An Address of the Subscribers Members of the late House ofRepresentatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to theirConstituents.

GENTLEMEN,

WHEN in consequence of your suffrages at the lastelection we were chosen to represent you in the General Assemblyof this Commonwealth, we accepted of the important trust, with adetermination to execute it in the best manner we were able, andwe flatter ourselves we acted in such a manner as to convinceyou, that your interests with that of the good of the state hasbeen the object of our measures.

During the fall and spring sessions of the Legislature, onthe recommendations of the Congress of the United States, yourrepresentatives proceeded to the appointment of delegates toattend a Convention to be held in the city of Philadelphia, forthe purposes of revising and amending the present articles ofconfederation, and to report their proceedings to Congress, andwhen adopted by them, and ratified by the several states tobecome binding on them as part of the confederation of the UnitedStates. We lamented at the time, that a majority of ourLegislature appointed men to represent this state who were allcitizens of Philadelphia, none of them calculated to representthe landed interest of Pennsylvania, and almost all of them ofone political party, men who have been uniformly opposed to thatconstitution for which you have on every occasion manifested yourattachment. We were apprehensive at the time, of the illconsequences of so partial a representation, but all oppositionwas in vain. When the Convention met, members from twelve statesattended, and after deliberating upwards of four months on thesubject, agreed on a plan of government which was sent forward bythem to Congress, and which was reported to the house by thedelegates of Pennsylvania as mere matter of information, andprinted in the News-papers of the city of Philadelphia; but thehouse had not received it officially from Congress, nor had wethe least idea, that as the annual election was so near, weshould be called upon to deliberate, much less to act on somomentous a business; a business of the utmost importance to youand your posterity. We conceived it required the most minuteexamination and mature consideration, and that it ought to betaken up by the next house. Judge then of our surprize on findingthe last day but one in the sessions, a member of the House whohad been a delegate in the Convention, without any previousnotice or any intimation of his intentions to the House, offer aresolution recommending the calling a Convention to consider ofthe proposed constitution, and to direct the electing members forthe same, at so early a period as the day of your annualelection, thus attempting to surprise you into a choice ofmembers--to approve or disapprove of a constitution, which, is toentail happiness or misery forever without giving time to thegreatest part of the state even to see, much less to examine theplan of government.

Our duty to ourselves and our regard for your dearestinterests induced us to oppose the measure by every possibleargument that we could suggest at the time; but all our effortswere insufficient even to produce a postponement until theafternoon. We urged and urged in vain the constant practice ofthe House when any important business was to be brought on, ofgiving previous notice and making it the order of the daysometime before hand; that no bill however trifling was passedwithout three readings, and without this formality which gave themembers time and opportunity to think on the subject; that therules were adhered to so strictly that even the building of abridge, or the laying out a road, could not be determined onwithout this form; but this the most important of all matters wasto be done by surprize, and as we conceived with design topreclude you from having it in your power to deliberate on thesubject. Our anxiety for your interests was great, butnotwithstanding the firmest and most determined opposition, norespite could be obtained, and the first revolution was adoptedby a majority of the house, when they adjourned till theafternoon to complete the business. In these circumstances we hadno alternative, we were under a necessity of either returning tothe house, and by our presence enabling them to call a conventionbefore our constituents could have the means of information, ortime to deliberate on the subject, or by absenting ourselves fromthe house, prevent the measure taking place. Our regard for youinduced us to prefer the latter, and we determined not to attendin the afternoon. We conceived that at the time we were chosenyou had no view to this business, and we could see noinconvenience nor loss of time from deferring a matter of suchimportance and which would in its consequences affect, orperhaps, annihilate our own constitution, as well as that ofevery constitution in the union to a house chosen after thepeople had some knowledge of the plan, especially as the nexthouse will meet at so early a period, and a convention could becalled by them time enough to meet in a few months, which, wouldbe as early as any state in the Union, and would be allowing youtime to make up your minds on a matter which appeared to us torequire so much deliberation. Thus circumstanced and thusinfluenced, we determined the next morning, again to absentourselves from the house, when James M'Calmont, Esq. a memberfrom Franklin, and Jacob Miley, Esq. a member from Dauphin, wereseized by a number of citizens of Philadelphia, who had collectedtogether for that purpose, their lodgings were violently brokenopen, their cloaths torn, and after much 00022( 2 )abuse and insult, they were forcibly dragged through the streetsof Philadelphia to the State-house, and there detained by force,and in the presence of the majority, who had, the day before,voted for the first of the proposed resolutions, treated with themost insulting language; while the House so formed proceeded tofinish their resolutions, which they mean to offer to you as thedoings of the Legislature of Pennsylvania.--On this outragiousproceeding we make no comment.--The inhabitants of Franklin andDauphin have been grossly insulted by the treatment of theirmembers. --We know the feelings of the people of these countiesare sufficiently keen; it becomes us, not to add to them bydwelling longer on the subject; but as our conduct may, and wehave no doubt, will be misrepresented, we thought it our duty tolay before our constituents, to whom alone we are accountable, areal state of facts; that they may judge for themselves. We neednot tell you, that we could have no interested motive toinfluence our conduct. A sense of that duty which we owed to youand to ourselves, could have alone induced us to submit to thevariety of abuse and insults which many of us have experiencedfor not consenting to a measure that might probably havesurprized you into a surrender of your dearest rights. Ourconduct has at least had the good effect to lengthen out the timeof election, and induced them to postpone the election formembers of the Convention until the first Tuesday in Novembernext; whereas the resolution first proposed, directed it to beholden for all the counties east of Bedford, on the day of theannual election, nine days from the time of proposing themeasure.

We cannot conclude without requesting you to turn yourserious attention to the government now offered to yourconsideration;We are persuaded that a free and candiddiscussion of any subject tends greatly to the improvement ofknowledge, and that a matter in which the public are so deeplyinterested cannot be too well understood." A good constitutionand government is a blessing from heaven, and the right ofposterity and mankind; suffer then we intreat you, no interestedmotive, sinister view or improper influence to direct yourdeterminations or biass your Judgments. Provide yourselveswith the new constitution offered to you by the Convention, lookit over with attention that you be enabled to think foryourselves. We confess when the Legislature appointed delegatesto attend the Convention, our ideas extended no farther than arevision of amendment of the present consideration, nor were ourdelegates, by the acts of assembly appointing them, authorized todo more as will appear by referring to the said act, the secondsection of which describes their powers in the following words,viz.2. Be it enacted, and it is hereby enacted by the Representatives of the Freemen of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in General Assembly met, and by the authority of the same, That Thomas Misslin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Jared Ingersoll, Thomas Fitzsimons, James Wilson and Governeur Morris, Esquires, are hereby appointed deputies from this state to meet in the Convention of the deputies of the respective states of North-America, to be held at the city of Philadelphia, on the second day of the month of May next. And the said Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Jared Ingersoll, Thomas Fitzsimons, James Wilson and Governeur Morris, Esquires, or any four of them are hereby constituted and appointed deputies from this state, with powers to meet such deputies as may be appointed and authorised by the other states to assemble in the said convention at the city aforesaid, and to join with them in devising, deliberating on, and discussing all such alterations and further provisions as may be necessary to render the foederal constitution fully adequate to the exigencies of the Union; and in reporting such act or acts for that purpose, to the United States in Congress assembled, as when agreed to by them, and duly confirmed by the several states, will effectually provide for the same.

You will therefore perceive that they had no authoritywhatever from the Legislature, to annihilate the presentconfederation and form a constitution entirely new, and in doingwhich they have acted as mere individuals, not as the officialdeputies of this commonwealth. If however, after maturedeliberation you are of opinion that the plan of government whichthey have offered for your consideration is best calculated topromote your political happiness and preserve those invaluablepriviledges you at present enjoy, you will no doubt chose men torepresent you in Convention who will adopt it; if you thinkotherwise you will, with your usual firmness, determineaccordingly.

You have a right, and we have no doubt you will considerwhether or not you are in a situation to support the expence ofsuch a government as is now offered to you, as well as theexpence of your state government? or whether a Legislatureconsisting of three branches, neither of them chosen annually,and that the Senate, the most powerful, the members of which arefor six years, are likely to lessen your burthens or encreaseyour taxes? or whether in case your state government should beannihilated, which will probably be the case, or dwindle into amere corporation, the continental government will be competent toattend to your local concerns? You can also best determinewhether the power of levying and imposing internal taxes atpleasure, will be of real use to you or not? or whether acontinental collector assisted by a few faithful soldiers will bemore eligible than your present collectors of taxes? You willalso in your deliberations on this important business judge,whether the liberty of the press may be considered as a blessingor a curse in a free government, and whether a declaration forthe preservation of it is necessary? or whether in a plan ofgovernment any declaration of rights should be prefixed orinserted? You will be able likewise to determine, whether in afree government there ought or ought not to be any provisionagainst a standing army in time of peace? or whether the trial byjury in civil causes is become 00033( 3 )dangerous and ought to be abolished? and whether the judiciary ofthe United States is not so constructed as to absorb and destroythe judiciaries of the several states? you will also be able tojudge whether such inconveniences have been experienced by thepresent mode of tryal between citizen and citizen, of differentstates as to render a continental court necessary for thatpurpose? or whether there can be any real use in the appellatejurisdiction with respect to fact as well as law? we shall notdwell longer on the subject; one thing however, it is proper youshould be informed of; the convention were not unanimous withrespect to men though they were as states, several of those whohave signed did not fully approve of the plan of government, andthree of the members viz. Governor Randolph and Col George Masonof Virginia, and Eldredge Gerry, Esq. of Massachusets, whosecharacters are very respectable, had such strong objections as torefuse signing. The confederation no doubt is defective andrequires amendment and revision, and had the convention extendedtheir plan to the enabling the United States to regulatecommerce, equalize the impost, collect it throughout the UnitedStates and have the entire jurisdiction over maritime affairs,leaving the exercise of internal taxation to the separate states,we apprehend there would have been no objection to the plan ofgovernment.

The matter will be before you, and you will be able to judgefor yourselves. Shew that you seek not yourselves, but thegood of your country, and may He who alone has dominion over thepassions and understandings of men enlighten and direct youaright, that posterity may bless God for the Wisdom of theirancestors.James M'Calmont,John Gilchrist,Robert Clark,Abraham Smith,Jacob Miley,Robert Whitehill,Alexander Wright,David Mitchel,John M'Dowell, John Piper,John Flenniken, Samuel Dale,James Allison, William Findley,Theophilus Philips,James Barr,SATURDAY Sept. 29th, 1787.