Was Richard Allen Great? This is a question that the present generation will be able to answer, in proportion as its answer as sought in the relative worth, merit and ability, of the man are discovered. There is also a class upon whom this work will fall, and who will be expected to discover these facts as contained in the history of the man, and who will be inspired to greater zeal and effort in the work in which they will engage. They are, we trust, the rising generation of the African M.E. Church, not only in these United States but throughout the world.

Burns has said that “some men were born great; others acquire greatness, while still others have greatness thrust upon them.” The Rt. Rev. Richard Allen may be considered as enjoying that of which few men can boast: i.e. 1st. “He was born great.” 2nd “He acquired greatness.” But we must remember that the first distinction here “that he was born great,” —is not to be considered in the sense that Richard Allen was clothed with ancestral title, wealth, power, dignity and influence; nor are we to suppose that in his birth he represented what popular, intelligent or influential ancestry could contribute toward his greatness nor yet what the great boon and privilege of civil, social and religious freedom and liberty could contribute toward the development of his individual greatness.

No! Richard Allen had none of these great advantages, and was also denied the privilege of being born a freeman as far as human laws and institutions were concerned.

We can account for the greatness of Charlemagne when we remember the persistent and irrepressible Franks. We can account for the greatness of Ceasar when we think of the memorable Romans, and that history and ancestry which antedated even Ceasar himself. We can account for the greatness of Napoleon when we think of the centuries of growth, development and power which existed before the advent of Napoleon.

And so we can account for the forensic skill, the genius and greatness of a Washington when we think of the Mayflower's precious cargo; the first families of Virginia, if not, indeed, old England herself, and her contribution to Saxon greatness in the new world.

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But how to account for the individual greatness of this man Richard Allen is a problem we will be unable to solve in this generation at least. This man born in slavery, cradled in oppression and reared in the narrow limit of caste, of prejudice, cruelty, injustice and outrage; how he could exhibit such characteristics of individual greatness, I repeat, is a problem we submit to the incoming generations rather than the out going.

But despite all of this, the question will present itself to some in the form we have already stated viz:—“WAS RICHARD ALLEN GREAT And here we desire to say, this must be determined by a fair, true and just estimate of true and individual greatness.

If true greatness consists in that self sacrificing heroism and devotion which makes a man insensible and indifferent to his own personal welfare, interest, comfort, and advantages; and to deny himself of all for the sake of others, and for the elevation and advancement of others, without a single promise of reward, — we say, if these constitutes greatness, the Richard Allen, the first Bishop of the A.M.E. church was great.

If again, greatness consists in that manifest patriotism which yearns to strike the blow which will result in bringing freedom and liberty to an oppressed people, race, or nation; whether that bondage or oppression be civil, social or religious, then was Richard Allen great. But to prove this we must take the facts in the case; and these are best gleaned from the man himself.

He says “I was born in the year of our Lord 1760 on Feb. 14h' mark ye, “A slave to Benjamin Chew of Philadelphia. My mother and father and four children were sold into Delaware State near Dover.”

These facts, to-night, with others that it is our intention to name makes Richard Allen to have been a man of problems; the first of which was his having been “born a slave,” and as to how he treated this first great problem of his earthly career, may prove in some measure the greatness of the man.

Slavery, however, never degraded Richard Allen as it was known to degrade many of his fellows. It did not degrade him because he would not allow it to degrade him. Richard Allen always kept his spirit about him, and his head above the waves of oppression. He never, never went down even in the severest. He held his spirit and his head was up. He resolved, however distasteful and cruel the system that bound him, however much he despised it, 0005 5there was one policy upon which he resolved to deal with the problem of Slavery, and that was, 1st. “To prove a good slave.”

There associated with this resolve and that strong will power which he possessed, Richard Allen was converted when a young man. He is not supposed to have been out of his teens when he became awakened and brought to God. He experienced a problem, perhaps problem No. 2, in his conversion after the first five days of his spiritual joy upon experiencing the light. He was plunged into doubt and darkness, but again he rises out of this as he himself says, after a fearful period of doubt, burden, and darkness, “My soul was filled.” And here is the solution to the problem of his salvation.

It was this heavenly bestowal of the gift of God that made Richard Allen the good slave that he proved himself to be. Richard Allen however enthusiastic over religions meetings and the means of grace never neglected his duties to his master. However much he loved the old Class Meeting in Benjamin Wells' house in the forest of Delaware State, he first discharged his duties as a slave. He speaks of a council he held with his brother who was older than he, when they resolved that they would “attend more faithfully to our master's business, so that it should not be said, that religion made us worse servants.”

He says: “We frequently went to meeting on every other Thursday; but if we were likely to be backward with our crops we would refrain from going to meeting. When our master found we were making no preparation to go to meeting he would frequently ask us if it was not our meeting day, and if we were not going. We would frequently tell him, 'No Sir, we would rather stay at home and get our work done.' He would tell us: 'Boys, I would rather you go to your meeting; if I am not good myself, I like to see you striving yourselves to be good.' We would say, “thank you sir, but we would rather stay and get our crops forward.' At length our master said he was convinced that religion made slaves better, not worse.”

We may add here that it was Richard Allen's good fortune to have had a very humane man in this Delaware master, and that humaneness found its counterpart in the fidelity and dutifulness of the two Allen boys; and for this upon the appeal of Richard Allen his master suffered him to secure preachers to come and preach in his house, and through the preaching of FREEBORN GARRISON, whom Richard Allen invited, his master was led to 0006 6the cross, and from that time he could not be satisfied to hold his slaves any longer.

The greatest of the individual character shows itself here in the interest Richard Allen had in his old master in Dover, and again in the manner that he speaks of him in subsequent times. He says in his biography: (page 7) “We left our master's house, and I may truly say it was like leaving our father's house; for he was a kind, affectionate and tender-hearted master.”

This is the manner in which Bishop Allen speaks of the man whose slave he was, and whom he must call his master, and who in the event of his salvation through the kindly office of Richard Allen and the preaching of Freeborn Garrison, proposed that Richard Allen and his brother should have their freedom by buying their time at #60 gold and silver or $2,000 Continental money which they complied with.

The purchase of their freedom constituted the, Third great problem in the career of Richard Allen, and one which he solves through the same characteristic tact, genius and skill as all the others, and in this he shows the greatness of individual ability, the greatness of his love for freedom and the value that he put upon it. His master had told him that he might continue his home with him, yet there does not seem a consideration so dear and so sacred, to Allen, as FREEDOM and LIBERTY. If this counts for greatness, then “GREAT WAS HE.”

Let us see what Allen says about it himself: “I had it often impressed upon my mind that I should one day enjoy my freedom. For slavery is a bitter pill notwithstanding we had a good master.”

Nine hundred and ninety-nine other men out of a thousand, under similar circumstances would have taken the opposite view. But despite all, Richard Allen, as the true patriot, longs for freedom. To further illustrate this love and longing for freedom he tells us that after leaving his master's home, in order to pay him for his freedom, he restored to chopping cord wood; a thing to which he was unused. He tells us how blistered and sore were his hands next day, and how, only with great difficulty he could open and shut them. How after spending some time at chopping wood he went into a brick yard and worked for $50.00 per month (Continental money.) Then from the yard to day's work; then driving a wagon in the time of the Continental War, drawing salt from Rehobar, Sussex County, Delaware. And with it all, he says he had his regular stops and preaching places on the road. 0007 7And so we see him master this third problem in his career.

Another very remarkable thing noted in the life of Richard Allen, and we think an evidence of greatness in the man, was his consideration for others, whether friends or foes; whether he was for them or against them; favorable or unfavorable.

How, under such conditions as were imposed upon him, he could be the large and conservative man that we find him, is the most remarkable thing to us. Only praise for his slave master, and the most kindly comment and criticism for those who in after time would deny him his just desert. His popularity and ability as a preacher can best be judged by the class of men with whom he stood identified, and with whom he was in great demand. To illustrate this we refer to an incident which happened between Richard Allen, as he then was, and Bishop Asbury, of the Methodists Episcopal Church. The point illustrates the greatness of the man.

Bishop Asbury sent for Richard Allen to meet him at Henry Gaff's, which he did. Bishop Asbury informed him that he desired to have him (Allen) to travel with him, (Asbury) at the same time informing father Allen that in the slave counties, Carolina and other places he must intermix with the slaves, and that he would frequently have to sleep in his (Asbury's) carriage, and that he would allow him his victuals and clothes. Richard Allen told him that he would not travel with him on those conditions, and stated his reasons. Said he, “If I am taken sick who will support me?” And that he thought that people ought to lay up something while they were able, for sickness and old age. Richard Allen never accepted the proposal.

He eventually came to Pennsylvania. He met with great success in his preaching in Baltimore and also in Jersey and Pennsylvania and the City of Philadelphia in particular. In this connection we wish to state here that Richard Allen so far as he was concerned was neither a burden nor a bone of contention to the Methodist Episcopal Church.

He says: “My usual method was, when I would get bare of clothes to stop travelling and go to work so that no man could say I was chargeable to the connection. My hands administered to my necessities.”

In coming to Philadelphia he seems to have specially turned his attention to his brethren in the most especial and particular 0008 8way. He says: “I established prayer meetings; I raised a society in 1786 of forty-two members. I saw the necessity of erecting a place of worship for the colored people. I proposed it to the most respectable people of color in this City, but here I met with opposition.”

Here, we meet the Fourth great problem in father Allen's career; leaving the manner in which he deals with the situation to suggest the merits of the man. He says furthermore that when the colored people began to get numerous in St. George's M. E. Church, this City, they moved them from the seats they usually sat on and placed “us” around the wall. On a given or following Sunday the sexton was stationed at the door and told the colored people to go to the gallery. It was in that gallery the struggle took place during prayer when an attempt was made to pull the Rev. Absalom Jones from his knees, in an endeaver to get the colored ones further back in the gallery. Mr. Jones crying to the man endeavoring to pull him from his knees, “Wait until prayer is over and I'll go.” But this would not do. At the conclusion of that prayer, Richard Allen, Absalom Jones, and the rest of the colored contingent left St. George's Church never to return.

Was this act justified? Let religion, reason and love answer; or let the splendid achievements of Allen and Jones testify; or let the voice of justice be heard.

These people, despite their poverty and oppression had stood by that church and congregation, and had assisted in the repair, which had just been completed, and had made payment and subscription upon the work, taxing their own limited means and all seemed to have been repaid by this unfortunate and unchristian act, which might be expected any where else than the church of God.

And yet, a large class of citizens of the opposite race were not in sympathy with this inhuman act, and perhaps members in the church itself. But they never dampened the ardor of father Allen. He must now meet the situation, not by anathematizing the officers and members of St. George's Church, but spending his energies and zeal in securing a place where the African Methodists of Philadelphia, and elsewhere might enjoy religious liberty without let or hindrance.

This became the problem of Richard Allen's whole life, and was calculated to give him national and world wide distinction; and stamp him as one of the greatest religious reformers of the 0009 9Nineteenth Century. His first move was to hire a store-room and they worshipped there. Dr. Rush and Mr. Robert Ralston were enlisted as their friends. Dr. Rush doing much in public for them. Here the movement was attended by threats of exposure and expulsion by the Pastor and members of St. George's Church and not so much, as one might suppose, because of the spiritual loss of these people to the church, as for the financial consideration involved. Degrading and insulting language was used to prevent them from going ahead. The Elder forbade their going ahead. “But,” says father Allen, “we pitched upon a lot at the corner of Lombard and Sixth streets.” Here, he experienced a little difficulty with his own men in the new enterprise. His committee with whom he was acting, and in connection with whom he had drawn up and signed an agreement on the Sixth street property find as they think, a more commodious site on Fifth street, and the Sixth property is thrown upon his hands. He states his objection to the change, enters his protest, and rather than break faith with Mr. Wilcox, from whom they had purchased the property, he agrees to take it himself, and does so.

Father Allen never allowed this transaction to turn him from the course upon which he had resolved. So in this phase of the situation the element of Individual greatness shows itself in a marked degree.

The day was appointed to dig the cellar. “I arose,” he says, “and put the first spade in the ground.” He says the Elder stationed here would neither preach from them, nor have anything to do with them. Then comes the problem, the election problem; No. “5;“ to determine the religious denomination they should unite with. “Two were in favor of the Methodist; Rev. Absalom Jones and myself; but a large majority were in favor of the Church of England. The majority carried. So for a period we had, in from at least, the Church of England. The purpose of this however must have been to ward off the opposing forces.” There follows a series of intrigues and impositions, and in the whole course of events it is remarkable to note with what fidelity father Allen held on the Methodist connection; when independence came, in the way of an African Methodist Society. It was the outrage perpetrated upon them that founded the A.M.E. church as it now is. Even after they had set up their banner as African Methodists the people of St. George's would still declare 0010 that they had jurisdiction over them, and demanded from Allen's little society $600.00 per year for the maintenance of their minister. This was denied and refused. Then Four hundred dollars, then Two hundred dollars for five sermons per year, or of course Forty dollars a sermon. (They should have been good.) Then One hundred dollars, or twenty dollars per sermon. All were refused. This was problem No. “6.” The Academy M. E. took hold of them because the others refused. Same results, One hundred and Fifty dollars; ministers having been changed he says in succession.

What has he left behind in his flight to the upper and better regions? And how have his successors maintained his heritage? Hear the showing of the minutes of the General Conference of '96 Quadrennial address, page 54. Year. Churches. Value of Property. 1794 1 $ 2,500 1816 7 15,000 1826 33 75,000 1836 86 125,000 1846 198 225,000 1856 210 425,000 1866 286 825,000 1876 1833 3,164,911 1886 3394 5,341,889 1888 4009 6,391,577 1890 4069 7,772,284 1896 4,575 8,650,155 Raised for education in ten years, 1884-94 79,669.81