Labor.—At the north the whites are the preferred laborers from the fact that manufacturing industries first necessitated the employment and remainder of such.

Secondly. The non-qualification of the negro to engage in such work has necessitated him to confine himself to the South, where such labor as he could readily do is always to be found.

Thirdly. The negro is non-preferable as a domestic at the North, excepting in hotels and some few individual instances, from the fact that slavery confined him to the South so long that the North became used to white domestics. Thus the preferment originates from habit, necessitated by the above circumstances, as stated.

Manufactory at the north demand skilled labor which is mostly exclusively to be found in the caucasion who by opportunity hath acquired it, he finds agriculture in the south most inviting to his inadvantaged condition as well as conducive to his welfare in life as a majority.

LEGISLATION AS AFFECTING HIM NORTH.

Through the trancendential and prominent fortuitiousness of the caucasion, resulting from color advantage he finds it easy to rise to legislative position locally or nationally in Proportion to his ability, intellectually and morally, and greatest of all financially. He has no such restraints as prejudice to his color and previous condition. Thus the caucasion of the north in legislation is representative of his own 0014 16constituency, the argus eyes of his wife, sons, daughters, father, mother, sisters, brothers, aunts, uncles, nephews, cousins, friends, acquaintances, rich and poor associates are all upon him in all of his official transactions. Herein we may truly say that the north is a white man's government, and in passing benefits among themselves they cannot prevent the negro from catching the falling crumbs; therefore the caucasions of the north in legislating for themselves irresistibly confer an indirect benefit upon the African-American of that section.

Now in the south the negro's terpetude and financial weakness both the result of neglect and previous condition makes him (with few exception) unprepared at present for safe and sound legislative duty.

Thus concluding I hold that the south is a white man's government. But in this admittal I beg the caucasion of the south to remember that the negro is a nurseling entrusted to his care by divine providence, and that to neglect the trust is to abandon him to poverty which begets beggarism, deceit, hypocrisy, lying stealing, treachery, ignorance and immoralities of the worst kind, all of this will make them plyant tools in the hands of plotting knaves from foreign sources. It will be a rottenness in the commonwealth to the inevitable overthrow of our desired to be ever glorious country.

Not to see that the negro as a laborer gets the benefit of legislation both north and south is to impoverish the poor white laborer who will be compelled to work for small wages in competing with him as for instance at the Solar Iron Works and Clark's Mill in Pittsburgh, Pa., some years ago the striking white workmen were displaced by negro workmen brought from the iron mills at Anniston and Birmingham, Ala., and Chattanooga, Tenn. And further these negro workmen were protected by police and hired detectives from the molestation of the white 0015 17mob. Another recent instance was that of the striking white cloak makers of Philadelphia, who were displaced by negro ladies.

I hold that the black man's and the white man's interest are industrially one and the same at the South. If one is down the other must likewise be; if one rises the other is bound to rise.

If the capitalist runs two establishments, one on each side of the street, and sells at the same price from each store, yet pays his employees less wages at one store than at the other, his profits will be greatest where his expenses are the least. Thus it will readily be seen that aggregated wealth, corporate industries and company stores, in the hands of the few, impoverishes the many, while the less the laborer earns the less can he afford to spend; therefore the majority in business become poor while their stock decays and spoils on hand.

The laborers are forced to trade to company stores, while family expenditures, taxes and rent consume all the interest of small capitalists. The shrewd monopolist, the wealthy “Shylock,” the oppulent aggressive individual continues with a stealthy pace to burden the land with poverty, idleness, crime and misery. My white friends and colored brethren, let us tell Shylock with a boldness that his bond is forfeit. The labor of a negro mechanic of equal skill and intelligence as the white's, ought to be worth equally as much.

If a white or colored employer can't employ white laborers for wages agreed upon as reasonable, fair and just, he ought not to be able to employ negro labor of equal skill and merit for less. All honest persons will admit this; as not to admit it is injustice to the white man and, antagonistic to the Constitution and best interest of our glorious country. The intelligent purchaser don't care who made the 0016 18article he buys; it is the price and quality which concerns him.

If white laborers, through organized effort and intelligent direction, can command for themselves good wages, negro laborers of equal skill and merit ought to be allowed to participate in such advantage. The sublime interest of all humanity authorize it; heaven demands it; angels sanction it, and archangels sanctify it.

It is the duty of the negro of the present generation to give their sons and daughters an industrial education, and have them contend for recognition by, and admission into, reputable and intelligent labor organizations, and take their chances in the race of life upon terms of equality, which will in due time adjust itself to the full satisfaction of all. The mind that does not accept this, would force negro labor to antagonize white labor by competition. The true solution of the race question, in my opinion, is political and industrial assimilation, if not social and religious.

Protection vs. Free Trade.

A Democratic measure looked at from a race stand-point.

Believing in those principals which have ever demonstrated truth, light, liberty and progressiveness among all mankind irrespective of race or previous condition of servitude, I hold that in a republic no individual, (be he democrat or republican) can honestly 0017 19and consistently aspire to official position or political distinction, with the intent of carrying into execution ideas or views favoring the interest of one part or class of the people; or section of the country to the exclusion of another part, section or class.

I consider duty to my race and humanity in general of greater interest than party: therefore I deem it of imperative interest to the race for the Hon. Frederick Douglass, Hon. B. K. Bruce, Mr. Isaiah C. Wears and others to answer why it is that they urge our race to continue balloting at the risk of their lives to perpetuate a party in power who legislate for a protective tariff which keeps out foreign competition, thus enabling the capitalists to establish manufacturing industries which give employment to the millions of poor white men, women, boys and girls who are ever ready to say they will not work with the “nigger” when a colored man or woman, boy or girl makes application for work in these protected industries which his vote aids to establish and perpetuate.

It strikes me forcibly that if the Republican Party was as solicitous for our welfare as they are claiming, they would demand the admission of colored people to compete in all the trades and professions, the same as the whites enjoy unproscribed. This is a question not without interest but one of bread and butter; we help to bear the burdens of the government and it is but fair that we should share in the gains and honors which a protective tariff affords, since our vote is invariably cast for the candidates who upon their elevation to power legislate to sustain a protective policy.

Why don't the New York Press and Tribune, the Washington (D. C.,) Press, the Baltimore, (M'd.,) American, the Philadelphia Press, News, Ledger and other republican organs discuss this vital question as it relates to the negro? Why 0018 20don't our white republican friends preach it from the church pulpits, rostrums and lecture platforms, at the fireside, in the social circles and in the busy walks of life? Why don't the republican capitalists and manufacturer tell his white employees that they must be willing to work with the negro in the factories and other industries since it is his vote which helps to establish and keep open the same, and therefore affords bread and butter for them? Probably the distinguished gentlemen will satisfactorily answer these vital questions, which is the only solution of the negro problem.

The thousands of miles of steel rails which connect one end of the land with the other, the ponderous engines, freight and passenger trains which run over the same drawing life-like and inanimate traffic; the gigantic business houses, the palatial mansions of wealth are all owned and controlled by the white man, and the negro's toil, sweat and blood served 247 years in slavery as the instrument of utilization in producing it, and now, to-day, in this enlightened age; in this model republic, we have an Independent Order of Odd Fellows, Independent Order of Foresters, and all other organizations among the white men are zealous in drawing the color line simply to prevent our race from competing with them in the financial world.

We don't want social equality as pretended by certain white people, but we do want and demand an equal, unhampered, indiscriminate right to compete with any other race in the world for merit and reward. I have always been and am still a republican, but the interest of my race is more to me than a thousand parties, especially when party purposely ignore its supporters until compelled to do otherwise,

As citizens our own disagreements, resulting from ignorance in many ways, affect us. While every other race is distinct in union upon principles, the negro race stands apart, as pertains to unanimity upon any single distinct principle. Thus, the Irishman direct from Cork, the Frenchman or any other foreigner, is more at home in this republic than the African-American.

Our individual elevations to official positions at home in America only impede us through its blinding influence—the individual elevated only being benefitted—the financial independence of the white race overbalancing the negro's benefit of his representative right. Therefore I conclude that we must have money to back up our claims, denied before the law, for it has been demonstrated in this country that a race financially weak is an unequal match for a race financially strong.

It requires money to employ able counsel to defend a case at law when appeal from lower to higher courts is allowable, and the looser in a case must sustain the damages and costs. What, then, can the negro do when the administration of the law, with all the machinery connected therewith, is in the hands of those who outrage and oppose them? He can only rely upon the mercy of the courts, the providential honesty of judges, jurors, prosecutors and witnesses, and the sentiment awakened by public opinion to give him justice in a prejudiced community, where his white brethren seem determined that he shall not enjoy unproscribed the rights of a man, and a citizen. The way law is perverted, jurors bribed, witnesses 0020 22intimidated and courts corrupted by the power of money, the poor white man, not only the negro, would seem to have no rights in this enltghtened age. The laws may be all right, but if not enforced what good do they amount to?

TO LIBERIA AND HAYTI

A negro ambassador is sent to both. The fact of the republics being African, none would be more acceptable to secure important commercial transactions with them than one of their own race. Thus we, like the fool who fancied he played the organ when he only blew the bellows, we flatter ourselves in a foreign diplomat, while we are only made a cat's-paw to scratch from Liberia and Hayti their natural productions of vast wealth. In this we receive no direct benefit further than the empty honor that one of our number has received a foreign appointment, while only an individual receives a salary. The white race being the direct beneficiaries of the commercial transactions, since the vessels of transport are theirs, the consignment houses are all theirs, and they employ as few negroes as possible throughout their entire interest.

He has been the blind follower of sound for twenty-five years. The time was in the immediate past when the name Republican needed but to be adopted by any man who wanted the negro to follow where he lead. Thus in following a name we have often been led by bad, selfish, corrupt and ignorant 0021 23men into disastrous results entirely against our best interest.

But thank God, angels and heaven, the time has now arrived that the Afro-American population of this mighty and vast republic, from this on, is no longer to be the willing slaves of parties. The time has come when promises from parties for services done towards helping them into power and security will no longer pay the negro. He is fatigued and all broken up from having carried heavy tricksters upon his back to the door of security so long, then left outside, exposed to the chilly winds of adversity and impoverishment. He is tired of living on promises while the politicians live on plunder. He is tired of being ostracised at the North and Bulldozed and butchered at the South.

He has begun to liberate himself from parties, but not from Republican principles. He has found out that parties are composed of both good and bad men, some for and some against him, receiving recognition as a man. He has found out that his advancement thus far is not due to parties, but is due to philanthropist, who conceived ideas and agitated them into principles which became accomplishments through necessity, even though opposed by the bad members of both parties.

In 1858, before and after, a social and political problem troubled the American people. This problem was composed of three factors:

1st. The success of a protective tariff against free trade.

2nd. Central against local government, or the perpetuation of the Union against the dissolution of the Union.

3rd. The perpetuation of slavery against emancipation.

Three parties or classes of people had a hand in 0022 24the solution of this problem, namly, Democratic and Philanthropist.

These parties got to wrangling and jangling until their quarrel culminated in a fierce and bloody war, which resulted in freeing more than four million Afro-Americans, as demanded by Philanthropist or Abolition party, and proclaimed by one of their members, whom the Republican party had elevated to the Presidency of the nation.

Now that the war was at an end and the negro a free man from the bonds of slavery, the philanthropist urged that he be given the right to suffrage; they urged this, that he might be placed in a position which would enable him to do something for himself, reflect credit upon our country, and be a pillar of strength to America's free and good institutions.

This reminded the Republican party in power that the enfranchisement of this people would be an addition of strength, enabling them to hold more decidedly the reins of government and power. The other party—the Democratic party—looked upon it as a feather in their own cap, which would enable them to eventually claim the reins of power; therefore they brought the poor ostracised, trembling human outcast in and made a sacrificial alter of him upon which to rear their claims. In doing so, Hon. H. R. Revels, of Mississippi, February 25th, 1870, providentially filled the seat which Jefferson Davis, the leader of the Southern Confederacy former filled in the United States Senate.

Davis disclaimed allegiance to the original constitution, created a division in the Union and placed himself at the head of the opposition.

Now this same constitution with its amendments, makes the negro a citizen and guarantees protection to him in the enjoyment of his rights as a citizen. Therefore I ask, Must the Afro-American, by 0023 25class legislation, be forced into the same position which Davis voluntarily accepted?

There are many of Africa's noble sons yet alive who remembers that while slavery was at its height in the south, prejudice in the free north was stronger against my race than what it is in the south to-day. There were but few places in the free north where the sons of Ham were allowed to enter as a human being, even on the public street cars they were ostracised and excluded. In New York and Philadelphia, Pa., the city of “brotherly love” this was noticeably so.

This within itself proves that the negro's friends were but few throughout the entire country. To quote the Rt. Rev. Bishop H. M. Turner 'twas “the same old snake his head south and tail north.”

The north would have retained the negro as a slave had it have been remunerative to that section, but it cost more to maintain and support slave labor at the north than it did to hire work done, again the negro had not the opportunity to become skilled in the occupations as pursued by the north, consequently there was no place for him. Therefore the northern people as a majority were disinterested and unconcerned about the negro as a slave in the south.

Slavery from its first introduction had proven a success at the south, being employed in agriculture. Later on Ely Whitney of Connecticut, then living in the state of Georgia, invented the cotton gin, a machine for picking the seed from cotton, a process which before had been performed by hand and very expensive, this invention gave an impetus to cotton raising and thus forged the chains of slavery stronger in mind and in fact among the southerners. Then the only difference between the two sections; one was free while the other was a slave; yet prejudice against the negro at the north was none the less for all that. So withal it was natural that the majority of such 0024 26men as Chas. Summer, Wendel Phillips, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Abraham Lincoln, Henry Ward Beecher, Geo. P. Julian, John G. Whittier, Horace Greeley, and Ulyses Sartorus Grant should come from the north for the conditions were such to give origin to philanthropists.

And may we not forget that my race had some friends in the south too, whose efforts gave strength to the small minority at the north: These noble people whose lives were free of that petty prejudice which has impeded the usefulness of America's many other smart sons and daughters. Such men by their impartially just considerations and ability to be useful has always commanded the support of the community around them: these men upon their elevation to power have always done whatever they could for all humanity: the negro not excluded.

Now my countrymen and kindred let us never fail to revere, honor, love and cherish the memory of the patriots dead, by the support of those living.

Oh God, hasten on the immortal demonstration that, “Self love but serves the virtuous mind to wake as the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake; the center moved a circle straight succeeds, another still, and still another spreads; friend, parent, neighbor, first it will embrace, his country next, and next the human race.” The hardy Englishman, the polite Frenchman the ingenious Chinamen, the cunning Jew, the wandering musical Italian, the witty and industrious Irishman, the learned German, the pious, granite-minded Scotchman, the savage African, the brave and unconquered Indian, and last but not least the strong-minded, faithful, magnanimous and industrious Negro.

Now having reviewed the negro's past condition and state his present opposing environments, let us consider now the various elements at work constituting the outlook as a forecast of his future. 1st—Moral and Religious. 2nd—Educational and Industrial. 3rd—Financial. 4th—Political.

Morally, Religiously and Educationally the negro stands to-day upon an eminence that overlooks more than twenty-five centuries of herculean effort put forth by others to crush out his irrepressible capabilities. Here let the Rev. Dr. W. Bishop Johnson a negro himself, speak; “The retrospect presents to us a picture of moral degradation—a logical sequence of slavery; mental gloom impenetrated by the faintest ray of intellectual light; souls, (out of which should flow the holiest and best forces of life) belittled in capacity, warped in sentiment and lowered in instinct until the distinction between moral right and wrong had nearly become extinct. Absolutely sunk in the lowest depths of a poverty, which reduce them to objects of charity and stood, as an unpregnable barrier in their way to speedy advancement, in all those qualities that make the useful citizen, with every influence of church, state and social life opposed to their progress in, and enjoyment of the blessings of liberty, and like some evil genius, forever haunting them with the idea that their future must be one of subserviency to the superior race.”

A people, hated and oppressed by the combined wisdom, wealth and statemanship of a mighty confederacy; watched and criticised—their mistakes 0026 28strongly magnified by those who would fain write destruction upon the emancipation; they were expected to rise from this condition.

The idea of giving to the newly enfranchised a sound practical education was considered at the dawn of freedom, an easy solution of what as an unsolved problem threatened the perpetuity of republican institutions.

Within a year from the firing on Sumter, the benevolent and farsighted northern friends has established schools from Washington to the Gulf of Mexico, which became centers of light, penetrating the darkness, and scattering the blessings of an enlightened manhood far and wide.

The history of the world cannot produce a more affecting spectacle than the growth of this mighty christian philanthropy, which beginning amid the din of battle has steadily marched on through every opposing influence, and lifted a race from weakness to strength, from poverty to wealth, from moral and intellectual nonentity to place and power among the nations of the earth.

Dr. A. G. Haygood in “Our Brother in Black” says:—“No man, whatever his personal relations to the subject, who seeks to understand these people, can afford to overlook or undervalue their religious character. Whatever the student of their history may believe on the subject of religion in general, and of their religion in particular, this is certain—it is most real to them. To them God is a reality. So is heaven, hell and the judgement day. Their churches are the centers of their social and religious lives.

The hope of the African race in this country is largely in its pulpit. The school house and the newspaper have not substituted the pulpit as a throne of spiritual power in any christian nation.

In studying the religious character of the negroes, one who is informed and is only concerned 0027 29about facts—leaving his theories and pet plans of church work to take care of themselves, will be impressed with the power of their ecclesiastical organizations.

Whether the negro church leaders have an instinct for government I know not, but this I know, they hold together well. They are devoted to their churches. There is not simply individual enthusiasm but a certain esprit in the congregations that might well be the envy and despair of many a white pastor. They go their length for their churches.”

“Morally we are improving. This element of progress is necessarily slow; its opposition is mighty and deep rooted; it must eliminate the evil habits of generations.” At Nashville Tenn. in 1888 Dr. H. L. Morehouse, of the American Baptist Publication Society, in the paper entitled. “A survey of twenty-five years' work for the colored people of the south.” says :—“ What was the black man's condition that so stirred the sympathies of the christians at the north?

After the abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia, April 16, 1862, and especially after the emancipation proclamation of January 1st 1863, thousands of slaves desiring above all things else liberty, flocked into Washington, Alexandria, and other points occupied by the Union army, scantily clad, without resources of any kind, they were fed and lodged in sheds, shanties, old slave pens, tents and barracks, where men, women and children were from necessity crowded together in dense masses. They had no more self-reliance or capacity for self-help than children. When the war ended more than 4,000,000 were thrown as waifs upon a tempestuous ocean heaving with the passions begotten of the storm just past.

Almost nameless, homeless, without true domestic relationship, penniless and without business experience or credit, illiterate, degraded, unable to obtain an education or proper religious privileges, 0028 30distrustful of their former masters who could not and generally cared not to aid them as they needed; these unshackled millions presented a pitiable spectacle to northern christians, whose prayers had ascended for their liberation and who, when the answer came, felt their responsibility for the future condition of those who had been changed from chattels into American freemen. And naturally enough the emancipated looked to their emancipators for what they needed more. Many of them, it is true, had received christian instruction from godly masters and christian ministers and had been regular church attendants, yet religiously everything was chaotic. The freed men no longer felt at ease in the gallery of the white church where they had worshipped. By bonds of suffering and sympathy as well as of race, they wanted their own religious organizations and in general the whites were more than willing that so it should be. Inexperienced and bewildered they were ready to be led by loving hands.

They constituted the most plastic people with whom the gospel ever came in contact. Such was their state. Aptly was it pictured in 1864 by these words of scripture and the comments thereon. “I will leave in the midst of thee an afflicted and poor people, and they shall trust in the name of the Lord. Afflicted and therefore objects of sympathy; poor, and therefore objects of charity; prepared to trust in the Lord, and therefore encouraging objects of evangelical labour. Well for us is it to look back at the hole from whence they were digged and the pit whence they were taken, for only thus can we comprehend the change that has taken place. As America's foremost colored orator (Frederick Douglas) said at Washington, last May; “Oh, the depth, the depth, the depth!” It was indeed a great problem. Some who regarded the negro essentially an inferior race and were incredulous about his capabilities, 0029 31doubted the solution. But who among us to-day doubts it? Hearing what we have heard of the great progress of the colored people in twenty-five years, hearing what we have heard in the way of earnest, intelligent, well considered, eloquent addresses from the lips of colored men who in early youth had no educational advantages, seeing what we have seen of their orderly management of public meetings; knowing as we do of their church organizations, their religious associations and conventions, their missionary and educational spirit and efforts; who can fail to perceive that if the problem is not already fully solved, an enormous advance has been made towards the solution? By the close of this century—twelve years hence, greater things may be expected.

In the last twelve years the ratio of progress has been double what it was in the first twelve years. May we not expect a corresponding ratio the next twelve years? The Lord brought the Hebrews out of Egypt in one day, but it took forty years to get Egypt out of the liberated Hebrews. Forty years has frequently been God's period in the process of training men and peoples. Shall we expect a complete demonstration here in less than forty years?

Again, Dr. W. B. Johnson continues: “No one who knows the southern negro and compares the low moral status in which freedom found him, with his present morality, can deny that his progress has been herculean. Go to his home, and there you will find a pure moral atmosphere, supplemented by that taste and refinement which is an outgrowth of right living.

Go to the schools, look into the bright, intelligent faces of the pupils, and see the marks of refinement, in dress and demeanor, which are the consequences of proper home training.

There are those who come among us, blinded with prejudice and watchful for our vices rather than 0030 32our virtues; who will not see any good thing that we have accomplished; who select the worst types of immorality; search for the most hardened criminals; secure the most consummate hypocrites, and hold these up as representatives of the negro's progress in morals and religion. But the voice of these self-constituted philanthropists betrays them; their hand is not the hand of a friend, but that of the most inveterate enemy that ever shed a victim's blood

But above all these circumstances the negro rises; gradually eliminating from his religion every element antagonistic to the teachings of the Bible, and including those principles and practices which mark him as advancing in religion as well as in morals and intelligence.

While his case is so hopeful there is need of his being further instructed in the principles of a just morality and all the elements that give strength and beauty to character.”

To this glorious end there is already established for him twelve colleges of arts and sciences, with 79 teachers and 922 pupils. Schools of Theology, 16; teachers, 77; pupils, 933. Schools of Science, 2; teachers, 29; pupils, 840. Public schools, 18,550; teachers, 20,000; pupils, 1,118,550. Normal schools, 16; teachers, 119; pupils, 1,771; Secondary Instruction Schools, 31; teachers, 247; pupils, 6.555; Schools of Law, 4; teachers, 16; pupils, 91. Schools of Medicine, 3; teachers, 48; pupils, 165. Schools for Deaf and Dumb, 3, with 700 pupils, Schools for Blind, 4, with 200 pupils. Schools for feeble-minded, with 133 pupils. Schools of reform farms, with 1,699 pupils. A total of 1,132,518 pupils receiving the benefits of near twenty thousand educational institutions, prominent among which we mention Howard College and Wayland Seminary at Washington, D. C.; Richmond Theological Seminary and Hartshorn Memorial College, at Richmond, Va.; Shaw University, Raleigh, N. C.; Livingstone College, Saulisbury, N. C.; 0031 33Benedict Institute, Columbia, S. C.; Avery College, Charleston, S. C.; Beach Institute, Savannah, Ga.; Roger Williams University, Fisk University and the Tennessee Central College, at Nashville, Tenn.; Knoxville College, at Knoxville, Tenn.; State University, Louisville, Ky.; Atlanta Baptist Seminary and Spelman Seminary, and Clark University, Atlanta, Ga.; Jackson College, Jackson, Miss.; Selma University, Selma, Ala.; Talladega College, Talladega, Ala.; Emmerson Institute, Mobile, Ala.; Tuskeegee Normal Institute, Tuskeegee, Ala.; Florida Institute, Live Oak, Fla.; Florida Divinity High School, and Darnell Institute, Jacksonville, Fla.; Paul Quinn College, Waco, Texas; Bishop College, Marshall, Texas; Wilberforce College, Wilberforce, Ohio; Avery Industrial College, Allegheny City, Pa.; Lincoln College, Pa.; Lincoln Institute, Jefferson City, Mo.; Berea College, Ky.; Creek Freedmen School, Tullehassee, Ind. Ter.; Leland University, New Orleans, La.; Hampton Agricultural and Industrial College, Hampton, Va., and the Virginia Collegiate and Normal Institute, Petersburg, Va. Besides this, negroes are being admitted to the leading white institutions of the land. Several have already graduated with high honors from Harvard, Yale, Cornell, Princeton and St. Stephen's Colleges, and also the State University of Pennsylvania.

Thus we are coming if not already established in the moral, religious and educational world. We are waxing into a mighty race beneath the giant, Upas-like shades of oppression, and no power on earth can check the swelling tide.

Since emancipation the negroes of Georgia have amassed $8,000,000, and in the single county of Tunica, Mississippi, negroes own 25,000 acres of land.

In spite of the $56,000,000 lost by my people through the Freedmen's Bank mystery, we pay taxes to-day in this country on $300,000,000 of real and personal property. $200,000,000 of this is owned by the ten million negroes of the South who were slaves twenty-five years ago.

There are three million negroes members of evangelical churches in the United States, and their property in churches, schools, benevolent homes and other institutions is worth twenty million dollars.

Among the many white people who give moneys to aid my people, I mention the late Wm. Thaw, of Pittsburg, Pa., a wealthy philanthropist, who left in his will ten thousand dollars for the Freedmen's Bureau and five thousands dollars for Berea College, both of these bequests going exclusively to the benefit of negroes.

The following are the names of the negro faculty of Lincoln Institute, Jefferson City, Mo., and salaries paid them:

President, Inman E. Page; salary $1,800 per year.

W. G. Sears, Professor of Language and Literature, $500.

E.A. Clark, Professor of Mathematics, $1,000.

Miss Mallock, Assistant in Mathematics, $600.

W.H. Furnish, Professor of Natural Sciences, $1,100.

F.J. Delaney, Professor of History and Civil Government, $1,100.

The Baptist State University, Louisville, Ky., Livingstone College, N. C., and Wilberforce, of Ohio, each have a negro President and faculty of the same race.

We own and publish near three hundred newspapers and more than a dozen magazines, giving expression to every shade of opinion on current matters, and especially devoted to the interest of the negro race.

We have at present three negro members of the 51st United States Congress, and we have had several from each of the sixteen southern States. We have also had a controlling number of legislative representatives in the legislatures of several of the southern States.

Several of our race are at present members of the legislatures in Ohio, Mass., R. I., Miss., Tex., La., Fla., Tenn., Ark., Va., S. C., N. C. and Ga. We have three ministers to foreign courts, and several ex-ministers are yet living and well to do. Some of the salaries paid to these ministers is four thousand dollars a year. We at present have employed by the National Government members of our race, as Auditor of the Treasury, Recorder of the General Land Office, Recorder of Deeds, and other offices of trust and emolument.

We have had the Registry of the Treasury, and have held the offices of State Governors, Lieutenant Governors, Attorney General, State and County Treasurers, Auditors, County Superintendent of public instructions, County Clerks, Mayors, Judges, Justices, police and aldermen.

We have negro authors, editors and printers of means and ability. We have more than one hundred 0042 44practicing lawyers, with incomes averaging from $1,000 to $20,000 a year.

There are 259 negro doctors in the United States. Most of them are enjoying good practice. Some have an income of $4,000 per year.

Our people are awakening to their higher and better interest all over the country by organizing for a better understanding, and concentrating their aims to the attainment of their needs as American citizens through the Afro-American League and the American Citizens Equal Rights Clubs.

As farmers and business men we are increasing and prospering as no other race has ever done in a like manner under similar circumstances.

Already the world hears afar off the muffled, thunderous reverberations of the onward march of a mighty rival yet in its earliest infancy.

We are coming over the hills of ignorance and oppression. and demonstrating that merit is the source of life, through the fiercest earthly strife. Sterling merit brings him safe whom the gods this boon vouchsafed.

Since first Africa was known, Many a nation's been overthrown; In oblivious sea has died, All unfit to stem the tide. But since Africa arose, Her success confounds her foes; Watchful, faithful, true and pure, She must evermore endure.

Twenty-five hundred and fifteen years! “Oh, the depth, the depth, the depth!” but I see

THE END.