SPEECH. The Other Phase of Reconstruction! PACIFICATION, THE TRUE POLICY!

Prof. John M. Langston addressed the people of Jersey City, N.J., on the evening of April 17, 1877, upon “The other phase of Reconstruction.” The audience was large and enthusiastic, and listened earnestly to the words of the eloquent and able defender of the policy which proposes to protect the rights of his people by peaceful rather than by belligerent means. He spoke as follows:

THE OTHER PHASE OF RECONSTRUCTION.

The thoughtful and patriotic American, animated by other than partisan and sectional considerations and feelings, turns with delight from the contemplation of the belligerent to the pacific phase of reconstruction.

Four years of bloody contest, characterized by all the evils attendant in the most aggravated form upon a civil strife of gigantic proportions; and twelve years of effort at reconciliation and readjustment, marked by displays of cruel, unrestrained fury, controlled only by military power, bring us, in all earnestness of soul, to inquire: “Is there no method by which the problem of reconstruction may be satisfactorily solved in some peaceful manner?”

Rising above party considerations, seeming sectional interests, as well as individual aggrandizement. We should study well every lesson of history, every lesson suggested by the precepts of Christianity, every lesson taught in sound political philosophy, having reference to this problem, which of all others commands consideration and intelligent solution.

In this discussion, we have to do with one of the important sections of our country; one divided into great States, populated by millions of people, peculiar not less in their present than in their former condition and relations.

THREE CLASSES IN THE SOUTH.

Sixteen years ago there were three distinct classes composing the population of the South; the first, the slaveholding class, the lords of the land and the lash; the next, the class known as the “poor whites,” the under grade of Southern society; and, thirdly, the negroes, slaves, chattels 0003 4personal. The first class were not only the owners of the wealth, but they possessed the education and the intelligence, the social and political influence, of their various communities. From this class came, as well the old political leaders, as the military chieftains, who led the rank and file of the Southern army in the late rebellion. From this class, too, came the purpose and the energy which at once originated and sustained the revolt against the Government, and the attempt to organize the Southern Confederacy. If any single class may be called the “master class” of the South, occupying commanding place, and wielding controlling influence in the politics of that section, that class is the one of which I now speak. Deprived by the war largely of its property, its numbers considerably reduced by the same cause, its compact and easily moved organization, not a little impaired, disappearing from politics for several years during the earlier period of reconstruction, within the past two or three years it has rallied, re-organized, assumed again political control, and once more promises to dominate the entire section. Louisiana and South Carolina seem just now passing from Republican control to that of this particular class. The latest Republican Governors, more learned, more efficient, more distinguished for exalted elements of personal character and statesmanship, surrender to the more commanding political and moral power of this class. Chamberlain gives place to Hampton! and Packard, it is thought, must surrender to Nicholls!

The Poor Whites, in the days of slavery, cherished no love for the class of which I have spoken, and the latter had even greater affection for the slave than for the poor white. But things have changed. The poor white, called to the army as a common soldier, was taught that the white men of the South, rich and poor, had a common cause for which they were called to struggle, to suffer, and to die, if need were, against the encroachments of a usurping and tyrannical Federal Government. He was taught to admire, and to love even, that class which furnished the daring and dashing leader, who commanded those forces which went out to do battle gallantly in defence of this common cause. No poor white man of the South fails to-day to entertain and express high admiration for Lee, “Stonewall” Jackson, Johnston, and Hood. United then in admiration of their leaders, political and military, and devoted to a common cause, which they hold if one may judge by their words and deeds, as dear as life, there is a bond of sympathy and union existing between them which is an firm and abiding as the cause which they love and would conserve. Thus far, neither the offers of peaceful reconstruction, nor the menace of armed efforts at readjustment, have, as yet, reached and subdued these classes, united in such common sympathy and purpose.

Of the Negroes, formerly Slaves, loyal to the Government at all times and under the most trying circumstances. Republican, not only by instinct, but from considerations of self-preservation as well as patriotism, the loftiest words of commendation may be spoken without fear of overstatement in their behalf. Emancipated, made citizens, given civil rights and political powers, and the opportunity to rise officially to the highest place in the gift of any Republican majority, they have, in the main, shown themselves moderate and manly in their behavior. It was natural for them not to follow the leadership of the white classes referred 0004 5to; while it was, on the other hand, natural for them to follow the leadership of that other class, the new-comer from the North, added to the Southern population by the war, contemptuously called “The Carpet-Bagger;“ for this class came as the representative of that sentiment and power, which made them free and promised their enfranchisement and protection; bringing them schools and books; to their more needy, food and clothing; and everywhere showing himself the friend of that power, so ill defined to the negro intellect, which had brought the goodly things of freedom and equal rights to him who was formerly a slave.

Following the leadership of this class the Negro as naturally allied himself to the Republican party as the old master class did to the Democratic; and here commenced that gulf of difference which has continued to widen, as Reconstruction has been fixed by constitutional enactment, and endorsed by the public sentiment of the country.

Of course the Republican immigrant, American by birth and education, reared in the midst of free institutions, and taught to value manhood, freedom and equal rights, obedient to law, and yet tenacious of every right, privilege, and immunity belonging to him, conceding nothing but what he demanded, and demanding nothing but what he conceded,—I say it was impossible for such class to locate in the South, surrounded by the newly-emancipated and enfranchised Negro, without becoming political leaders and representative characters in the work of Reconstruction. Their influence, of course, while it tended to enlighten the negro and establish him in his freedom, tended to draw him away from the control of the classes in whose midst he had lived, been enslaved, and served, to those who came the representatives of freedom and conservators of the Republican party.

It did not improve the feeling of the defeated classes of the South to contemplate, at first, the amendments of the Constitution of the United States, which not only established the freedom of the slave, but established his citizenship beyond question, and putting into his hands the ballot, making him the political equal of his former owner. Objecting not only to the law, but to that practice under it, which to him made it intolerable, the former master class became greatly exasperated, and resolving, if possible, to overcome this condition of things, organized bands of “White-liners,” “Ku-Klux,” and “Bull-dozers,” and entered upon that systematic warfare upon Republicans, white and colored, which, resulting in violence, intimidation and murder, has necessitated the use of the army to maintain the peace, and protect the loyal people of the South against that domestic violence, which at times seemed to threaten utter destruction, interfering even with legislatures, and disturbing the operations of the Government.

This condition of things has continued from 1865, growing rapidly worse, up to and through the last Presidential Canvass, and seemingly, culminating in the massacres of South Carolina and Louisiana during the summer and fall of last year.

Were I to tarry here in my description of classes composing the population of the South, I should do great injustice to two other classes, of whom I make mention with special pleasure. I refer first, to the very respectable class of white men found in the South, known as original Union men, latterly sneeringly called “Scallawags;“ and, secondly, to 0005 6a considerable class of white men who, going into the rebel army and being defeated in honorable warfare, have accepted the situation in good faith, and yield a cordial obedience to the law. These, too, have also been sneeringly designated by the same appellation.

If I might be permitted to particularize still further, I would mention, for the purpose of bringing to your attention, with due emphasis, all the peculiar classes with which we have to deal in settling the Southern problem,—a class of white men peculiarly and intimately related to the colored class by ties of blood and kinship. I refer to a class of white men who have not hesitated to establish the relations named, by recognizing, in many instances, the offspring of their slave women as their own children; not infrequently providing for their education, and otherwise manifesting a fatherly interest and affection for such children. How far such offspring, the children of white men by colored women, in many cases educated, as intimated, by their fathers, are to aid in bridging the social and political differences between the classes of the South, white and colored, Providence only knows and will determine. The prediction, that this class will play, in the future, an important part in this work may not prove wholly unwise.

The classes now described are diverse in origin, unlike in instinct, and have by no means enjoyed equal educational advantages; in fact, the negro and the poor white were wholly without educational opportunities during the days of Slavery. One great class were formerly the slave-masters; another, their slaves; a third, the poor whites, during the existence of slavery, were almost as destitute of civil and political rights and privileges as the slaves themselves; and, in fact, his social and moral condition was even lower than that of the Negro. And these classes differ widely in political purpose and affiliation, as well as in political understanding and aspiration. Is it possible to bring these classes to such agreement with regard to their common welfare, the material and moral good of their section, and thus remove the differences, political and other, to which reference has been made, and also to establish peace, good order, and consequent prosperity and happiness, under the Constitution, as the results of Pacific Reconstruction?

DIFFICULTIES OF PEACEFUL RECONSTRUCTION.

The proposition of peaceful Reconstruction is surrounded with serious difficulties, awaiting solution.

The first of these, is found in the fact that the dominant classes of the South, united in purpose, and animated by common feelings, forming a compact social and political organization, easily and effectively wielded, as necessity required, has hitherto formed a firm alliance with the Democratic party, which promises, through its influence, direct and indirect, success to their sectional plans and measures. This party, always false in the presence of high moral and patriotic requirement, stands ready to promise all things in return for any support which brings it success and power. Its leaders act as if it had been organized, and were still maintained, rather to achieve mere party success, and party ends, than the enduring good of all sections of the country, the lasting welfare of all the people. This party taught, first of all, the false doctrine of State Sovereignty as opposes to the supremacy of the 0006 7National Government; and it to-day must be held responsible for the blighting consequences which have followed therefrom. It is responsible, too, in no insignificant sense, for the late Rebellion, in connection with which there is no feature of its conduct, as a party, as far as the South is concerned, or the Government, which reflects upon it special credit. Having promised to aid the South in its attempts to make practical the lessons of political philosophy, which it had taught, in the hour of trial it proved itself cowardly, and ever after as unworthy of confidence. If, as a party, it affected to give the Government support, its acts proved insincere and pretentious.

Estimated in the light of its past record, weighing its purpose and integrity in the light of its recent behavior, one must conclude that the sagacious and earnest leaders of the South, always requiring, in those with whom they deal, decision, courage and truth, cannot longer confide in such party, nor trust the destiny of their section to its control. The character and behavior of the Democratic Party, so inconsistent and unreliable, furnish ground of hope for good to the South. As the Southern leaders lose confidence in this party, its teachings and its policy, its disposition and ability to discharge its promises, the alliance mentioned will be weakened, sooner or later annulled, and other and more advantageous affiliations sought and formed. The conduct of prominent leaders, members of the House of Representatives, from the South in the last session of Congress, in connection with certain decisions of the Electoral Commission, bears, with peculiar force, upon this particular point. It is admitted on all sides that it was the vote of Southern men—men who were expected to vote with filibustering Democrats from the North—which thwarted the purpose of such Democratic members, and sustained the action of the Commission. This must be regarded as a step in the direction of just and peaceful Reconstruction. With this beginning, we may reasonably hope for an ending as beneficent as it is wise.

A second difficulty is found in the Indisposition, heretofore existing on the part of the dominant class of the South, to brook opposition of opinion and judgment in matters of politics. Taught from their cradles by the influences of their peculiar Institution, as it formerly existed, to believe themselves the owners and masters of men, and learning early, and witnessing constantly, the utter dependence of the non-slaveholding whites, living in their midst, upon their power and whim, it was altogether natural, inevitable, that they acquired the habit of command, exacting ready and unquestioning acquiescence. Politically, the course of treatment pursued by the Government toward the South on all subjects relating to that section, affecting its interests, directly or remotely, really or imaginarily, compromising too often, even at the expense of Freedom and National honor, has tended greatly, and not unnaturally, to create and foster the feeling to which reference has been made.

The experience of the past sixteen years, the lessons of law and ethics, freedom and equal rights, free thought and free speech, the right of every individual, without denial and unchallenged, to form and express his own judgment, being amenable, according to law only, for the abuse of this privilege, have done much to correct this state of mind, and to beget and sustain largely, a spirit of honest difference of sentiment, 0007 8even on political subjects. The progress made in this direction, though far from being all we could wish, is of great value and promises well.

Free thought, free discussion, earnest and honest agitation are the indispensable conditions of reformation and progress in the South, as well as every where else, among all people. Is this condition possible by means of peaceful Reconstruction?

A third difficulty following close upon the one just named, although distinct from it, is found in the inaccessibility of the masses, as well as leaders, now, as heretofore, dominant in the South. Will they hear? Can they be reached? The first question is partially answered in what has already been said. It may be added that: “The old wall of partition has been broken down,” and the teacher and the agitator are now in their midst. If allowed to remain their influence must tell for good. The little leaven may leaven the whole lump.

Following the revolution, which has just been wrought in the South, breaking up institutions, changing the system of labor, necessitating the remodeling of law and legislation, the establishment of other and better educational organizations, the submission of the political and the religious opinion of the people to a new crucial test, the deposing of many old, and the advancement of other leaders, the condition of the public mind, now upon inquiry, the best, the most gifted and learned, seeking knowledge, makes this the time pre-eminently to speak and be heard. The public address, the considerate editorial, the pamphlet or book, in which are discussed, with wisdom and moderation, the problems of Reconcilement and Pacification, the material and moral welfare of the South, its just local self-government, will be read, and their sentiments considered and diffused to the good of all the people. This is the hour for its performance, and this is the work which should be done for the South. The truth and the light should be given the people of this section.

A fourth difficulty connected with peaceful Reconstruction, is discoverable in the fear of many that efforts in that behalf tend to jeopardize the rights of the colored people, through the probable success of the Democratic party.

If what has already been said, be true there can be no well-founded fear that peaceful Reconstruction in the South would result in the success of the Democratic Party, and in jeopardizing the liberty and rights of the emancipated class. Many good men, earnest and tried friends of the colored people, find it difficult to give their consent to the new policy of Pacification for the reasons here indicated. The Democratic Party, they justly fear, and they would keep it out of power at all hazards. The liberty and rights of the colored American they would sustain, even by the use of the Army and Navy. Such purpose I endorse and shall sustain, whenever needful, as far as possible, without violating the rights of others, and doing violence and damage to the interests of all concerned, the black as well as the white man.

In the first place, mere party success is not, in my judgment, indispensable to the greater good we should seek to accomplish, nor, in in any sense, comparable with it. Party, I hold as a means. The end to be gained, is the incomparable and enduring good of the people. The success of the Democratic Party does not follow necessarily the adoption 0008 9of the policy of pacific Reconstruction. On the other hand, I fear the continuance of the use of the Army in the South will hasten such result in the defeat of the Republican Party. Let us not, in our anxiety as to Democratic success, fail to secure the continued success of the Party of Freedom.

But will Pacific Reconstruction prove injurious to the colored citizen? I believe not. I believe it will prove to him, as to all other residents of the South, an inestimable blessing. Of all others thus located, he is most ill prepared for a continuance of political strife, so costly of time, industry, the fruits of toil, personal safety, life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness. Reconciliation—the peace, the rest, the opportunity and blessings which come of this, he needs. And if he is to gain positive footing as a citizen of character, means, and influence where he lives, this he must have. With harmony and good neighborhood existing between him and the white classes, his life, under the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments of the Constitution of the United States and the laws passed in pursuance thereof, with his liberty and rights duly protected, as emergency may require, by the State or Federal Government, will prove, it may be, at times rugged and hard, but on the whole, successful and profitable. Relieved from too pressing and absorbing political excitement, he will cultivate industry more thoroughly and advantageously, locate his family, educate his children, accumulate wealth, and improve himself in all those things which pertain to dignified life.

He will become, in this way a valuable and influential member of society, respected and honored, it may be, by his neighbors and fellow-citizens. He will become, indeed, interested in all matters which concern the State in which he lives, and like his fellow-citizens, by voice and vote, advance and conserve the welfare of the community. He will become self-reliant and self-supporting; no longer a Pariah, but a man and citizen in fact. Having passed thus his life in honest industry and noble endeavor, winning honors, official and other, no distinctions made against him on account of his color—distinctions offensive and harassing—he spends his declining years in the midst of a happy family, his children respected, as they show themselves honest, honorable, and worthy. Is this condition possible? May we justly contemplate this as the promise of Peaceful Reconstruction to the former slave? God grant that it may be so!

I will not pass, I will not treat as a thing of small account, the hatred, intense and seemingly implacable, exhibited since the war by the dominant class of the South against the enfranchised colored citizen. The intensity and the implacability of this feeling cannot be denied, and this fact we must not fail to appreciate. In an amicable readjustment, however, and under the milder sway of truth and justice, law and liberty, it is to be hoped, that the condition of things indicated will be established, and an intelligent and permanent friendship secured between these classes.

Several important circumstances, now existing facts, must contribute directly and largely to the accomplishment of this result. The improved condition of the colored people, their advancement in education, property, and social character, in their knowledge of their rights 0009 10as well as their courage to assert earnestly their claim thereto; the presence and residence of many Northern white men in the South, with their broad and liberal education, their knowledge and appreciation of the beautiful and ennobling lessons of Christian civilization, their value of manhood and the best methods of developing and fostering its noblest qualities, their energy, their industry, their thrift, their progress, their love of liberty, equal rights, and free institutions; the influence of the native-Union white man of the south, his brave assertion of loyal sentiments, and his fearless maintenance of the doctrines of our amended Constitution and the equal rights of all, as therein enunciated, must all aid in producing and sustaining such state of society.

The last and crowning difficulty, which I shall mention, is the wrong political education of the white classes of the South. The tendency of political thought in the South has always been towards aristocracy and feudal institutions—the right of the few to govern, that right being founded upon wealth, landed estates, and consequent social position and influence. It may be stated with truth that the central and controlling idea of the American Government, tersely and graphically described by Abraham Lincoln as—'the government of the people, by the people, and for the people.” has never been incorporated in the political judgment or policy of the South. How else could it be, with the overshadowing institution of slavery existing there for quite two hundred and forty-five years; while under this institution 365,000 slaveholders constituted the body of property-holders, and the ruling class, to all intents and purposes! In addition to this political heresy, through the teachings of certain eminent and distinguished Southern statesmen, the doctrine of State-Rights and Secession prevailed, and was tenaciously held generally.

Besides, the South had not accepted as the basis of political action, prior to the war, those great and fundamental principles which distinguish the American Revolution. The principles of the Declaration, the doctrines of the Constitution, the sentiments of the wisest and best statesmanship of the country, were generally treated as “glittering generalities,” void of practical significance. But now they profess to accept all these; and no one is found to advocate the re-enslavement of the Negro, or to oppose Universal suffrage. Freedom and popular government are accepted and established facts. Everybody admits the utter absurdity and impracticability of secession, and yields a cordial and supreme allegiance to the General Government. Indeed, professedly, all the results of the war are accepted, including the amendments of the Constitution and the Reconstruction acts, so-called. Taught, in a baptism of blood, the utter absurdity and futility of their former political training, its unreasonableness and want of foundation in truth, it is to be hoped that, like wise men, the Southern statesmen will build anew upon sounder principles of philosophy and law, as illustrated in the history of the best and most exalted civilization of mankind.

More than this. Revolutions always prove moral sources of education to the people. The Revolution of the South will form no exception to this rule. And among the valuable fruits, which it will bring to the people finally, as I believe, is a system of Common schools, founded and supported by the State, aided, it may be, by the National 0010 11Government, which will become nurseries no less of liberty and labor, learning and piety, than sentiments of humane consideration and kindly regard of the one class for the other. The humanizing influences of letters, the liberalizing tendencies of knowledge, the purity of purpose and elevation of character produced by culture, the new feelings and consequent change of habits and conduct, products of enlightenment, must be treated as positive moral agencies, having to do with the problem which we are now considering.

In a carefully prepared address, delivered by the Hon. Roscoe Conkling, at Utica, New York, during the late Presidential Campaign, occurs the following truthful statement: “Two hundred years ago two hostile systems of civilization started on this continent. They came from other lands. One was the idea of free though and action, of equal rights for all; of dignity of labor—the idea that every man was his own master and peer of any other man before the law, however poor and humble his calling however hard his lot. The idea, and the system it founded, were planted at the North.

“The other was the idea of aristocracy and caste, of lawful superiority of man over man, of the right of one class to dominate another and appropriate its labor, and to enjoy class immunity and privilege. This idea, with the system it founded, was planted in the South.”

Our late was was, indeed, nothing other than the last bloody contest of these two ideas and systems in mighty and desperate appeal to arms for the mastery. The result of the contest has been chronicled; and the mastery—the eternal mastery of the northern idea and system, matchless in the glory of its triumph, promising, in peace, prosperity, and happiness happiness, such priceless blessings to the entire country, must, shall be maintained! If he professions of the dominant classes at the South are sincere, if they have put away indeed the old thins and really accept the new, the task of Reconcilement and pacification is easy, and, accomplished, our nation moves forward henceforth, cultivating the one idea and the one system, thereby achieving the largest possible results under a common, harmonious, Christian civilization.

THE REPUBLICAN PLAN OF PACIFIC RECONSTRUCTION

The Republican party, at is late National convention, expressed, with clearness and force, its judgment and purpose as to the permanent pacification of the South, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their rights. Its expression on the subject is significant, and is alluded to here as wise and true. The third section of the Platform reads: The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the Union, the complete production of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their rights, are duties to which the Republican Party is sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the principles embodied in the recent Constitutional amendments is vested by those amendments in the Congress of the United States, and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the Legislature and Executive Departments of the Government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their constitutional powers for removing any just cause of discontent on the part of any class, and securing to every American 0011 12citizen complete liberty and enact equality in the exercise of all civil, political and public rights

To this end we imperatively demand a Congress and Chief Executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are placed beyond dispute or recall.”

Commenting upon this portion of the platform, President Hayes, in his letter of acceptance, says:

“The resolution of the convention on the subject of the permanent pacification of the country, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their constitutional rights, is timely and of great importance. The condition of the Southern States attracts the attention and commands the sympathy of the people of the whole Union in their progressive recovery from the effects of the war. Their first necessity is an intelligent and honest administration of government, which will protect all classes of citizens in all their political and private rights. What the South most needs is peace, and peace depends upon the supremacy of law.

“There can be no enduring peace if the constitutional rights of any portion of the people are habitually disregarded. A division of political parties, resting merely upon distinctions of race or upon sectional lines, is always unfortunate, and may be disastrous. The welfare of the South, alike with that of every other part of this country, depends upon the attractions it can offer to labor and immigration, and to capital. But laborers will not go, and capital will not be ventured, where the Constitution and laws are set at defiance, and distraction, apprehension and alarm take the place of peace-loving and law-abiding social life. All parts of the Constitution are sacred, and must be sacredly observed—the parts that are new, no less than the parts that are old. The moral and material prosperity of the Southern States can be most effectively advanced by a hearty and generous recognition of the rights of all by all, a recognition without reserve or exception. With such a recognition fully accorded, it will be practicable to promote, by the influence of all legitimate agencies of the general Government, the effort of the people of these States to obtain for themselves the blessings of honest and capable local government. If elected, I shall consider it not only my duty, but it will be my ardent desire to labor for the attainment of this end. Let me assure my countrymen of the Southern States that, if I shall be charged with the duty of organizing an Administration, it will be one which will regard and cherish their truest interests, the interests of the white and the colored people, both and equally, and which will put forth its best efforts in behalf of a civil policy which will wipe out forever the distinction between the North and the South in our common country.”

True to this declaration, faithful to the promise it contains, President Hayes, in his Inaugural Address, elaborates and enforces the same sentiments in the following words:

“The permanent pacification of the country upon such principles and by such measures as will secure the complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their constitutional rights is now the one subject in all our public affairs which all thoughtful and patriotic citizens regard as of supreme importance.

“Many of the calamitous effects of the tremendous revolution which 0012 13has passed over the Southern States still remain. The immeasurable benefits which will surely follow, sooner or later, the hearty and generous acceptance of the legitimate results of that revolution have not yet been realized. Difficult and embarrassing questions meet us at the threshold of this subject. The people of those States are still impoverished, and the inestimable blessing of wise, honest, and peaceful local self-government is not fully enjoyed. Whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the cause of this condition of things, the fact is clear that, in the progress of events, the time has come when such government is the imperative necessity required by all the varied interests, public and private, of those States. But it must not be forgotten that only a local government which recognizes and maintains inviolate the rights of all is a true self-government.

“With respect to the two distinct races whose peculiar relations to each other have brought upon us the deplorable complications and perplexities which exist in those States, it must be a government which guards the interests of both races carefully and equally. It must be a government which submits loyally and heartily to the Constitution and the laws—the laws of the nation and the laws of the States themselves—accepting and obeying faithfully the whole Constitution as it is.

“Resting upon this sure and substantial foundation, the superstructure of beneficent local governments can be built up and not otherwise. In furtherance of such obedience to the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and in behalf of all that its attainment implies, all so-called party interests lose their apparent importance, and party lines may well be permitted to fade into insignificance. The question, we have to consider for the immediate welfare of those States of the Union is the question of government or no government, of social order and all the peaceful industries and the happiness that belong to it, or a return to barbarism.

“It is a question in which every citizen of the nation is deeply interested, and with respect to which we ought not to be, in a partisan sense, either Republicans or Democrats, but fellow-citizens and fellow-men, to whom the interests of a common country and a common humanity are dear.”

These utterances—the one, that of the great National Party, which is responsible for the conduct of our Federal and State affairs beyond question for the past sixteen years; the other the utterances of a sagacious and judicious statesman occupying conspicuous place among the leaders of the Party—teach the threefold lesson: first, that Pacific Reconstruction, if possible, ought to be accomplished; second, that, if accomplished, it is to be done only in the adoption of “such principles and measures as will secure the complete protection of all citizens in the free enjoyment of all their constitutional rights;“ and third, that such attempts at Pacification are not only not inconsistent, but are in perfect accord with the principles and doctrines of genuine Republicanism. The lessons of history, not less than the precepts of our religion and the fundamental principles of wise statesmanship, justify and sustain such treatment of the Southern section of our country. But how shall this peaceful theory of Reconstruction, so beautiful in ideal, whose results are so delightful to contemplate, be reduced to practice without injustice to any, and with the largest good to all?

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I have the various classes composing the population of the South. I have indicated certain difficulties, and in that connection dwelt upon changes of Institutions, and feelings of the people, which, as I suppose, have taken place; and I have presented in the language of the platform lately adopted, and in the language of his letter of acceptance and his Inaugural Address, the sentiments of the Republican Party and the President of the United States, with regard to the subject. And now, with the field before us, the difficulties of its cultivations presented, the practical, all-important question of how we shall proceed confronts us.

PEACEFUL RECONSTRUCTION POSSIBLE

The importance, the magnitude, and difficulty, as well as the necessity, of Reconstruction by peaceful means will be conceded. And however we may regret it, it will be conceded that the method heretofore pursued proves by no means satisfactory in its results. Whether this failure is owing to the unhandsome and obnoxious conduct of political adventurers; the unnecessary and too constant political excitement and agitation of the people, the injudicious and oppressive acts of Republican legislatures and official, the former composed, frequently, largely of ignorant,unqualified, and impecunious persons, white and black, and the latter frequently not only incompetent, but offensive and exasperating in their conduct; the too frequent interference by the National Government in State affairs with the Army, seemingly for Party purposes; the class—whatever the cause, as to the failure of the former method, there is but one opinion. The failure is a fact, and some new and, if possible, better method must be tried. This, the welfare of those immediately concerned, as well as the general good of the country in all its material and moral interests, requires.

We must remember, however, in dealing with this subject, that there is to be no compromise, no surrender of principle, no betrayal of plighted faith. And there need not be; for with us it is not a question of new principles and measures; it is simply a matter of administration, or policy involving the mode of applying the principles and measures, already accepted and fixed in the Constitution and the laws.

The present Administration, in its efforts at pacification in dealing with States, classes, races and individuals, proposes, as one must believe, to stand on the law, as now written and determined, insisting upon the cordial recognition of the equal rights of all citizens, the practical guarantee of their protection such rights, the establishment and maintenance of such condition of good order and peace as to encourage immigration, the introduction of capital, and the advancement of labor; as well as the inauguration of such local self-governments as in all their departments and acts shall be harmonious with the altered status of the former Slave, the new provisions of the Constitution, and the enactments of the State and General Government passed in accordance therewith. Occupying such position, and insisting upon such conditions are precedent and indispensable, the good omens of its initial efforts promise a happy success. The acceptance of these conditions are precedent and indispensable, constitutes the only correct and sure test of the willingness and 0014 15the fitness of the dominant white classes of the South, for properly considering and appreciating efforts for the permanent pacification of that section. Did such condition of public feeling exist, discoverable in the acts and utterances of the leading and influential men of the south, in their treatment of the classes and persons differing with them in political sentiments and party relations, in the solution and determination of those questions, material, educational and political, which more especially affect the newly enfranchised people, we might wisely give ourselves no further management of it by the Government would improve and sustain it.

Our anxieties, our fears come of the fact, that too little such public feeling is now discernible; and that it is to be created and fostered largely by agencies and influences brought to bear mainly, from without, and through the instrumentality of the Government, upon those who are to be reconciled and made obedient, law-abiding subjects of the State. The thing to be done, then, is to manifest in bold and decisive manner, such impartial and patriotic disposition and purpose, with reference to the management of the southern problem, as to convince all concerned of the sincerity and wisdom of the pacific yet positive intentions of the Government and country with regard to their case. In this way, win their confidence, if possible, and secure and earnest and hearty response to such beneficent purposes. We do not calculate wisely regarding human impulses nor the power of kindness over the hearts of men, if the result does not prove satisfactory.

The acts, expressive of such disposition and purpose—whether by the appointment of a distinguished former Rebel to the Cabinet, and prominent Southern men of the same class to conspicuous official positions, are matters of detail, which may be very properly, under the law and the admonitions of public opinion, entrusted to the President. It must be insisted,however, as both wise and just, that, in the distribution of official patronage, Republicans, especially native Whites and Blacks of the South, shall not be neglected, and that the recognition accorded them shall be of equal dignity and responsibility with that accorded the other class. Hatred of the Negro, and the political repellency existing between the classes, will be the more speedily corrected and removed. It must also be insisted, where no such domestic violence as that described in the Constitution exists in a State, although there exist therein dispute as to the fact and legality of one of two governments, that the Federal army shall not be used to interfere therewith; but decisions as to the dispute shall be made under the law in accordance with the mode and methods provided thereby. Thus exciting, irritating, and exasperating cause is removed, and Government and people remitted to the established methods of the law. The experience, the habits of thought and feeling of Americans, ill prepare them for tolerating the use of the army in the settlement of political differences; and in the presence of any such real or supposed condition of things, permanent peace is impossible in any section of our country.

THE CONTEMPLATION OF RECONCILEMENT AND PEACE ESTABLISHED

The pleasing contemplation of the people of the South, engaging in the wise and profitable cultivation of all the industries, agricultural and other, peculiar to and remunerative in that section; human life and human rights, without regard to class, or color, properly valued and protected; just local self-government established; the vexed and trying question of reconstruction settled; the union of our States and the Government no longer endangered by any exciting sectional dispute, but adjusted upon enduring principles of justice, law, and liberty, excites in our minds the deepest feelings of hope, the profoundest purpose to do all that is practicable to secure such consummation, so devoutly to be wished.

This condition of reconcilement and peace secured, in the prosperity and happiness of our country, heretofore “rent by fratricidal strife,” we shall realize the picture so strikingly drawn by the Bard of Avon when dwelling upon the restoration of Peace at the close of civil war: “No more the thirsty Erinnys of this soil Shall daub her lips with her own children's blood; No more shall trenching war channel her fields, Nor bruise her flow'rets with the armed hoofs Of hostile paces; those opposed eyes, Which—like the meteors of a troubled heaven, All of one nature, of one substance bred— Did lately meet in the intestine shock And furious close of civil butchery, Shall now, in mutual, well-beseeming ranks, March all one way, and be no more oppos'd Against acquaintance, kindred, and allies; The edge of war, like an ill-sheathed knife, No more shall cut his master.”