having been no idea in the legislature of doing any thing part of the middle building. For the present, a temporary staircase may be put up in the place of the Vestibule & upper coridor. I perceive that the Doric order for the Representative's chamber must be given up on account of the difficulty of accomodating it's metop[e] & triglyph to the intercolonnations resulting from the periphery of the room: and as the Senate chamber is Ionic, we must make this Corinthian, & do the best we can for the capitals & modillions. I suppose that this will be the best. The following are the exceptions, or rather the doubts, as to some of the details of the plans. I have approved the Speaker's chamber & Drawing room for the members: would it not be better to assign for the [illegible] the Sergeant's room, & for the [illegible] [illegible]? on the lower floor would it not be better to convert the lobbies of the [illegible] & representatives rooms, opening from the Antichambers, and let the entry to the staircase [illegible] [illegible] be directly thro' the corner window adjacent to it? a [illegible] [illegible] [illegible] [illegible] refer [illegible] I think less than the semicircle would be enough. I return you the drawings and pray you to push the works with all the force which can be employed in the order proposed in my last letter to you. Accept my friendly salutations & assurances of respect.
Th: Jefferson
Mr. Latrobe
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington July 14--'04.
Sir:
In answer to your letter covering Mr. Davidson's on the subject of the claim he sets up to certain grounds near the President's house, I did receive an early application from him on the subject as he states; but it was very long before I got all the materials which were necessary to enable me to make up a satisfactory judgment on that & the many other questions respecting the city which had accumulated. In Oct. 1803, I took up the cases, and gave them all the time and consideration which their difficulty required, and communicated the result to you. I do not recollect, however, whether I gave you a copy or only the reading of it.
With respect to Mr. Davidson's case, I found that Gen'l Washington had decided it in his letter of Feb. 20 '97, wherein as to the matter of right he is clear & decisive against the claim and as to the question of indulgence he leaves it to the commissioners who would not agree to give it. On a full view of all the circumstances & documents respecting the case I thought Genl. Washington's decision perfectly just, and I think Mr. Davidson's error proceeds entirely from his considering L'Enfant's draught as the first plan; whereas it was only the first proposition prepared for, & subject to, future modifications. The Plan & declaration of 1797 were final so far as they went: but even they left many parts unfinished, some of which remain still to be declared. The sale in Oct., 91, of a few lots would certainly fix so much of the plan as respected those lots, but no farther. None of these touched the President's square and consequently could not fix that. Mr. Davidson's own agreement with the Commissioners provides that "if any building squares other than 167 & 221 should afterwards be established on his part of the President's square (the limits of which are there distinctly specified, as declared in 1797) he should have his dividend of them;" this is a solemn admission under his own hand in Oct., 92, that none were then established. I state these only as my reasons for concurring with Genl. Washington in his decision of Feb. 97, a copy of which I will pray you to send to Mr. Davidson. Accept my best respects.
Th: Jefferson.
MR. MUNROE.
[Pp. 2272--3, U. S. v. MORRIS, Records, Vol. VII.]
December 6, 1804
I communicate for the information of Congress, a report of the surveyor of the public buildings at Washington, on the subject of those buildings, and the application of the monies appropriated for them.
[P. 111, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY...OF THE CAPITOL.]
Wilmington, Del., May 5, 1805.
Dear Sir: I herewith transmit to you two sheets containing the drawing of the buildings proposed to connect the President's house with the public offices on each side. The height of the story indispensably necessary in the fireproof of the Treasury, of which I by this post also transmit a plan to the Secretary of the Treasury, as well as the general appearance and the connection of the colonnade with the offices at different heights, have induced or rather forced me to make the colonnade of the exact height of the basement story. This throws up the blocking course to the window of the President's house and gets over all difficulties.
[ B. H. Latrobe]
[THE JOURNAL OF LATROBE, p. 127.]
City of Washington August 6th 1805
Dear Sir
At a meeting in the Capitol this day of the Board of Trustees of the public Schools established by an act of the Corporation of this City, you were unanimously appointed president of the Board; and it is with peculiar satisfaction that I fulfil the Instructions of the meeting in communicating this circumstance to you.
I have the honor to be with
respect & Esteem Dear Sir
Your Obt Servt
Robert Brent Chairman
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Jefferson to Lambert
Th: Jefferson returns his thanks to mr Lambert for the pamphlets he has sent him and for the testimony they contain of his respect, he has much confidence in the accuracy with which he has ascertained the geographical position of our capital, and on account of the importance of a just ascertainment of our first meridian, hopes it will be still pursued by himself & others familiar with the practice as well as the theory of the subject, he presents him his salutations & respects.
Monticello. Aug. 12. 05.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Monticello, August 14, 1805.
Sir:
A considerable journey southwardly from this has prevented my sooner acknowledging letters from yourself, from Mr. Gardiner, and from Mr. S. H. Smith, announcing that I had been elected, by the City Council, a trustee for the Public Schools to be established at Washington, and, by the Trustees, to preside at their Board.
I receive, with due sensibility, these proofs of confidence from the City Council and from the Board of Trustees, and ask the favor of you to tender them my just acknowledgments.
Sincerely believing that knowledge promotes the happiness of man, I shall ever be disposed to contribute my endeavors towards its extension; and, in the instance under consideration will willingly undertake the duties proposed to me, so far as others of paramount obligation will permit my attention to them.
I pray you to accept my friendly salutations, and my assurances of great respect and esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
ROBERT BRENT, ESQ.,
Chairman &c.
[P. 003, HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF WASHINGTON CITY, District of Columbia, From August, 1805, to August, 1875, written, at request and published by order of the Board of Trustees of Public Schools, for the National Centennial Year, 1876, By Samuel Yorke At Lee.]
December 27, 1805
I lay before Congress a report of the surveyor of the public buildings, stating the progress made on them during the last season, and what may be expected to be accomplished in the ensuing one.
[P. 115, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY...OF THE CAPITOL.]
Washington Feb. 23. 06.
Sir
I return you the inclosed proclamation, & to avoid an innovation which might produce uneasiness, I believe it will be best to continue it in it's usual form.
With respect to inclosures, so long as the former proprietors keep up an inclosure, & the streets in it are not pressingly wanted for the public, we will permit them to remain, but whenever the owner has once taken away his inclosure, we must never permit it to be put up again, except in squares, leaving all the streets open. by attending strictly to this we may in time get the whole site of the city cleared of the right of occupation. Accept my salutations.
Th: Jefferson.
[ Letters of the Presidents of the U. S. to the Commissioners of Public Buildings and Grounds, original in the Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, photostat in the National Archives.]
Washington 30th March '06
Sir,
The circumstance which has drawn attention to the reinclosure of the City Lots was this observation that great obstructions were made to the outlets of the City by extensive inclosures in the north Eastern quarter; which too are not employed in raising garden stuff or grass or any other article which might accommodate the City, but are worn down in Indian Corn and then turned out incapable of bringing any thing -- therefore it was thought best that as fast as the occupiers voluntarily withdrew their inclosures that they should not be reestablished, as the open grounds employed as a common in grass for the support of the cattle of the poor who depend much on them for subsistence are of more value to this City than inclosed and worn down with Indian corn. Observing however that the grounds you wish to re-inclose between K street, Massachusetts Avenue, 11th & 14th streets will not stop any important outlet and desirous of yielding every indulgence to proprietors not inconsistent with the general good permission is given to reinclose those grounds -- always subject however to have the streets opened when the convenience of the City shall require it--
Accept my salutations & assurances of esteem
Th: Jefferson
MR SAML [JOHN] DAVIDSON
[ Letters of the Presidents of the U. S. to the Commissioners of Public Buildings and Grounds, original in the Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, photostat in the National Archives.]
October 21, 1806
Dear Sir: The skylights in the dome of the House of Representatives' Chamber were a part of the plan as settled and communicated to Mr. Latrobe; that the preparation for them has not been made and the building now to be stopped for them has been wrong; to correct that wrong now they must be immediately prepared, and that the building may be delayed as short a time as possible as many hands as possible should be employed in preparing them.
Accept my salutations and best wishes.
[Glenn Brown, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL, I, 42.]
December 15, 1806
I lay before congress a report of the surveyor of the public buildings, stating the progress made on them during the last season, and what is proposed for the ensuing one.
I took every measure within my power for carrying into effect the request of the house of representatives, of the 17th of April last,54 to cause the south wing of the capitol to be prepared for their accommodation by the commencement of the present session. With great regret I found it was not to be accomplished. The quantity of free stone necessary, with the size and quality of many of the blocks, was represented as beyond what could be obtained from the quarries by any exertions which could be commanded. The other parts of the work which might all have been completed in time, were necessarily retarded by the insufficient progress of the stone work.
[Pp. 119--20, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY ... OF THE CAPITOL.]
[Note 54 On April 17 the House "Resolved that the President of the United States be requested to take effectual measures to cause the south wing of the Capitol to be prepared for the accommodation of the House of Representatives, by the commencement of the next session of Congress." Four days later, on April 21, the House voted a sum of $40,000, "to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States, towards completing the south wing of the Capitol."]
December 23, 1806
I now lay before you accounts of the sums which have been expended by the United States on the capitol, the President's house, the public offices, the navy yard, and the marine barracks, respectively, and the amount expended on other objects of public expense within the city of Washington, as requested by your resolution of the fifteenth instant.
[P. 124, DOCUMENTARY HISTORY... OF THE CAPITOL.]
[Note 55 Note. In my report of the 22d December 1805 by an error of Clerkship, for which I cannot now account, the estimated expense of the Recess is set down at only 13.000, instead of 25.000 Do ls as stated in my letter of the 30th Decr 1804, from which this item was copied: On reference to my original estimate which I have reexamined the sum ought certainly to have been $25.200. [Note of Latrobe.]]
[Note 56 I must observe that the finishing of the capitals of the columns of the house of Representatives will be the work of a few years to come, -- the time of finishing them will depend on the number of artists which can be procured. [Note of Latrobe.]]
City of Washington March 9th 1807
recd Mar. 9.
Sir
The last Congress having appropriated 3000$ to be applied under your direction to the improvement of Roads Streets and Avenues I must ask the favor of you, if you do not deem it improper, to direct an application of part of that fund to the opening and improveing the Delaware and Maryland Avenues from the Capitol to their intersection with the potowmack.
The First of these Avenues will open a communication between the Capitol and Greenleafs point, the Rope Walk and Magasine; and, if improved, some arrangement will probably be made for establishing packets at its junction with the River to ply between Alexandria and this City, which, you will readily perceive, by viewing the map, will afford the nearest point of communication in that way.
The Second, Maryland Avenue, leads to a situation on the potowmack at which a Ferry is about to be established, thus while these Avenues will afford two additional communications from Alexandria, they will add much to the convenience of persons now settled, or who may settle, on the point or in the neighbourhood of either of them.
I am informed that measures will probably be taken to finish in the course of the ensuing summer, the Houses which have been so long in a ruinous state at the point, and that they will be occupied by respectable and Reputable Inhabitants. By opening the Delaware Avenue it will add to the inducement of persons wishing to settle in them: Besides the present population at that place is not inconsiderable.
I can not ask you for this application of money unless you see in it a proper discharge of the Trust which is confided in you. But if you see no impropriety in the application as it regards this trust, I would add this observation as some inducement to the application, that no original proprietor made greater sacrifices in comfort and convenience than did the late Mr. Young, whose Family now represents him, by yielding up his property for the City; and none have had less of the public money laid out on the land given up by them, by which that which they retained could be brought into action.
I have the honor to be With respect & esteem Sir
Your Mo Obt Sert
Robert Brent
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Monticello Apr. 22. 07.
Dear Sir
Yours of the 14th came to hand on the 20th. the idea of spending 1000. D. for the temporary purpose of covering the pannel lights over the representatives chamber, merely that the room may be plaistered before the roof is closed, is totally inadmissible. but I do not see why that particular part of the plaistering should not be postponed until the pannel lights are glazed. I hope there is no danger but that the glazing may be ready so as to leave time enough to so much of the plaistering as would be injured by the want of it. It is with real pain I oppose myself to your passion for the lanthern, and that in a matter of taste, I differ from a professor in his own art. but the object of the artist is lost if he fails to please the general eye. You know my reverence for the Graecian & Roman style of architecture. I do not believe recollect ever to have seen in their buildings a single instance of a lanthern, Cupola, or belfry. I have ever supposed the Cupola an Italian invention, produced by the introduction of bells in the churches, and one of the instances of degeneracies of modern architecture. I confess they are most offensive to my eye, and a particular observation has strengthened my disgust at them. in the projet for the central part of the Capitol which you were so kind as to give me, there is something of this kind on the crown of the dome. the drawing was exhibited for the view of the members, in the president's house, and the disapprobation of that feature in the drawing was very general. on the whole I cannot be afraid of having our dome like that of the Pantheon, on which had a lanthern been placed it would never have obtained that degree of admiration in which it is now held by the world. I shall be with you in three weeks: in the mean time I salute you with esteem & respect.
Th: Jefferson
MR. LATROBE
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington, April 29, 1807.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Sir: At the President's house I have laid out the road on the principle of the plan extended to you. A small alteration of the outline of the inclosures to the south was necessarily made, which renders the whole ground infinitely more handsome and accommodates the public with an easier access from the Pennsylvania Avenue to the New York Avenue. In the plan submitted to and approved by you a semicircle was struck to the south from the center of the bow of the house. The semicircle carried the inclosure too far to the south. Mr. King will lay before you the new plan, which differs from the other in being of oblong figure instead of a semicircle.
By this alteration many very important objects are gained:
Having laid out the ground with the assistance of Mr. King, to whose kindness and skill I am under the greatest obligations, the next consideration was how to do the greatest quantity of business with the fund appropriated, and if possible to get at least the south half of the wall built this summer. I therefore bought a cargo of lime, made a contract for stone, and preparatory arrangements for the work itself.
The next step was to get down to the foot of the wall on the south side by cutting out the road to its proper width, leaving the internal dressing of the ground to the last. The building of the wall rendered it necessary to go to the permanent depth of the road, otherwise I should have contented myself with laying it down on its right place, removing only so much earth as would have made the declivities convenient to the carriages. But this could not be done, and I contracted to loosen the ground from the first walnut southeast of the President's house to the War Office, the width of the road, footpath, and wall.
The next consideration was to execute your directions as to the north side of the President's house, and to level the ground regularly and gradually from the level of the stones in front of the steps, which nearly agrees with the site of the offices, sloping in their direction toward the inclosure. The earth which was to effect this necessarily was removed from the site of the offices between the President's house and the War Offices.
B. H. Latrobe
[THE JOURNAL OF LATROBE, pp. 135--137.]
Philadelphia, May 21, 1807.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Sir: In arranging the papers which I brought with me from Washington I have had the mortification of finding the inclosed letter, written immediately before my departure from the city and intended to have been forwarded by the post of the evening, but which, it appears, in the hurry of packing up, had slipped into my paper case. I still beg the favor of you to read it, as it contains my reason for the measures I took previous to my departure, and will explain the manner in which I hope to accomplish your objects as respects the arrangement of the ground around the President's house.
On the 16th inst. your letter, Monticello, April 22, reached me here, being forwarded by Mrs. Lenthall. Hoping to be at Washington as soon at least as you return I did not immediately answer it. But I am waiting from day to day for the arrival of one of the Georgetown packets in order to put my things on board previous to my removal.
I am very sensible of the honor you do me in discussing with me the merits of the detail of the public building. I know well that to you it is my duty to obey implicitly or to resign my office: to myself it is my duty to maintain myself in a situation in which I can provide for my family by all honorable means. If in any instance my duty to you obliged me to act contrary to my judgment, I might fairly and honorably say with Shakespeare's apothecary: "My poverty, not my will consents." Such excuse, however, I have never wanted, for although in respect to the panel lights I am acting diametrically contrary to my judgment, no mercenary motive whatever has kept me at my post, but considerations very superior to money -- the attachment arising from gratitude and the highest esteem. At the same time I candidly confess that the question has suggested itself to my mind: What shall I do when the condensed vapor of the hall showers down upon the heads of the members from one hundred skylights, as it now does from the skylights of our anatomical hall, as it did from the six skylights of the Round House, as it does from the lantern of the Pennsylvania Bank, and as it does from that of our university -- an event I believe to be as certain as that cold air and cold glass will condense warm vapor? This question I have asked myself for many months past. I shall certainly not cut my throat as the engineer of Staines Bridge did when the battlement failed, and his beautiful bridge fell because the commissioners had ordered him to proceed contrary to his judgment. But I dare not think long enough on the subject to frame an answer to my own mind, but go blindly on, hoping that " fata viano invenient."
In respect to the general subject of cupolas, I do not think that they are always, nor even often, ornamental. My principles of good taste are rigid in Grecian architecture. I am a bigoted Greek in the condemnation of the Roman architecture of Baalbec, Palmyra, Spaletro, and of all the buildings erected subsequent to Hadrian's reign. The immense size, the bold plan and arrangements of the buildings of the Romans down almost to Constantine's arch, plundered from the triumphal arches of former emperors, I admire, however, with enthusiasm, but think their decorations and details absurd beyond tolerance from the reign of Severus downward. Wherever, therefore, the Grecian style can be copied without impropriety, I love to be a mere, I would say a slavish, copyist, but the forms and the distribution of the Roman and Greek buildings which remain are in general inapplicable to the objects and uses of our public buildings. Our religion requires churches wholly different from the temples, our Government, our legislative assemblies, and our courts of justice, buildings of entirely different principles from their basilicas; and our amusements could not possibly be performed in their theaters or amphitheaters. But that which principally demands a variation in our buildings from those of the ancients is the difference of our climate. To adhere to the subject of cupolas, although the want of a belfry, which is an Eastern accession to our religious buildings, rendered them necessary appendages to the church, yet I cannot admit that because the Greeks and Romans did not place elevated cupolas upon their temples, they may not when necessary be rendered also beautiful. The Lanthorne of Demosthenes, than which nothing of the kind can be more beautiful, is mounted upon a magnificent mass of architecture harmonizing with it in character and style. The question would be as to its real or apparent utility in the place in which it appeared, for nothing in the field of good taste, which ought never to be at warfare with good sense, can be beautiful which appears useless or unmeaning.
If our climate were such as to admit of doing legislative business in open air, that is under the light of an open orifice in the crown of a dome, as at the Parthenon, I would never put a cupola on any spherical dome. It is not the ornament, it is the use that I want.
If you will be pleased to refer to Degodetz, you will see that there is a rim projecting above the arch of the Parthenon at the opening. This rim, in the dome projected for the centerpiece of the Capitol, is raised by me into a low pedestal for the purpose of covering a skylight, which could then be admitted, although I think it inadmissible in a room of business. But I should prefer the hemisphere, I confess. As to the members of Congress, with the utmost respect for the Legislature, I should scarcely consult, but rather dictate in matters of taste.
I beg pardon for this trespass on your time. You have spoiled me by your former indulgence in hearing my opinions expressed with candor. A few days will give me the pleasure of personally assuring you of the profound respect of yours faithfully.
B. H. Latrobe
[THE JOURNAL OF LATROBE, pp. 137--141.]
27th. May 1807
recd May 27.
Sir
Agreeably to your request of the 25th. I have ascertained the height of the water in the branch and Spring, where Massachusetts Avenue crosses 16th. Street West; the former is 9 feet 9 inches, and the latter 8 feet 6 inches above the base of the presidents house. The highest part of the ditch in 16th. Street is about 8 feet above the base of the house; at the intersection of K Street and 16th. Street the ground is one foot, and at the crossing of L Street 2 feet 8 inches lower than that point.
If it is desireable to bring the water of this branch and spring to the presidents house along 16th. Street, it must come in pipes, as some of the ground is more than ten feet below the head of water, and also considerably lower than the place where it will be discharged. Should carrying the water along the surface in an open canal be preferred until it arrive at the ridge where the cut is now made it will have to be taken so far to the eastward as to cross K Street near Vermont Avenue, intersecting the lots and Streets in its course.
The surface of the garden at the gate, is two inches longer than the base, or freestone work, of the house.
The distance from the Presidents house to the Spring is about three thousand six hundred feet along 16th. Street.
With great respect I am
Yours Truly
Nichs. King
[TO THE PRESIDENT]
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington, August 13, 1807.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
My whole time, excepting a few hours now and then devoted to the President's house, is occupied with drawing and directions for the north wing, in the arrangements for which I am pursuing the eventual plan approved and presented by you to Congress at the last session, and in pushing on the work of the south wing. But I am again almost in despair about the roof. We had a gentle northeast storm without much wind, but with a persevering rain of thirty-six hours. It began on Wednesday evening and did not cease raining till Friday morning (yesterday). I was often under the roof and upon it during this time, and must say that the leakage was such that Congress could not have sat either on Thursday or Friday in the room. And what is as bad as the leakage, the ceiling is stained all over, and the entablature of the colonnade is in some places black with the water soaking through the ribs and receiving iron from the numerous nails. Yesterday I took off one of the strips which cover the joints, and discovered one cause of leakages.
It is now too late to make experiments. Nothing appears clearer to me than that we are in a situation in which there is no room to deliberate on the cost of any method whatsoever which to common sense and experience appears effectual. To place Congress at its next session under a leaky roof would be considered almost an insult to the Legislature after what passed at the last session. Of the total destruction of my individual reputation, of the personal disgrace I should incur after the censure implied by my reports of my predecessors, I say nothing. I dare not think of it. It would drive me, who have never yet failed in any professional attempt, to despair. But there are public considerations which seem to involve higher interests. Your administration, sir, in respect of public works, has hitherto claims of gratitude and respect from the public and from posterity. It is not flattery to say that you have planted the arts in your country. The works already erected in this city are the monuments of your judgment and of your zeal and of your taste. The first sculpture that adorns an American public building perpetuates your love and your protection of the fine arts. As for myself, I am not ashamed to say that my pride is not a little flattered and my professional ambition roused when I think that my grandchildren may at some future day read that after the turbulence of revolution and of faction which characterized the two first presidencies, their ancestor was the instrument in your hands to decorate the tranquillity, the prosperity, and the happiness of your government. Under this stimulus I have acted, and I hope, by the character of what I have executed hitherto under your orders, obtained an influence over the feelings and opinions of Congress, which, without some fatal disaster or miscarriage, would insure the progress and completion of all your objects of which you can make me the instrument. But I am now in despair. The next session is to decide not my fate only, but the whole dependence which Congress shall in future place upon anything which may be proposed by you on the subject of public works. My former representations on the certain event of the panel lights prove that I am not now attempting by flattery to obtain the prevalence of my individual opinions. How unworthy of all your kindness and confidence should I be, could I for a moment degrade myself and insult you by insincerity. If I offend it will be by too indiscreetly laying before the Chief Magistrate of the Union, the nervous, irritable, and perhaps petulant feelings of an artist. But you will forgive me for the sake of my candor.
I have strayed from my subject to represent my feelings.
I cannot add any consideration to what I have said which will not occur to you, and I beg you will have the goodness to give me as early a decision as convenient to you, that we may proceed to work. I cannot help thinking that it would be highly useful to present to Congress fair drawings of the Senate chamber, etc., as proposed to be executed. It would probably be the means of carrying the point, and perhaps progressing with the center. I am at present entirely without a clerk. Might I engage the assistance of a clerk, for my time is so wholly occupied that it is scarcely possible for me to take the necessary rest, and the most pressing engagements of the practical execution are such that I can only make the working drawings, and that at home and in the evenings?
[ B. H. Latrobe]
[THE JOURNAL OF LATROBE, pp. 141--44.]
Washington, September 1, 1807.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Dear Sir: The greatest inconvenience we suffer is from the most troublesome multitudes of visitors, who crowd the house at all times, and who do infinite mischief to the plastering and the stone work, and the lower classes who carry off whatever they can lay their hands on. The building was for some time the regular play place for all the boys in the city, and nothing but great exertion has kept them in better order. It appears to me absolutely necessary, whenever the furniture shall be brought into the house, and much of it is already there, that access should be denied to everyone without exception, otherwise great offense will be given by a partial restriction, and indeed the visits of the more respectable would be very inconvenient. It has, therefore, occurred to me that after the 15th of September admittance will be prohibited, and also to put up the notice at the Capitol. In favor of strangers passing through I might make what exceptions appeared proper. It would give additional sanction and weight to this notice could I plead the direction of the President of the United States, but if you do not think it of sufficient importance to use so mighty a sanction, I have no reluctance to take upon me all the obloquy which I know it will occasion.
[ B. H. Latrobe]
[THE JOURNAL OF LATROBE, pp. 144--45.]
City of Washington Sepr 8th 1807
Sir
It has been made my duty, by a resolution of the Board of Trustees for the public School in this City, to communicate to you that you were, on the 4th Inst. reappointed, unanimously, president of the Board.
With Sentiments of esteem
respect I have the honor to
be Sir
Your mo Obt Sert
Robert Brent
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 57 Endorsement, in Jefferson's hand, on a letter from Latrobe to John Lenthall, sent by mistake to the President. Lenthall was an architect and builder, whom Latrobe appointed "Clerk of works and principal Surveyor" of Washington, D. C.]
Monticello, September 19, 1807.
Sir:
I have just received your favor of the 8th, informing me that the Board of Trustees for the public school in Washington had unanimously re-appointed me their President. I pray you to present to them my thanks for the mark of their confidence, with assurances that I shall at all times be ready to render to the Institution any services which shall be in my power. Accept yourself my salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
[Pp. 196--7, WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON, Washington, V.]
Washington 13 May 1808
Sir,
Out of the $30, 000 Drawn on your warrants of 2d & 5th Instant, on acct of the Deficit in previous Appropriations, provided for by the Act of last session of Congress I have paid the following claims out
And the following Accounts due out of the same fund are presented for Payment
Statement of the Acct. of the Appropriation to cover the deficit
It gives me real concern, Sir, to state that even admitting that the Amt of outstanding debts does not exceed $1000 as estimated above there will be a deficit of nearly $6000, including the $3,218.65 for the Offices.
I have conversed with Mr Latrobe on this unpleasant subject, and he says the deficit was occasioned in part by the following circumstances Vt. His estimate of debts, on which the appropriation was intended to be predicated, was, as appears by the printed copy
I have recommended to Mr. Claxton to keep the excess drawn by him (altho' the real debts due from the furniture fund he says will absorb it) until your pleasure can be known, whether he shall pay it away, or refund it -- there is no other reason why he should refund it, to be applied to the debts of the buildings, but that in strict impartiality the claimants should fare alike, which will not be the case if the furniture debts be fully paid -- but Sir, may I be pardoned for asking whether under the words of the appropriation, being "To make good the deficit of 1807" we might not charge all claims arising in 1808 to the appropriations made to carry on the work in 1808, instead of charging the amount that accrued between 1. Jany & 25. April to the deficit acct., as you have directed.
I have the honor to inclose for your signature a warrant for the Balance of the $51,500 to be paid (unless you should otherwise direct) to the claimants as they may apply, after it comes into my hands. I also inclose a warrant for $10,000 in part of the Appropriations for the Current year, there being several sums due for lime, bricks &c purchased by Mr Latrobe for which Certified bills are now in my hands, waiting till I receive funds to discharge them. With respect to the part of the $51,500 mentioned to be appropriated to cover the sum due from the public Offices, You, Sir, can best tell whether the provision here made will prevent your sanctioning that expenditure and letting it be adjusted at the Treasury with my other Accounts; for the appropriation out of which it was paid or borrowed was $50,000 "to be applied under the direction of the President of US. in proceeding with the public buildings at the City of Washington, and in making such necessary improvements & repairs thereon as he shall deem expedient." If such sanction cannot be given will it not be necessary to take the Amount out of the $51,500, and pay away the balance only?
I have the honor to be with the highest respect Sir
Yr mo Ob Servt
Thomas Munroe
PRESIDENT U S
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 58 This sum was laid out in the year 1806, when, by the falling in of the old drains, and the filling of the cellars with water, the offices became unhealthy; and it was absolutely necessary to remedy the evil or desert the buildings. I have stated it below as a deficit, as it has not yet been repaid. [Note in the original.]]
[Note 59 Th: Jefferson with his compliments to mr Munro, sends him the inclosed copy of a letter to mr Latrobe, that he may be informed of the plan of proceeding on the public buildings for this summer. Apr. 27.08.]
Washington May 25th 1808
Sir,
I herein enclose the strongest specimen of the plant which under the name of Dryrot commits such ravages upon the timber of buildings,--which I had ever met with. It was taken from the timber upon which the principal piers of the Senate chamber were built. The timber itself is reduced almost to powder, being more decayed than any other part of the work. We have now pulled them all down, & I hope to have them up again in a fortnight at most, & the Center of the Vault set. -- Nothing is now more evident than that in two or three Years the Senate chamber would have fallen in. I have every reason to believe that the Presidents house is in the same state. I observe a crush of the plaistering even the Columns in the Hall which deserves examination in the situation marked A.
I am with high
respect Yr faithy
B H Latrobe
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Monticello June 2. 08.
Sir
Your favor of May 23. is duly recieved, and reserving fuller explanations to my return, which will be during the next week, I shall enter into some brief explanations at present, on the dissolution of the board of Directors of the public buildings, and substituting by law a Superintendant to exercise all their functions, the numerous litigations in which the city rights were involved, and mr Monroe's perfect intimacy with them, pointed him out as the proper successor to the board, when some years afterwards, Congress proceeded to the erection of the S. wing, mr Monroe being no architect, it became necessary to revive the former office of mr Hoben and you were invited to accept it. the board had exercised a minute direction over mr Hoben, but mr Munroe understood that the whole direction in the constructions of the public buildings was to be with you, altho' his name was, by the law, still necessary as a sanction. when a given appropriation was made for a particular building, the execution of the building and the application of the money was with you, and the appropriation was made on estimates formed by yourself, & neither by him or me. when the great deficit therefore happened the last year, it was impossible not to consider it as proceeding from a defect in your estimates, and continuing the work after the funds were exhausted. for the 3200. D. expended at the War office, nobody ever attached blame to you. that was deliberately sanctioned by the heads of departments & myself. but it is impossible to ascribe to me any agency in any other portion of the deficit, because I certainly did not know of that until my return in autumn when it was already incurred. it is true, as you observe, that I had urged you to employ a greater number of workmen, to ensure the completion of the S. wing for the ensuing session. but I did it on the ground, always expressed, that, the money being fixed & in hand, it would cost no more to employ 100. hands 50. days, than 50. hands 100. days. there never was a hint expressed, or a thought entertained, of going beyond the appropriation, still I will say candidly that had it been suggested to me that the appropriation was inadequate, I should in the first place have advised the doing only those things substantially necessary for the comfort of Congress, and if a moderate sum beyond even this were necessary (omitting every thing of mere ornament) I should probably have advised the going on to make the room capable of recieving them, and would in that case have taken on myself a candid explanation of the motives to Congress, and thrown ourselves on their indulgence, but as I never apprehended a deficit, & indeed expressed continual cautions against going beyond the funds, whenever I was called on for a warrant, it was impossible I could taketo myself any part of the agency in producing it. and when I was obliged to state it to Congress, I never was more embarrassed than to select expressions, which, while they should not charge it on myself, should commit you as little as possible. as short as that message was, it was the subject of repeated consultations with the heads of departments separately, to help me to find expressions which should neither hurt your feelings or do you any injury. and in my conversations afterwards with individual members, I always observed that their own experience probably had taught them that in executing a building, if it did not in the end cost more than ⅕ or ⅙ beyond their calculation they were well off. whatever stories you may have heard imputing to me a different spirit or conduct, are not true. the inferences you draw from mr Eppes's expressions are not just, altho' it has been very common to suppose that whatever came from either him or mr T. M. Randolph, was in unison with my opinions. they respected too much their own indepen[den]ce to take opinions from me, and I respected them too much to wish to influence them. the consequence was we observed an entire silence & reserve as to what was doing in Congress, and no republican members voted oftener or more freely than they did, differently from what I should have done. -- to relieve us from future dangers of similar errors, which you say can only be done by your having a clerk to keep accounts, you know I mentioned to you my unwillingness to create a new office, and that I thought it better you should employ one of your capable workmen in these accounts: but if it be necessary that he be called a clerk, I will consent to it. with the settlement of the accounts at the Treasury I have no right to interfere in the least. the Comptroller is a law officer. he is the sole & supreme judge in all claims for money against the US. and would no more recieve a direction from me as to his rules of evidence than one of the judges of the supreme court.
As to the work to be done at the president's house this summer, let us compleat the wall, & the steps, because they are definite objects named in the law. if any money is left, we will plant, and omit till then the digging & gates.
I thank you for the opportunity given of making this explanation. if all, to whom falsehoods are carried for purposes of embroiling, had been equally just, I should have saved to them as well as myself the uneasinesses of a silent separation for causes never made known. I salute you with esteem & respect.
Th: Jefferson
LATROBE B. H.
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Washington, July 6th 1808
Sir,
The stone for the steps of the President's house is, in part arrived, & I am in hopes that the remainder will come up this week. It is now to be decided where it shall be wrought. If it could be prepared immediately on the spot marked [???] not less than 250 Dollars would be saved out of the expense of hauling & time which would be necessary if wrought out of the enclosure: -- and I suppose a fortnight in time; -- besides the advantage of avoiding the risk of losing some of the stones by injury in removal. As You will be absent a very considerable part of the time while it is in hand the annoyance will be inconsiderable. -- I beg to submit this to your consideration.
I have been confined to my bed & room from the 26th June to the 4th July, & propose to go to Phila as much for the benefit of my health as on business. Mr Lenthall waits upon you for your determination on the question submitted.
Believing the Cistern & every thing relating to the Water closet to be in perfect order I have not again sent the plumber to the house. If there is a deficiency, it shall be immediately removed.
With the highest respect I am Yours faithfully
B Henry Latrobe
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Monticello Sep. 20. 08
Sir
Yours of the 11th was recieved on the 15th but too much other business having made it impossible to answer by the return of that post, I avail myself of the first afterwards to say that as I propose to set out for Washington in a week I will defer concluding about fixing up the court room for the Senate till I see you in Washington. This will not occasion more than a week's delay, and you will still have 5. weeks to do it. would it not be easy to prepare their former room for them, the walls of which are of course dry? & the room would probably be more pleasing to them. if this will do, there will be no occasion to write to the Vice President, as no change of their position will be made. -- the enclosure round the President's house being compleated, let us see the North steps finished, & the then state of the funds, before we undertake any thing else, as that will enable us to decide what we may undertake.
I salute you with esteem & respect.
Th: Jefferson
MR. LATROBE
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
[Note 60 Giuseppe Franzoni, son of the president of the Academy of Fine Arts at Carrara, who was selected as a sculptor for the Capitol by Jefferson's friend, Philip Mazzei. After his arrival in Washington, Franzoni made a call upon President Jefferson and left him some "articles of marble." Jefferson wrote him on March 2, 1806: "I did not understand until told so by the servant at the door, that the articles of marble which you had left here, had been intended as presents to me. Be assured that I receive this mark of your good will as thankfully as if I could accept of it, but I have laid it down as a law to myself to accept no presents of value while I am in public office, and adherence to this rule is necessary for the tranquility of my own mind and it is necessary for the public good. These motives cannot fall to meet your approbation and to justify my request that you receive the objects back again, and with them the same thanks for the offer as if I had retained them. Be assured that I shall avail myself of every occasion of being useful to you, and accept my salutations. Th: Jefferson."]
[Note 61 George Bridport, of Philadelphia.]
[Note 62 The reference is to the ceiling of the House of Representatives (it was destroyed by fire in August, 1814).]
Washington Septr. 23d. 1808
Sir,
The fall of the arch or Vault of the Court room in the North Wing of the Capitol on Monday last, & the death of Mr Lenthall who was buried in its ruins, must be known to you through the medium of the National Intelligencer & the Monitor in all its circumstances. Among the multitude of vexations, regrets, & business which this unfortunate event has thrown upon me, I feel extremely mortified that I have not been able untill this day, to command the time to write to you, with a perfect knowledge of all the circumstances. The account which appeared in the Monitor of yesterday is minutely correct, & contains all that can be said on the subject. I had drawn it up as the Substance of a letter to you, but Mr Cobien was so pressing in his wish to lay before the public a correct statement of the facts, and such improbable & malicious reports were already getting into circulation, that I was prevailed on to give him the manuscript and I hope to be pardoned by you, when I take the liberty to refer to it. -- The truth is; that altho' delicacy to the memory, & to the talents of Mr Lenthall forbid me to excuse myself publicly by laying the blame upon him, his anxiety to save expense, & afterwards, his fears of the failure of his project were the real causes of the fall of the Vault.
The account given in the Monitor of the causes of failure will be immediately understood by the annexed drawing.
My directions were to carry over the back of the Vaultwalls, the bricks laid arch wise, as at a b c d e f g and to turn a conical arch over each of the spaces between, in order to obtain a level floor for the Senate Chamber. It is true that this method would have consumed twelve times the labor in making centers & that all the Centers would have been lost; but then, it would have been utterly impossible for the Vault to have fallen without throwing down the Butments all round, -- which never could have happened. During my absence however Mr Lenthall hit upon the scheme represented in the Section. He made 2 centers on a circular plan 10 feet long, & having turned so much of the arch O O on the back of the Dome, he then lowered them a little & drew them forward and turned ten feet more, & thus successively till he got round. He then got them out over the back of the cylindrical Arch at the end & thus saved perhaps 500$ in labor & materials. But it is evident that he loaded a part of the dome 1' .1' wide at A with half the Materials of these Floor arches, weighing about 60 Tons, chiefly stone chips & Brickbats. And yet such was the soundness & strength of the Vault that I believe it would have stood even thus injudiciously constructed had he not become alarmed, & lowered the props of the center at B & C, leaving those at A standing. The consequence was that the Arch settled at those points & of course opened & cracked at A all round, & when at last he attempted to take away the posts at A the common foot of the two Arches at A broke thru the Vault, broke all the Ribs of the Center at that place (for thus we have formed them) & acting upwards against the cylindrical Arch at B, which had stood firm for two months forced it down with it. -- The Vault of the Senate Chamber, especially the great Cylindrical Arch, which is 54ft. spans & which is quite naked at the higth of 50 feet from the present floor is as firm as a rock, & has a most extraordinary & beautiful appearance. Every other Wall & Arch in the Building is as sound as at the moment it was built.
On the 15th. Septr. Mr Munroe stated to me the balances remaining; -- for the North wing 3,049$. My intention was to strike the Centers of the Courtroom hoping, yet doubting, that the Vault was safe, & if necessary to rebuild it, which would have cost 600 Dollars, & to finish the stairs, & no more, -- for which this fund would have been sufficient. But this unfortunate accident has rendered this impossible with so small a fund. -- All our Workmen have however offered a Weeks work as a subscription, & many gentlemen have proposed subscribing to an amount amply sufficient to repair & render the Mischief invisible by the meeting of congress. We have no materials to buy, & propose to proceed upon a different plan, and instead of one great arch on the east side to have 3 arches, resting on the Columns and Pilasters as shown in the plan, and to Rib the Dome in stone, of which we have plenty on the spot, so as to make an Arch requiring no backing; as in the Octagon Vestibule of the house of Representatives. All this can be done in a Month. I have consulted Mr Munroe, -- but without your approbation we are not willing to step forward & lead the thing. To the interests of the city it appears so essential that something of the sort should be done, that the impatience of many of the citizens can hardly be restrained. -- If therefore You would be pleased to express your opinion on the subject as early as possible, -- if it does not amount to an absolute disapprobation, the subscription may be immediately carried into effect. In the meantime I am clearing off the rubbish & making preparations, keeping the fund always in View.--
The Walls of the Buildings are now as sound as in 1803 when I first undertook the direction of the Works.
With the highest Respect I am
Yours faithfully
B. Henry Latrobe
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Oct 3 1808 (received)
[Ms., Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.]
Tuesday Eveng 25th Octo 1808
Sir,
On the receipt of the enclosed, I went down to the road to see what Mr King meant, when I found that a foot way round the wall similar to that at the north west fronts of the Presidents square; & some other work on th