THE NEW ENGLANPER. No. LXXIII. JANUARY, 1861. ARTICLE 1.CHINA AND THE WEST. IN a former Number of this Journal * we presented to our readers a sketch of the history of China, and a brief and coin- prehensive view of Chinese institutions. Our design was, by thus exhibiting the character and culture of the Chinese nation in their whole historical development, to lead to more intelli- gent and juster views of their value, and so to help in solving one of the great questions which must suggest itself to every one who takes even an ordinary interest in the historical events of the daynamely, what is to become of China now, when she is no longer left to work out her own destiny undisturbed, but is forced to feel the potent influence of Western ideas, commercial, social, and religious, backed by Western arms and diplomacy? It is in fulfillment of a half-promise made at the close of the former Articleand which circumstances have prevented us from fulfilling earlierthat we revert at present * See Volume XVII, p. 111, etc., Feb., 1859. 1 VOL. XIX. 2 C/dna and the We8t. [Jan., to the general subject, and take up a portion of the evidence affecting it which we then purposely left untouchedthe history of the intercourse hitherto carried on between China and the West, and the infinence already exerted by the latter upon the former. It is only with the nations of the West that we have now to do. Toward the North, the East, and the South, China has always maintained the position of an acknowledged superior, in anus, in culture, or in both. We have seen, while review- ing the annals of Chinese history, that the irruptions of the northern and northwestern barbarians into the Great Central Flowery Kingdom have iudeed repeatedly led to their political supremacy, but have also always ended in their intellectual and social subjection. As for Japan and Farther India, they have borrowed from their powerful and enlightened ueighbor letters and arts, and have given little or nothing in return. None of these nations stands now in any such relation to China a~ should lend importance to the history of their former dealings with her. With the remoter West, the case is far otherwise; it has become a matter of no sinai1 moment to trace down- ward, through more than twenty ccnturies, the successke steps of that intercourse by which the races of our own Indo-Euro- pean stockbeginning with its most eastern representativ~~ the Indian, and ending with its most western, the English have affected, and are threatening yet more powerfully to affect, the fates of the great Oriental empire. The determining motives of intercourse between the West and the extreme East have been from the earliest times, as they are even now, of two kinds, commercial and religious. There was the exhaustless wealth of the empire to be shared in by the rest of the race; there were the teeming millions of its population to be converted to a new faith and a better life. The two motives have operated, sometimes together, muore often independently of each other; we shall, in treating of them, follow simply the order of time, tracing timeir joint and separate workings from the beginning down to the present age. As commerce has ever been wont to serve as the pioneer of missionary effort, so was it with respect to China also. The 1861.] China a~d the JTh~t. 9 attractions of the empire for the trader and merchant have ever been of the most commanding character. The great variety and richness of its natnral prodnctions, together with the inventive ingenuity, the mechanical skill, and the nnweary- ing industry of its people, have made it, since the first dawn of history one of the great bazars of the worlds trade. Snch a career of industrial pre~minence no other nation or conntry has seen. How few years have elapsed since the highest ambition of the skilled workmen of Europe was to imitate with success the Chinese porcelain! And hardly does the memory or the tradition of the West reach back to a time when the silk stnffs of China were not the richest articles of apparel and ornament which the earth conld afford to the wealthy and luxurious. At precisely what period the prodncts of the Chinese looms and workshops first fonnd their way into western Asia~ it is not now possible to say. Vessels of Chinese mannfactnre are asserted to have been fonnd in Egyptian tombs of not less than fourteen centnries before Christ, bnt the authenticity of the claim is at least very questionable. The first distinct mention of the country in western literature now extant is supposed to be the well known passage in Isaiah (xlix. 12), and these from the land of Sinim. At the time of the Jewish prophet, then, at least five hundred years before our era, some dim knowledge of China had reached Palestine doubtless from IBabylon, and as the result of that overland trade to Persia and Assyria which we certainly know to have been actively carried on at a period not much later. The natu- ral position of the empire determined the routes of its early commerce. The ocean was long a barrier, and not a highway, upon its eastern and southern border. There is no evidence that even the adventurous fleets of Phenicia ever reached those shores. The mountains which shut it in upon the west left but a single practicable passage into the interior of Asia, and that was at the northwestern corner of the empire, the entrance way, perhaps, of the Chinese race itself, arid near to its earliest historical seats. Through that gate more than one route led across the deserts, amid the wild tribes that infested them, amid over lofty chains of mountains, to the valleys of the 4 C/dna and (he Wed. [Jan., Oxus and Jaxartes in northwestern Iran, whence the way lay open to Mesopotamia, Syria, and the Mediterranean. A long and perilous ronte, truly; and if the prize had been less tempt- ing, even the daring traders of those times would not have eared to risk its dangers. We have authentic information from the Chinese annals, that, in the times of the Han dynasty, a century and more before Christ, the resonrces of the empire were tasked to qnell the insolence of the northern nomads, and give freedom and safety to the westward journeys of the cara- vans. The vigorous and growing China of those heroic times thus took an active part in the commerce which bore its pro- ductions to the West. A couple of centnries later, the borders of the empire were also approached npon the other side, by sea; China was drawn into the net of that world-commerce which brought to Rome and her dependencies, throngh the Red Sea, and by the mart of Alexandria, the wealth and lnxury of India and the farthest East. If the current identification of Ptolemys Kattigara with the modern Canton be well- founded, that port began soon after our era to play the promi- nent part in commercial history which has ever since belonged to it. An indirect consequence probably, of the trade between China and Bokhara, and one of far greater importance in the ancient history of the empire than any commerce, was the in- troduction into it of Buddhism. This Hindu religionof which the author is supposed to have lived in the sixth century before Christ and so to have been very nearly a contemporary of Confuciusbegan, three or four hundred years after its origin, to be carried in every direction beyond the borders of India, by the earliest religious missionaries whom the world has ever seen. The countries on the northwest of India soon became, as they long continued to be, a chief seat of the doctrine of Buddha. There the Chinese first made acquaint- ance with it, and thence, during the first century of our era, it made its way into China itself. The Chinese have a story of their own respecting the manner in which it was introduced. Abouf A. D. 66, say they, the Han emperor, Ming-ti, had his attention strongly directed by a dream to an expression in one China and the We8t. 5 of the works of Confucius, to the effect that they of the West have a sage. This western sage he determined to dis- cover, and accordingly sent out in search of him an embassy, which, in due time, returned with Buddhist teachers and books from India. We seem to see in this not very probable story an attempt to attribute the introduction of the strange doctrine to imperial agency, and, more remotely, to the influence of the great Chil,7lese teacher himself; thus, on the one hand, giving the foreign religion a more legitimate status within the limits of the empire, and, on the other, relieving the dynasty and the literary class of the imputation of having had it brought in upon them without their consent and participation. But, how- ever it may have come in, it took firm root among the Chinese people, and spread rapidly over the empire; and even now, in the classification of the religions of the globe, the four hundred millions of Chinese are wont to be set down as votaries of Buddha. It is not difficult to see why Buddhism should have made extensive conquests among the tribes of Central Asia. It came to them as one of the matured fruits of a culture vastly superior to their own. It brought with it knowledge, arts, and letters. Its doctrines were in most respects full of attraction. Its morality was all gentleness and purity. It breathed a spirit of toleration, compassion, love to all living creatures. It was instinct with the sentiment of the universal brotherhood of man, a sentiment then unknown elsewhere in the world. Its motto was peace on earth, good will to men. Its philosophy was in- deed atheistic, and its acknowledged and coveted chief good annihilation. Yet these features of its doctrine, little calcula- ted to recommend it to the acceptance of wild and simple- minded races, were at a very early period greatly modified and concealed, and in its popular aspect hardly appeared at all. Its want of a pantheon and a mythology was supplied by the elevation of its own author into an object of worship, and by the creation of a host of kindred deities about him: its chilling end was hidden by the interminable series of renewed exist- ences, of heavens and hells, interposed between this life and it, or was altogether explained away. Ko wonder, then, that it 6 China and the West. [Jan., spread and flourished among the uncultivated people of Asia. No wonder that it acted upon them as a softening and civilizing influence, and that its results were, upon the whole, eminently happy. In China, the case was far otherwise. China had a civiliza- tion and a literature, arts and sciences, of its own, not less developed and worthy of admiration, in their different and peculiar types, than those of India. It had a code of morality as correct and exalted, if less mild and. winning, than that which Buddha promulgated. In these respects it had nothing to gain from foreign teachers. And the antithesis of the Chinese and Hindu characters has always been such that it would seem impossible that any product of the one should be heartily accepted by the other. The Chinese are distinguished by hard common sense, by worldliness, thrift, industry, domes- ticity: the Hindu is imaginative and metaphysical beyond all due measure, careless of the actual and the present, living in and for the future. Not only was the philosophy of Buddhism thoroughly penetrated with the negativeness, the quiescence, the subjectivity of India; its external institutions were in many points repugnant to the principles of Chinese social polity. The assemblage of its special votaries, male and female, in great cloisters, shocked Chinese ideas of propriety; its priests, those who had risen highest in its faith and practice, and had a peculiar title to the rewards it promised, were pro- fessed celibates and beggars, two characters alike hateful to the orthodox followers of Confucius. How is it, then, that Bud- dhis~in made conquest of China also, as well as of all the coun- tries to the west of it? We confess that we see no way of answering this question satisfactorily, if the religious condition of the empire at the time be not fully taken into consideration. The Chinese peo- ple was, so to speak, without any religion. We have shown in our former Article how scanty was the content, how meager tIme forms, of the ancient Chinese faith; how the whole business of keeping up its ceremonies, saving only the offerings to the dead, had fallen into the hands of the state, and become a matter of official duty only; how Confucius had known no re China and the IVe8t. 7. ligion, and taught none. But it would require a dryness of spirit beyond the measnre even of Chinese aridity, a philo- sophic enlightenment and freedom from superstitious tenden- cies far greater than China could boast, to maintain a whole nation permanently in this negative condition. It must have a positive and tangible creed and worship. Buddhism then, as we conceive, was not ill calculated to supply the want. Where such a want was felt, its many claims to admiration and acceptance would be fully appreciated, and its repulsive fea- tures overlooked. It was far from exciting enmity and oppo- sition by setting itself up in hostility to the native religion. Everywhere and always tolerant in its character beyond any other religionthe only one, perhaps, which never set on foot a religious persecutionit fully admitted and encouraged the ceremonial observances of the state officials, and the ancestral rites of the common people. It was not above adapting itself to the popular mind, and even making itself the minister of the popular superstition. It caine in thus, as it were, and quietly occupied an almost forsaken territory, neither expelling nor disturbing the few original possessors still left there. Our view of the causes of the success with which the efforts of the Buddhist missionaries in China were attended, is sup- ported by the after history of the religion, and by the effects which it produced, and which were produced upon it, in its joint workings with the native institutions. It suffored far more change than it wrought. Greatly altered and corrupted, hollowed out from within and overlaid with strange uXatter from without, as Buddhism has been everywhere in Asia, in China it soonest and most completely lost its original character and legitimate influence. Not that there were not for a long time among its numerous followers those who were zealous for the purity of the faith. Time and again, through a succession of centuries, enthusiastic and devoted Chinese monks visited India, bringing back from thence fresh supplies of sound doctrine, and great stores of the Buddhistic legendary and controversial literaturethe dreariest literature, perhaps, that was ever painfully scored down, and patiently studied, and re- higionsly preservedwhich then found Chinese translators and S China d the We8t. [Jan., imitators, till the empire was even fuller of Buddhist books than of those of native origin. We still have records of the travels and observations of several of those ancient pilgrims, and they testify not only to the religious zeal of their authors, but to the transforming influence which, in some respects at least, and not for the better, Buddhism could exert upon the Chinese mind. While, in the absence of a native Hindu chronology and history, they are valuable contributions to our knowledge of Indiaas even bare lists of names, of undoubted authenticity and assignable date, would bethey are yet as barren of aught that could interest any but a zealous Bud- dhist as it was possible to make them. One cannot help sorely regretting that the travelers had not been genuine Chinese, curious, clear-headed, matter-of-fact followers of Confucius, with eyes for something besides temples and topes and foot- prints of Buddha, with ears open to something other than legends and lying wonders, with interest in something more human than the controversies of the schools of Buddhistic theology: what priceless information might they not then have handed down to us respecting medi~val India !But when we look for distinct effects of Buddhism upon the general national character, we find next to nothing. Confucianism has main- tained since, as before, its mastery over the mind of the nation, its first place in the respect and affection of the most enlight- ened class, and the religious rites it sanctioned are practised as faithfully to-day as two thousand years ago. Buddhist senti- ments of human brotherhood have not softened the contempt and dislike with which the son of H an regards the foreign red-haired devils. Buddhist respect for life, in all its mani- festations, has not stopped the slaughter of Chinese swine, fowls, and fish. Buddhism has not redeemed the religious indifferentism of the Chinese, nor taught them to care less for this life and more for another, nor provided new and efficient encouragements to virtue or restraints upon vice. While it has thus been no elevating and ennobling element in the intel- lectual and moral development of the Chinese people, it can- not be relieved of a heavy responsibility in connection with their religious degradation. It has not only opposed no barrier China and the West. to superstition, it has even adopted and enconraged it, and furnished it a channel in which to run its conrse; and it has occupied the ground, to the exclusion of better influences, which might otlierxvise have had more efficiency. To follow in detail the external history of Buddhism in China is not our intention. At times it has enjoyed the smiles of imperial favor; at times it has been severely persecuted, for the discord- ance of its institutions with the constitution of the state, and its encouragement of idleness and idolatry; yet persecution came too late, and was too fitfully resorted to, to interfere se- riously with its prosperity. It has always been frowned upon and discouraged by the wiser and worthier classes, and occu- pies at present a low and mean position in presence of the public opinion of the empire. China is, indeed, so far as this Buddhistic, that it is full of Buddhist monasteries and temples, and that few of all its inhabitants would hesitate to have re- course to Buddhist ceremonies, or to the services of Buddhist priests, in mere superstition, for help out of trouble, or for the attainment of some coveted good; but in like manner all are Confucians, all are sectaries of Tao. There is no Buddhist church or body of believers, properly speaking, but only a prelacy and priesthood, ignorant and despised, though toler- ated and supported. No small share of the interest which attaches to the history of Buddhism arises from its relation to the history of Chris- tianity in China. In studying the latter, the light cast upon it by the former may not be neglected. The character and the causes of the lasting success which has attended the proselyt- ing labors of the Indian missionaries must be duly appreciated, if we would rightly understand the failure of the repeated and persevering efforts made for the establishment of Christianity within the limits of the empire. Leaving out of account, as nothing better than a pious fable, the pretended apostolic labors of St. Thomas in China, we re- cognize in the Nestorians the missionaries who first carried the Bible and Christianity into the remotest East. This sect, pronounced heretical, and cut off from the communion of the western Catholic church, for denying that Mary was the mother 10 China and the lYe8t. [Jan., of God as well as the mother of Jesus, and of which the scanty remnants are now themselves the objects of Christian mis- sionary laborthis sect was, for many centnries, the chief rep- resentative and the active propagator of Christianity over all the vast continent of Asia. Its missionaries, following at a dis- tance of five or six centnries npon the track of the apostles of l3uddhisin, preached the Christian faith in almost every coun- try of central and eastern Asia, with equal zeal and success; and it might, had the soil been as receptive and as fertile as that on which fell the seeds of Roman doctrine, have gathered in a harvest not less rich and lasting than was reaped at the same period in Europe. The decay of the Nestorian church in numbers, in power, in energy, in intelligence, has been accompa- nied by the loss of its records, and almost even of its traditions; and a few scanty notices, gleaned here and there from eastern and western literature, are nearly all the information we pos- sess respecting the labors of its missionaries and their results. When they entered China is not certainly known; it was prob- ably as early as the begiirning of the sixth century. The two monks who in the middle of that century brought the eggs of the silk-worm to Constantinople are supposed to have been Nestorians. Happily there has been preserved to our own days one ancient document for the history of the Nestorian missions in China. We refer to the famous monument of Si-ngan-fu, of which the authenticity, long disputed, may now be re- garded as fully vindicated. It is an immense marble slab, about ten feet by six, having its surface covered with a long inscription in Chinese, to which are appended a few lines of ancient Syriac. It contains a summary statement and eulogy of the doctrines of the Illustrious Religion, as the Nestorian faith was denominated, a grateful commemoration of the favors shown it by the emperors of the great Tang dynasty, and a general account of the success which had attended its propa- gation in the empire. It was prepared and set up A. D. 781, during the reign of the Tang, and its record goes no farther back than to the accession of that dynasty to the throne, or to A. ID. 635, when the arrival of a certain Alopun from Syria, and time encouragement extended to him, seem to have made 1861.] China and !Ae TVe8t. 11 an era in the history of the mission. The erectors of the monu- ment claim that the votaries of their doctrine were numerons thronghont the empire, and that their churches were to be fonnd in every city; and there is no reason to qnestiQn the jns- tice of these claims: they are fully snpported by all the scat- tered evidences which we are able to derive from other sources of a later date. At the epoch of the Tang, haughty and ig- norant exclusiveness had not come to be a fundamental charac- teristic of Chinese policy: the empire was hardly less open to foreigners than the freest states of modern Enrope, and its sailors and merchants bore an active part in a widely extended foreign commerce. We have in our h nds the relations of one or two Arab travelers of the ninth century, which show us that for hundreds of years the intercourse between Chinese ports and the marts of India and the Persian Gulf had been lively and constant. Chinese vessels, far exceeding in size those of the western countries, came to the mouth of the Euphrates for the exchange of valuable commodities. Arabs, Persians, and Jews, as well as Christians, were to be found in great num- bers in Chinese cities. According to the Chinese annals, the Arabs and Persians were numerous enough in Canton in A. D. 758 to take advantage of the breaking out of a tumult to burn and plunder the city. Arab tourists penetrated to the capital, and had audiences of the emperor, and the accounts they give us of his familiarity with the geography and politics of tIme West, and of his freedom from prejudice and national vanity, are almost marvelous. Khan-fu, a port better situated than any which has for centuries past been accessible to European coin- merce, was then the chief resort of the foreigners. The IMloham- medans settled there were judged by one of their own number appointed by imperial authority to the office. An attractive picture is drawn by our Arab authorities of the then condition of the empire, of its populousness, its wealth, its fertility, its beauty, of the fineness of its silks and its transparent porcelain, of the justice and equity of its government, and of tIme universal education of its peopleevery one learning to read and write, and the poor receiving instruction at the public expense. The picture is not too highly colored; we have said before 12 China and the IFe8t. [Jan., that the enlightenment and prosperity of the chinese empire at this period were not excelled anywhere upon earth. Toward the end of the ninth century, however, a terrible change came over the scene. The ruling dynasty went down, amid tumult, devastation, and massacre. In 8T~T, Khan-fu was besieged and taken by a ferocious rebel chief, and one hundred and twenty thousand iMlusulmans, Christians, Jews, and P~rsis, are said to have been slaughtered among its inhabitants: we may hope that at least the number is greatly exaggerated. This disaster gave a shock to foreign commerce from which it was slow to recover: for a long time regular intercourse by sea with the West was suspended. The Nestorian missions bore their share in the general suffering of the country; a reinforcement sent out by water in the course of the next century returned, some- what hastily and faint-heartedly, perhaps, professing to have found no trace of its co-religionists, and announcing that the Christian religion was extinct in China. For a long time the empire was lost sight of and forgotten, as it were, in Europe and the western coasts of Asia; no farther mention of it is to be met with in occidental literature until the thirteenth century. That the proselyting efforts of the Kestorians in High Asia were not in the meantime intermitted, was attested to the West by diiu rumors of a mighty potentate in the distant East, who was both a Christian and a priestrumors which made their way to Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Our English version of the name by which lie was known is Prester John. This was, in fact, an actual personage, the powerful Khan of the Kerait Tatars, converted to Nestorian Christianity early in the eleventh century. The tribe was conquered later by Genghis-lKhan, and incorporated into the IMlongol empire, but its sovereign was still a Christian when Marco Polo passed through his country on the way to China. The noted traveler whose name we have just mentioned may almost be said to have discovered to Christian Europe the coun- tries of Central and Eastern Asia. His father and uncle, noble merchants of Venice, had found their way to Pekin, the capital of the IMlongol emperor IKublai, in 1260: after a brief stay in the country, they were dispatched by Xublai himself upon an 1861.1 China and the West. 13 embassy to the Pope, and upon their return, in 1276, they took the young Marco with them. Their journeys to and fro were made by the tedious and painful inland route. They resided this time for seventeen years in China, in high favor with Kublai, and even holding at times offices of important trust in his ciii- pire, till they at last came back, by water from the mouth of the Pci-ho, a voyage of eighteen months, to the mouth of the Euphrates, and reappeared in Venice in the year 1295. I{ap- pily for the world, Marco was soon after taken prisoner by the Genoese, and to while away the tedium of his confinement he made as faithful and complete a record of his travels and ob- servations as his memory and notes could furnish. The work gained a great popularity, and was soon translated into almost all the languages of Europe. Its statements were received with not a little incredulity, but their general correctness has been abundantly established by the better knowledge since ob- tained. Its authors special object was to describe the wealth, the institutions, the manners and the customs, of the Chinese empire, and the power and grandeur of its sovereign, and he but seldom touches upon matters which concern foreign commerce and foreign religions; yet it is evident from his occasional men- tion of Christian, Mohammedan, and Jewish communities and churches in the Chinese cities, that both the Nestorian mis- sions and the Arab commerce had recovered from the state of prostration in which the fall of the Tang had left them four hundred years before. The policy of the great founder of the Mongol dynasty himself was eminently liberal and enlightened; foreigners of every race were received by hun with kindness, and entire freedom of faith was allowed throughout his do- minions. Fifty years after Marco Polo, the enterprising and indefati- gable Arab tourist, Ibn J3atuta, who has left us the story of his wanderings over almost every part of the eastern world, reach- ed the southeastern coast of China by sea from India, and made his way by the routes of inland travel to Pekin. His account of the empire both supports and supplements that of his Venetian contemporary. He praises it as the most populous, wealthy, and highly cultivated country in the world: he extols the industry 14 China ~tnd the I Vest. [Jan., and the mechanical and artistic skill of its inhabitants, the beauty and abundance of the porcelain and silk-stuffs, the greatness of the cities, the pomp and splendor of the court and capital. He notices the use of paper money, the care taken of human life, and the unparalleled safety assured to travelers. He tells of Moslem communities in every important city, dwell- ing and practising their religion in security, and governed and judged according to their own laws by authorities chosen from among themselves. In the great metropolis of Khans~ (supposed to be the place more recently called Nanking) lie describes one of the six quarters of which the city was com- posed as peopled exclusively by Jews, F~rsis, and Christians. This is his only mention of Christians; it did not enter into the plan of his story to give details upon such matters; his attention was directed especially to the native inhabitants of the countries lie visited, and to the condition of his own co- religionists among theum. His exit from the empire was has- tened by the internal troubles attending the decadence of the Mongol dynasty. In the meantime had taken place the first successful attempt of European Christianity to extend its influence into Eastern Asia. The effort was prompted by the instinct of self-preser- vation. The Mongols, early in time thirteenth century, had broken forth from the mountains and deserts of the great Asi- atic plateau, overrunning, devastating, and subjecting alike the east, the south, and the west. Soon their terrible herds of horsemen were pressing hard the borders of Catholic Europe, and threatening destruction to both culture and religion. Iii this emergency, while Christian sovereigns were arming for a combined defense of their states, the spiritual guardian of Christ- endom was likewise moved to send out peaceful embassies to the homes of the fierce nomads, to turn them, if it might be, from their savage spirit of conquest, or to avert their anus from Europe. Repeated missions found their way, between 1~45 and 1260, from Rome and France to the camps amid capitals of Tatary, and not without a degree of success in establishimig an understanding between Christians aiid Mongols. One tie of common interest united them: both alike were the foes of the C/dna and die TYe~t. Mohammedan sultans of Egypt, Syria, and Asia Minor, who had checked and baffled their plans of aggrandizei~~eiit. On the one hand, the ernsades were jnst ending in ignominious failure and defeat: on the other hand, here was the rock from which the tide of Mongol conquest was rolled back. The first burst of their strength and fury had spent itself, and Europe was safe. The names of Carpini and iRubruquis are conspicuous aniong those of the papal emissaries who visited the homes of the Mongol race, and returned, bringing back valuable information to Europe, and pointing out the way to Christian missionaries to a new field of effort. It was at once occupied. Missions were soon scattered here and there over Central Asia, and hardly had Marco Polo left Pekin when John of Monte-Corvino, the first Catholic missionary to China, entered it. Complete lib- erty of preaching and proselyting was allowed him: his mission fionrished, spite of Kestorian opposition: after some years nu- nierons and repeated reinforcements were sent out, and placed nuder his direction as Archbishop of Pekin, and it seemed for a time as if Catholic Christianit.y had at last taken firm root all over the remote East. But these flattering prospects were soon eclipsed. The breaking up of the Mongol empire, only a century after its first estabhislunent, was attended with commotion which almost extinguished both eastern and western Christianity in Asia. In China itself; the catastrophe was complete. About the year 13~8, after the usual period of distress and civil war, the Mon- gols were driven out, and a native dynast, tIme Miming, seated upon the throne. A great reaction took place in favor of the native institutions, and against everything that was distiuc- tively foreign. The Christian teachers had enjoyed the pro- tection of the expelled dynasty; like it they had come in fYomn the west; their origin and their sympathies were beyond the borders of tlme empire. With it, then, they were driven out, or their weak establishments went down amid the general con- fimsiou, amid could uot be revived. Parties of muissionaries sent out from Europe were never heard from again. Even the Nes4orian faith, which had so bug survived all revolutions and changes of dynasty, now utterly disappeared. For tIme first 16 China and the We8t. [Jan., time in eight hundred years, China was free from all remnant or trace of Christianity. It is greatly to be regretted that, in the absence of all records of the inner history of the Nestorian missions, we are unable to judge respecting the causes of their long success and ultimate failure. We know not what position Kestorian Christianity maintained toward Chinese indifferentism and superstition; whether it was a bold, faithful, and uncompromising repre- sentative of Christian doctrine, or inoffensively tolerant of the weakness and errors of those whose good it sought; whether it strove after a show of strength by the accession of crowds of nominal converts, or labored for a real success in the transfor- niation of the hearts and lives of its proselytes. However this may have been, the final result was the same. It passed away, and left no abiding impression. Chinese history ignored it, and all remembrance of its presence in the empire was lost. When the next Christian missionaries appeared, the state of China was as if the name of Christ had never yet been heard within its borders. More than a full century now elapsed before the renewal of European intercourse with China. The rediscovery, so to speak, of the empire was one of the occurrences which marked the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries, that epoch so rich in great events, when the inven- tion of printing, the application of the compass to its true work, the discovery of America, the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, changed the aspect of the world, and gave such an impulse to the development of European civilization a~ it had never before received. It was in 1187 that Diaz returned to Lisbon from his voyage of discovery, and reported that the way eastward around the continent of Africa was open to the man- time enterprise of western Europe. Ten years later a Portu- guese colony, never since dislodged, was established under Yasco de Gama on the western coast of the peninsula of India; and in 1517 a Portuguese squadron, tracing backward the route of Marco Polo, entered the port of Canton. This was the commencement of the modern era of Chinese intercourse. The native dynasty of Ming still sat upon the imperial China and the West. 17 throne, but had already passed the zenith of its power and prosperity. It had seen the extinction of European influence in the land: it was destined, before its downfall, to behold the renewal of that influence, in more than the former measure. The policy of the dynasty was by no means especially hostile to foreign commerce, or to foreign religions. Jews and Mo- hammedans were to be found, not only in the seaboard cities, but far in the interior of the empire; and they enjoyed entire toleration, because themselves quiet and inoffensive, and mena- cing with danger neither the religious nor the civil insti- tutions of the empire. lit depended altogether upon the character of the new comers how they should be met. Had the Europeans showed themselves peaceful in their policy and moderate in their demands, and had they awakened no jealous fear by their conduct in other parts of the East, we have no reason to suppose that any restrictions of special severity would have been imposed upon them. Unfortunately, they gave the Chinese, at the outset, a very unfavorable impression of their character. The first Portuguese expedition, indeed, conducted itself peaceably, and, being kindly met, effected a satisfactory and profitable exchange of the commodities it brought. But while a Portu- guese embassy was on the way to Pekin, to arrange terms of future intercourse, a second fleet, newly arrived at Can- ton, fell to burning, murdering, and plundering, as if a mere band of lawless freebooters. Intelligence of this, as well as of the predatory conquests made by the Portuguese in Ma- lacca, among the very allies and dependents of the em- pire, reached the capital with the envoys. The result was what might have been expected. The ambassadors were treated as spies and impostors, and sent back in chains to Canton, where, chancing to arrive at the same time with the commission of new outrages, they were put to death, or detained in permanent captivity. Still the visits of the Portu- guese were not altogether and permanently interdicted. They formed profitable establishments in many of the ports of the empire, and after 1560 were allowed to establish a kind of colony at Macao, at the mouth of the Canton River, which von. xxx. 2 18 China and the We8t. [Jan., long continued to be the head quarters of European commerce, and the chief station of the Catholic missions. The Spaniards first approached the coast of China in 1575, from the neighboring Philippine Islands, of which their re- cent conquest was as unfavorable a recommendation to Chinese hospitality as they could possibly have had. The injustice and impolicy of their government of the islands, and especially their cruelty to the numerous Chinese emigrants to Manila, produced later distinctly traceable effects upon the Chinese policy toward all Europeans. The Dutch, too, did what they could to add to the evil reputation of Europe in China. At their first appearance they came as enemies of the Portuguese, and offended the government by an attack upon Macao, which was still Chinese territory, although tenanted by foreigners; being beaten off there, they seized upon the Pescadores, a cluster of islands lying just off the coast, a little farther to the north. The first visit of the English, in 1637, was also attended with unfortunate circumstances, ominous of anything but harmony and a good understanding in the future: although, if we may trust the accounts given, the chief blame was this time with the Chinese; since the latter, led astray by the false and malicious representation of their intentions made by the Portuguese, commenced an unprovoked attack upon them. It was fiercely and successfully resented, and after the capture of the forts which had been guilty of the outrage, explana- tions were entered into, and apologies made, and the intruding vessels were allowed to exchange their cargoes before leaving the river. No farther intercourse was had with England or her colonies until 1664. When we take duly into account all these untoward occur- rences attendant upon the reopening of commercial inter- course between the East and the West, and the generally aggressive character, half freebooting, half conquest-making, belonging to the adventurous expeditions of the Western traders, we can hardly think it strange that the Chinese should have met the new foreign commerce in a very different spirit from that with which they had greeted the old. Distrust, China and the TV~t. :19 fear, and aversion, became the determining motives of the policy which they adopted toward their visitors. That it was not based merely upon haughty and contemptuous self-suffi- ciency, indifference to commerce, and blind intolerance of foreigners and their manners and institutions, is clearly evi- dent from what we have seen above respecting the earlier commercial relations between China and the West, and the long and peaceful occupation, by Moslems, Jews, and Christ- ians, of domicils in all parts of the empire. Circumstances, however, did enable the government to give its policy a coloring of arrogant contempt. The foreign commerce was, in truth, a matter of relatively small consequence to China. Compared with the domestic trade, which made of the interior of the country one vast market for the exchange of the pro- ductions of different provinces, its amount and the revenue it yielded were, especially at the first, quite insignificant. It seemed to be carried on solely for the benefit of the stran- ger, who came to supply his poverty from the abounding re- sources of the empire, and was able to offer in return but little of value. It is well known that, until the poisono~us drug, opium, was brought in to turn the scale, the balance of exchange was always terribly against the foreign trader, and the hard specie in which he was forced to pay for his purchases was of small account in the public economy of a country which knew no authorized currency save paper and copper. Hence the foreigners appeared as suppliants, begging to be allowed to enjoy and profit by an intercourse which it was a matter of indifference to the other party whether they granted or refused. The Chinese were not slow to perceive and to push the advantage. They habitually tried how much the foreigners would endure of imposition and of indignity under the pressure of a threat to stop the trade. Neither the latter nor the countries from which they came were suffered to make a dignified and imposing figure in Chinese eyes. Any difference between them and the petty, half-civilized and barbarous states which bordered upon the empire, was studi- ously ignored. Their embassies were made puppets of in the hands of a rigorous etiquette, were balked of all valuable 20 China and the We8t. [Jan., results, and treated as acknowledgments of inferiority and vassalage. What, indeed, were the handfuls of subjects who acknowledged the authority of the Western monarchs, to the hundreds of millions who bowed to the throne of him who styled himself the Son of Heaven? And of the energy, knowledge, and capacity which made a few countries of Eu- rope, small as was the space they occupied upon the earths surface, a power greater than all the rest of the world together, the Chinese had little appreciation. They were content with and proud of their own culture, literature, and social and political institutions, all of immemorial antiquity; and, in the true spirit of a stiffened civilization, they misapprehended and condemned whatever was discordant with it: and what they were compelled to acknowledge only hightened their fear and distrust, and made their exclusive policy more strin- gent. The political condition of the empire was not without its influence upon the treatment of the foreigners. The dynasty of Ming had built itself up on the expulsion of a foreign domination, and the reassertion of Chinese nationality; and the Manchu dynasty, which succeeded it, itself intrusive, and conscious of its insecure hold upon power, was naturally jealous of the presence and influence of the races which were overturning and founding empires in so many other parts of Asia. It was, then, as we conceive, mainly from apprehension, and in self-defense, that impediment after impediment was thrown in the way of free intercourse with Europeans, that the avenues of access were one after another closed, until, just a century since, European commerce was limited to the one port of Canton, and otherwise placed under severe and oppressive restrictions. And we are compelled to acknowl- edge that, however much there may have been in it of nar- row-mindedness and ignorance, there was also political sa- gacity, and a true instinct of self-preservation. The conse- quences of a want of like foresight elsewhere are apparent, in the overthrow of native institutions, and the establish- ment of European supremacy, in the fairest portions of both China and the JYe& t. 21 the Old and the New worlds. We can hardly avoid being touched with some compunction, at witnessing the final failure of a plan of national condnct so long and perseveringly pursued, and the forcible intrusion, on a scale that shakes the fabric of Chinese empire to its foundations, of the influ- ence so anxiously excluded. But before we go on to trace the development of the relations between China and the West from a simply com- mercial to a political phase, we will review the history of the efforts made since the epoch of modern intercourse to introduce Christianity into the country, or the history of the Catholic and Protestant missions. During the sixteenth century, the Catholic church, al- though feeling at home the staggering effect of the severest blows ever struck at its supremacy, was in the midst of a career of active and successful propagandism abroad. This was especially the case after the foundation of the order of Jesuits, about the middle of the century. Jesuit missionaries accompanied nearly all the fleets which bore Spanish and Portuguese adventurers to the various parts of the newly opened world. One of Loyolas original associates, St. Francis Xavier, the apostle of the Indies and of Japan, made the earliest attempt to establish a mission in China; but he died in 1552, upon the borders of the empire, before he had succeeded in overcoming the difficulties thrown in his way, more by his own countrymen than by the Chinese. The Jesuit IRicci was the first who effected an entrance. He was suffered to pass the frontier about 1580, after years of delay and negotiation, and for a long time he preached and taught in the neighborhood of Canton. This, however, was to him only the school in which to fit himself for a higher and wider field of action. Not content with the precarious toleration which the provincial authorities allowed him, he sought to win for Christian missionaries such a position in the very heart of the country as should command universal toleration, and should recommend Christianity to the ac- ceptance of the masses of the people. He pushed forward from point to point, more than once rebuffed and driven 22 Chin~a and the We8t. [Jan., back to his old place, nntil at last, in 1601, he was admitted into the capital, and was able to fonnd there the Jesnit mission, which, for more than two hundred years, maintained an existence always remarkable and often full of honor and success. The character which he impressed npon the mission it retained throngh its whole history. He was a man of vast acquirements and no ordinary ca- pacity; he was versed in literature, philosophy, and science, an accomplished representative of the best cnltnre of the West. He felt the vast snperiority of European knowledge and skill in its application over those of the Chinese, and his aim was to utilize that superiority in every possible way for the benefit of European religion. His science had won him great consideration at Kankin: the curious instruments which he brought as presents opened to him the gates of the capital and of the court: like influences procured him the imperial permission to remain, spite of the opposition of the Board of Rites, under whose jurisdiction such matters properly fell. Thus it continued to be from that time forth. The Pekin mission became a kind of European Academy, filled with men eminent for learning and ability, selected with reference to the wants, and often by the express request, of the emperor; men who placed themselves and their knowledge at the dis- posal of the state, filled high offices, executed important trusts, and by their usefulness as mathematicians, geographers, astronomers, mechanicians, artists, teachers, and by the respect and influence thereby assured to them, were able to maintain for a long time the struggle in behalf of Christianity against the ever growing fear and jealousy of it on the part of the general government of the empire. This was a bold and brilliant system of tactics, and it held out high hopes of suc- cess: had the times and the places been more propitious, it might have won such a triumph in the East as when, in the West, the Roman empire was converted to Christianity. But it was also not without its special dangers, as it brought the new faith and its defenders into more conspicuous opposition with the native institutions and their representatives, and awakened political and scientific, as well as religious, jealous- China and the We8t. 23 ies and hatreds. In the end it failed utterly. Niggardly tole- ration for a season was the best boon it could obtain for Christianity; the state policy of exclusion of everything for- eign, as being valueless to the welfare, and dangerous to the stability, of the empire, held inexorably on its way: while the missionaries were honored at Pekin, and suffered to worship as they would, their religion was proscribed and persecuted everywhere else. The mission sank into the unhappy position of a knot of personal satellites of the emperor, and unre- warded servants of the empire, and at last became extinct. We will briefly trace its history during the interval. As soon as the news of iRiccis success reached the West, he was appointed Superior of all the Chinese missions, and a numerous band of laborers was sent out to work under his direction. For some time all went well. But, shortly after iRiccis death, the opposition of those who were jealous of European influence at the capital prevailed, and an edict was obtained by which the missionaries were expelled from the country, and all exercise of their religion forbidden. Many of them remained in hiding, protected by the friends they had made, both in the court and among the people, and waiting for better times. At this period the troubles and disorders which led to the overthrow of the dynasty were breaking out in every province. The friends of the missionaries succeeded in having them authorized to reappear, as men whose knowl- edge and capacity might be made useful to the empire. Adam SchalI~ the most eminent among them, was made chief of the astronomical board, and, about 1640, was set to casting cannon for the imperial use. But the dynasty, oppressed at once by rebellion and foreign invasion, was doomed to fall: in 1644, Pekin fell into the hands, first of the rebels, and then of the IMlanchus: the latter remained its masters and the masters of the empire. The change of dynasty made no difference in the condition of the mission, although, of course, the Christian communities suffered, and Christian missionary labor was greatly impeded, by the disturbances and civil wars which desolated the em- pire. Schall was continued in his offices and dignities, and 24 China and the West. [Jan., received unusual marks of favor from the first Mongol empe- ror, whose attachment to him was excessive, and over whom he wielded a powerful influence. With the regents who, after the death of the emperor, conducted for a time the affairs of state during the minority of his son, afterwards the great Kaug- hi, the case was different; and the enemies of the missionaries were able once more to set on foot a persecution more violent than the previous one. In 1665, the Christian religion was placed under ban: the missionaries were thrown into prison, and condemned to deportation into the depths of Tatary, while Schall, the chief mark for jealousy and hatred, was sentenced to an ignominious death. An earthquake prevented the exe- cution of the sentence, and frightened the persecutors. Schall was released, but immediately died. Four others were re- tained, that they might serve the empire, and the rest, twenty- five in number, were sent to Canton and thrust out of the country. Science once more raised the missions from their low estate. Their chief persecutor, and Schalls successor as head of the astronomical board, proved himself a terrible ignoramus and bungler in his profession. In constructing the state calendar, a matter of the highest consideration in China, he had even allotted to the new year an intercalary month to which it was not entitled! This and other errors were proved upon him by the missionaries, in presence of the young emperor, who had now assumed the reins of power. Their triumph was com- plete: their foe was disgraced, and Verbiest installed in his place; and the admiration and confidence of the greatest and ablest monarch who ever sat on the throne of China was given to the missionaries, never to be withdrawn. He became their eager pupil, and their attached friend and protector. The victims of the recent persecution were at once recalled to their old fields of labor, and some years later, in 1692, the emperors direct and sovereign authority carried through the tribunals, in spite of their reluctance and opposition, a decree which granted full toleration to Christianity throughout the whole empire. The reign of Kang-hi is the period of the greatest prosperity of the Catholic missions in China. It is China and the West. 25 also the period of the most active and honorable participation of the missionaries in the affairs of the country. Yerbiest again founded cannon, for use in the wars against the Tatars. Gerbillon negotiated a treaty of peace and amity with the Russians on the northern frontier. The emperor was cured of a dangerous fever by the use of quinine. The great work of constructing an accurate map of the whole empire was suc- cessfully accomplished. An unfavorable change, which, even before the close of the reign of Kang-hi, came over the condition and prospects of the Chinese mission, was due to dissensions among the missiona- ries themselves. IRicci had been very tolerant of the weak- nesses of Chinese character and the prejudices of Chinese edu- cation, and had sought to adapt to them, so far as was possi- ble, the doctrine which he preached. He had seen no suffi- cient objection to permitting the practice of those ceremonies of official and ancestral worship which made up the substance of the orthodox state and popular religion. He regarded them as the peculiar institution of the empire, which had a civil character merely, and upon which it was highly unadvisable to lay a disturbing finger, lest the great work of spreading the gospel among the benighted heathen of the empire should thereby suffer hindrance; for every religion which had as yet obtained permanent foothold in the country had been com- pelled to respect and adopt those venerable rites. his view was a highly politic, but probably also a sincere, one; and it was correct, at least so far as this, that the Chinese generally performed the ceremonies as mere inherited forms, connecting no idolatrous or other meaning with them. Unquestionably, however, they were by origin, and in their real nature, super- stitious and idolatrous, and it could be but a degraded and lifeless Christianity which would permanently tolerate them. Differences of opinion respecting their character and the man- ner in which they were to be dealt with had prevailed from the begimmuing among the Jesuits themselves, yet these, as a body, adopted the views of IRicci. The Dominicans and mis- sionaries of other orders as generally condemned them. The dispute, aggravated by the rivalry of the monastic orders, and 26 China and the We8t. [Jan., even by political and national jealousies, long raged high, greatly to the scandal of the unbelievers and the detriment of the missions. Both sides appealed to IRome, and several dis- cordant decisions were, in the course of the seventeenth cen- tury, provisionally pronounced by the Holy See, subject to re- vision upon farther examination; ~yet the scale evidently leaned strongly against the views defended by the Jesuits. The latter were then so indiscreet as vastly to complicate the question by appealing to their friend and patron, the emperor, and making him a party to its adjudication. He, himself an eclectic and an indifferent in matters of religion, as Chinese emperors have long been wont to be, pronounced a decision, as was to be expected, in favor of the Jesuits and of the Chinese rites, declaring the latter to be free from all taint of idolatry, and altogether innocent and praiseworthy. But unfortunately, after the maturest deliberation, the case was decided at IRome the other way. here were two irresistible forces, the infallibility of the pope and the universal authority of the emperor, formally arrayed in opposition to one another; neither could give way, but the missions had to feel the direful effects of their collision. IRepeated embassies from the pope to the emperor only led to violent disputes, and to the exile, imprisonment, and persecution of the legates; while the impe- rial favor was withdrawn from the missions, and the continued toleration of the missionaries within the borders of the empire made conditional upon their giving a promise in writing to make no opposition to the rites, and to remain all their lives in the country. Hardly, however, had the last papal legate re- turned from his futile mission, when, in 1722, the great Kang- hi died. Yung-ching, his son~ and successor, was a ruler of abilities not unworthy of his father, but a man of stern temper, and who cared little for tIme society and personal instructions of the missionaries. As the personal protection of the emperor had long been the main defense of the missions, prohibition and persecution now immediately followed. In answer to tIme expostulations of his European servants at Pekin, the emperor gave them, with his own mouth, the explanation of the course China and the IVe8t. 27 which he deemed it for the interests of the empire to pursue, using these remarkable words: You wish all the Chinese to become Christians, and your law requires it; that I know very well. But in that case, what should we be? the subjects of your kings? Your Christians recognize none but you; in times of trouble they would listen to no voice but yours. I know that at present there is nothing to fear; but when your vessels should come by the thousands and tens of thousands, there would be trouble. We have here the key to the whole policy of the Chinese, in respect to both the religion and the commerce of the West, as it was gradually developed and established, under the most enlightened sovereigns who have ever ruled over the empire. Their intolerance of Christianity had no religious motive; but they feared the men of Europe. They feared them for the very qualities which they admired in them, and turned to their own profitfor their energy of character and their vastly supe- rior knowledge. They could bear the growth of no such powerful influence as Christianity might be expected to be- come, to the decay of the native institutions, the ruin of the ruling dynasty, and the final imposition of a foreign domi- nation. The history of the Chinese missions after the death of Kang-hi may be told in few words. The prohibitory edict of Yung-ching was never repealed. The missionaries at Pekin were allowed to remain, to recruit their numbers from time to time, to retain their civil offices and dignities, and to practise by themselves the ceremonies of their religion; but as Chris- tian missionaries they were forbidden to labor, nor was the presence of Europeans tolerated except at the capital. Yet, during this and the following reigns, the exiled laborers stole quietly back to their posts, and continued their old labors in secret, and under the constant dread of discovery. This was, indeed, the best and most heroic epoch of Catholic Christianity in China; the annals of the church can hardly show more noble examples of self-devotion, of persevering labor in the midst of discouragement and danger, of patient endurance of a life of hardships, of fortitude and resignation in meeting 28 China and the We8t. [Jan., torture and death, than were exhibited by the Chinese mission- aries. Not a few of the native Christians were also called to yield up life, or to go into distant exile, for their religion, and most of them, if we may believe the accounts handed down to us, worthily stood the test, while the success of the work of proselyting was hardly less than it had been in the halcyon days of European influence at the imperial court. To the brief rule of Yung-ching succeeded, in 1736, the long and prosperous reign of Kien-lung, ending with his abdication in 1796. The attachment of the latter to his European artists, mechanicians, and astronomers, was very great, but he adhered inflexibly to the established policy of prohibition of Chris- tianity in the empire, and a slight relaxation of the vigilance and violence of the local authorities of the provinces in discov- ering and punishing its sectaries was the nearest approach to toleration which could be made during all the latter part of the century which had opened with such signs of promise. But now troubles of another kind came to interrupt the pro- gress of the missions. The order of Jesuits was suppressed. The French revolution put an end to the special support which the Chinese mission had long received from the French gov- ernment, and the troubled state of Europe, and the prostration of the IRomish church, cut off other sources of snpply, both of laborers and of means of their support. The Pekin mission grew weaker and weaker, and in 1820 Tao-kwang, upon his accession to the throne, drove out its last remaining represen- tative. Yet has the Catholic church never relinquished its hold upon China; its numerous missionaries still traverse the empire in disguise, keeping up in every city the long estab- lished communities of Christians; and its votaries are still counted even by hundreds of thousands. It would, however, be an error to account Catholic Christianity as a power among the Chinese people, or even as having any vital and self-sus- taining force in the empire. There is reason to apprehend that its victories have ever been nominal more than real; that its standard of proselytism has been fixed far lower than would satisfy the requirements of the Protestant missions. It is not especially difficult to win, from a people so little attached to China and the West. 29 any religion of its own as the Chinese, a verbal acknowledg- ment of the trnth of Christian doctrine, submission to baptism, and partial or occasional compliance with the ceremonial prac- tices of the Romish church; to communicate a real knowledge of Christianity, and the possession of its spirit, is something very different. That the great majority of the millions of converts reckoned by the Catholic missions since their estab- lishment have been converts in form only, is past all reason- able doubt: it were uncharitable to attempt to say just how many may have been of another character. Some appreciation of the spirit in which the later missionary operations are carried on may be won from the fact that a considerable item among them is the baptizing, under false pretences and by un- consecrated hands, of infants considered to be at the point of death from sickness. At all events, even Catholics can hardly refuse to acknowledge that Catholic Christianity has as com- pletely failed to make conquest of China, or to establish itself firmly and securely within the limits of the empire, as did its predecessor, Kestorian Christianity. Since the beginning of the present century a new era of missionary effort has been inaugurated, under the auspices of the Protestant societies of England, Germany, and America. With the history of this movement our readers are already too well acquainted to need that more than the briefest sketch of it should here be presented. The first Protestant missionary was Morrison, who landed in the country in 1807. The contrast between his career and that of Imcci well illus- trates the difference in aim and spirit of the two missions of which they were respectively the founders. Morrison estab- lished himself in the most quiet manner at Canton, and de- voted his attention especially to two worksthe preparation of a dictionary, and the translation of the Bible; works in- tended to serve as auxiliaries to those who should come after him. He maintained a weekly religious service, but founded no church, and sought not to measure the usefulness of his mission by the number of converts made, and the degree of public attention excited. During his whole lifehe died in 1834he never set foot farther within the interior of the 30 China and the We8t. country than Canton. This modest and unaggressive policy was rendered necessary by the changed condition of the empire, taken in connection with the natural limits to the efficiency of Protestant missionaries. To attempt a clandestine entrance into the interior, when every avenue of access was jealously guarded, and open instruction and proselytizing impracticable, would have been useless. The only thing to be done was to begin in confessed weakness and obscurity, and to wait; to lay a foundation, and to hope that better times would build the superstructure. All the ground accessible to the acknowledged missionary was soon occupied, and the expansion of the mis- sions has kept even pace with the unclosing of the empire. During their earlier period, especially, attempts were made to gain influence among the colonies of Chinese emigrants, who are to be found scattered all over the coasts and islands of the Indian and Southern oceans, wherever there is gain to be made by industry and enterprise; but the moderate success met with, and the gradual opening of China itself, have caused them to be for the most part relinquished. More than two hundred men have, during fifty years, been sent out by the various societies. Unlike the Jesuits, they have addressed themselves primarily and chiefly to the common people. They have pub- lished numerous editions of the whole or parts of the Bible, in different translations; they have reduced many of the popular colloquial dialects for the first time to a written form, in Chinese or Roman characters, and in these or in the literary language have composed and circulated hosts of tracts, and of elementary text-books in history, geography, natural science, and the like. They have been active and successful in col- lecting and communicating knowledge of the language, litera- ture, history, and institutions of the empire. If they are not unfrequently sneered at by the Catholics for the limited sphere of their labors, and for their misapplied activity in scatter- ing abroad books which in the great majority of cases must be wasted and lost, the sneer is not a deserved one, and comes moreover with a bad grace from those who have themselves signally failed in an opposite course of policy. The Catholic and Protestant systems have not yet come into competition China and the We8t. 31 with one another upon the same gronnd, as may soon be the case, in order that their relative efficiency may be tested. Great hopes have been built npon the complete opening of access to all parts of the empire, which appears now imminent. Yet it should not fail to be borne in mind that but a small part of the obstacles to penetrating the country with civilizing and Christianizing influences will thns be removed. Of all re- gions of the world, China is the hardest and least promising field for such labor. The whole character of the people, both in its positive and its negative traits, and, not less, their ab- sorption in the struggle for existence forced npon them by the immense over-populousness of the empire, tell powerfully against the reception of the new doctrines; and no one should be so thoughtless as to expect that, where Nestorian and Roman missionaries have toiled for centuries without any abiding har- vest, there is now to be a speedy and notable change for the better. We should ourselves rejoice to see reason to believe that the Chinese are more likely to be penetrated with a new spirit, and to rise in the scale of nations, from free intercourse with Europeans, than to lose what they already have, and to suffer national degradation and extinction. Events are now rapidly approaching to a crisis which will begin the test- ing of this question, and it is our duty, before quitting our general subject, to review the history also of the political movements of the past few years, and to glance at the present condition of the struggle between European aggressiveness and Chinese exclusiveness. But we have already occupied all the space allotted us in the present Number, and must once more defer to another time the consideration of this final division of our theme. 32 The Miaronite8 and the Dru~ee. [Jan., ARTICLE 11.THE MARONITES AND THE DRUZES. THE physical characteristics of Lebanon, as well as the thousand sacred associations connected with its name, could not fail to invest it with peculiar attractions to any one; but there are also many varied features of interest to be found in the character of its present inhabitants and their past history. During weary centuries of evil, its noble rocks have afforded a kind shelter to freedom, and neither Sultan nor Pasha has been able to play the Asiatic lord long over its sons. The re- sult was, therefore, that while the richest portions of Syria and its fairest plains, such as the Buckaa, Esdraelon, and Sharon are wastes, because they belong to the Turk, the rough mountain nourishes thousands, who on the very face of its clifTh hang their gardens and make them yield abundantly even such lux- uries as silk, oil, tobacco, and wine. The traveler who has be- come disgusted with the dusky Egyptian serfs, or the sullen and stupidly fanatical peasants about Jerusalem and Nablous, is well prepared to welcome the Lebanon mountaineers, whose erect and free carriage, combined with an easy native polite- ness, at once tell of a different race and a different experience. It is singular, but yet too true, that from the feuds of its inhab- itants, its present is its worst history, for often in former times has Lebanon appeared like a rocky island, where some refuge was found from the flood which destroyed what was once the garden of the Lord. If ere also are to be found feudal fam- ilies that boast an ancient lineage which the proudest houses of Europe might envy, and with chronicles as rich in incidents of war, romance or murder as ever poet or novelist would wish. For a long time the political power of Lebanon has been about equally divided between two very different sects, the Maronite Christians and the IDruzes, although in number the latter are hardly a third of the former. The history of the Maronites is a very chequered one, extending from their con- version to Christianity in apostolical times, when their Syriac

32 The Miaronite8 and the Dru~ee. [Jan., ARTICLE 11.THE MARONITES AND THE DRUZES. THE physical characteristics of Lebanon, as well as the thousand sacred associations connected with its name, could not fail to invest it with peculiar attractions to any one; but there are also many varied features of interest to be found in the character of its present inhabitants and their past history. During weary centuries of evil, its noble rocks have afforded a kind shelter to freedom, and neither Sultan nor Pasha has been able to play the Asiatic lord long over its sons. The re- sult was, therefore, that while the richest portions of Syria and its fairest plains, such as the Buckaa, Esdraelon, and Sharon are wastes, because they belong to the Turk, the rough mountain nourishes thousands, who on the very face of its clifTh hang their gardens and make them yield abundantly even such lux- uries as silk, oil, tobacco, and wine. The traveler who has be- come disgusted with the dusky Egyptian serfs, or the sullen and stupidly fanatical peasants about Jerusalem and Nablous, is well prepared to welcome the Lebanon mountaineers, whose erect and free carriage, combined with an easy native polite- ness, at once tell of a different race and a different experience. It is singular, but yet too true, that from the feuds of its inhab- itants, its present is its worst history, for often in former times has Lebanon appeared like a rocky island, where some refuge was found from the flood which destroyed what was once the garden of the Lord. If ere also are to be found feudal fam- ilies that boast an ancient lineage which the proudest houses of Europe might envy, and with chronicles as rich in incidents of war, romance or murder as ever poet or novelist would wish. For a long time the political power of Lebanon has been about equally divided between two very different sects, the Maronite Christians and the IDruzes, although in number the latter are hardly a third of the former. The history of the Maronites is a very chequered one, extending from their con- version to Christianity in apostolical times, when their Syriac The ilfaronites and the Druzes. 33 translation of the Scriptures, so much praised now by biblical scholars, was made, down through the sad days of Moslem conquests and the Crusades, to the civil wars with the Druzes of our own times. As to the race they must be considered of pure Syrian stock, the descendants of the ancient Aramaic kingdoms of Damascus and Hamath, whose contests with the Israelites under David and his successors are so frequently mentioned in sacred history. Their origin as a distinct sect, however, was during the strange times of the later Constautines. There is certainly not a more singular spectacle in history than that which the Eastern Empire then presented of a country ruined apparently by the Christian religion. The whole population seemed to be composed of furi- ous zealots, persecuting and persecuted, and delighting in the strangest and most unaccountable heresies, each, as it arose, bringing new wars and new desolations. Between these con- tests of councils, bishops and patriarchs the very spirit of Christianity departed forever. Meantime, year by year the empire itself grew weaker from these ceaseless commotions, which proved to be a fearful preparation for a wonderful in- vasion that came like a Simoom from the sands of Arabia, bringing with it the religion of the false prophet and the em- pire of the Caliph. Prominent among these rebellious sects were the Monothe- hites, whose distinctive dogma was that though the Saviour had two natures, he had but one will. That being purely di- vine,it is difficult to see in what his humanity consisted, as they vehemently scouted its being restricted to a human body. Nevertheless, the new heresy made progress in every direction, as usual. The Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria, the Em- peror of Constantinople, and Honorins, Pope of Rome, all be- come heretics together, but nowhere did the new doctrine take such deep root as among the mountaineers of Lebanon, owing to the preaching and sanctity of St. Marone, one of its most distino~uished teachers. Soon, however, a new Constantine b arose who was orthodox and who lost no time in convening the Sixth General Council of Chalcedon, in which the Monothe- hites were excommunicated, and their eminent teachers, in voL. xix. 3 34 The Miaronites and the Drmze8. [Jan., cinding the Pope H onorius, (who however was then dead), were, to qnote an old Catholic historian, chained down in the bonds of anathema and expelled the chnrch. Accordingly the emperor straightway set about pulling up this new tare of Satan, and as far as the Eastern and Western churches were concerned succeeded, bnt the Maronites of Leba- non obstinately refused. A large army was despatched to bring them back to the fold. The well tilled plains around the base of Lebanon were laid waste, the villages destroyed and their inhabitants massacred or sold into slavery. This ac- complished, the orthodox host began to ascend the monntain range and encamped on the plateau of IKoora, above Tripoli, among the olive groves of the plain. A furions onset was snd- denly made on the camp by the Maronites, who rushed down from the lofty hights above, and, though met at first by a stont resistance, the rout of the Imperial army at last became total, and their two generals were slain while endeavoring to make a stand at the village of Amanoon. Their foes, whether out of respect to their courage, or to commemorate their great victory, raised two monuments over their graves, which remain to this day. The Byzantine government had soon to abstain from such senseless measures in a struggle for its very existence with the Moslem. The prophecy which was uttered twenty-three centu- ries before, that Jshmael should become a great nation, was now wonderfully fulfilled when the Caliph Waleed in his divan at IDamascus received at the same time despatches from his generals Abd er IRahman, who had crossed the IPyrenees, and Mahommed Kasim, who had crossed the Ganges. It is difficult for us now to realize the intense feeling which the sudden ap- pearance and appalling progress of the Islam excited through- out the Christian nations. However bitter were the contentions with each other about various dogmas, yet the great doctrine of a Divine Saviour was reverently cherished by both East and West; but now from the hot sands of Arabia arose countless winged hosts, like those other resistless messengers of devastation, the desert born locusts, who hastened to spread a gloomy form of monotheism by the sword. To the Christian it was left either The illiaronites and the Drw~e8. 35 to apostatize or to exist under ceaseless contumely and insult for the sake of his faith, that made life itself bitter. Once imbu- ed with the teachings of Mohammed, the spirit of an insolent intolerance kindles in the devotees breast, which causes him to omit no opportunity to wound the most sacred feelings of all other religionists. It has been the fashion with many writers who affect impartiality, to speak lovingly of Islamism and to style Mohammed the Arabian Reformer. We only wish that our philosophers, before they began to write about Islamism, could but be made themselves to taste some of the fruits which grow on this tree, (happily in a far different and distant clime from ours), and then let us hear their verdict. But a few years ago it was the law of the Turkish empire that no Christian should presume to dress in any color but black, to be addressed as Sir, to pass on the right hand of a Moslem, to give the salutation of peace, to build a two-story house if his Moslem neighbor had but one-story, to testify in a court of jmstice against a true believer; while in commemoration of his submission, with his face to the ground, (in the language of Caliph Omars com- pact), to the sword of Islam, lie was to pay once a year a cap- itation tax, which done he was to receive a slap on the nape of the neck. The slightest outward prosperity was begrudged them, not by the ignorant mob alone, but still more by the Imam and men of learning. Cursed be lie who clothes them with the garment of happiness, says Ibn ci Werdi, one of the greatest of Mahommedan jurists and one of the first Arabian poets. Righteously did the great heart of Europe swell with indignation at the outrageous infidel, for we cannot but feel that the Crusades, like all the mighty stirrings of the masses, occurred because the deepest sentiments of justice and religion were roused, and which scarce the reverses and dis- asters of three centuries could extinguish. Meantime, against the Moslems the Maronites of Lebanon made a gallant stand, and even gained ground on warriors be- fore whom the nations trenibled. Led by a noble and warlike family of Emirs, who dwelt on the high ranges above Beyroot and Tripoli, they drove the Saracens to the very gates of Da- mascus, until the Caliphs were obliged to surrender to them 36 The ]ijfaronite8 and the Druzes. [Jan., the government of the whole mountains from Aleppo to Jeru- salem. But it was an une4ual contest, and step by step they had to recede to their own Lebanon, nntil even its southern half became a desert, as the Arab tribes, the ancestors of the Drnzes, fonnd it when they took possession in A. D. 821. We can well nnderstand therefore with what joy they hailed the ap- proach of a mail-clad host, proudly carrying before them that same dear emblem, the cross, which they had seen for so long under foot. The Crusaders, on the other hand, could not but welcome the aid of a warlike Christian tribe, and accordingly, after exchang- ing tender sentiments of fraternity, says William of Tyre, they addressed themselves unto these fideles of Lebanon, as un- to wise and sober-minded men, and having an exact knowledge of roads and localities, to ascertain what would be the safest and most practicable way to Jerusalem. But here was a serious dif- ficultythe Maronites were heretics! However, by a skillfully regulated cession of religious points on both sides, a treaty was at last ratified. The Maronites consented to abjure their dogma, which in truth few of them could comprehend, and to acknowl- edge the supremacy of the IRoman Pontiff, but the priests would not give up their wives nor the people their saint. The pope, therefore, granted a license to the priests to marry, to elect their own bishops and patriarchs, and to retain their an- cient Syriac liturgy~ while he agreed to say nothing relative to the post mortem whereabouts of St. Marone. The Maro- nites have ever since been zealous papists, though often sorely chafed when their opponents twit them with the fact that the church has undeniably cast their beloved apostle into outer darkness. There is no doubt that were it to come to the pinch, they would follow him there also, as their reverence for the monk of the Orontes falls little short of deification. Where shall I place him ! exclaimed a famous Maronite preacher, waxing warm in a sermon on the saints fast day. By Eli- jah? A greater than Elijah is here. By the prophet Daniel? Higher yet he stands. Where shall I place him ? You may place him, interrupted a Greek in the audience, in my seat, for I am going out ! The 3faron~te8 and the Druzes. 37 When the power of the Crusaders waned, the Maronites had to share their reverses with them, and rather than carry a Moslem yoke, many of them left their native land to follow their brethren, when they evacuated Syria. A Maronite battal- ion fell sword in hand in defense of Cyprus against the Turks, and, at this time, a large portion of the population of Malta is derived from the Syrian refugees, as their singular language attests, being a genuine Arab stock grafted with a twig from half the dialects of Europe. Meantime many sorrows befell those that remained. The destroyer Tamerlane well nigh exterminated them, and after him the Moslem Sultans erected a number of strong castles, in which they placed a set of Turcomen and Metawileh robber chiefs, who exhausted every means of cruelty upon the unfortunate Christians. By these long continued oppressions their ancient warlike spirit was broken; and though they were freed from these tyrants by the strong arm and generous heart of the Emir Fukhreddeen Maan, the governor of the IDruzes, yet they have never recovered their old military qualities. Ever since his time, however, they have been steadily increasing in numbers and wealth, so that at present, throughout Syria, we think they cannot fall much short of three hundred thousand. Where they are allowed freedom of action, they prove themselves enterprising and industrious, but in their own district in Lebanon, called the ihiesrawan, the land has passed almost wholly into the possession of the con- vents, which crown almost every mountain top, so that the people are generally greatly impoverished. Would that this was the only evil the Maronites have had to suffer from the power wielded over them by their hierarchy, for their patri- archs and bishops have been among the prime originators of every civil war that has recently devasted Lebanon. Still their progress of late years has been truly remarkable and encour- aging. With the conquest of Syria by Mohammed Ali, in 1831, canic a great change in the condition of the Christians. The Egyptian government seemed to relish nothing better than to thwart and put down Moslem fanaticism, and to give free- dom to Christian advancement, whether European or native. European trade began slowly to return to those fertile regions 38 The JIiaron?~tes and the Druzes. [Jan., from which it had been driven for so many centnries, and the first conseqnence was an eager participation in it on the part of the native Christians, who rejoiced to share in the civilization and improvements of their more fortunate brethren of the west. The advance made by the Oriental Christians in wealth and intelligence, within the short period that they have been re- lieved in a measnre from the cruel yoke of the Moslem, is to those who have had the opportnnity of watching it, truly snr- prising. Bnt while their enterprise and commercial tact have been working snch a change in their status, unfortunately the Moslem, scorning to imitate the infidel Frank, and clinging to his exclusive creed, has been retrograding, instead of advancing, until he now sees that the despised and hated Nazarene will, unless very soon checked, become more powerful than he. Shall we let them live till they become onr masters? is a qnes- tion asked not by the Damascene Moslem alone, but by the seemingly Europeanized Turk of Constantinople itself, while he appears occupied with English projects of reform and civili- zation. Wholly distinct both in characteristics and in race from the Maronites is the remarkable tribe of the iDruzes. They are undoubtedly the purest Arab race in Syria, for the Mohamme- daus are largely mingled with Turks and Tartars, while the Mar- onites are not Arabs at all, as we have already stated. Baron Larrey records his opinion as the result of his researches during Bonapartes Egyptian campaign, that the Arab is physically and intellectually one of the finest races of mankind, and we think that the IDruzes of Mount Lebanon would not disprove his assertion. Thongh few in numbers, and not merely surrounded bnt intermixed with sects that would rejoice to exterminate them, yet only some twelve thousand IDruze warriors have ruled the whole mountain country, thrashing every sect by turns, not excepting the haughty Moslems themselves. The Druze is easily recognized by the gravity and dignity of hii~ carriage, by his abstemious and temperate habits, but especially by a most ceremonious yet seemingly frank polite~wss, prover- bial even among Orientals, and no one could be more affable or kind to the stranger. But their most striking characteristics The ilfiaronites and the Druzes. 39 are a perfect self-command under all circumstances, with a wariness and power of secresy to be remarked even in their children. A mild and pleasing exterior they will keep up to the very moment of striking the death blow, and nothing can equal the steadiness of their gray eyes, as they look one in the face with the most matchless lies on their tongues. The Druze invariably thinks just as his guest does, has no sympathies but his, and, above all, is his most zealous coreligionist, be he what he may. We have often heard some of their sheikhs, whose lives had been lives of treachery and blood, discourse in a Christian strain and quote passages in full from the New Testa- inent, with the unction of a Payson. Their outward relations and their religion both conspire to develop these traits in them to such perfection. Wielding a power wholly disproportionate to their numbers, they are obliged to cultivate all the arts of diplomacy, secresy, combination and self-control, which their religion still further promotes by enjoining them, that while they should reveal it to no other mortal on any account, they are free to profess outwardly any form of faith that may be to their convenience. On the establishment of the Egyptian government in Syria, by Mohammed Au, it took all the energy and military talents of his son, Ibrahim Pasha, to bring the Druzes to acquiesce in the army conscription. Nothing is more hateful to these mountaineers than the monotonous slavery of a regular sol- (11cr s life, and the demand for conscripts was answered by a general rising. In the vast deserted, though fertile, district east of the Jordan, called the Hauran, there is a wonderful natural phenomenon termed the Lejah. Around a circular and rich plain extends an unbroken wall of huge volcanic rocks, which has been aptly compared to the waves of a raging sea, instantaneously petrified. Among these rocks that also bristle with dense thorny thickets, are unnumbered caverns, where hundreds might secrete themselves within hearing of a passing army of enemies. To this hideous place, Ibrahim Pasha had to follow some three thousand IDruze rebels under the leader- ship of Shibly el Arayan, one of their hero sheikhs. Concen- trating an immense army on the Lejah, the Pasha continued to 40 The illiaronites and the Druzes. [Jan., push into their fastnesses with a relentless disregard for the lives of his own soldiers, until the enormons number of thirty thonsand of his troops fell in the attempt. They were smitten down as by the nnseen hand of a destroying angel, until they became so cowed, that the slightest rustle of the leaves terrified them. On one occasion the Pasha asked a parley with the IDruze sheikh. Shib2ly answered with alacrity, nothing so delighted him as to see his lord Ibrahim Pasha, for my lord, during all this time that we have been among these rocks, you have caused us to lack nothing, we have lived upon your convoys, we have found your magazines a never failing supply of powder and ball, and what have we which has not come from Ibrahim Pasha ? May Allah long preserve him to us A strict blockade, in which their supply of water was cut off, at last compelled the IDruzes to surrender at discretion, when the Pasha, won by admiration of Shiblys gallantry, spared his life and made him an officer in his own army. The origin of the Druzes dates previous to the great Moham- inedan movement, when there occurred several smaller migra- tions of Arab tribes, to which, we think, considerable import- ance should b& ~attaehed as having prepared the way for the rapid conquests of the Saracens, when they appeared. In- deed, in the fifth century, an epidemic desire to change quar- ters seemed to prevail in the world generally. Front Scanda- navia s snows issued shaggy hordes whose progress ended. only under an African sun, while the linus commenced their march from the borders of China and kept on till their horses waded into the waves of the Atlantic. The time for the Saracen tribes to arise, also, and help themselves to the possessions of enfeebled nations had not yet arrived, but a few heavy swells indicated the coming deluge. A large tribe which roamed over the vast plains of Arabia Felix, called the Beni Hammiar, became under the rule of a queen named Ma-Summa, so celebrated in war, commerce and literature, that they aspired to the dignity of a nation, and their chief, Naaman, assumed the title of Melek or King of the Arabs. The great beauty and the many virtues of this queen are the constant theme of the old Arabic poets, and in- The 3faron,ites and the Druze8. 41 deed previous to the great change which the institutions of iMlohamined caused in their status, worn en appear to have held a very influential position among the free and warlike Arabs. The Queen of Sheba and Zenobia of Palmyra are by no means solitary examples of Arabian female rulers, and what is more, history rarely records anything about them but what re- dounds to their credit. Among the Beni Hainmiar were many very ancient families, whose chief business appears, from the numerous poems they have left, to have been fighting, giving presents, and comparing genealogies of themselves and their horses; nor in the whole circle of Arabian literature is there anything that surpasses in true lyric fire and spirit these pre- Islamic poetic effusions. Notwithstanding this prosperity, iMlalek Naainan appears to have been tributary to Chosroes, king of Persia, and was soon made to experience the usual fate of eastern tributaries from Ahab and llezekiah down. Chosroes asked the payment of an impossible sum and the Arabs re- belled. In the war which ensued, the son of the Persian mon- arch was killed, and, on the whole, Naaman was so successful that Chosroes resolved to try treachery instead of force, and in- vited Naaman to make peace and visit him at his court. The Arab prince relying on his word, accepted the invitation, but no sooner did he come into the presence of Chosroes than he upbraided him with the death of his son, and ordered him to be trampled to death by elephants. The memory of this cowardly murder rankled in the minds of the Arabs, until long after, under the terrible general of Islam, Khaled ibn el Waleed, they expiated their hate on the house of Chosroes, by com- pletely exterminating it. Meantime, rather than submit, his tribe emigrated under the leadership of Naamans son, Melek IMlinder, to Me~opotamia, near Mosul. After a lengthy resi- dence in that region, a large section of them emigrated to the fertile district of the lMlaarra, near Aleppo, led by two great families of Emirs, the Tenookhs and the Maans, who after wards ruled Mount Lebanon for nine centuries. Their long re- lations with Persia will explain much in their subsequent re- ligious history which otherwise would appear inexplicable. While inhabiting this district the Islam appeared on the scene, 42 [[he 2tfiarofl~te8 and the Druze& . and had little difficulty in inducing the ilammiar tribes to join in the profession of the new Arabic gospel, though they were ere long to show that their faith was of the weakest kind; but as they lay right in the road of the conquering hosts of the prophet, and lived on unprotected plains, they had to fall into the current and send many of their best horsemen to help Isla- mize the Greek, Persian, and Indian. This made their situa- tion both inconvenient and dangerous, and while in this state an occurrence took place which determined their movements. The governor of Aleppo sent out an officer to collect the reve- nue, who proceeded in the most severe exactions, until on one occasion, having grossly insulted a woman of the tribe, a high- spirited young Emir cut off his head at one blow. Fearing the consequences of this act, he and his family fled to Mount Lebanon, where they were hospitably received by the Maronites there, who appear to have rather desired it than not, that the Maarra tribes, who were by no means fanatical Moslems, should settle the southern portion of the range, which was then, from the ceaseless wars of the times, a complete desert. Accordingly, in the year 821 of our era, the Emir Fowaris Tenookh led the first emigration into Mount Lebanon, and founded at the village of Abeih that illustrious family which for nine hundred years held a mild and just sway over Lebanon. The old Emir had a large and generous establishment at Abeih, with his thirteen sons, and under his tolerant rule many of the oppressed Christians came to live in a peace which they could find no- where else in the troubled East. This family were for many generations celebrated for their courage, their skill in archery and their unrivaled breed of horses, hut especially in poetry and literature. Some of the greatest of their Emirs did not consider it beneath their dignity to be schoolmasters, a~d~eye~ Abdallah et Tenookhy, one of the brightest non-Christian characters we have ever read of, passed much of his time in riding from village to village to look after the instruction of the poor peasants, at a time when a man who could read was a rarity in the British Parliament. The IDruzes often look back with regret to this peaceful and golden era of their history, and proudly speak of their princely Tenookhs, who The Jilaronites and the Druze8. 43 could trace their lineage unbroken to Cohtan or Joktan, the son of Eber, the son of Shem, the son of Noah. The singular and whimsical niedley of doctrines that go to make up the IDruze religion could have been produced only in the times succeeding the first promulgation of Islamism. From the earliest ages the Oriental mind in India and Persia had anxiously occupied itself with speculations about the material creation, the origin, nature and destiny of spirits, and the great moral mystery in the source of evil. The multitu- dinous theories and creeds which naturally grew out of these questionings are familiar to students in the history of Christ- ianity, when from its progress having brought it into contact with the westward march of these Eastern ideas, a host of heresies sprang up, under the varied forms of Gnosticism, to vex the orthodox church. While Christian and Persian sys- tems were vigorously engaged in mutual proselytisms, the Moslem broke in upon them with a sword and a summary ultimatum. The Persian, whose religion was only theoretical, turned Mohammedan, for he could subsequently easily adjust his new to his old faith; but the Christians faith was histori- cal, and therefore had to be exclusively adhered to, or re- nounced altogether. The consequence is that Christianity has maintained its existence through a long calamitous course of centuries, to our own day, while the old Persian religion, as a distinct sect, has well nigh wholly disappeared. It was not long, however, in reappearing in a Moslem dress. A schism soon rose in Islam, about the succession to the caliphate, which has continued ever since, the orthodox Moslems acquiescing in its passing to Abubecr and Omar, which the Sheea or Persian Moslems, energetically repudiate, in favor of Ali ibn Abu Thleb, the chivalrous cousin of Mohammed, and who married his daughter Fatima. J~1eanttnie tUe~anaZii~success~YIMTO- hammed in his roTh of prupliet, naturally gave origin to hundreds anxious to be reverenced as apostles, as he was, so that in a short time a swarm of Inbeych, Nateks, Asyad, and Imams, appeared with all manner of visions, and revelations, and new systems, which, in order to secure followers, had to be made up of previous materials, and therefore presented a 44 The Afaronites and the Dru~es. [Jan., mixture of Jewish, Christian, and Moslem ingredients, dis- solved in an Indo-Persian menstruum. As the caliphs were bound to use the sword against each heresy as it arose, the Arabian empire of Baghdad, in the tenth and eleventh centu- ries, seemed but a reproduction of the Byzantine empire, in the fifth and sixth, and met also with the same fate. One of the most prevalent of these Moslem heresies was the sect of Batenian8, or those initiated into the inner truths of religion, who, while outwardly professing Islamism, yet secretly asso- ciated with it such errors as that God had, in successive ages, appeared to men in a human form, and lastly, in the person of Ali ibn Abu T~leb, some of them incarnating him again in the descendants of Ali. The great doctrines of the incarna- tion of the Deity, and of the pre~4xistence and metempsychosis of human souls, can be very early traced among the hindu religions. These doctrines appear to have gained entrance among the Arab Hamnmiar tribes, which, as we have already intimated, can be accounted for by their long relations with Persia, previous to their emigration to Mt. Lebanon. At this time a royal dynasty arose in Egypt, which rested its claims to the caliphate in a descent from Fatima, the daughter of Mohammed, and wife of Ali, and was thereby peculiarly recommended to the Sheca or Persian sect of Moslems. The founders of this dynasty were warlike, so that their supremacy soon prevailed in Syria over the declining rule of the Abbasides of Baghdad. On the death of El Aziz, the fifth caliph, he was succeeded by his son, El hlakem Bi-ammer- illah, or the governor by the decree of God, when only eleven years of age. With the wretched influences of irresponsible power and license, and the unceasing adulation of eastern servility operating thus from childhood on a naturally bad character, Hakem grew up a~ fitfid and brutal a tyramit as ever appears OenThidAg~ Oriental despots. lie began life a furious Moslem, and, as orthodox defender of the faith, perse- cuted the poor Jews and Christians with dreadful cruelty, because they refused to acknowledge Mohammed as a Prophet. Soon after he persecuted those Moslems who would not ad- mit Ali to equal honors with Mohammed, and finally raged The Jifiaronites and the Druze8. - against Moslems and Christians alike for failing to admit the supernatural claims which he set np for himself, putting to a cruel death many of his confidential ministers and generals to whom he had more than once owed his life. Many of his ac- tions, indeed, were more those of a violent maniac than a sane tyrant. After a capricions and dangerons patronage to almost every sect, to be followed by a frantic effort to exterminate it, he seemed at last to lean toward~ the Batenians, tIme more ap- pareutly because the family of Ali was held in such reverence by them. At this jnnctnre a Persian il3atenian, named Hamz6, ingratiated himself with Ilakem, and soon snggested an im- portant improvement on the Batenian system, that whereas they made the discovery that Ali and his sons were divine incarnations, long after they were dead, Hakem shonld put in his claim and enjoy the honors while he was alive. This proposition found great favor, and llamz~, under the royal protection, began to preach in the mosqnes of Cairo, that Hakem was a gracions manifestation of the Almighty himseli and the last that was to appear to the sons of men. Strange to say, Hamz4 made enough disciples to raise a large corps of missionaries, who were sent to India, Persia, Syria and Spain, and were generally directed to make their proselytes from among the Batenians. Meantime, this new gospel was very grievons to tIme old Moslems, and Hamz6 was often in great personal danger from his bold preaching; bnt Ilakems sword was so qnick and cruel that few lived long who threatened the life of his apostle. But the greatest success attended the mis- sionaries among the Hammiar tribes of Mt. Lebanon, the Tenookh Emnirs particularly having become converts so early that one cannot help suspecting that political considerations quickened their faith considerably. The death of Hakem, however, in 1021, suddenly arrested the pro~ress of the sect. He is presumed to have been secretly assassinated by his sister, (whom he was intending to put to death), for he disap- peared without any trace of him being left. Upon this, llamz6 and his disciples were obliged to secrete themselves, and their sect in Egypt was soon exterminated. Hamz6 him- self appears to have lived in retirement for some years, busily 46 The Miaronites and the Druzes. [Jan., occupied in systematizing the doctrines of the sect, which he embodied in epistles to the believers in Syria and India, ex- horting them to hold to the truth during persecution, for that Hakem had withdrawn from the world to prove the faith of his followers, and to give an opportunity for those who had joined his religion from worldly motives, to fall away and perish; but that crc long he would return from the borders of China, to smite his enemies with great destruction, and give his kingdom to his elect. The iDruzes call their religion the religion of the Unity of God, and term themselves the Unitarians. God is incompre- hensible, for he can have no attributes so that mcii can attach an idea to him. Praise be to Thee, says Hamz6, in one of his epistles, 0 Thou who art separated far above all created beings by the might of thine excellency, who never ceasest to exist in any time or place, indefinable in Thine essence, whom no description can reach, to whom no quality is applicable. Thou art God, the One, the True, the All-powerful, incapable of increase or decrease, Creator uncreated, Author of all things, without rival. Thy surpassing glory is too exalted to be associated with tongues or language.~ Accordingly, what are generally called the attributes of the Deity, such as his Will, Justice, etc., Hamz~ teaches to be created personifica- tions or emanations from him, and are called, in the IDruze religion, the Ministers of which, there are five principal onesand IDruze theology consists in knowing who and what they are. The First, and the only one whose creation is the immediate work of the Divinity, is the Universal Intelligence, called also the Cause of Causes. H e contains in himself all the dogmas and all the truths of religion, which he holds direct from the divinity, and by him and the other four minis- ters, who were emanations from him,namely, the Universal Soul, the Word, the Preceding and the Following,were created first the whole complete race of human spirits, before a single one entered a body, and then the material universe. This Universal Intelligence, Hamz6 modestly assumes to be him- self! He says: I am the chosen of the Lord. He formed me out of his brilliant light before there existed place~ or The ifiaronites and the Druzes. 47 power, or genii, or men, fonr million nine hnndred thonsand years before the appearance of Adam. Throughout this long period he ceased not to preach the Unity of God, to the spirits of men; bnt he met, it appears, with very indifferent success, owing to the fact that the stiffnecked race lent their ears to the teaching of the Rival, or Satan. This latter being, curionsly enongh, was an emanation, cansed by the Deity, from the Universal Intelligence, as a pnnishment for the In- telligence becoming pnffed np with pride on account of his own perfections. Meantime the Divinity, ont of his love to the hnman race, and to teach them the way of trnth, that is his Unity, has at nine different times appeared to the sons of men, in a hnman form, and on each occasion was accompanied by his first minister, Hamz6, and the other four ministers, each of them in the persons of the prophets and sages of old. Hamz6s notions of historic succession, however, were rather confused, for he tells ns he was Pythagoras before he was Elijah, and Elijah before he was David. It will be perceived, therefore, that with the Drnzes, Hamz~ almost ranks with the Deity himself. He alone has direct access to the divinity, as mediator between God and men. To Hamnz~ is to be given Hakemns sword, in the last day, and he is then to be the Jndge of all men. Bohaeddin, Hamz& s chief apostle, whoni he prononnced to be the incarnation of the Universal Soul, labored mnch to convert Christians to the faith, and in an epistle addressed to Constantine VII, he says that I{amz6 was the Messiah, and calls him the Logos, the Spirit of Trnth, the Anointed, and the Son of God, Hakem being the Father. Many of Hamz& s own precepts for the gnidance of his disci- ples enjoin a severe morality and temperance, so that it was not long before the sect was divided, very mnch as those pro- fessing the Christian name among onrselves are, into the religions and the worldly classes. The Ockdls, or the Initia- ted, are the only ones among the Druzes who have any re- ligions exercises at all. They meet together, men and women, in solitary edifices, called Khulwies, on the tops of monntains, and engage in secret in reading their religious books and 48 The Jliaronite8 and the Druzes. listening to the instructions of the older ones, in the doctrines of Hamz6. These Ock~ls must have nothing to do with the poli- tics of the world, neither mnst they drink wine, smoke tobacco, nor swear; bnt be temperate in all things. There is no donbt, however, that these secret lodges play an important part of their national action, for nothing fills the other sects with such disqnieting snrmises as when they see some white turbaned and white bearded Ock~l wending his way quietly from one khnlwy to another. As may be snrmised, the Jehal, or Uninitiated, or worldly Druzes, form a majority of the nation, and they really have no religion whatever; for unless they pledge themselves to all the rennnciations and simple habits of the Drnze Puritans, they are not allowed to step foot into the khulwy, or learn any more about their faith than a Mohammedan or Christian. The establishment of the sect in Mt. Lebanon was largely owing to the labors and preaching of one of Hamz& s mission- aries, named Neshtakeen Darazi, who was also a Persian. Darazi, however, it seems, after having met with such snccess, began to think that instead of working for Hamz6, he might better set up for himself, and accordingly commenced a griev- ons schism in the new sect, by teaching that he was somebody, it is difficnlt now to find ont exactly what. This bronght down npon him a fearfnl excommnnication from Hamz6, which was followed np by a decree from Ilakem, deposing him from his apostleship, while llamz6 lost no time in several earnest epistles to reveal to the Unitarians the alarming fact that IDarazi was no other than Satan, or the Rival, himself! The Druzes have ever since, therefore, held Darazi in partienlarly bad odor, and, it is said, bestow npon him a weekly cnrsing in their khnlwies. But nnfortnnately, as IDarazi was, on account of the secresy of their proceedings, mnch better known to the ontsiders in Syria, than Hamz6, they soon acquired the name of IDrnzes, from which they vainly tried at first to divest themselves; then failing in that they attempted to derive it from the Arabic nonn dur8, which means a skillful or able man. This, however, is undoubtedly false, and the Druzes present the curious and uniq~Le spectacle of a sect called after like ]ifaronite8 and the Druze8. 49 their own devil! IDarazi, however, was not the last who troubled this singular flock, for so many divisions arose soon after Hamz& s death, from ambitious imitators, that Boh~ieddin and Mohammed et Temeemi, the surviving incarnations, appa- rently having abandoned the hope of spreading the sect any further, and wishing to keep what they got, took the unprece- dented step of announcing that the harvest was past, and that they who had already entered the kingdom complet- ed the number of those predestined to enter. The Unita- rians were enjoined on no account, therefore, to try to make any more proselytes from any sect, nor to reveal their doctrines to any one not born from among them, but to hold fast the faith in secret, and wait for the coming of Hakem and Hamz~ from the gates of the East, which they accordingly do to this day. Their warlike aristocracy, however, have betrayed as much relish for rule and power in this world, as most other people. While Druze and IMlaronite lived in peace together, the IDruzes generally furnishing the ruling spirits of the mountain, Leb- anon was able to maintain a large measure of independence. But unfortunately in the rivalries of the various feudal families there was a potent influence for evil which could be wielded against the luountain by the Moslem government, and for gener- tions the sole business of Turkish Pachas has been to stir up one chief or family against another, by bestowing upon them alter- nately the robe of governorship, from Constantinople. When any one chief like the Emeers Fukhr ed deen M~an, or Beshir Shehaab, by his courage and conduct, was enabled to present the mountaineers united against the Osmanli, the Turk quietly acquiesced, bided his time, and then, at an unlooked-for juncture, the Emeer found his cousin, or brother, or his own son, in a new robe of honor from the sublime Sultan, and in ~arms against himself. The Turkish government can on a lame donkey catch a gazelle, is the bitter, but expressive Druze proverb. Now, alas! the events of the few past months have been a fearful commentary on this old saying. We have no doubt whatever, that when the causes of the terrible de- struction that has lately reddened the fair hights of Lebanon voL. xix. 4 50 The Jkfaronites and the Druzes. with blood, stand forth revealed, it will be found to have originated first, neither in Druze khnlwy, nor in Maronite convent, but in the conclaves of Pachas and Ulemas in Con- stantinople and IL~amascns. We have had many personal friends, among both IDruzes and Christians, and too many of them have come to a dreadful end in this lamentable strife, the preparations to bring about which, on the part of the Turkish government, have been evident for years. And when we reflect what an Eastern civil war is, what depths of horror there were in one single massacre like that at llasbeiya, we cannot but ask, 0 Lord, how long? 1861.] Solar Phenomena. 51 ARTICLE 111.SOLAR PHENOMENA. TN the binary and multiple systems among the so-called fixed stars, two or more self-luminous bodies revolve round a common center of gravity, destitute of matter. The solar system, however, is very differently constituted: at least six hundred and ninety-nine seven hundredths of its entire mass being found in one central orb, whose atmosphere alone, in all probability, contains more matter than all the planets hitherto discovered. The spots generally found upon the suns surface have been often described. It was from observations of these phe- nomena that the suns revolution on his axis, which had pre- viously been regarded as highly probable, was first demon- strated. The remarkable but well known fact that the de- terminations of the period of rotation by different observers are somewhat discordant, is doubtless owing to a sensible motion of the spots, inter se. Laugier makes the time of revolution 25d. 8h. 9m., and the inclination of the axis seven degrees and nine minutes. The detection of spots on the suns surface was one of the earliest achievements of the telescope; but the question as to priority in the discovery has been munch disputed. If the honor is clue to him who first recognized them as solar phe- nomena, it belongs undoubtedly to John Fabricius, whose observations were made, according to Arago, in March, lGll.x Concerning Galileo, says Humboldt, we possess only very obscure and discrepant data on this subject. It is proba- ble that he recognized the solar spots in April, 1611, for lie showed them publicly at Rome, in Cardinal IBandinis garden, on the Quirinal, in the months of April and May of that year. t The opinions entertained by writers of the seventeenth ~ Cosmos, Vol. II, p. ~O7, (Bohns Edition.) Annuaire for 1842.

1861.] Solar Phenomena. 51 ARTICLE 111.SOLAR PHENOMENA. TN the binary and multiple systems among the so-called fixed stars, two or more self-luminous bodies revolve round a common center of gravity, destitute of matter. The solar system, however, is very differently constituted: at least six hundred and ninety-nine seven hundredths of its entire mass being found in one central orb, whose atmosphere alone, in all probability, contains more matter than all the planets hitherto discovered. The spots generally found upon the suns surface have been often described. It was from observations of these phe- nomena that the suns revolution on his axis, which had pre- viously been regarded as highly probable, was first demon- strated. The remarkable but well known fact that the de- terminations of the period of rotation by different observers are somewhat discordant, is doubtless owing to a sensible motion of the spots, inter se. Laugier makes the time of revolution 25d. 8h. 9m., and the inclination of the axis seven degrees and nine minutes. The detection of spots on the suns surface was one of the earliest achievements of the telescope; but the question as to priority in the discovery has been munch disputed. If the honor is clue to him who first recognized them as solar phe- nomena, it belongs undoubtedly to John Fabricius, whose observations were made, according to Arago, in March, lGll.x Concerning Galileo, says Humboldt, we possess only very obscure and discrepant data on this subject. It is proba- ble that he recognized the solar spots in April, 1611, for lie showed them publicly at Rome, in Cardinal IBandinis garden, on the Quirinal, in the months of April and May of that year. t The opinions entertained by writers of the seventeenth ~ Cosmos, Vol. II, p. ~O7, (Bohns Edition.) Annuaire for 1842. 52 Solar Phenomena. [Jan., century, in regard to the nature of these spots, were extremely various. Some of the first observers supposed theni to be small planetary bodies transiting the solar disk. Others, re- garding the sun as a molten mass, thought the spots were either scoria floating on the surface, or portions of solid, opaque matter, projecting above the level of the igneous fluid. According to the theory advocated by Sir W. Her- schel, the body of the sun is a dark, or comparatively dark, globe, surrounded by two strata of cloud, and the macul~ are nothing more than this dark body of the sun seen through temporary openings in these atmospheric envelopes. In other words, Herschel accounts for the peuumbr~, as well as the black nuclei, by supposing luminous strata of the atmos- phere to be sustained far above the level of the solid body, by a transparent elastic medimn, carrying on its upper surface (or rather at some considerably lower level within its depth) a cloudy stratum, which, being strongly illuminated from above, reflects a considerable portion of the light to our eyes, and forms a penumbra, while the solid body, shaded by clouds, reflects none. The temporary removal of both the strata, but more of the upper than the lower, he supposes effected by powerful upward currents of the atmosphere, perhaps from spiracles in the body, or from local agitations.~ Another interesting phenomenon frequently witnessed on the suns disk, is the appearance of spots of unusual bright- ness, called facuiw. They are generally found in the vicinity of macuhe, and not unfrequently seem to be the precursors of their formation. They are supposed to be waves or accumu- lations of the gaseous photosphere, and are undoubtedly in- dicative of great atmospheric commotions. The solar spots, like our trade winds and hurricanes, are generally confined to the equatorial regions; being rarely found within three degrees of the equator, or in higher latitudes than thirty or thirty-five degrees: a fact which seems indicative of a causal connection with the suns rotation. They have no fixed localities, but enjoy proper motions, inter 8C, on the surface. Herschels Outlines. 1861.1 Solar Phenomena. 53 These facts appear to favor the hypothesis that the nature of the suns spots may be somewhat like that of terrestrial tornadoes. But the atmospheric phenomena of our planet are not solely or even chiefly due to its rotation. They depend, to a great extent, on the peculiarities of its surface, in con- sequence of which different portions absorb and reflect the suns rays very unequally. Disturbances in the solar atmosphere, however, cannot be referred to the operation of any known ex- traneous cause. What then is their probable origin? Certain phenomena observed during total eclipses of the sun have led astronomers to assume the existence of a third solar envelopeexterior to the photosphere. This assumption is sus- tained, moreover, by Aragos discovery of chromatic polari- zation. Now granting the existence of such an atmosphere, its form, in obedience to the laws of equilibrium, must be that of an oblate spheroid, the ellipticities of whose strata differ from each other and from that of the nucleus. Consequently the equatorial portions of this envelope must be of a thickness different from that of the polar, density for density, so that a different obstacle must be thereby opposed to the escape of heat from the equatorial and the polar regions of the sun.~~* According to this hypothesis the phenomena of the spots result from currents and violent agitations due to the elevation of temperature in the underlying strata of the equatorial atmos- phere. It remains to describe those remarkable phenomena observed during total eclipses of the sun. When the solar disk is en- tirely obscured, a corona or luminous ring of variable extent may generally be seen, apparently surrounding the dark body of the moon, and resembling the circle of rays placed by paint- ers round the head of the Saviour. This phenomenon was at first generally noticed during the total solar eclipse of May 3, 1715; a particular description of which was given by Dr. Halley and others. It was observed more critically, however, during the eclipse of July 7, 1842, than at any previous time. The de- scriptions of the corona by Schumacher, Littrow, Schwabe, * Sir J. Herschels Astron. Observ. made at the Cape of Cood Hope, p.. 484. 51: Solar Phenomena. [Jan., Bohm, Airy, Baily, and others, are somewhat varions both in regard to its color and extent. The last mentioned astrono- mer, whose place of observation was Pavia, describes it as fol- lows The breadth of the crown of light from the outer rim of the moon, I estimated at one-half of the moons diameter. The light was more intense near the moon and grew fainter as the distance increased, taking the form of diverging rays, which radiated in straight lines of uueqnal length and of grad- nally declining brightness, so that in no part of the crown could I find the well-defined figure of an exact cirenlar ring. The sun appeared to be in the center, yet I had no means of fixing accurately the position of the radiant point. The color was nncommonly white, withont any appearance of pearl, or yellow or red; and the rays had a lively and flickering appear- ance, snch as is exhibited by gas-light. The corona was again particularly observed dnring the eclipse of Jnly 28, 1851. According to Mr. Lassell, whose place of ob- servation was Trolhatta Falls, Sweden, it gave as mnch light as the full moon. Another observer, Mr. Adie, says, The corona was brightest near the sun, and extended abont one- third of the moons diameter, of a soft, silvery white, with brighter cornscations shooting throngh it beyond the gen- eral light, which gave it a flickering appearance. In one place these coruscations extended to about two-thirds of the moons diameter. This eclipse was also observed nnder very favorable circnmstances by Mr. George P. Bond, of the Cam- bridge observatory, Massachnsctts, who visited Sweden for the express purpose of witnessing the phenomena. Mr. Bond selected Lilla Edet as his place of observation, to be as near as possible to the central line. His description of the corona is as follows: It proceeded, without an intervening space, directly from the moons edge, where it was by far the brightest, its radiations extending to a distance of perhaps the snn s semi- diameter; bnt it is impossible to define precisely its limits, as it had no definite outline externally; internally it was cnt off by the moon~ s circumference. Its light was pure white. I saw no external rings, but did Solar Phenomena. 55 not look expressly for them, nor whether it was uniform in all its parts. The testimony of intelligent persons in the vicinity is strong to the effect that there was a bush of light, half way between the npper and the left hand limb. Its light I did not consider uniform thronghont, but rather of a radiating char- acter. ~ The corona was also observed during the total eclipse of July 18th, 1860. The descriptions which we have quoted render it extremely probable, if not absolutely certain, that the corona is nothing else than the suns exterior atmospheric envelope, of which we have already spoken, and of whose existence we have inde- pendent evidence. Now, since this atmosphere is visible under favorable circumstances at an elevation from the surface equal to the solar radius, its volume is at least seven or eight times greater than that of the sun himself. Consequently, with a mean density of 0~0002, or one-sixth of the density of the atmosphere at the earths surface, its mass would be equal to that of all the known planets in our system. The results obtained by different astronomers in regard to the relative intensity of the suns light at the center and near the borders of his disk, are somewhat discordant. It was asserted by Lucas Yalerius, as long ago as the beginning of the seventeenth century, that the circumferential rays were less powerful than those from the center. This opinion was sup- ported by the photometrical experiments of Bonguer, in the eighteenth century, and is now maintained by Sir John Her- schel and Mr. Airy. Mr. Arago, on the other hand, claimed to have shown by means of his chromatic polariscope that the intensity is uniform from the center to the margin. All observers agree, however, that the intensity does not increase from the center outwards. What conclusion may we draw from this fact in regard to the constitution of the solar atmos- 1)lmere? On account of the suns globular form, a given visual angle comprises a extent of surface near the ed~e than at the greater b center of the disk. Now, in the case of a solid bodya ball (Thulds Astron. Journ., No. 31. 56 Solar Phenomena. [Jan., of metal, for instanceheated to incandescence, while the area embraced within a given angle of vision increase8 with the obliquity, the intensity of light for any point of the radiating surface decrease8 in a corresponding ratio. All portions, therefore, of the visible hemisphere are equally luminous. Bnt in the case of a gaseous sphere, the obliquity does not pro- duce the same diminution of the illuminating power; and as the solar light is known to originate in a gaseons envelope, either its intensity must be greater near the circnmference than at the center of the disk, or the radiation must be modified by some extraneons canse. As the former snpposition has been disproved by observation, we are led to the conclusion that the radiation is sensibly obstrncted by the imperfectly transparent, exterior atmosphere. The marginal rays, having a greater distance to pass throngh this non-luminous envelope, undergo a greater diminution of intensity than those perpendienlar to the surface. Another interesting phenomenon very generally observed during recent total eclipses of the snn, is that of flame-like protnberances, apparently projecting from the moons disk. These solar clouds, as seen by different astronomers, have appeared of various lines, and in some cases a change of color has been noticed by the same observer. They are most fre- quently described, however, as red, or rose-colored. They are of various altitudes; the greatest elevation yet observed some- what exceeding one hundred thousand miles, or one-fourth of the snns radins. They appear generally to rest npon the moons disk; some, however, have been certainly seen entirely separated., as if suspended in the solar atmosphere. It has been observed, moreover, that those prominences towards which the moon was moving gradually diminished in hightthe moon passing over their baseswhile the altitude of those on the opposite side increased. These phenomena, therefore, evi- dently belong to the ~mn, and not to the moon. Of their true nature, however, we are entirely ignorant. According to the hypothesis most favorably received, such luminous masses are immense solar clouds, of extreme tennity, floating in the suns outer atmospheric envelope. This theory is supported by the names of Herschel, Arago, and other eminent astronomers. Solar Phenomena. 57 Different explanations have been proposed; bnt none, per- haps, are attended with fewer difficulties. Some have snp- posed both the corona and the red protnberances to be pro- duced in some way by the earths atmosphere. This opinion seems incompatible with the appearances which we have de- scribed, and may be regarded, moreover, as completely dis- proved by the observations of Colonel Choctzko, a Hnssian astronomer, who observed the eclipse of July 28th, 1851, from a station on the Caucasus, more than twelve thousand feet above the level of the sea. Instead of any sensible diminution of the extent or intensity of the halo or luminous ring, its appearance at this great elevation was extremely brilliant. Sir David Brewster admits that the flame-like protuberances, are solar phenomena, or, in other words, that they are real appendages of the sun, but rejects the hypothesis which re- gards them as clouds in the solar atmosphere. The simplest of all conceptions, he maintains, respecting the red cusp8, is, that they are outbursts of flame modified by the exhalations which may accidentally accompany them. A similar hypoth- esis has been advanced in this country by Professor Charles W. llackleyj who thinks the corona is not the suns atmosphere, but consists of elastic matter thrown out in continuous jets, and accompanied at times by portions of matter in thb solid or liquid form, constituting the red or rose-colored protuberances. Another hypothesis has been advocated by Dr. Feilitzsch, a German astronomer, who carefully observed the eclipse of July 28th, 1851. The point selected for his observations was Carl- scrona, in Sweden, a place included within the moons absolute shadow. His conclusions, deduced from a discussion of his own and of other observations, are, (1,) that the corona is not the atmosphere of the sun, and, indeed, that it has no physical existence, but is simply an appearance produced by the dif- fraction of the solar rays at the moons margin; (2,) that the red, cuspated prominences are merely optical phenomena, due to diffraction by the lunar mountains outside of the line which * In a paper read before the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at the Newport meeting, August, 1860. 58 Solar Pltenomenfl. [Jan., connects the observer with the sun; and, (3,) that the variations of color, altitude, & c., according to the relative positions of the sun and moon, with respect to the observer, may be accounted for by the fact that, owing to the interference of the solar rays diffracted in passing the mountains on the moons edge, some of the ether particles from which light is sent to the observer, are more strongly excited than those adjacent. Quite recently the generally received theory of the physical constitution of the sun has i#en called in question by the celebrated Leverrier. The observations of this astronomer, at Tarazona, in Spain, during the total eclipse of July 18th, 1860, indicate, in his view, the necessity of abandoning the old hypothesis and adopting one more simple. He doubts the existence of the various solar envelopes proposed by Herschel and others; thinks the light of the sun due simply to its high temperature; and regards the solar clouds, or flame-like pro- tuberances, as a stratum of roseate matter diffused over its surface. This new and bold hypothesis will doubtless be sub- jected to a searching and rigorous criticism. A great number of observations will probably be required before a perfectly satisfactory explanation of the phenomena can be given. When, therefore, we take into consideration the fact that total eclipses of the sun are of rare occurrence and short duration, we cannot reasonably expect a speedy solution of the mystery. Mr. Kasmyth, of England, has suggested that these protu- berances might possibly be rendered visible by an artificial total eclipse of the sun. This plan, however, has not been simc- cessful. Granting that the corona is the atmosphere of the sun, its Imight from the surface of the photosphere cannot be less than half a million of miles. If now we suppose, what is at least highly probable, that the heat of our central luminary was once munch greater than at present, the extent of his atmos- phere must also have been greater in a corresponding degree. Admitting it to have extended to time point at which the cen- trifugal force would balance the central attraction,* and to * The present distance of this point from the center of the sun is about sixteen millionsof miles. & lar Phenomena. 59 have gradually contracted from the loss of heat, the equa- torial portions of the gaseous spheroid would be abandoned, and would revolve 8eparatelg round the sun. The appearance of such a zone or ring of atmospheric molecules would proba- bly be similar to that of the zodiacal lightthe well known nebulous aurora frequently observed either shortly before sunrise, or after sunset, and which was ascribed by Cassini to the blended light of an innumerable multitude of extremely minute asteroids revolving round the center of our system. It is proper to add, however, that some astronomers now re- gard the zodiacal light as produced by a terre8trial ring. From comparisons of the horizontal and vertical measures of the suns diameter, Lalande, Lindenau, and Delambre concluded that the polar diameter was greater than the equatorial, or that the figure of the sun was that of a prolate spheroid. According to Lindenan the difference of the two diameters was nearly one-four hundredth of the greater. IRecently, however, Professor Winlock has thoroughly dis- cussed the original observations of Bradley, Maskelyne, and Piazzi,from which this improbable conclusion had been derived,and has found the equatorial diameter rather greater than the polar; the ellipticity being one-three thousandths, or about one-eleventh that of the earth. This result is confirmed, moreover, by the observations of Struve, Bessel, and Hub- bard, as well as by the later Greenwich and Edinburgh ob- servations. It may be remarked that even this slight degree of ellipticity is greater than that indicated by theory. Besides the suns revolution on his axis and a small motion round the center of gravity of the solar system, he is now known to have a rapid progressive motion in space. As lately as the commencement of the eighteenth century the stars called fixed were believed to maintain absolutely the same relative positions. Dr. Halley first discovered, in 1717, by comparing the observed right ascensions and declinations ot Sirius, Aldebaran, and Arcturus, with their positions as given by Ptolemy, that they had undergone a very sensible displace- ment. This discovery was soon confirmed by other observers; the proper motions of a considerable number of stars being detected by a comparison of modern observations alone. 60 Solar Phenomena. [Jan., About the middle of the last century, (1748), the celebrated Bradley suggested that the sun himself might have a transla- tory motion in absolute space, and that the apparent changes of position among the other stars might be thus partially ac- counted for. Lalande inferred the probability of the suns progressive motion from the fact of its rotation; since the latter, without the former, could not be communicated by a single mechanical impulse. Sir William Herschel, who de- voted much attention to this subject, adopted the hypothesis of the translatory motion of the solar system. From an elabo- rate discussion of the changes which had been detected in the relative positions of the stars, he arrived at the conclusion that the sun, with all the planets and comets of our system, was moving, in 1790, towards a point whose right ascension is two hundred and sixty degrees and thirty-four minutes, and north declination twenty-six degrees and seventeen minutes. From the nature of the case, however, this determination was only approxiluate.* More recently the question has been ably investigated by Argelauder, Otto Struve, Gauss, and Galloway. The close agreement between the results of these independent researches is decisive, both as to the fact of the suns motion and its present direction. Its period, however, as well as the form and dimensions of the mighty orbit which it describes, remains to be determined. These interesting problems are now demanding the earnest attention of astronomers; and, although their inherent difficulties may long baffle investiga- tion, we cannot reasonably doubt their ultimate solution. Various hypotheses have been advanced in regard to the origin of solar heat. Professor Thomson, of England, sup- poses it to be produced by the fall of meteoric matter. In- superable objections, he maintains, lie against all other theories hitherto proposed. The fall of meteors to the earths surface establishes the fact that immense numbers of these bodies are constantly traversing the planetary spaces. It has been calcu- lated that not less than ten millions enter the earths atmos- phere every day. Reasons are not wanting for supposing * This point is in the constellation Hercules. Herschels Memoir was com- municated to the Royal Society in 1783. Solar Phenomena. 61 their numbers to increase with great rapidity as we approach the center of the system. But on account of the greater force of gravity at the suns surface, the heat prodnced by the fall of a given amount of meteoric matter will be much greater than at the surface of the earth. It can hardly be doubted, therefore, that at least a portion of the suns heat is generated by the fall of meteors into his atmosphere; but whether the theory is sufficient to account for all cannot now, perhaps, be satisfactorily determined. As bearing upon this subject, the following facts, stated by the President of the British Asso- ciation for the Advancement of Science, at the meeting of 1860, are exceedingly interesting: On the first of September last, at ith. iSm. A. IMI., a dis- tinguished astronomer, Mr. Carringtou, had directed his tele- scope to the sun, and was engaged in observing his spots, when suddenly two intensely luminous bodies burst into view, on its surface. They moved side by side through a space of about thirty-five thousand miles, first increasing in brightness, then fading away. In five minutes they had vanished. Moment- ary as this remarkable phenomenon was, it was fortunately witnessed and confirmed, as to one of the bright lights, by another observer, Mr. Hodgson, at Highgate, who, by a happy coincidence, had also his telescope directed to the great lu- minary at the same instant. It may be, therefore, that these two gentlemen have ac- tually witnessed the process of feeding the sun, by the fall of meteoric matter; but however this may be, it is a remarkable circumustance, that the observations at Kew show that on the very day, and at the very hour and minute of this unexpected and curious phenomenon, a moderate but marked magnetic disturbance took place; and a storm, or great disturbance of the magnetic elements, occurred four hours after midnight, extending to the southern hemisphere. Thins is exhibited a seeming connection between magnetic phenomena and certain actions taking place on the suns diska connection, which the observations of Schwabe, compared with the magnetical re- cords of our Colonial Observatories, had already rendered nearly certain. Within the last thirty-five years the observations of Sclmwabe, 62 Solar Phenomena. [Jan., Sabine, Wolff, and Lamont have established the fact of a mys- terious connection between the solar spots and terrestrial magnetism. From the epoch of any minimum in the nnmber of the suns macuhe, a nearly regular increase is observed for abont five and a half years, when, a maximum being reached, the number and magnitude again diminish during an equal period; the entire cycle from minimum to minimum, or from maximztm to maximum, occupying, according to Wolff, eleven years and one-ninth. A corresponding cycle has also been found in the magnetic variations. These periods have the same length. The maxima and minima of the one coincide with those of the other, and a like agreement is observed throughout both series of changes. Such coincidences cannot be ascribed to chance. As yet, however, the nature of the con- nection can only be conjectured.* iMI. Buys-Ballot, of Utrecht, has found, from an elaborate discussion of a great number of meteorological observations, that there is a short period of variation in the amount of solar heat received by the earth; the period from maximum to maximum being 27~682 days. The time of the suns rota- tion, qtith respect to the earth, is 272 days. Hence the varia- tions cannot be ascribed to the solar spots, or to any inequality in the heating power of different portions of the suns surface. Buys-Ballot has suggested that it may be produced by a ring of nebulous or meteoric matter revolving round the sun in a period slightly exceeding that of the suns rotation, and there- fore immediately exterior to the circle of equilibrium between the suns attraction and the centrifugal force due to his rota- tion.t Such a nebulous zone, but little inclined to the plane of the earths orbit, would probably influence our temperature by absorbing or retaining a portion of the solar heat. * These results in regard to the magnetic variations, have been confirmed by the investigations of A. ID. BAcHE, LL. D., and CHARLES A. ScssoTT, Esq. See the Discussion of the Magnetic and Meteorological Observations made at the Girard College Observatory, Philadelphia, in 1840, 1841, 1842, 1543, 1844, and 1545.Sinithsoaiefl Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. XI. The radius of this circle is about one-sixth of the earths distance from the sun. 1861.] 71w Design and Nature of Punishment. ARTICLE TV.THE DESIGN AND NATURE OF PUNISH MENT UNDER THE DIVINE GOVERNMENT.* THE questions at issue iii connection with the doctrine of Punishment under the Divine Government arise, for the most part, in the realm of rational and speculative thought. There is no reasonable doubt as to what the Bible appears to teach upon the subject. Those who hesitate to accept the evangelical doc- trine, do so either from a low reverence for the Scriptures, or under the pressure of rational objections which appear to them to compel an accommodated interpretation. The true battle ground is therefore on the field of reason. iJ~hat does reason really teach ? is the question which chal- lenges discussion. We do not regret to meet the issue in that foriu. Let the inquiry be searching and relentless, nay, even bold and free; but let it, as becomes a theme like this, be serious, honest, and unflinching. In this spirit we desire to approach the task before us. We wish to learn, not what men, or churches, or crc eds, or even the Bible teaches; but simply what reason teaches, and reason so questioned that her re- sponses iuay be legitimate, and in a good degree permanent and universal. We speak, not to affirm all that may be true in relation to the subject, but only that which the most truly liberal and philosophic thought might be justified in affirming. like Design and Nature of Punishment under the Divine Government. First the Desig?i. It may be assumed, of course, that the Government of God is perfect, that is, infinitely wise and good, and the most efficient possible. To inquire therefore concerning punishment, as a fact under that Government, is to inquire what it ought to be, on principles of perfect wisdom and goodness. In this light let us consider the question before us. In this Article will be found the substance of the (oncie ad Elerum, preached in Xew Raven, by appointment of the General Association of Connecticut, July 24th, 15d0, (Commencement week,) by Rev. C. W. CLArP of Rockyille.

1861.] 71w Design and Nature of Punishment. ARTICLE TV.THE DESIGN AND NATURE OF PUNISH MENT UNDER THE DIVINE GOVERNMENT.* THE questions at issue iii connection with the doctrine of Punishment under the Divine Government arise, for the most part, in the realm of rational and speculative thought. There is no reasonable doubt as to what the Bible appears to teach upon the subject. Those who hesitate to accept the evangelical doc- trine, do so either from a low reverence for the Scriptures, or under the pressure of rational objections which appear to them to compel an accommodated interpretation. The true battle ground is therefore on the field of reason. iJ~hat does reason really teach ? is the question which chal- lenges discussion. We do not regret to meet the issue in that foriu. Let the inquiry be searching and relentless, nay, even bold and free; but let it, as becomes a theme like this, be serious, honest, and unflinching. In this spirit we desire to approach the task before us. We wish to learn, not what men, or churches, or crc eds, or even the Bible teaches; but simply what reason teaches, and reason so questioned that her re- sponses iuay be legitimate, and in a good degree permanent and universal. We speak, not to affirm all that may be true in relation to the subject, but only that which the most truly liberal and philosophic thought might be justified in affirming. like Design and Nature of Punishment under the Divine Government. First the Desig?i. It may be assumed, of course, that the Government of God is perfect, that is, infinitely wise and good, and the most efficient possible. To inquire therefore concerning punishment, as a fact under that Government, is to inquire what it ought to be, on principles of perfect wisdom and goodness. In this light let us consider the question before us. In this Article will be found the substance of the (oncie ad Elerum, preached in Xew Raven, by appointment of the General Association of Connecticut, July 24th, 15d0, (Commencement week,) by Rev. C. W. CLArP of Rockyille. 64 The De8ign and Nature of [Jan., It has sometimes been imagined that the reformation of the qff~ender is the sole, or leading object, in the appropriate in- fliction of pnnishment. We are aware that if the restricted sense of the word punishment be adopted, this point will be ruled out of the present discnssion. But this would be an ar- gumentum ad rerbum, rather than ad sen8urn. What evils await the sinner on account of sin, here or elsewhere, and with whatever special design; this, and nothing less, is the real qnestion which is working in the public mind, and which mnst be met. Should it be inquired whether all punishment is not for the sake of discipline, we gain nothing toward an answer by observing that discipline is not punishment at all. Then is there any punishment at all? rejoins the inquirer. I care not for names, but things. And the question will have to be met by argument, not by a definition. Nothing can be gained toward the general solution by drawing the distinction in ques- tion. And distinctions which are not needed, will be found in the way, and conducive to obscurity rather than clearness. The reformation of the offender must be an object dear to every holy being, and particularly to a benevolent ruler, since he is especially concerned, and in a sense responsible for the char- acter of his subjects. This object will be songht therefore in the infliction of punishment, as elsewhere, and more than else- where, since punishment by special design stands related to the affair; just as far as other and higher ends will permit. Should it be maintained that the office of a moral governor, as such, is simply to add the weightiest sanctions to his law, by showing his deepest disapprobation of its violation, and this by affixing the severest possible penalty to it, without regard to its effect upon the offender; this, again, is a distinction without significance; since God is father, & c., as well as moral gov- ernor; and the true import of our question isWhat will God, whether as governor or in any other relation, do to the sinner on account of his sins? But are there ends to be regarded in punishment, higher than the reformation of the offender? There is one, at least, in t~4e welfare of 8ociety, that is, the uni- ver8e at large. This must be an object far more important 1861.] Punishment under the Divine Government. 65 than the improvement of the individual offender. Every ele- ment of value in the latter is redoubled a thousand fold, when repeated a thousand times in society. To injure or neglect the greater, for the sake of the unspeakably less, would be a strange manifestation of benevolence as well as of wisdom. It would also involve the sacrifice of the in- nocent, for the sake of the guilty. The offender is guilty al- ready, and deserves his fate; to rescue him from a merited doom, shall innocents, yet unborn, be exposed to temptations under which many of them will inevitably fall? If not, the security of the yet innocent whole, as well as the salvation of time sinner, must be regarded in the assignment of punish- ment. Nay, by the same principles, the former must lie a far higher and more sacred end than the latter; and must, there- fore, limit and control the other in the administration of the Divine government. Attracted perhaps by the simplicity of a single end sought in all governmental policy, some have supposed the welfare of society the sole aim of all rightful punishment. The follow- ing considerations point to a different conclusion. In the first place, simplicity is not the only law of the universe; nay, rather the law of combination of princi- ples and forces is more remarkable and pervading. The Deity exists in three persons, and combines the distinct relations of Creator, Father, Governor, & c. The Divine and human formed an inexplicable union in Christ. In the atonement justice and love were alike consulted, and both harmonized with the highest interests of the universe. Love and authority unite to form the only perfect government, while the holy Spirit and human agency c& 5perate in the great work of the souls conversion. Why may not the Divine govern- ment in general recognize the like principle of synthesis, in its deepest nature, and most pervading laws? We do not regard simplicity as the inevitable arbiter imm the reahn of eternal prin- ciples; nor believe, that in the music of the universe there is no richer harmony than that which is produced by single part. But, secondly, it may be observed that the etymology of the word right, and its cognates, in all languages, when traced to its voL. xix. 5 06 The Design and Nature of [Jan., original sources, among those remote physical roots which formed the earliest vehicles of human thought, reveals no trace of a derivative, or even of an allied sense; but, on the contrary, of one distinct, independent, and nnique,the right forever an- tagonistic to the wrong, and bearing, apparently, no more rela- tion to happiness or any similar idea, than to that of color or sound. The universal usage of mankind has flowed in the channel thns wrought; and to-day, if there is an idea shining clear, single, and self-asserting, in every common mind, it is the idea of right, as an ultimate principle, dependent on no conse- quences or relations,giving authority and sacredness, but re- ceiving none. These unconscious channels of human thought, of natures own excavation in every clime and age, are they not the true channels? so, then such a principle rcally exists. Again, we can conceive of God, for some great and holy pur- pose, laying aside a portion of his happiness. We do no vio- lence to the essential idea of Deity by such a conception. On the contrary, in the light of the purpose for which it is done, his glory may shine brighter in our eyes by the sacrifice. il3ut let us undertake to conceive of God as parting with one shade of his spotless rightness, were it to save a universe from woe, anif the attempt will be in vain. We see at once that it de- stroys the Godhead; amid a pall of darkness spreads over the universe, as if from the bright heavens above us the sun had fallen extinguished to the earth. Is~ not rightness then, in dis- tinction from happiness, or any kindred species of good, an essential element of the Divine nature? In the Incarnation, and on the Cross, we behold this differ- ence illustrated. The Divine in Christ, to work out the great Atonement, became united with human weakness and pain. But not to redeem a thousand worlds, would the Divinity have joined itself in personal union with sinfal humanity.. We discuss the question, whether in Christ the Deity itself really suffered ;what blasphemy would it be, even to ask, whether the Deity in Christ sinned! Is happiness, then, or rightness, fundamental in the Divine nature? And which is to be regarded as an ultimate principlea ground of value; a fundamental element, or a mere state, of the Divine nature? 1861.1 Puni8himent under the Divine Government. E~7 In a slightly different line of thought, what shonid we say to the idea of God inflicting some degree of sin (overlooking for the moment the impossibility of sin being inflicted by oiie being npon another,) npon a moral being, for any purpose whatever? We pronounce the supposition impossible. But is there any other conceivable evil which he may not be sup- posed, for adequate reasons, to inflict? Where then, lies the ultimate, the fundamental, if not in that, which even God himself cannot be supposed for one moment to vary or set aside! Regarding once more, and in a somewhat different light, the sacrifice of Christ ;did we behold him bending beneath the heavy load unwillingly,did we know that the burden was laid upon him without his consent, that is, in violation of ymst we, how would every moral sense recoil from the spectacle; and in all the histoi;y of the race, what one heart would be melted and won by such an exhibition of the character of God! Is }u8t we, then, a principle too sacred to be trampled on, even to save a world from woe! Then ~justice, surely, is funda- mental, and ultimate,standiug by its own strength, and in its own rioht and not a mere concise expression for that b which produces the greater good. But after all, perhaps the consideration most decisive upon this question is found in the fact, that the independent, nude- rived nature of the principle of right, (of which justice is a form), is implied, even in the language of those who deny it. It is admitted in all quarters that we ought to seek the highest good. Whence, now, comes the ought? It is not in tho simple idea of a good, or the highest good. Good invites, it cannot command. Obligation commands. The ideas are essen- tially different, and must not be confounded; nor from one of theni in the premise can the other be deduced in the conclusion. Assume that happiness, or something else, is the highest good. The moment I aiim commanded to seek that good, the idea is presented of an authority out of, and above, the good itself. If not,if the authority is really iniphied in the idea of a highest good, why do we add the word ought at all; instead of contenting ourselves with saying, this is the highest good? 68 The De8ign and Nature of If the authority inheres essentially in the good, that single phrase expresses the combined idea. But in fact, no man ever drew the whole idea from the single expression, this is the highest good ; but all the world adds, and we on~,iht to pur- sue it. The truth is, the whole list of words expressive of obligation in the sense of command are an impertinence, unless they import an authority which is not in the phrases, the best, the highest good, and the like. But if, as the manner of their usage implies, these words express an obhga- don which is not in the good itself, and thus add a sanction to the good, then that is the final authority, and to obey it is really the highest good. Happiness is doubtless a good; but the highest good is, to obey that sacred law, whose sanc- tion, they even who deny its existence, are obliged to invoke to make the pursuit of any other good a duty. The idea of the ultimate nature of right, under the form of ju8tice, it is moreover easy to see, is recognized in all human government. Is there a parent, or a ruler, who would confess to exceeding by one iota the demand of justice, in affixing the penalty of crime, on whatever promise of future prevention? And whence, but from the sentiment which underlies the fact here alluded to, comes that well-known maxim of civil juris- prudence, better that ten guilty persons should go unpun- ished, than that one innocent man should suffer ? It is not the welfare of society, that interposes so lusty an arm to shield the innocent accused. It might even be an injury to society, were the innocent, when believed guilty, to escape. It is the awful sacredness of ju8tice, overriding all consideration of re- sults to society, and letting loose ten brigands upon a defense- less community, rather than that one man whom ju8tice does not condemn, should feel the avenging stroke. From the considerations thus suggested, and others which the want of space will not now permit us even to indicate, it appears that there is a real, ultimate, absolute principle, called right, of which justice is a particular form; higher and more sacred than any possible welfare of society as involved in the consequences of the sinners acts; and that the satisfaction of this principle forms the final and controlling aim of all pun- 1861.] Punishment under the Divine Government. 69 ishinent under the government of God. As already suggested, there appears to us no philosophical objection to supposing the union of the several objects which have been named, to con- stitute a compound end, sought in the infliction of evil upon the sinner. The proportion in which they would severally appear, might be different in every possible case. They might vary in different worlds, in time and eternity, and as the vary- ing factors of free moral agency, and the sovereignty of God. It is far from necessary that we should distinguish the countless shades of difference, or measure or adjudge results. God will do all, and do it well. It is sufficient for us to recognize the general principles on which the administration of his govern- ment proceeds. If, then, the reformation of the offender, the welfare of sOciety, and the satisfaction of justice,rising from the lower to the higher in the order of statement, are the objects to be accomplished in the infliction of punishment; by what means may they most effectually be attained? What will be the Nature of punishment under the Divine government ?our second inquiry. The question resolves itself into three, having reference re- spectively to the illiode, the Degree, and the Duration of pun- ishment. A very obvious remark, and yet one the full import of which has not always been appreciated, falls naturally here, preliminary to the discussion of all these questions. It has been common to speak, in a loose way, of the unspeakable hight a.nd depth of these, and similar questions; and of the modesty in forming opinions upon the strength of our own judgment which becomes minds limited and weak as ours. But something more than loose statements and vague feeling are here due. Consider for a moment the nature of the ques- tions involved. The Bible affords us dim and broken, but not uncertain, views of worlds beyond our own; by whose inhabitants our career is regarded with interest, and ourselves influenced, re- spectively, for good and for ill; and who are therefore fellow members with us of one vast moral system, uniting us in 70 The De8ign and Nature of bonds of mutual interest, influence and destiny. The relations thus existing, between us and those beings who kept, and those who kept not, their first estate, may, already or in future, in the sublime arrangements of the T)eity, extend to countless worlds throughout the universe. The problem of sin and punishment in the ease of the humblest individual of the human race, would thus become a problem of the whole universe as well as of eternity. And apart from the revelations of the Scriptures, it is not an unphilosophical theory, that the history of this earth, and the career of the race which in- habit it, may be or become known and appreciated by the denizens of innumerable realms even to the farthest shores of space. Science is daily unfolding principles which, though yet but partially understood, may one day be seen to constitute what might be properly called the telegraphic system of the universe ; by which the great drama of sin and its consequen- ces enacted on this globe may be really enacted, as on a stage, in sight of the universe and of eternity. Indeed, aside from both these considerations, no one can doubt the adequacy of Almighty power, to effect by some means such a result. It is no new idea to thinking minds out of the walks of science, that all things which exist constitute a vast system, permeat~d throughout by mutual and intricate relations, by which every part, however insignificant, receives and exerts, forevermore, its influence from and upon the whole. And thus again, the question of sin, and its effects, and its punishment, be- comes a question of all worlds, and of all duration. What considerations, then, must be weighed, ~rhat principles mea- sured, what influences traced, as remote as the stars, as vast as the infinite, as lasting as eternity, in order to resolve the problem! In this light, let any man, with mind enough to perceive what he is undertaking, propose to tell us precisely the relative proportions of discipline and penalty in a just system of punishment,let him say how soon the one should close and the other beginlet him determine whether or not there shall be a hell, and how intensely and how long its fires shall burn; traversing and sounding these mighty depths, and tracing among worlds and races yet uncreated, the unutterable 1861.] Punishment under the Divine Government. 71 thoughts therein involved, let him essay to draw up for the infinite Legislator the disciplinary and penal code of the uni- verse; and we need not say, he will sink down fainting and breathless from the tenuity of the air, and humbled and ashamed at the childish presumption of the attempt. We wish, then, to be understood here, not as addressing the vague reverence of piety, but as affirming a sound philosophical truth, when we repeat, that these are questions infinite, yes, infinite in their hight, and depth, and reach; and that any finite intel- ligence must modestly lay them down very soon after it has taken them up. And yet, here as before, there are problems toward the solu- tion of which we may accomplish something, if we enter upon the investigation with a proper understanding of its nature. It can scarcely be doubted, in the first place, that the princi- pal mode of punishment under the Divine government, must be spiritual in its nature. This is indicated alike by the spirit- ual nature of the soul itself, which, and not the body, is the real sinner; by the spiritual world and life to which its earthly career is but an introduction; by the spiritual beings, that is in their ultimate state, which constitute that vast society the inter- ests of which are involved; and by the spiritual nature of the great God and Judge, against whom, in the depths of the soul, spiritual rebellion has so long been carried on. It would be strangely incongruous indeed, if, in the face of these obvious features of the case, the chief exercise of Divine censure did not find some spiritual manifestation, and for its scene choose the arena of a spiritual life and world. But a much more important remark concerning the mode of punishment is, that it must 6e, and be recognized as, a govern- mental ii~ffiction, in distinction from a mere natural conse- quence of sin. This will be found essential, both in the re- tributive and the disciplinary aspects of the case. I~etribution must be the judgment of an offended ruler. Mere evil consequences, resulting from sin by the law of nature, will not fill tIme idea. They utter the voice, not of justice, but of necessity. Their language is not, this you deserve, but, this is inevitable. Retribution cannot be the 72 The De8ign and Nature of [Jan., product of a mere law. It is a special response to a particular act, and has a strictly occasional and special import. No fixed and prescribed penalty can meet the idea of retribution, be- cause actual guilt will vary in every different instance of the same crime, as in countenance and character men are never the precise counterparts of each other. Au earthly law, of a purely external nature, may be written down,such a penalty for such a crime, & c.; but a retribution to meet actual spiritual guilt, must be definitely assigned in every instance by a being who sees, and knows, and can judge, and execute judgment. Natural laws are moreover unable to satisfy by their results the demand of justice, from the want of that strictly personal element which is essential in the case. God is a personal governor, and is personally offended by sin. The sinner is a personal offender. The parties concerned are not mere laws, they are living, individual wills. Any satis- faction for sin, to be adequate, must bear a personal char- acter ;personal from the offender, and to the offended. It must be inflicted and received, by a free, intelligent, con- scious will. Otherwise it is merely the rolling of the great wheel of nature; which rolls on forever, unconscious and un- concerned, whether it crush a worm, or an immortal spirit, or a lifeless clod. It merely rolls and crushes whatever may chance to fall in its course. Retribution, on the contrary, assigns to a man his de8ert, and becau8e it is his desert, and if possible, in such a way that he shall know that he gets it be- cause he deserves it. So far then as retribution enters as an element into the great purpose of punishment, the mode of in- fliction must be, and be recognized as, direct and penal, in dis- tinction from natural and consequential. The disciplinary ends of punishment, whether toward the offender or toward society at large, give rise to the same necessity. Natural consequences of sin cannot reach the con- ~cence of the sinner with awakening power. Uttering no con- demnatory sentence, they convince him not of guilt, but only of folly. They may prompt to prudential reform, but never to repentance. They are equally powerless to subdue the will, xebellious against just authority. There can be no proper sur 1861.] Purd8hrnent under the Divine Government. 73 render of the will in merely yielding to the laws of nature. It mnst feel itself in the grasp of a will, free, conscious, and intelligent like itself, and too jnst to be censured, too strong to be resisted. A man may yield to the ocean, an earthqnake, or a storm; but he can 8ubmit, with a snbmission which stands re- lated to penitence and love, only to a personal ruler, and prompted by a personal discipline. Is it less obvions that no sen8ibikty can be won by the cold hand and passionless voice of natural law? Is the heart of man touched with tender gratitude in the enjoyment of the sweet sunlight, the balmy air, the rich landscape, the luscious fruits which nature yields, when it does not recognize them as the gifts of a per8onal God? No more can the mere discipline of natures imper- sonal laws soften and melt, and win the prodigal heart back to its fathers house and arms! The operation of these principles, it is manifest, is not re- stricted to the individual offender. Society is made up of individuals. The forces necessary to reform one, are essential to the welfare of the whole. Others beside the sinner look upon the scene; and something like the same impressions are made at second hand, as immediately. The action in each individual soul is transmitted also, through the influence of character when formed. In every view, secure the man and you secure society. For the sake, then, both of society and of the individual offender, as well as from the demands of justice, the punishment of sin must be and be recognized as, a penal and gavernmental infliction, in distinction from a mere result, according to natural law. And here we close the consideration of the mode of punishment. It should doubtless be chiefly ~piritual; and it mu8t be such as to show the avenging hand of an offended sovereign behind it. We approach the question of Degree. A leading element in this problem must of course be the degree of guilt. And who can estimate this? Many circum- staucs, all will at once perceive, enter directly into the account. The measure of natural faculties bestowed upon the sinner; the intelligence which he has obtained; the opportunities which he has enjoyed or neglected in doing so; the tempta The De8iyn and Nature of [Jan., tions by which he was assailed; the deliberation and con- sciousness with which he acted, & c. But though all can per- ceive the bearing of these, who shall measure the precise degree in which they affect the result? Nothing short of a mind that could penetrate every secret, of human being, and of nature, would be sufficient. But there is one element in the case which especially ought never to be forgotten ;the position, character, and authority of Him against whom the sin has been committed. To sin against official rank and authority,against the highest worth and loveliu ess of character,against the most sacred ties of gratitude for favors conferred,against the warmest, deepest love of a fathomless heart, that of a father perhaps, how unspeakably does this surpass in guilt the same crime com- mitted under other and more equal relations! What, then, mnst be the guilt of sin against GOD; who combines every possible title to reverence, love, gratitude, and obedience, in a degree elsewhere to all hmnan imagination unknown! No other obligations are equal to those which we owe to Him; none surpassing them could be conceived. Yet we sin against Him consciously, deeply, persistently; and that, too, notxvith- standing the most moving overtures on his part toward pardon and reconciliation; and all intensified, illustrated and proved, as no language can express, in the cross of Christ! The bear- ing of these most momentous considerations, upon the question of human guilt, and its appropriate punishment, ought not to be overlooked on account of their familiarity. It has been held by minds of great penetration and power, that since the authority against which sin is committed is infi- nite in weight and sacredness, the appropriate penalty of sin can be nothing less than infinite: and also that a perfect moral governor must manifest time highest possible regard for his law, which can only be done by inflicting the highest possible penalty upon its transgressor. Although not for ourselves satisfied of the validity of either of these considerations, as reaching the full conclusion, it is impossible to overlook the immense importance, in their bearing upon the question, of the facts which have suggested these reasonings. God is 1861.] Pun~shrnent under the Divine Government. 75 infinite in his character, position, usefulness to the universe, claims upon us for favors conferred, and in every conceivable element which could add sacredness to onr duty toward him. Yet we have sinned against Him in the deepest sense ;in a sense so deep, that many of the profoundest observers, looking at the evident facts in the case, have felt compelled, in order to account for them, to conclude that our very nature, as in- herited, and before all action, is itself sinful! And here, again, let not dissent from the theory thus stated, blind our eyes to the terrible facts, which, legitimately or otherwise, have furnished its occasion. Certainly as a perfect moral govern- or,with all the untold interests of a universe hanging upon his scepter, God is bound to show a weight of regard for his holy law, in which all those inconceivable interests are bound up; and of consequent disapprobation of sin, at which even holy beings occupying less responsible positions might naturally stand aghast! So far as the welfare of society is concerned, which the last consideration naturally suggests, the degree of appropriate in- fliction will be determined by the amount of injury threatened by sin to the universe. If this is radical, reaching to the very core of the soul, vital as life itself, poisoning the very foun- tains of intellectual and moral being; if it is from its nature incurable by any ordinary means, but, on the contrary, tends constantly and powerfully to increase and reduplicate itself; if its spreading roots already reach to every organ and vein of nature, ~o that the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together; and if what is now seen is but a faint foreshadowing of woes insufferable and inconceivable ,gather- ing like despair over the future horizon of the whole uni- verse, and for eternity; how do these facts bear upon the question of the degree of punishment which might properly be inflicted to restrain the evil! And here again we may observe, that though all can see the bearing of the considera- tions named, no finite mind can trace out and measure it; nor define precisely its results when entering as an element into the problem before us. And, on the whole, in the light of these and other thoughts 76 The Design and Nature of [Jan., which might here find a place, we ask, who shall presume to assign limits to the Degree of punishment which a Holy God may be compelled to inflict upon the sinner? It remains to consider the question of the Duration of Pun- ishinent. And here, as in reference to the degree, let us be reminded of those terrible fundamental necessities of the case, whose iron bonds not even the omnipotence of the Deity himself can escape. While every Divine attribute would forbid the con- tinuance of penalty one moment longer than would be neces- sary to accomplish its purpose, it would be equally and forever impossible that it should cease one moment before that point. The interests of society must be guarded, and justice must be satisfied; and whatever duration of punishment may be neces- sary to this end will be inflicted; whether it be for the term of mans earthly life, or the life of the race, or for a thousand cycles of centuries, or for all eternity. It is idle to affirm that a merciful God could never inflict eternal pain; unless, indeed, it is intended merely to assert that a less enduring penalty niust be amply sufficient to satisfy the true ends of punishment. But if this is meant, then let the appropriate terms be used to express it. And if any man is authorized to say it, let him say it and prove it; and let him define precisely the limit of dura- tion, since he seems to know that it cannot go beyond a certain time, let him say how far it can go. But if he hesitates to assert positively on this point, let him not trifle with the question, by saying in effect what he dares not say in words. But to the argument. This much must certainly be admit- ted; that punishment will continue so long as sin is persisted in. If sin lives forever, its penalty can never cease. The first question then is, flow long will sin endure? What a question to ask of one who has never passed the gates of death to see the scenes which they hide from mortal eyes,who has never seen one who has visited that future world, who might inform him respecting it,who cannot pre- tend to the gift of prophecy, or omniscient knowledge. Ilow is he to determine how long his fellow sinner will continue to sin? Can he foretell as it respects the present life, how his neighbors 1861.] Punishment under the Divine Government. 77 will conduct to-morrow ? Can he see into the heart of one of them, even at the present moment, not to say for all coming eter- nity? We know that every man is a sinner now; he has been so from his earliest childhood; he goes out of the world a sinner. Who can assure us that, in the world beyond, his character will undergo a change? Show us the solid ground for such a hope? For any judgment short of actual knowledge upon the subject, the question is one of the mutual relations of Divine Sovereignty and human Free Agency, involving the most complete sounding and diagnosis of all the depths and re- cesses of those powers. Is it said that sinners will repent in a future life? How can we know that? Can we see far enough into the human will, to foresee its action for years and ages? Dare we trust that God will secure the desired result? Who has told us that God can do it? Do we know enough of the relation of Divine power to human freedom, to say how far the former can extend its control over the latter without destroying it? No sound philosophy will assert such a claim. But to destroy the will for the sake of putting an end to sin, would be the same thing in principle as not to have created it, in order that sin might not come into existence. And since God has not done the latter, how can we be sure that he will do the former? Let it but be distinctly understood, that in order to settle these questions we must fathom the whole depth of that problem of ages, which every philosopher and theo- logian who has lived has struggled with, and in a measure in vain; and who will now presume to build on a foundation so uncertain, a theory to be trusted on the most momentous of all themes, a theme involving the soul and eternity! And should it still be urged, that God would even bring the life of the sin- ner to an end, rather than see him suffer eternal pain, it may be answered, this also is beyond our knowledge. We cannot trace the effect of such a measure upon the universe, nor deter- mine whether a holy God could consistently adopt it. Moreover, there are considerations tending powerfully, fear- fully, to show that a sinner, confirmed by long habit and the rejection of mercy in sin, may, and probably does pass beyond the reach of hope, and seal his covenant with despair forever. The De8ign and Na(nre of [Jan., The very nature of probation, which everything shows is the leading idea of the present life, involves the element of limited duration. For what is the object or meaning of probation, (provinq~, unless there is something to be proved, viz, a destiny of weal or woe hanging on the decision? Probation involves decision as its complementary idea, and is incomplete and absurd without it. Probation then must terminate, and a re- sulting destiny, of one sort or the other, set in. The hour for repentance, therefore, will some time pass by. The natural influence of probation on its subjects points in the sanie direction. The offers of pardon, the sweet invi- tations of love, the charms of holiness, and the terrors of the law, rejected and defied again and again,what could be expected as the result, bnt a hardening of the heart which would soon carry the sinner beyond the reach of hope! How often do we see the illustration and terrible foreshadowing of this awful process, in the career of men, conscientious and sensitive toward religious obligation in early life, but hard as the nether millstone in age. And have we not seen, too, persons leave the world, nuder circumstances, and with feelings indicating, alas, too clearly, that their day of grace had been sinned away forever? These considerations, moreover, derive force from the fact, that sin, as against God, is essentially a matter not of phe- nomena, but of substance, as nearly as moral character can be. Without saying that sin is metaphysically a nature, we may say, that it is as deeply and centrally embedded in the life and core of the soul, as a volmitary attribute can possibly be. Sin- fulness of this sort, it is not unreasonable to snppose, may, when confirmed by a life of trial and privilege abused, fix its fatal grasp upon the hapless soul forever. In truth; on every natural principle, all hope of future repentance must be founded on the merest possibility, and can scarcely deserve the name of hope. No power or intelligence less than the Creator, can foresee or - secure its realization; none less can legitimately be entitled to indulge it. And should lie by any possibility cherish any such plan, it must be to counsels which lie has uowhmere 1861.] Punishment under the Divine Govi~rnir~ent. 79 revealed; and in no wise to be required at his hand, or sup- posed in advance of his assurance. But are we sure that it requires the fact of the everlasting contiun ance of sin, to seal the penalty upou the soul forever? Is there nothing of dark and fearful portent in the original sen- tence itself, considered as meeting the requirement of justice, and of the highest good of the universe? What finite mind can say exactly how much justice demands, considering the authority, the sanctions, the interest and obligations, against which the sin has been committed? Who can assure us that the conservation of virtue throughout the universe may not require a perpetual example of the consequences,a never silent judgment of the just penalty of sin? Certainly the mo- tives drawn from the spectacle of everlasting woe, bearing upon the minds of rational beings, to dissuade from sin, are unspeak- ably greater than all that we can otherwise conceive. Who shall assure us that God did not see it necessary, for the safety of the great whole, that these motives should be called into existence from the first advent of sin, and kept in exercise forever? Who knows but without this provision, the universe might suffer, on the whole, manifold more of evil than all that can occur under the commonly supposed system? We know the feeling will still remaimi in many minds, that forebodings so dark cannot be well grounded,that God never would have created a race of beings, which he knew would realize a destiny of such unutterable woe. We are no strangers to feelings like these. Who that thinks can be? But ahi! what shall we say of the fearful array of principles above suggested; and which in all free and sober thought, we find it impossible to invalidate or escape? Turn whither- soever we will, they stare us iii the face with eves of stony glare. The great ends of punishment, we are forced to confess, are not merely the reformation of the offender, but higher, fin higlmer than tlmis, time conservation of virtue, amid thins of time highest good of time whole universe of God; and yet higher, more sacred, more frownino and awful than this, we behold the dread majesty of Justice, spanning like the arch of heaven time whole com~rmpass of thoughut, and thundering like Sinai on 80 The Design and Nature of [Jan., the guilty sinner~s ear. And as for the mode, we can scarcely doubt that it must be chiefly spiritual, and find its princi- pal arena in a future spiritual world. We see clearly too, that it cannot consist in the natural results of sin merely, but must speak the wrath of an offended God, in tones that almost the dead might hear. And when we think of the Degree of punishment which may be expected, we know that it must be such as to accomplish its object, be that more or less. We know it must be such as to meet the call of Jus- tice, as well as to guard effectively the well-being of society. We see that to do this it must bear a measure proportioned to the degree of guilt which it condemns. And this must be determined by such elements as the greatness, and worth, and authority of the God who is sinned against; and the extent, and depth, and continuance of the absolutely unspeakable evils threatened by sin to society. Alas, when we think of these things, we do not feel sure that the just penalty of sin will be as light and limited as might at first be supposed. And when we face the last, most momentous inquiry of all, the Duration of Divinely inflicted woe, our soul sinks at the thoughts which absolutely force an unwilling acknowledgment of their truth! It is but too plain that the fire must burn, while the dark, poisonous elements which feed it still gather in the soul. And, who will tell us when these shall cease? We turn to the free will, and find there a deep which no plummet has yet sounded. How can we build eternal hopes on idle conjectures of its action through eternity? We turn to God ; who by searching can find out God! or by feeble, human vision fore- tell, where he has not told all that he can, or will, or designs to do! Nor,more fearful than all,can we stop here. We cannot measure the penalty which, even were sin to cease, justice might yet demand! We think of the position and claims of God; we think of the principles,the infinite and eternal principle8 between which this war of sin and holiness is waging ;we think of all those fearful anguries which have already been presented, and we tremble at the prospect, even were we sure of ~a future repentance. We remember that we are but interested and partial judges in our own case: that it 1861.] Puni8hment under the Divine Government. 81 is of the very nature of sin to be insensible to its own enor- mity and just desert; and if:, notwithstanding, so much of terrible import we can but see to be true, what may not the whole truth be! And all this time there is falling on our ear, like the heavy roll of distant thunder, those threatening voices which nature utters,groans and premonitions of coming woe,in certain facts, not opinions, or reasonings, but stubborn, relentless facts, which point like a prophets finger to the shadow of approach- ing fate. God ha8 created a race which he knew would be- come steeped in sin, and shame, and woe. He has done it in this world; where is the assurance that he will not let the drama go on in the world to come? Is lie too good and wise? Why was he not too good and wise to do it here? Do you say that these evils here are of limited duration, and therefore more conceivable? But that begs the very point in debate. These evils exist now; who has proved that they will die, and that they were permitted only as being of limited duration? Besides, the God who could permit such evils for a day, much more for thousands of years as in this world, without the best of reasons, would be a malignant being. Is it said that sneb reasons doubtless existed in relation to the present world; who, then, shall assure us that they may not exist in relation to the world to come! Here is the deep fatal dilemma, in which all reasoning upon this point at last must terminate. If God admitted sin and woe without reason into this world, he is malignant, and will do it again. But if good reason for it existed here, it may exist elsewhere and forever. Like a pining captive, groping around time walls of his cell for some ray of light,some crevice through which a gleam of hope might enter,~~~e roam around the imprisoning terms of this relent- less dilemma, and find no escape. Nor, we fear, have the annals of human thonght revealed one yet. But hark! What voice is that? Serene and majestic as the music of the spheres; yet deep and awful as the earthquakes rumbling roar. It is the voice of God, walking as once in the cool of tIme day,~ through the pages of his revealed word. And what are the accents which salute our astounded ears? voL. XIX. 6 82 The De8ign and Nature of [Jan., Except a man be born again, he cannot see the kingdom of God. Take therefore the nnprofltable servant, and bind him hand and foot, and cast him into onter darkness; there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth. Strive to enter in at th~ straight gate, for many I say nuto yon, will seek to enter in, and shall not be able. Wherefore God shall send them strong delnsion, that they shonld believe a lie, that they all might be damned. As therefore the tares are gathered and bnrned in the fire, so shall it be in the end of the world. Where the smoke of their torment ascendeth np forever and ever. Are not these words of solemn, awful import! Tell me not that the Bible is of donbtfnl anthority,that the qnestion of inspiration is not yet settled. It may not be settled in all its points; bnt there is one thing that i~ settled, that the Bible is a book snch as the world has not elsewhere seen ;that it in some way contains a revelation from God, snch as lie has not elsewhere given ;a Divine light, shining to guide and instinct mankind. Whatever may be said, or dis- pnted, respecting the mode, degree, or uniformity of the inspi- ration of the Scriptnres, there is really no rational question, no respectable donbt, that a snpernatnral element is contained within them; and this, the daily progress of every branch of human knowledge and thought is rendering more and more evident. The consenting testimony of almost every page of such a book, on a theme like this, he would be bold indeed who shonld ventnre to disregard; and that, too, on no better gronnds than the merest possibilities, which are certainly all that, at the most, can be established against the commonly received opinion; and in the face of the varied and awful premonitions with which reason herself points to the future! On the whole, in all reason, in all freedom of thonght, yes, in the name of all tine philosophy, we ask, When has the world seen snch madness as in the case of him who perils his eternal all, on gronnds so utterly unworthyyes, worse than unworthy,presumPtuOns ;a criminal convicted and confessed, nsurping the seat of the judge, and prescribing the law for his own case,tnrning his back upon offered reconcilia- tion, and a sure and easy hopea hope which nothing but a 1861.] Puni8h?nent under the Divine Government. 83 moral insensibility of the most fearful augury could lead him to Wi8h to reject, to stake his life on human fancies, or the iuterested dreams of his own perverted heart !it is ama- ziug, yes, absolutely amazing to contemplate the folly of such a course! And yet, there is, in this depth of fatuity, presumption and fool-daring guilt, an abyes, deeper, and darker, and guiltier etill. It is fathomed by him who dares, after thus more than trifling with his own heaven-born, immortal-soul, TO PERSUADE OTHERS TO RISK THEIRS TOO! 0, my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united! 84 Does Science tend to Jifaterialismi [Jan., ARTICLE V.DOES SCIENCE TEND TO MATERIALISM? An~ Essay on ~iJlassi~fication; by Louis AGASSIZ. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. London: Longmans, Brown & Co. like Origin of Species by means of Natural Selection. By CHARLES DARWIN, M. A. New York: D. Appleton & Co. The Evidences of (k~istianity; an Essay, by BADEN POWELL, M. A., and The Afosaic Cosmogomy; an Essay, by C. W. GOODWIN, M. A. Reprinted in Recent hquiries in The- ology. Boston: Walker, Wise & Co. SCIENCE, says Professor Huxley, prospers exactly in proportion as it is religions; and religion flourishes in exact proportion to the scientific depth and firmness of its basis. True Science and true Religion are twin sisters, and the separation of either from the other is sure to prove the death of both. Mr. Herbert Spencer, to whom we are indebted for this quotation, in endorsing its sentiment, adds, that doubtless in much of the science that is current, there is a pervading spirit of irreligion; but not in that true science which has passed beyond the superficial into the profound.~ This distinction is well taken. The irreligious tone of a pre- tentious science, and the religions tendency of profonnder scientific inquiry, are illustrated both in the theories of scien- tists, and in their personal bearing toward revealed religion. In science, as everywhere, an irrehigious spirit is forward to assert itself; while true piety is modest and retiring. Hence, with superficial observers, the opinion has gained ground, that the study of the natural sciences, and the pursuit of pro- fessions based upon physical phenomena, tend to Materialism; the positive materialism of some men of science and the * Education; Intellectual, Moral, and Physical, p. 90.

84 Does Science tend to Jifaterialismi [Jan., ARTICLE V.DOES SCIENCE TEND TO MATERIALISM? An~ Essay on ~iJlassi~fication; by Louis AGASSIZ. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. London: Longmans, Brown & Co. like Origin of Species by means of Natural Selection. By CHARLES DARWIN, M. A. New York: D. Appleton & Co. The Evidences of (k~istianity; an Essay, by BADEN POWELL, M. A., and The Afosaic Cosmogomy; an Essay, by C. W. GOODWIN, M. A. Reprinted in Recent hquiries in The- ology. Boston: Walker, Wise & Co. SCIENCE, says Professor Huxley, prospers exactly in proportion as it is religions; and religion flourishes in exact proportion to the scientific depth and firmness of its basis. True Science and true Religion are twin sisters, and the separation of either from the other is sure to prove the death of both. Mr. Herbert Spencer, to whom we are indebted for this quotation, in endorsing its sentiment, adds, that doubtless in much of the science that is current, there is a pervading spirit of irreligion; but not in that true science which has passed beyond the superficial into the profound.~ This distinction is well taken. The irreligious tone of a pre- tentious science, and the religions tendency of profonnder scientific inquiry, are illustrated both in the theories of scien- tists, and in their personal bearing toward revealed religion. In science, as everywhere, an irrehigious spirit is forward to assert itself; while true piety is modest and retiring. Hence, with superficial observers, the opinion has gained ground, that the study of the natural sciences, and the pursuit of pro- fessions based upon physical phenomena, tend to Materialism; the positive materialism of some men of science and the * Education; Intellectual, Moral, and Physical, p. 90. Does & ienee tend to Jiliatemalism .~ 85 relio~ious indifferentism of others, giving prominence to the b irreligious phase of scientific inquiry. Yet this is contradicted by the fact that many of the most eminent sons of science have not only retained through life the integrity of their Christian faith, but have even confirmed and strengthened this by their study of Nature; and also by the fact, that the more profound our investigations of physical phenomena, the more do we perceive that their laws run back toward one intelligent and active centerlike the manifold lines of tele- graphic wire, which traverse the continent northward, south- ward, eastward, westward, crossing river and prairie, forest and mountain, as solitary and independent lines of life and thought, yet interlinked at intervals by the net-work of mag- netic sympathy, and converging at last in one central office, whence the living, thinking, operator speaks through them all. And when men, grown familiar with the mysterious forces of nature, fancy these, if not of their creation, quite nnder their control, the flashes of auroral light will bring to remembrance a diviner magnetism, and invisible forces work the wires, beyond the comprehension or control of man. In carrying out the distinction suggested by Mr. Spencer, it will be in order first to trace certain causes or influences in the pursuits of physical science, which tend to Materialism; and then pass to the true interpretation of Nature in her laws, which leads, by a logical necessity, to the acknowledgment of a personal God as the Creator and Governor of the universe. The habit of tracing physical phenomena to discoverable laws, which belongs to the inductive sciences, may lead the mind to rest in these as causal powers, instead of regarding them as formal rules or modes of operation established by some higher invisible power. There is a fascination in re- ducing a wide range of physical phenomena to a simple law which defines and governs their relations. Indeed, a great orator has affirmed that the very luxury of such a discovery is a sufficient reward for the toil of the discoverer. Fulton had his reward when, after twenty years of unsuccessful ex- periment and hope deferred, he made the passage to Albany 86 Does Science tend to ]ifaterialism? [Jan., by steam; as Franklin had his reward when he saw the fibers of the cord which held his kite stiffening with the electricity they had drawn from the thnnder-clond; as Galileo had his when he pointed his little tnbe to the heavens and discovered the Medicean stars; as Colnmbns had his when he beheld from the deck of his vessel a moving light on the shores of his new- fonnd world. That one glowing, nnntterable thrill of con- scions snccess, is too exqnisite to be alloyed with baser metal. The midnight vigils, the aching eyes, the fainting hopes tnrned at last into one bewildering ecstasy of trinmph, cannot be repaid with gold.~~* Now, this very fascination of the discovery of physical laws tends to invest those laws themselves with the reality of living powers. In its exhilaration at having fonnd a proximate reason for a perplexing fact, the mind fancies that it has dis- covered the original and efficient canse of that fact. And since in every department or natnre we can trace many laws of exqnisite precision, beanty, and simplicity, there is a strong temptation to regard these formal reasons for phenomena as the original canses of these phenomena. A mind mnch occn- pied in tracing particnlar laws, nnless well trained in syn- thesis and generalization, is liable to rest in the partienlar law as the end of its inqniry. Instead of pressing on from point to point, with Newtons why not? and why not ? if the apple falls, why should not the moon, the planets, the satellites, fall ?snch a mind rests in the simple discovery of the law of accelerated motion by which the apple falls. The facility of tracing particnlar laws leads some scientists to con- ceive of the nniverse as a mere system of self-evolving laws. Thns Darwin closes his essay on the origin of species by natural selection, by gronping together varions forms of life as the evolntion of a few general laws, which he defines com- prehensively as laws of Growth with IReprodnction, Inher- itance, and Variability, with a Ratio of Increase so high as to lead to a Strnggle for Life, and as a conseqnence to Natnral Selection. It is interesting to contemplate an entangled * Edward Everett, at the inauguration of Mr. Websters statue, at Boston. Doe8 Science tend to 2Jfatertab~8m? bank, clothed with many plants of many kinds, with birds singing in the bushes, with various insects flitting about, and with worms crawling through the damp earth, and to reflect that those elaborately constructed forms, so different from each other, and dependent on each other in so complex a manner, have all been produced by laws acting around us. There is a grandeur in this view of life, with its several powers, having been originally breathed into a few forms or into one; and that, whilst this planet has gone cycling on according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple a be- ginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have been, and are being, evolved.~~* This doctrine that the whole universe of matter and of life is a self-evolving system of laws, is really a materialistic pan- theism. True, Darwin speaks of the plan of creation, and the laws impressed on matter by the. Creator ; and his theory of development through the evolution of organic laws is not necessarily inconsistent with belief in a personal God. It is not just to charge him with atheism, nor wise to concede that his the- ory of the origin of species, if scientifically established, would dispense with an intelligent Creator. It would only remove the intelligent first Cause farther back in the series of cause and effect. But the fascination of the idea of progressive evolution by physical laws, leads Darwin to conceive of the Creator as filling some honorary office rather than as performing any effi- cient function in the universe. Thus, in treating of the struc- ture of the eye, he says, It is scarcely possible to avoid com- paring the eye to a telescope. We know that this instrument has been perfected by the long-continued efforts of the highest human intellect; and we naturally infer that the eye has been formed by a somewhat analogous process. But may not this in- ference be presumptuous. Have we any right to assume that the Creator work8 13y intellectual powers like tho8e of man ? He then supposes the formation of this delicate complex organ to be the result of transitional grades, the process steadily ad- vancing through numerous, successive, slight, modifications. * Origin of Species, American Editio4 pp. 423, 424. 88 Doe8 Science tend to Miateriali8rn 9 [Jan., In living bodies, he argues, variation will cause the slight alterations, generation will multiply them almost infinitely, and natural selection will pick out with unerring skill each improvement. Let this process go on for millions on millions of years; and during each year in millions of individuals of many kinds; and may we not believe that a living optical instrument might thus be formed as superior to one of glass, as the works of the Creator are to those of man ? ~ This refer- ence to the Creator seems a complementary allusion rather than a necessity of the authors logic, since the theory really denies to the Creator any personal superintendence of his works or any direct agency in producing them; while it personifies the laws of nature as intelligent powers. Indeed, with Schel- hug, it goes to the extent of endowing Nature with creative self-activity. Darwin puts this in so many words, when he says that Natural Selection is daily and hourly scrutinizing, throughout the world, every variation, even the slightest; re- jecting that which is bad, preserving and adding up all that is good; silently and insensibly working, whenever and wherever opportunity offers, at the improvement of each organic being, in relation to its organic and inorganic conditions of life.t What then is the Creator but an Emersonian Fate: Let us build al- tars, chants the high priest of Pantheism, to the Beautiful Necessity, which secures that all is made of one piece. . Let us build to the Beautiful Necessity, which makes man brave in believing that he cannot shun a danger that is appointed, nor incur one that is not; to the Necessity, which rudely or softly educates him to the perception that there are no contingencies; that Law rules throughout existence, a Law which is not intel- ligent but intelhigence,not personal nor impersonal,it dis- dains words and passes understanding; it dissolves persons; it vivifies nature; yet solicits the pure in heart to draw in all its omnipotence.~ And what is this again but the transcendent negation of the ilegehian philosophy, that pure and nude * Origin of Species, p. 169. ~ Page 50. ~ Emerson, Conduct of Life, p. 42. Does Science tend to 2,jliaterialisn? 89 termined existence is pure Nothing. The personality of God vanishes before such a personification of Law. This deification of natural law is the latest canon of worship in the Westminster and at Oxford. Step by step, says the West- minster Review, * the notion of evolution by law is transforming the whole field of our knowledge and opinion. It is not one order of conception which comes under its influence, but it is the whole sphere of our ideas, and with them the whole system of our action and conduct. Not the physical world alone is now the domain of inductive science, but the moral, the intellectual and the spiritual are being added to its empire. And Baden Powell wrote, in the Essay cited at the head of this Article, that the simple but grand truth of the law of conservation, and the stability of the heavenly motions, now well understood by all sound cosmical philosophers, is but the type of what ? the Divine wisdom of providence ?no; the type of the uni- versal self -sust (Lining and self -evolving powers which pervade all Nature.t And again, Mr. Darwins niasterly volume on the Origin of Species by the law of natural selectionwhich now substantiates on undeniable grounds the very principle so long denounced by the first naturaliststhe originization of new species 6y natural causesmust soon brino~ about an entire b revolution of opinion in favor of the grand principle of the self- evolving powers of nature.4 This transformation of phenomenal laws into self-evolving powers is certainly an abuse of the inductive principle. The sphere of phenomenal laws is too narrow for the inter- pretation of the whole order of Nature. It is as if the me- chanical philosopher, arguing from the perfect adaptations and wonderful results of certain mechanical forces, ~hould main- tain that the universe is made up of such forces; whereas chemical affinity is a law or force of a higher order than the mechanical, and sometimes includes this; and then the chem- ist should say: I have discovered the original and highest principles of nature, in the chemical forces of my laboratory ; * October, 1860, Art. Neo-Christianity. ~ Recent Inquiries, p. 151 4 Ibid., p. 15!. 90 Does~ Science tend to ihliiatericdism? [Jan., but vital powers are of a higher order than either mechanical or chemical forces, and include them both; and then the physi& logist should say: I have discovered the essential life of nature in these vital powers: and yet, what physiologist has given a precise, tenable, and consistent definition of l~fe? And when we pass into Biology, and begin to discuss the soul as an animating principle or essence, we are already within the confines of that spiritual and invisible world, where we must admit the action of powers that our senses cannot measure. But to rest in particular laws is to rest upon the surface of things; or at least to carry our dissection of nature no deeper than the cuticle. And a materialistic philosophy is only superficial. As Bacon has said: a little natural philosophy inclines men to atheism; but depth in philosophy always brings them about to religion. For while the mind looks upon second causes scattered, it may some- times go no further; but when it beholds the chain of them collected and linked together, it must needs have recourse to Providence and a IDeity. To rest in ascertained physical laws as ft~r8t causes, is much as if an inventor should become so enamored of the working of his own machine, as to rate it above the mind that had invented it; and should worship the product of his own hands as a creating force. Whereas the true logic of the machine isif this adaptation of mechanical powers is so wonderful, how much more wonderful the mind that discovered or con- ceived it, and how infinitely greater than both the Author of that mind and of the physical forces which its ingenuity has brought together in the machine. Having admired first the crude forces ~nd materials of nature, and next these as com- bined by invention, and then the genius of the inventor, can we stop short of the great thought of God? In the Patent Office one is continually reminded of the supremacy of the human intelligence over inert matter. Now, the universe is the patent office of the Creator, from whose material com- binations He can no more be precluded than perpetual motion can be invented or~evolved from mechanical forces. The physical universe is a storehouse of immeasurable 1861.] Doe8 Science tend to Jfficttertcdi8m~? 91 treasures, shut up under a combination-lock; particular sciences are the prongs of the key which man adjusts to various tumblers, until he spells out the magic word and opens the lock. How childish, how absurd, to claim that these sciences, or the laws which they combine into a system, made the lock, and stored the treasury! Yet such is the logic of materialism; and that result is possible only to minds that move in the tread-mill of physical laws, till they imagine these to be the final seat and source of power. A tendency toward materialism, in students of physical science, is found also in the pride of human reason in its own discoveries. In the ages of his ignorance man worshiped the powers and phenomena of nature as gods. But now that science has put him en rctppod with these mysterious powers, so that the philosopher of our times sits tet~-a-tet~ with Thor and Wodin, Osiris, Neptune, and Jupiter Tonans, the pride of this conquest over nature makes man averse to the thought of a higher power. The more he magnifies nature, the more he magnifies himself. When Galileo, by long straining his vision toward the distant glories of the heavens, had brought on total blindness, he said to a friend, These heavens, this earth, this universe, which by powerful observation I had en- larged a~thousand times beyond the belief of past ages, are henceforth shrunk into the narrow space which I occupy myself. So it pleases God; it shall, therefore, please me also. Galileo meekly acquiesced in this calamity as a divine dispensation. But there are scientists who shrink the uni- verse into the narrow space which themselves occnpy, yet do not know that they are blind. Their mental perception is coated with films of pride. Science, of course, is to be determined as to its facts and laws, purely by observation and reflection. It lies wholly within the domain of IReason. Neither imagination nor faith can have part in its processes. But reason is the mere organ of scientific discovery. It creates no facts; it imparts no powers. In the domain of physical science man is only an observer; and whether his telescope, like Newtons, measure 92 Does & ienee tend to 3fateriak& m? [Jan., nine inches, or, like Lord IRosses, is elongated to sixty feet, he is but an observer still. The fact that Newton made his first reflector with his own hands, led a contemporaneous conti- nental author to suppose that he was a maker of optical instruments ; Artifex quidam Anglu8 nonmine Newton. Some modern scientists go to the opposite extreme of re- garding him almost as the author of the great law which he enunciatedmore an architect than a discoverer. It is a common opinion with such reasoners, that the invention of printing was the chief cause of the Reformation, that the in- vention of the compass brought about the discovery of America, and that the vast changes in the military and political state of Europe since the middle ages, have been wrought by the in- vention of gunpowder. It would be almost as rational to say that the cocks crowing makes the sun rise These very inventions had existed, the greatest of them for many centu- ries, in China, without producing any like result There is not a whit to choose between the worship of steam, and that of the meanest Fetish in Africa. Nor is the worship of Man really nobler or wiser. Reason delights to conceive of itself as possessing a certain architectural power over the physical universe; and this pride of Reason tends to atheism. Yet how much more rational the homage that Newton and Kepler rendered to God as the author of that wondrous harmony of nature which they seve- rally discovered. When Kepler, after nearly twenty years of laborious calculation, had discovered the three grand laws that regulate the orbits, the motions, and the periodic times of the planetary bodies, losing himself in the vastness of the Creators glory, he exclaimed: I think thy thoughts after thee, 0 God Tie concludes one of his astronomical works with the following prayer: It remains only that I should now lift up to heaven my eyes and hands from the table of my studies, and humbly and devoutly supplicate the Father of lights. 0 thou, who by the light of nature dost enkindle in us a desire after the light of grace, that by this thou mayest trans * Hares Guesses at Truth, p. 70. 1861.] Does Science tend to ]ifaterialisn .~ 93 late us into the light of glory; I give thee thanks, 0 Lord and Creator, that thou hast gladdened me by thy creation, when I was enraptured by the work of thy hands.~~* Who dare affirm that these are words of cant or enthusiasm, or that such homage to the Creator is unworthy of science? A tendency to materialism is doubtless fostered by an over- skeptical jealousy as to the subject-matter of science. The habit of ruling out from the sphere of physical science all moral and spiritual truth as irrelevant, leads to the corres- ponding habit of thinking and speaking upon scientific sub- jects in the language of materialists. There are some investi- gators, says Agassiz, to whom the name of God appears out of place in a scientific work; as if the knowledge of sec- ondary agencies constituted alone a worthy subject for their investigations, and as if nature could teach nothing about its author. But this is much as if the anatomist should confine himself to the description of the simple skeleton, without considering it as a frame-work for the activity of a living man, and by comparative anatomy tracing the superiority of man as a being; much as if the physiologist should describe the functions of vital organs, and studiously exclude all reference to the body as the residence of a living soul. Or it is as if we should expend all our praise upon the steam engine and the locomotive as machines, but never mention Watt or Ste- phenson because they are not parts of their own inventions, and therefore an allusion to their names would be irrelevant! Rather because the steam engine and the locomotive are such wonderful and invaluable inventions, do we give honor to the names of the inventors, and hand these down from age to age by history and monuments. And so the culminating point of a true physical science is reached, only when we take up this devout aspiration of David: I will praise Thee, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made ;marvelous are Thy works; and that my soul knoweth right well. Newton followed the inductive philosophy up to this high religious thought. He believed in God, not only as a Chris- * Quoted in Buckland, Geology and Mineralogy, Vol. I, p. 9. 94 Does Science tend to Ziliaterialism? LJan., tian, but as a philosopher; and he says expressly, that every true step made in inductive philosophy is to be highly valued, because it brings us nearer to the First Cause. As Lord Brougham so eloquently describes him: after piercing the thickest veil that envelops naturegrasping and arresting in their course the most subtle of her elements and the swiftest traversing the regions of boundless spaceexploring worlds beyond the solar waygiving out the laws which bind the universe in eternal orderNewton rests, as by an inevitable necessity, upon the contemplation of the great First Cause, and holds it his highest glory to have made the evidence of his existence, and the dispensations of his power and of his wis- dom better understood by men.~~* Goodwin remarks, almost with a sneer, that Physical science goes on unconcernedly pursuing its own sphere. The- ology, the science whose object is the dealing with God as a moral being, maintains but a shivering existence, shouldered and jostled by the sturdy growth of modern thought, and be- moaning itself for the hostility which it encounters. How finely is this supercilious attempt of science to shoulder the Creator out of his own universe, met by a naturalist no whit inferior to Goodwin or to Darwin, who has said that the laws of nature signify the enunciations of the method or will of God ; and to him whose mind has become deeply im- bued with science, nature becomes a living expression, as full as is possible in finite language, of the perfection of the supreme Architect ; tor, as Agassiz expresses it, systems of science are not the inventions of the human mind, but transla- tions into human language of the thoughts of the Creator. Whenever, therefore, we observe in cultivators of natur.al science a tendency to Materialism, we are justified in suspect- ing either the superficial habit of resting in perceived laws as original and efficient causes, or a pride of intellect, which ministers to its own glory in proportion as it excludes the * Brougham, Natural Theology. ~ Prof. J. ID. Danas Address before the American Association. 1861.] Doe8 Science tend to Miatei~tali8m? 95 thought of the Deity, or a 81eepttc~82n in the letter, which be- ginning by excluding the name of God from the category of physical science, ends by excluding the idea of God from the soul itself. But these tendencies toward Materialism lie more in the tone of mind assumed by the scientific investigator, than in the phenomena and laws of Nature, as classified by science. A profounder science grows reverent and religious. The true logical tendency of the study of nature is ever toward the re- cognition and acknowledgment of a personal God as the Crea- tor of the universe. The admirable method which we trace in all organic structures, and in all the laws of nature, points to the existence of an intelligent and planning Mind as the First Cause of all things. We need not enter at length into the argument from Natural Theology for the existence and attri- butes of God; nor repeat the unanswered argument of Paley from design; unan8wered, we say, for the sophistical reply of Hume, that we have had no experience of the origin of worlds, such as we have in the products of human art and contrivance is met at once by the fact that our belief in the existence of an intelligent designer in every case of perceived design, does not rest upon experience, but upon the perceived adaptation of means to an end. If from the bottom of a well in the prairies of Illinois an instrument or machine unknown to modern arts shonld be dug up, the moment we saw it we should say, This is proof that man was here before the present race came upon the soil. The mechanical contrivance, the perceived adaptation of means to an end, argues a planning intelligence in distinction from an established law. Socrates anticipated both Paley and Hume by two thousand years, when he said, Things which exist for some useful pur- pose must be the productions of intelligence ; and then asks, does it not seem like the work of forethought to guard time eye, since it is tender, with eye-lids like doors, which, when it is necessary to use the sight, are set open, but in sleep are closed? To make the eye-lashes grow as a screen, that winds may not injure it? To make a coping on the parts above the eyes with the eye-brows, that the perspiration from the head 96 Does Science tend to ilfatericdism? [Jan., may not annoy them? To provide that the ears may receive all kinds of sounds, yet never be obstructed? and that the front teeth in all animals may be adapted to cut, and the back teeth to receive food from them and grind it ; and thus going on through the details of the animal economy, according to the crude anatomy and physiology of his times, Socrates asks, Can you doubt whether such a disposition of things, made thus apparently with intention, is the result of chance or of intelligence? Do not these appear like the work of some wise- maker who studied the welfare of animals ? ~ When Socrates goes on to apply this argument to the evidence of design throughout the world and the universe, and asks, can all this be maintained in order by something void of reason ?an objector steps forward with illumes argument and says, J can hardly suppose that there is any ruling intelligence among that assemblage of bodies, for I do not see the directors, as I see the agent of things which are done here. Socrates re- plies, Nor do you see your own soul, which is the director of your body; so that, by like reasoning, you may say that you yourself do nothino with understandino hing by b but everyt chance. It is not experience but the perception of design which causes us to recognize a designer. It is not necessary that we should see any particular watch made in order to be- lieve that every watch must have had a maker. Where there is so much evidence of design as we perceive in all organic structures, and in the laws of nature, chance is out of the question. The only alternative is between the materialism of mere physical laws, and the rational conception of an intelli- gent Creator and Governor of the universe. Which of these two views do the phenomena of nature warrant, or rather com- pel us to adopt? The extent and variety of design apparent in nature forbid us to refer this to mere physical laws, and require us to recog- nize an intelligent Creator. Dr. Whewell lays it down as an aphorism of science that the asumption of a Final & use [or definite purpose] in the structure of each part of animals and plants is as inevitable as the assumption of an efficient cause for * Mem. B. 1, C. IV, Sec. 410. Doe8 Science tend to 3liaternalism? 97 every event. The maxim that in organized bodies nothing is in vain, is as necessarily tine as the maxim that nothing happens by chance.~~* And he adds that almost all the great discoveries in physiology have been made by the assumption of a purpose in animal structures. Harvey states that he was led to think of a circulation of the blood, because he noticed that the valves in the veins of the body are so placed that they give a free passage to the blood towards the heart, but oppose the passage of the venous blood the contrary way ;he was thus in- cited to imagine that so provident a cause as Nature had not placed so many valves without design. Some method oi~ purpose obviously intended in these valves led him to study what that purpose was, and so to make his great discovery. Many other discoveries in physiology have been made in the same way. Now if we found only an exact uniformity in organic structures and natural laws, we might be tempted to rest in the laws of phenomena as being also their causes. And, on the other hand, if we found in nature nothing but irregularity and diversity of operations and results, we might admit the idea of chance. But. the nnity amid diversity, and the diversity in unity, which we everywhere behold, compel us to recognize a planning and controlling mind. Whence comes it, that while the vertebral plan~ is the same in man and sparrow, and this unity of plan is carried out so far that the arm of man and the wing of a sparrow correspond to each other in the most exact manner, bone for bone, yet both are modified with manifest contrivance, and adapted to the nature and life of the creatures to which they severally belong, so that one is an arm amid hand for taking and holding, and the other a wing for flying ? Are these the results of divergent physical laws? Nay, not a sparrow falleth on the ground without your Fatherand the very, hairs of your head are all numbered. Professor Agassiz, at the close of his beautiful and luminous survey of the unity of plan in the structure of the most diver- sified types throughout the animal and vegetable kingdoms, says, And yet this logical connection, these beautiful har * Novum Organon Renovatum, Aphorism CV. 7 VOL. XIX. Does Science tend to Miatericdisn~ ~ [Jan., 98 monies, this infinite diversity in unity, are represented by some as the result of forces exhibiting no trace of intelligence, no power of thinking, no faculty of combination, no knowl- edge of time and space. If there is anything which places man above all other beings in nature, it is precisely the cir- cumstance that he possesses these noble attributes, without which, in their most exalted excellence and perfection, not one of these general traits of relationship, so characteristic of the great types of the animal and vegetable kingdoms, can be un- derstood or even perceived. How, then, could these relations have been devised without similar powers? If all these rela- tions are almost beyond the reach of the mental power of man, and if man himself is part and parcel of the whole system, how could this system have been called into existence, if there does not exist One Supreme Intelligence as the author of all things ?~~* To put the question in another shape. Man does not invent or create Nature; at the most, with great study, he can but understand Nature, and this only in part. Either then the laws of comparative anatomy, which a Cuvier and an Owen have traced and classified, have a higher intelligence than Cuvier and Owen, or there is a Supreme Intelligence, the author both of the laws and of the minds that study them. And if it requires a mind as capacious as that of Cuvier or Owen to comprehend the animal kingdom, what must be the capacity of the mind that ordained it! Near two thousand years ago Galen pronounced his work on anatomy a reli- gious hymn in honor of the Creator. And every museum of comparative anatomy adds new strophes to that hymn. We cannot rest in physical laws as the ultimate powers in nature, because these laws themselves need frequent revision with the progress of scientific discovery. How many laws of physiology and health once laid down so gravely in medical works, have been made ludicrous by the advance of science! Who can read without a smile, much that Lord Bacon and Robert Boyle have put on record as physiological laws? What nonsense has been written concerning electric fluids and * Essay on Classification, p. 35. Does Science tend to 3fcttericdisin? 99 magnetic fluids as distinct material agents,whereas all obser- vation now points to the conclusion that magnetic and electric action are but different effects of one common cause, as yet unknown? A discoverer proclaims some new law as the first cause of everything, and his successor shows that it was never the cause of anything but his own blunder. The old doctrine of mechanical forces to which physicists traced all action, is now giving way to the doctrine of polar forces as the solution of all the phenomena of material action. But who shall say that this is the final discovery? And is it worthy of the human mind to rest in what the next generation may reject as crudities, as if these were first causeswhen it may ever rise toward that Infinite and Eternal Cause, which not all coming generations shall supersede or modify? It is a well-put aphor- ism of Whewell, that in contemplating the series of causes which are themselves the effects of other causes, we are neces- sarily led to assume a Supreme Cause in the order of Causa- tion, as we assume a First Cause in the order of Succession.~~* The harmonious working of apparently conflicting laws and powers in Nature, and the agencies for remedy and restora- tion, require us to believe in an intelligent Creator and Ruler of all things. The curative processes of nature, the remedial agencies at work to repair waste, loss, and injury, the adapta- tion of the Materia IMledica of the physical world to the dis- eases of mankind, and the law of conservation in the plane- tary motions, are striking evidences of the existence of God. If these are not the product of one planning mind, then there are antagonistic laws, which are either in danger of perpetual collision, or which work in harmony by a self-intelligence which must needs be divine. Is there one law of health, and another law of disease, and a third law of remedy, and do these three laws, seemingly adverse, meet in consultation, and agree that each shall have its turn at the patient? Does chance or natural law provide for such a triangular practice to accomplish the desired end? Is not that very law of conservation in the cosmical mo * Novum Organon Renovatum, p. 247. 100 Doe8 Science tend to ilfaterialism? [Jan., tions, which Baden Powell quotes as proof of the self-evolving powers of Nature, in reality one of the highest proofs of a far- seeing, all-controlling intelligence? It is impossible to ascribe such delicate adjustments, compensations, and even counter- actions in the system, to anything short of one discerning, planning, directing Cause. To sum up all, the higher the plane from which we take our observations of imature, and the wider the range of these obser- vations, the more palpable does it become that there is no possible explanation of the order of nature in all her varying phenomena, save as a thought of the Divine mind put into expression by an act of his will. Agassiz gives it as the re- sult of his study of Natural History, that the most surprising feature of the animal kingdom seems to rest neither in its diversity, nor in the various degrees of complication of its structure, nor in the close affinity of some of its representa- tives, while others are so different, nor in the manifold rela- tions of all of them to one another and the surrounding world; but in the circumstance, that beings, endowed with such different and such unequal gifts, should nevertheless constitute an harmonious whole, intelligibly connected in all its parts. And he argues that in our attempts to expound nature, we are only the unconscious interpreters of a divine conception; and when in our pride of philosophy we have thought that we were inventing systems of science, and classifying creation by the force of our own reason, we have only followed and repro- duced in our imperfect expressions, the plan whose foundations were laid in the dawn of creation, and the development of which we are laboriously studying. These are not the words of ignorance or of cant. They carry us back to that sublime conception of Plato that there was a pattern of tAonght in the mind of God, after which the worlds were made; they lead us as students of science to that devout aspiration of Kepler I think thy thoughts after thee, 0 God to that ascription of the Psalmist, I will praise thee, for I am fearfully and wonder- fully made. Marvelous are thy works and that mny soul knows right well ! It is not mcrely that design proves the designer, but that the very thoughts of the Divine mind are impressed upon the laws of nature for man to study and interpret. So Does Science tend to JiIiaterictl91s~n? 101 that with the profound and eloquent historian of the Inductive Sciences,* we can say as the conclusion of the whole argument, We cannot only hold with Galen, and Harvey, and all the great physiologists, that the organs of animals give evidence of a purpose; not only assert with Cuvier, that this conviction of a purpose can alone enable us to understand every living thing ;not only say with Newton, that every true step made in philosophy brings us nearer to the very First Cause, which certainly is not mechanical :but we can go much further and declare still with Newton, that this beautiful system could have its origin no other way than by the purpose and command of an intelligent and powerful Being, who governs all things, not as the soul of the world, but as the Lord of the Universe; who is not only God, but Lord and Governor. When we have advanced so far, there yet remains one step. We may recollect the prayer of one, the master in this school of the philosophy of science, This, also, we humbly and earnestly beg; that human things may not prejudice such as are divine ;neither that from the unlocking of the gates of sense, and the kindling of a greater natural light, anything may arise of incredulity or intellectual night towards divine mysteries; but rather that by our minds thoroughly purged and cleansed from fancy and vanity, and yet subject and per- fectly given up to the divine oracles, there may be given unto faith the things that are faiths. When we are thus prepared for a higher teaching, we may be ready to listen to a greater than Bacon, when he says to those who have sought their God in the material universe, Whom ye ignorantly worship, him declare I unto you. And when we recollect how utterly inadequate all human language has been shown to be, to express the nature of that Supreme Cause of the Natural, and Rational, and Moral, and Spiritual world, to which our Phi- losophy points with trembling linger, and shaded eyes, we may receive, with the less wonder, but with the more rever- ence, the declaration which has been vouchsafed to us, In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. * Whewell, Nov. Org. Renovatum, p. 255. 102 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., ARTICLE [1.LATIN PRONUNCIATION. Uelier Aus8prctche, Vocalismus und Betonuna der Latein- ischen iSjprache. Von der k~5niglichen Akademie der lYissen- schaften ~u Berlin gekronte Preisschrift, von IF. Corssen. Erster Band [ss. X, 374] Leipzig, Druck und Verlag von B. G. TEIJBNER, 1858; Zweiter Band [ss. 493] 1859. Roman Ortho~py: A Plea for the restoration of the True System of Latin Pronunciation. By JOHN F. RICHARDSON, Professor of the Latin Language and Literature in the Uni- versity at Rochester. [pp. 114.] New York: Sheldon & Compay, 1859. THERE 15 no nation in the world, so far as we know, in which classical scholars claim as a general thing that they pronounce Latin as it was pronounced by the ancient Romans. He there- fore, who, from the Roman point of view, undertakes to prove that the modern pronunciation of Latin is erroneous, is engaged in the main in an idle task, for he is laboring to prove that which no one is ignorant enough to deny. It is indeed very easy, not only to point out numerous errors in the various pre- valent methods of Latin pronunciation as compared with the ancient, but also to show their incongruities and absurdities. Nor are these errors more obvious than are certain evils which result from them. From what a multitude of questions in etymology, for instance, which every one in the early stages of philological study is called to solve, would a degree of obscurity be lifted, should we ever return to the Roman method of pro- nouncing the Roman tongue. Nor let any one suppose that it is American or English schol- ars alone who need reform in this respect. The pronunciation of the language of Cicero is as manifestly wrong in Paris and Berlin and Padua, and even in Rome itself, as it is ir Oxford or in New Haven; and Cicero would to-day find it as difficult to recognize his own name, could he hear it uttered on the banks of the Tiber, as on the banks of the Connecticut or the

102 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., ARTICLE [1.LATIN PRONUNCIATION. Uelier Aus8prctche, Vocalismus und Betonuna der Latein- ischen iSjprache. Von der k~5niglichen Akademie der lYissen- schaften ~u Berlin gekronte Preisschrift, von IF. Corssen. Erster Band [ss. X, 374] Leipzig, Druck und Verlag von B. G. TEIJBNER, 1858; Zweiter Band [ss. 493] 1859. Roman Ortho~py: A Plea for the restoration of the True System of Latin Pronunciation. By JOHN F. RICHARDSON, Professor of the Latin Language and Literature in the Uni- versity at Rochester. [pp. 114.] New York: Sheldon & Compay, 1859. THERE 15 no nation in the world, so far as we know, in which classical scholars claim as a general thing that they pronounce Latin as it was pronounced by the ancient Romans. He there- fore, who, from the Roman point of view, undertakes to prove that the modern pronunciation of Latin is erroneous, is engaged in the main in an idle task, for he is laboring to prove that which no one is ignorant enough to deny. It is indeed very easy, not only to point out numerous errors in the various pre- valent methods of Latin pronunciation as compared with the ancient, but also to show their incongruities and absurdities. Nor are these errors more obvious than are certain evils which result from them. From what a multitude of questions in etymology, for instance, which every one in the early stages of philological study is called to solve, would a degree of obscurity be lifted, should we ever return to the Roman method of pro- nouncing the Roman tongue. Nor let any one suppose that it is American or English schol- ars alone who need reform in this respect. The pronunciation of the language of Cicero is as manifestly wrong in Paris and Berlin and Padua, and even in Rome itself, as it is ir Oxford or in New Haven; and Cicero would to-day find it as difficult to recognize his own name, could he hear it uttered on the banks of the Tiber, as on the banks of the Connecticut or the Latin~ Pronunciation. 103 Mississippi. Continental scholars moreover are not only evi- dently and confessedly incorrect in their pronunciation of Latin, but they also, according to their nationalities, differ from one another in their errors. Even the vowels, and still more the diphthongs, fail to find a uniform utterance, while in the pronun- ciation of the consonants, which are of more importance with reference to the subject before us, no two nations on the continent agree. Cicero is called Cheechayro (Ch as in chee8e) in Rome, Sheeshagro in the valley of the Po, Tseetsayro in Berlin, and Seesayro in France. In the vowel sounds it must be confessed that English and American scholars have without doubt departed farther from the classical standards than those on the continent of Europe. But he who should therefore adopt the French or the German or the Italian method as correct, would most mani- festly err. And it would be an error to suppose that Conti- nental scholars have adopted their method of pronouncing the Latin vowels from any conviction of its correctness, or its ap- proach to correctness. The truth is, that on this subject all nations are entitled to equal credit, and that is no credit at all, for they all follow, as a general rule, the custom of pronouncing Latin according to the analogies of their several native tongues. The Italian pronounces Latin as he does Italian, the German clothes it in the strange sounds of his strong utterance, the Frenchman mouths it to suit his habit, and the Englishman does the best he can to adapt it to a pronunciation, which, in his own language, almost defies all analogy. It should be said, however, that in no case is the Latin made to bend to all the peculiarities of these modern tongues. Thus the German makes the Latin v sonant, although in his own language it is pronounced likef, and the English scholar always gives ek the sound of k, notwithstanding the varying rule in English words. But admitting some exceptions of this kind the general custom is as we have given it above. This being so, it cannot be fairly charged on English scholars that they are more careless of Latin pronunciation than others. On the contrary, we think it may be maintained, that in the best schools of England and America, more attention is paid to correctness in this particular than is usual in Germany. 104 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., The English system may be at a farther remove from Cicero- nian correctness than is the German, so far as the sounds of the vowels are concerned, but it is followed with equal, if not with greater care. We have spoken thus far only of the prevalent methods of Latin pronunciation. These prevalent methods, however, are by no means universal. In the midst of confessed errors, scholars have not been quietly willing to leave the subject uninvestigated, but it has always presented an open field for classical enterprise and labor, and not a few workers have been engaged upon it. The aim of these investigators has usually been not to follow out some a priori theory, but to find out what was in classical times the actual pronunciation which we have lost; for the cause of all the modern disagreeiiient in theory on this subject is to be found in the simple fact of our ignorancethe fact that we do not know how Latin was pro- nounced by the iRomans. And if it could once be satisfactorily determined how the IRomans in the age of Angustus uttered the sounds of their language, all disagreement in theory at least, if not in practice, would end. We have said that there have been many who have under- taken reforms. But, for two reasons, these reforms have not thus far commended themselves to general acceptance. The first reason is found in the doubt whether the investiga- tions which are the basis of the projected changes are reliable, and the second, in the fact that these changes are only partial, even if correct. On the first point it may be said that niany persons do not seem to be aware of the difficulties which attend this subject. Had any ingenious grammarian in the times of Augustus, anticipating precisely our doubts and igno- rance on this subject at the present time, undertaken to convey to us by description the sounds of the Latin tongue, his task would have been scarcely less difficult than that of him who would teach the theories of color to the blind. The ancient grammarians did indeed make not a few attempts in this direction, and much that they have left us is valuable; but it is valuable chiefly because it can be referred to that which has been settled independently of them, and they leave many things still in obscurity. For what is more subtle than Latin Pronunciation. 105 sound? It may, indeed, be imitated, but how can it be de- scribed ? Who would undertake, for instance, without the aid of the living voice or the living features, to convey to the Ger- man; living in our own times, and nearly allied as he is to us in his language, the difference between the sounds of th in thi8 and in thin? Those, therefore, who reflect on the inherent difficulties of this subject, seeing furthermore that those who labor to re- move these difficulties do not come to the same results, are slow to adopt new methods, or return to old ones, until they are sure that they are correctly presented. That most of the projected reforms in Latin pronunciation are only partial, is obvious to those whose attention has been called to them. One proposes, or, rather we should say, many. propose, that we should adopt the Italian pronunciation of the vowels, not aware, apparently, that the pronunciation of the con- gonants is of any importance. Others insist only on the impor- tance of pronouncing according to quantitynot quantity as deciding the place of the accentbut quantity primarily. Of these some are satisfied with indicating quantity by varying the quality of the sound, giving the vowel which is long in quan- tity the sound which we call long in English, and to the short vowel the sound which we call short. Thus they would pro- nounce pdter as if it were written patter, and mdter as if it were mayter, or (according to the continental method as they term it) rnahter. Others, as Professor ilaldeman, insist that in pronouncing according to quantity, we should never vary the quality of the sound of the same vowel, but mark the difference in quantity simply by giving more time to the utter- ance of the long one. He illustrates the difference between the long and short vowels, as he would have them pronounced, by English words as follows :* A long in arm, short in art, never as in at. E long in vein, short in tight, never as in ebb. I long in fIeld, short in deceit, never as in it. O long in 6h, short in 6bey, never as in ox. U long in f561, short in fill, never as in up. * Trevelyan Prize Essay, p. 28. 106 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., But others reject the attempt to pronounce according to quantity, on the ground that no mode of doing it yet proposed secures a compliance with the law laid down by the ancient grammarians on this point. That rule demands that a long vowel should occupy just twice the time of a short one; and it is inquired how any one can read Latin in evident obedience to that law without falling into a kind of recitative, which it is hard to conceive of as being adapted either to the seriousness or the vehemence of oratory. But it is so evident that quan- tity must have played a more important part iu Roman utter- ance than the mere fixing the place of accent in words of more than two syllables, that many scholars undertake to pro- nounce every vowel according to quantity. There is a number of schools in Germany, as well as in England and in our own country, we believe, where this is the rule. But our own observation would lead us to say that in most of these the practice is, to indicate quantity by varying the quality of the sound and not merely by varying the measure of time as in the scheme of Professor Haldeman. It cannot be denied that this rule well carried out, although involving, it may be, many errors and requiring great labor in the instruction of youth, and likely to be forever defective by reason of the doubts which exist respecting the quantity by nature of a great many syllables in the language, yet secures better than any other method a general knowledge of the quantity of Latin words. Habit comes in to confirm and familiarize what observation teaches. But, as we have said, there are many syllables, the quantity of which cannot easily be settled. The poets in arranging a spondee, for instance, are satisfied with two sylla- bles which are long by position. But he who pronounces according to quantity must know whether those syllables, which are long by position, are also long by nature. And as in many cases the vowels in question are always found before two consonants, the usage of the poets, our great reliance in inquiries respecting quantity, can give us no light. We do not see, therefore, how any scheme of pronunciation by quan- tity can, with the present knowledge of the Latin language, fail of being partial. 1861.] Latin Pronunciation. 107 But not all are content with the attempt merely to pro- nounce according to quantity on the one hand, nor according to the Continental method on the other. Professor Richardson, in his Plea for the restoration of the true system of Latin pronunciation, proposes to embody all the results of the inves- tigations of scholars on this subject, and introduce at once into our schools the true classical pronunciation of the golden age. He believes that there has been investigation enough, and in- sists npon the clear and abundant proofs by which the cor- rect sounds of the Roman letters have been ascertained. To a fancied inquirer, who doubts whether the Roman pronun- ciation can, after an interval of thirteen centuries in which the language has been a dead language, be satisfactorily ascer- tained, he replies that every one who has properly investiga- ted this subject, will answer this question in the affirmative. Nor does he speak in general terms. 1-us system is entire and complete, and its exceeding simplicity and regularity render it, fortunately, an easy thing to exhibit, and of course easy to teach and to learn. If this is so, is it not surprising that it should not have been adopted by some at least of the scholars of Europe,that it should have been left for Rochester University and Professor Richardson, its teacher of Latin, to enjoy the honor of taking the lead in Latin instruction, by rejecting the barbarous jargon which has hitherto usurped its name and place? (Prize Essay, p. 18). We do not say that the claim of this honor for an American professor is not well-founded, but is it not surprising that it should be so? Zumpt and ILachman and IMladvig and other Latinists whom the world knows of, must have heard of what was going on in the learned world. Nay, they even quote from the authorities which are made the basis of this restored system of classical pronunciation, which is so complete and simple, and yet they stuck to their barbarous jargon to the last. But Professor Richard- son does not profess to have made any investigations himself, he only aims to present a succint statement of the results of the investigations of others, and particularly those set forth in Schneiders Elementarlehre der Lateinisehen Sprache,a work 108 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., which has been before the public npwards of forty years,and this statement is accompanied by illustrations and proofs. But while Professor IRichardsou thus disclaims all originality of investigation in regard to the fundamental questions which per- tain to this subject, the Plea as such, the general considerations by which scholars and teachers are nrged to adopt the resnlts of the labors of others, would naturally be his own. Nor is there anything to the contrary said by the author of the Plea. There is no reference, that we can find, to a valuable and inter- esting article on this subject, which appeared in the year 1849, in the sixty-eighth volume of the North American Review, pp. 436465; and yet the Plea contains substantially, page after page of this article, only varied a little in its phraseology, which, for want of reference or quotation-marks, the casual reader would have attributed to the mind and pen of Pro- fessor Richardson himself. We give our readers a specimen from the Plea and the Review in parallel columns, and we think that they will be struck both with the discrepancies and with the agreements of the phraseology of the two books. Thus on page 11, Professor And the N. A. Review, p. Richardson says 436 Although the English is now the most irregular and confused of all the alphabets of Enrope, yet no modern tongue entered upon its career as a written language, with better prospects of securing a harmonious system of ortho~ipy than the Anglo-Saxon. To this language the Roman alphabet was very skillfully adapted. All the sounds which the two languages had in com- mon were represented by characters taken from the Roman alphabet, while those which were wanting in the Latin were indicated by characters newly in- vented or borrowed from other alpha bets The unequaled irregu larities of English ortho~ipy are attrib- utable not to the lack of sagacity and good judgment on the part of our Anglo- Saxon ancestors, but to the undue infin The English alphabet is the most confused and disordered of all. Yet no modern tongue began its career as a written language under better auspices than the Anglo-Saxon. The Roman al- phabet was adapted to this language with excellent judgment. The charac- ters of this alphabet were employed to denote the sounds, which the two lan- guages had in common; while to rep- resent those which were wanting in the Latin, characters were invented or were borrowed from other alphabets. The disorder which prevails in the notation of our language is not to be attributed to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors. It is to be ascribed chiefly to the Norman as- cendancy in England and to the influ- ence which the superior civilization of the French gave them over the higher Latin P~ronunciatian. ence of the Norman conquerors of Eng- land over its language as well as over its laws and customs. Again, on page 13 At this period of English history very great attention was paid to the study of the Latin. The elementary works employed in the schools abound in warnings, not only against grave er- rors of pronunciation, but also against minor faults of articulation Philology, it its true, was not then un- derstood or cultivated as a science and no special value was set on the im- portance of preserving the sounds of the langua~,e unchanged; but the supe- riority of euphony to cacophany, of harmony to discord, was fully appre- ciated, and thus on principles of good taste, though not of philological science, the scholars of that and of the two suc- ceeding centuries sought to preserve unimpaired the purity and beauty of Latin ortboPpy. The most distinguish- ed men of those times took a lively in- terest in the preservation of this sys- tem. In a letter addressed by Cardinal Wolsey to the masters of his school at Ipswich, he exhorts the teachers to give great diligence, & c. In like manner, the learned men of the seventeenth and eighteenth centu- ries endeavored to maintain the pure sounds of the language, and remon- strated against the growing corruption of Latin pronunciation, urging, among other considerations, that unless this process of deterioration was arrested, the language would no longer serve as a medium of oral communication be- tween English and continental scholars. Prominent among those who thus cen- sured the increasing barbarity of the classes in that country, who not only imitated their more refined neighbors in matters in which they were worthy to give example, but . . . followed them in their errors with equal zeal. Page 443 These citations are from Lilys Grammar, first published in the reign of Henry the Eighth, a period when the study of Latin was highly cultivated in England. Great attention was at that time paid to the pronunciation of this language. In the elementary works, not only is the pupil warned against palpable errors of the kind above re- ferred to, but slight faults of enuncia- tion are pointed out. . . . Philolo- gy, as a science, had not then even an existence, and the importance of pre- serving the sound of root letters was a thing unknown. But the value of pure and harmonious sounds was fully appreciated; and, in all that regarded the euphony of the Latin language, the scholars of that day were careful guard- ians of its purity. The most eminent men of that time did not disdain to inter- est themselves in its preservation. We have proof of this in a letter addressed by Cardinal Wolsey to the masters of his school at Ipswich, in which he ex- horts the teachers to use great dili- gence, & c. Page 460 We find scattered through the wri& in0s of men of letters of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, complaints of the deterioration of the pronunciation of Latin, and the inconveniences result- lag from it, this langua~e no longer serving as a medium of oral communi- cation between English scholars and those of the continent of Europe. From among those who have cen 109 110 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., English mode of pronouncing Latin, sured the barbarous pronunciation of stands the majestic and classical Mu- Latin among their countrymen, and have ton. desired to reform it, we cannot select a higher authority than that of Milton. We will not continne these extracts, although pages more might be added, which exhibit similar resemblances of thought and language. With regard to this mode of appropriating this Article of the Review, it must be true, either that Professor IRich- ardson undesignedly omitted to give due credit to the learned authoress whose thoughts he uses, or he was willing to have it supposed they were his own. If he admits the latter, he admits an impropriety, for which he would probably disci- pline the pupils of his University, if they were detected in it. If he claims the former, and nrges that it was an oversight, then we say, that a scholar who proposes to the whole world of classical men so great a reform as his book aims at, weakens the force of his plea, if he shows that his own mind is barren of such general considerations of the subject as form the proper substance of his part of the argument. But the merits of Latin pronunciation do not depend on these questions. They may, it is true, diminish the scholarly authority of the individual who proposes a reform, or they may not. But the proposal itself must stand on its own merits. Professor IRichardson sets forth the following scheme of the vowel sounds x like the English ~h, as in d~-bam. x like the English dh, as in ud-bam. ~ like a in English fate, as in ye-mo. ~ like a in English f due, as in ye-ni. ilike ee in English fleet, as in v~-deo. I like ee in English flee, as in vI-di. i~ like o in English note, as in f6-veo. i like o in English tone, as in fO-vi. P like oo in English boot, as fii-gio. P like oo in English moon, as in fd-gi. The diphthongs he gives as follows ~ (=AI) like ay, the English ady. of affirmation. Latin Pronunciation. 111 AU like ow in Enolish now. b o~ (= 01) like oi in English Stoic, or, oc in English co-equal, if pronounced rapid- ly, the former as a monosyllable, the latter as a dissyllable. It is nearly, but not quite, equivalent to oi in the English coil. The only consonants, he says, respecting which there is any difference of opinion, are c, g, qu, }, s, and t. He therefore discusses no other. To c he would give invariably the sound of k, to q the hard sound, as in the English get, to qu the sound of k, to] the sound of the English y, thus jam= yarn, to s always the sound it has in the English sin, and to t invariably the simple t sound, as in the English to. The degree of change which this scheme would make in the ordinary pronunciation of Latin, will be partially illustrated by presenting some familiar sentence in a form which will give the sounds which the scheme requires. And we do it not by any means for the sake of ridicule, for we believe that it comes nearer to the ancient pronunciation than our own, but only to exhibit the greatness of the change. We will take the first sentence of the Oratio 2W 7. (iceronis pro A. I. Archia. Si quid est in me ingenii, judices, quod sentio qua~n sit exi- guu~n, ant si qua exercitatio dicendi, in qua me non i~ftior mediocriter esse versatum, ant si hujusce rei ratio aliqua, & c. These words are to be pronounced as they are given below, ak representing the sound of a in father, and a simply the sound of a in maker, the sound being prolonged or shortened, in time only, according to quantity. The other sounds will be obvious. We omit the indications of accent and quantity. Orahteeo 2W. 7. Keelearonees pro Oulo Leeleeeneeo Aricceak. See keed ast een ma cenganecee, yoodeekas, kod (o as in note) santeco lcahm seet axeegoooom, out see kah axarkeetah- teeo deelcwndee, een leak ma non (o as in tone) eenfeeteeor madeeokreetar varsahtoom, out see, kooyooska raee rahteeo a,4leekah, & c. It is manifest from this example that a great change is pro- posed,it may almost be called an entire change of the language as uttered by the living voice,a change so great that a scholar accustomed only to the ordinary English method of pronoun- 112 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., cing Latin would probably not recognize the language at all. Nor would a German, or French, or Italian scholar fare much better. In practice it is a new language under the sun; for, except IRochester University and a few schools perhaps which have been convinced by Professor Richardsons Plea, no Insti- tutions on earth, high or low, so far as we know, have adopted this restored true system of Latin Pronunciation. And ought we not to consider long and thoroughly, and be sure that this restored system is the true system, well-founded in all its parts, before we adopt it? We think so; and not only because of the great confusion which it would at first occasion among students of Latin, but because it involves, as we think, a gradual revolution in the pronunciation of our own language. For, to speak first of Latin words which we have adopted, how long will Cicero iuaintain his place in English pronunciation after the rod shall have banished him from the lips of all Anglo-Saxon boys and girls who thumb the little Latin histories of the men of IRome, and shall have substituted the classical Keelearo in his place? How long will (Jeesar stand against Kaisar, Sc~io against Sleeepeeo, Fabricius against Fahbreekeeoos, (Jyrus against Keeroos, Tacitus against Take etoos, and so on through a long list of proper names which make a familiar part of our English language? We have also quite a group of Latin phrases domesticated in our language, which will have to be transformed. Prima facie evidence will become preemah fahleeea evidence, the quid pro quo, keed pro ko; the genius loci, a ganeeoos lokee; the mens conscia, a mans conskeeah, (o as in cone); scilicet, skeeleeleat vice versa, veeka varsah; et cetera, et katarah. Observe also the changes that must be made in the following every-day ex- pressions :Anglice, v~iva voce, per centum, cx officio, concio, ecce homo, ne quid nimis, principia, quantum sztfficit, & c. But all these proper names and Latin phrases are very few, when compared with the English words which preserve in their composition one or more whole syllables taken from the Latin. Can such words long retain their present pronuncia- tion against the united, though perhaps nuconscious and in- voluntary inclination of all the educated men who speak Eng 1861.] Latin Pronunciation. 113 lish. For we think it must be the tendency of those who be- come familiar with the proposed pronunciation of Latin, to extend it to English words which are nearly identical in form, with Latin words, and are identical with them in meaning; and the more familiar such persons are with the former, the more inclined will they be to the latter. The word nece88ity, for instance, must follow the lead of nece8sita8, (nakasseetahs); civil, civilis, (keeveelees); lucid, lucidus, (lookeedoos); in- v~ncilde, invincibilis, (cenveenkeebeelees); conscious, conscius, (conskeeoos), and so on through words innumerable. It may indeed be questioned, by those who are urgent for this reform in Latin pronunciation, whether any such revolutionary results will follow in English the general adoption of their theory and practice in Latin; but is it not one of their own assertions, that nearly, if not substantially, the same result has followed once from the contact of these two languages? Do they not assert that the English language has had the power to warp the Latin far away from all cor- rectness of pronunciation ? that a substantially correct Latin pronunciation maintained its ground until a compara- tively recent period~ ?that its corruption was a process, a process completed about the middle of the last century? 1Tor does it help the matter any to charge this corruption on the invading Kormans. On the contrary, it rather confirms our view, inasmuch as the Normans had a larger Latin element in their language,that very element which, if Professor Richardsons practice is universally adopted, must, we think, either corrupt a second time the pronunciation which he would restore, as the power of a living tongue must lead us to ex- pect, or be in turn corrupted by it, somewhat after the man- ner indicated above. We do not, indeed, agree with the statement just referred to, respecting the classical pronunciation of our ancestors two centuries ago; we do not, by any means, think that they at that time pronounced according to the method advocated by Professor Richardson. But that makes no material difference. The Latin language was doubtless spoken once with commend- able correctness on the Island of Britain. In the first century of voL. xix. 8 114 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., the Christian era, that most rare and sagacious governor, Agricola, prevailed over the prejudices of the inhabitants against things Roman, so that those who just before declined the Latin tongue altogether, became earnestly desirous of at- taining to eloquence in the use of it.* Introduced at that age, and by the earnest efforts of a man of this proconsuls education, we must believe that it was spoken with as pure a pronunciation then as it ever will be again on the same island. For Tacitus tells us in the same connection, that Agri- cola set the natural endowments of the Britons above the enthusiasm of the Gauls in learning the arts of civilization. But whatever may have been the period when the Britons learned the Latin language from Roman masters, we know that they had long ago lost the correct pronunciation of it. And if they lost it after the Norman Conquest, is it probable that any influence of learned men will suffice to withstand similar linguistic influences in one of the two directions indicated above? The laws which govern linguistic changes are too subtle to be controlled by any human efforts which are likely ever to be concerted. How often has a low, despised, condemned word, originating nobody knows where, nor how, struggled up in spite of unanimous critics, to an honorable and permanent place in our living language! And how futile, on the other hand, are the efforts of the learned to save an obsolescent word from death! So if a new power, such as this restored pronunciation would be, should be set up at the very right hand of the English languageat variance with it, and yet connected with it by countless tiesthe result would, we believe, but give us a new illus- tration of the influence of these subtle laws. We have, perhaps, dwelt upon this thought too long. But our readers will see its bearing. We have illustrated the greatne~s of the change which the restored pronuncia- tion would bring upon the Latin language, and have spoken of the probable effect of its successful restoration in practice upon our mother tongue, in order to show the important nature of the proposed reformation. But it is not our de- ~ Tac. Agric., 21. 1861.1 Latin Pronunciation. 115 sign to urge these considerations as reasons for turning alto- gether a deaf ear to Professor Richardsons plea. We only wish that all the bearings of the subject be well considered before it is decided to make the proposed change. Professor Richardson urges his plea on the ground that every question respecting the right pronunciation of Latin words has been settled, and that all that is wanting is the courage to put well-proved theory into practice. Not only is the theory in all its details proved, in his estimation, by exter- nal evidence, and reasoning from admitted truths and facts, but also by internal evidence, so conclusive as to have almost rendered the great labors of Schneider himself a work of su- pererogation, its beautiful consistency and completeness once clearly apprehended, carry with them so much of the force of an internal demonstration as to need comparatively little corroboration from outward and incidental proofs. If this were all beyond question, it would have very great weight, and would make the proposition presented to clas- sical men one of great comparative simplicity. But here we are compelled to disagree with Professor Richardson. We deny that in the minds of those who have investigated the subject, these questions are settled according to the theories of the re- stored pronunciation. And without referring to the differences of opinion among those who would pronounce according to quan- tity, already alluded to, or to the difficulty in the way of dis- covering the true quantity of many Latin syllables, which are by no means unimportant points, we go to questions which are fin- damnental, and deny the alleged agreement concerning the sounds of the letters. Now it is plain that there must be agreement, here, if anywhere; for if scholars disagree re- specting the sound to be given to a single one of the twenty- one letters of the Ciceronian alphabet, standing by ~itself, that disagreement is, of course liable to appear in a large part of all the syllables of the language. And if the lead- ing men in the classical world are not agreed and well settled in their opinion on such elementary points, it is idle to expect any unanimity among educated men, in returning to the true system of Roman pronunciation. At this point we beg leave to introduce the work of Pro- 116 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan.~ fessor Corssen of Pforta, the title of which is given at the head of our Article. It is the most important work on the pronunciation of the Latin language which has appeared since Schneider published his Elementarlehre, in 1819. It was called out by the offer, from the Berlin Academy of Sciences, of a prize of honor for the best investigation and discussion of this general subject. The prize was offered in July, 1854. The essay was finished early in 1857, and, after a delay of several months, the Academy, one of the most eminent learned societies in the world, as our readers are well aware, assigned the offered prize to its author. The subject proposed by the Academy is thus set forth After the author has discussed more or less fully, at his discretion, the ancient pronunciation of the vowels and consonants, and their combinations, and the subject of Roman accent, he shall inquire what peculiarities of pronunciation have occurred,especially what contractions and abbreviations in certain word- forms, and in particular words, either in general or in the language of common life, and particularly in the language of the lower ranks of the common people. He shall bring to his aid Etymology, the testimony of the ancients them- selves, the various modes of writing in inscriptions and manuscripts, the forms which Latin words took in passing into the Greek, the Old-Italian dialects and the modern languages of Latin descent, and, finally, the Old-Roman poetry particularly, and, of this, more especially the comedy. Accent and quantity are also to be considered. And inasmuch as the final decision respecting pro- nunciation depends in part on the usage of the poets, and may vary greatly according to the different metrical theories which may be adopted as the basis, and as, on the other hand, the judgment respecting metrical laws varies in many cases on presupposing a different theory of pronunciation, he must therefore in- vestigate the metrical system which is the basis of the Old-Roman poetry, and he must in particular discuss the question whether accent had any influence on the Old-Roman versification, and, if so, how much. Finally, the conclusions derived from the whole investigation are to be set forth for the philological and critical handling of the Old-Roman poetry. A comprehensive and very systematic arrangement of the whole subject-matter is expected. The very terms used by this learned Society in proposing their subject arc interesting and instructive. One thing at least is apparent,that the most eminent association of learned men in Germany did not consider the subject of Latin pro- nunciation entirely settled in the year 1854, and that they, three years later, awarded a prize to Professor Corssen for the 1861.1 Latin Pronunciation. 11T new light he had shed upon it by his thorough and able inves- tigations and discussions. The testimony of the Academy to the value of his work is sufficient to give it authority, nor do we believe that any one who carefully follows him through the whole or any of the subdivisions of his treatise, will fail to gain instruction from it. He divides his work into three parts, suggested by the pro- grain of the Academy ;first, the pronunciation of Latin; second, the Roman system of accent; third, the principles of Old-Roman versification. For our present discussion we have occasion to refer only to the first of these divisions of Professor Corssens work. In- deed we need only report the single fact, that the author disa- grees with the system advocated by Professor Richardson and others in many important particulars. We will however briefly illustrate. Professor Richardson says that c has invariably the sound of k. Professor Corssen, on the other hand, shows conclusively, as we think, that c before i, followed by a vowel, was sibilated. Professor Richardsons system admits no doubt whatever re- specting the letter d, assigning it the sound which it has in the English do. Professor Corssen says that it is evident that the Roman ear and the Roman tongue did not clearly distin- guish final d from final t, and that at a later period it was sibi- lated before i followed by a vowel. Professor Richardson as- signs to t invariably the sound which it has in the English to. Professor Corssen maintains that, like c and d, it is sibilated be- fore i followed by a vowel. Professor Richardson says that there is not the slightest doubt that in the classical times QU represents the simple guttural or K sound. Professor Corssen, on the other hand, concludes a thorough discussion of QU, by saying that the u is neither a full vowel nor a consonant, but a vowel-labial after-sound (nachklang) which before a and o sounded like an indistinct (stumm) u, before ac, c and i like an indistinct v, and before u vanished into a simple u. Professor Richardson says that s is always a sharp sibilant and is sounded as in the English sin. Professor Corssen says, that while initial 8~ both before vowels and consonants, has the sharp sibilant sound, it had a softer sound in the middle of a 118 Latin Pronanciation. [Jan., word between vowels, and when Iinal had a very weak and in- distinct sound, particularly in the earlier and later language of the common people. We might proceed to particularize further differences, not only in respect to the consonants, bnt also the vowels and diphthongs. But we have carried our comparison as far as we need to do for onr present pnrpose,far enough to show from valuable authority that the argument of those who would in- spire us with courage to pronounce Latin as the iRomans did is met by the fatal difficulty, that it is by no means agreed how the IRomans pronounced Latin. Not even this new and valu- able contribution of Professor Corssens can be accepted as settling all the various and minute questions involved,cer- tainly not until it has been itself subjected to a general and thorough examination and criticism. It can itself rather be brought forward to show that the case is not yet closed. Grammatici certant et adhuc sub judice us est. We had designed to present at length some specimens of Professor Corssen s method of investigation, bnt this is rendered unnecessary by the publication of. the Messrs. Tafels abstract of his discussion of the alphabet, which we have had an oppor- tunity to examine cursorily since writing all but a few lines of the preceding pages of this Article.* To this abstract we are glad to be able to refer those who have not Mr. Corssens work at hand. Its object is to give to the English students who have no access to the original work, a clear and succinct state- inent of all th& results at which Mr. Corssen has arrived, so far as they have reference to the language itself, and excluding the part on quantity. It is not a consecutive translation, nor is it a mere compendium, but it is a combined exposition and criti- cisin of Professor Corssen s views. It is an interesting publi- cation, not only because of the valuable contents referred to, but because the editors, while they exercise their judguient in- dependently, and so differ with Professor Corsseu on several elementary points of pronunciation, yet close their little vol * Latin Pronunciation and the Latin Alphabet. By Dr. LEONARD TAFEL, of Philadelphia, and Professor RUDOLPH L. TAFEL, A. M., St. Johns College, Anna- polis. Philadelphia: I. Kohier. New York: B. Westermaun & Co. pp. 172. 1861.1 Latin Pronunciation. 119 nine with a new appeal to American scholars to reform their pronnnciation of Latin, on the same ground as that on which Professor Richardson urges his Plea,namely, that the method by which the Romans pronounced the Latin, we [may] consider now as fairly established.~~* We, on the other hand should take the very book they give ns, as evidence that it is not established,as evidence that within twelve months, new discussions of new editors and authors may defend new posi * The following table represents the sounds of the letters in the practical Roman method, proposed by the Messrs. Tafel: 1. Sounds of the Vowels. A long, as in the Englishfather. A short, the same sound shorter. E long, as in the Englishfote. E short, as in tlee and dishes. I long, as in machine and caprice. I sh t, as in sit. o long, as in hole. 0 short, as in nor. U long, as in rude. U short, as in put. 2. iDiphthongs. Ae, like ci in aisle. Au, like on in fowl; before d, like ou in English gout. Eu, in two syllables, as in Italian eu. Oe, like oi in boil, or og in boy. Rem. Ai in am, ais, ei in dein, oi in prom, are to be separated. 3. The Semivowels. J in jacio, like y in year. V, like English v. 4. The Consonants. a. Gutturals. C, like k; before e, i (y), like ts, as in giacies, facis, etc. Qa, before a and o, like k followed by a mute u (in put); before ae, e and i, like k followed by v. C, always as in good and get. if, as in English. b. Labials. P, B, 1~ and Ph, as in English. c. IDentals. as in English. Ti, when followed by another vowel, as in natio, like t8; except when preceded by s, x, or another t, as in tristior, mi.etio, Bruttii, in old infinitives in er, as nitier, quatier, in Greek words such as Miltiades, Baeotia, Aegyptii, and at the beginning of words, as in tiara, in all which cases it is pronounced like t. D, as in English. d. Liqui L, B, 211, N and NC, as in English. e. Sibilants, iS and X, as in English. Z like the Italian z, viz: ts or ds. A little observation in the application of this system will show that it makes grant havoc with that proposed by Professor Richardson. 120 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., tions and theories, which, according to their ingenuity and ability, may influence larger or narrower circles of adherents, and so introduce new disagreements in practice. We say, therefore, that we are not yet ready to give up our system of pronunciation. It is almost universal among scholars in England, and quite as much so in New England. Out of New England, in America, it is more prevalent than any other one system. A large majority, therefore, of English-speaking scholars, have a system in which they agree and in which they understand each other. It is also founded on English analogy, and is therefore natural to the English learner and is easily re- tained. More than ten thousand valid objections to it can be brought by those who insist that, according to the light we have, we ought to pronounce as the Romans did. But ob- jections scarcely less numerous can be brought against the pro- nunciation of our own good English tongue. Shall we set our- selves to a classical reformation of that? We think that the time has not yet come. But shall we give up all thought of ever returning in our pro- nunciation of Latin to the true method of the ancient IRomans? We are not prepared to say that,we only say that the way is not yet surely prepared for the great departure which is pro- posed. It may be that the day is not very distant when the venture might safely be made with a fair prospect of more good than evil results. But it is not clear to our minds that it has already come. But why shall we not at least adopt the Roman pronuncia- tion of the vowels, as the nations on the continent of Europe have done? To this we reply, first, that there is a want of agreement among scholars respecting the Roman method of distinguishing long and short vowels ;next, that conti- nental scholars pronounce the Roman vowels as they pro- nounce the vowels of their own several languages, and there- fore do not in practice agree; and, finally, we wish to ask what is the object of this whole proposed reform? This third point deserves serious consideration. We suppose that when the sounds which represent, for instance, the Latin word jam, are uttered in the hearing of a Latin scholar, with the pronunciation with which he is fa Latin Pronunciation. 121 miliar the impression on the mind is much the same as if he had read the word with his eye. If this is so, then the Englishman receives the same mental impression from the English pronunciation of the word that the German re- ceives from the German utterance of the same word. The same would be the case with the Frenchman and the Italian and the Spaniard, however much or little their modes of pro- nunciation might differ. They all would think without hesita- tion of the same word, and would point out the same on the printed or written page. What difference does it make, then, whether the Englishman says jam or yam? We do not mean by this question to suggest that all pronunciation is a thing of indifference ; for the Englishman has it to say,and so has the German and the Italian,that he pronounces as he does in obedience to the inscrutable laws of language, which, in the progress of the ages, have made his mother tongue with the pronunciation of it what it is. He does not, therefore, pronounce arbitrarily. We repeat the question, then,Why should the English- man say yam? For the sake of agreeing with the con- tinental scholar? But he does agree with him respecting the word in everything but the sound of it,he writes it in the same way, and when seen it suggests to both pre- cisely the same idea. And as for oral communication, the oc- casion for it is comparatively rare,so rare that no one would think it worth while to adopt a new system of pronunciation for that reason alone. We think, then, that the argument derived from the mere desirableness of uniformity among scholars of all nations, has, in itself, very little weight. Why, then, should the Englishman say yam for jam? Is it for etymological reasons? We acknowledge that there is in many cases some force in this; and yet, to how many will the thought of etymological affinity betweenjarn and id and ita, etc., be sug- gested by yam sooner than byjam? Surely the human mind is not all ear, notwithstanding the fact that language is primarily conveyed by sound, and that the mental operations are carried on by words. Who would be helped in his etymology by say- ing dokility, because c in doctrine has the sound of k ?or who is troubled in his etymology by the varying sound of ~ in 122 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., legal and legislate? Or who, we may ask further, that is making etymological investigations, let him be a beginner or a proficient in such studies, finds any difficulty in applying to a word under consideration all the sounds which may beloi~g to it according to any theory of pronunciation? Etymology is rather learned by reflection than by intuition, and although many affinities in language would doubtless be more obvious at first sight to a novice with a different system of pronuncia- tion, still a little practice causes the obscurity resulting from our present system to disappear and be forgotten. But some one is ready to answer the question which we have repeatedly proposed, by saying that we should say yarn because it is right. He insists that it is absurd in us, when we know how the Romnans pronounced a word, not to pronounce it in the same way when we have occasion to use it. When we profess to utter Latin, let us utter the real language of Rome as the Romans uttered it, and not substitute for it a barbarous jargon. In reply, we would say, that if the ideal which our objector is in pursuit of, is the living pronunciation of the Latin b ~ such a pronunciation as charmed the hearers of 1an~ua~e, Cicero, in the old Forum, or in the villa at Tusculum, or as conveyed the thoughts of the Romans in their ordinary life, then he cannot hope to realize his ideal, so long as there is doubt respecting any of the elementary sounds of the lan- guage. For suppose, for instance, that the Romans always gave e the sound of k, and t the sound it has in the English to, and that our modern scholars have decided that they are sibilated before i followed by a vowel; will not those two errors alone make all his attempts to reproduce the living language, an utter failure? Or, suppose that he errs in the sound of one of the vowels, for instance, e short, will not that error, reap- pearing, on an average, once in every ten syllables of the language, corrupt the whole, and make all his attempted imitations a mere caricature, which a Roman audience would hiss out of hearing? If, as Cicero says in a passage referred to in the Article in the North American Review, a failure to make a long syllable quite long enough, or a short syllable quite short enough, caused whole audiences in Rome to shout Latin Pronunciation. 123 their loud disapprobation, what kind of a reception would he meet with, who should show, by his utterance, that he had no certain knowledge of the true mode of distinguishing long and short syllables? But we unhesitatingly think that some doubts of the kind indicated, exist in the minds of those who have made the most thorough investigation of this whole subject, and have the most complete coniprehension of it in all its minute details. It is idle, then, to think, with our present knowledge, of reproducing the living language of IRome; and of course we cannot be urged to adopt a proposed pronunciation of the vowels only, or of any other mere por- tion of the letters, on the ground that that end is attainable. But if, now, the sound of every letter, and combination of letters, in the Latin language, were settled theoretically, could we hope to revive the oral language of the Augustan age ? We may ans~ver this question by asking another. If you should select an intelligent man of our own nation, and give him the best conceivable description of the French language, as full and as minute as could be desired, and set him at work to acquire, without any oral instruction, the pronunciation of that lamiguage, could he be expected to come out, at the end of any given period of study, with anything like a French pronunciation of French? And if now, you should send him back for further contemplation, and comparison, and private self-drilling, would he not be more likely to confirm himself in a vicious pronunciation, than to speak a tongue intelligible to a Parisian audience? And are we in as good a condition in refer- ence to Latin, as the person supposed would be with respect to French? He is studying a contemporaneous language; and if any doubt arises in his mind, he can send out his written inquiries to those who speak that language in its purity, and who will return him full written answers. His native language also is known to those who furnish him his written instructions, and they are, therefore, able to refer him, for comparison, to sounds with which he, as well as they, are familiar. The student of Latin pronunciation, on the other hand, can only gather up scattered, and, for the most part, incidental in- formation, from ancient authors, and comubine it with his ob 124 Latin Pronunciation. [Jan., servations on the progress of changes in the affiliated lan- guages of Europe, and the present pronunciation of those languages. Has not, then, the student of French a far better reason to expect success, than the student of a lost pronun- ciation of an ancient language? As we have said already, it is as difficnlt to describe a sound to those who cannot hear it, as to describe a color to those who cannot see it; and he who fancies that, with our present knowledge, to say the least, the dead language of Rome can be made to sound again with the natural tones of life, can hardly, in our judgment, have realized the length, and breadth, and depth, of the prob- lem. As well might one think to make a satisfactory life- like portrait of Augustus from the verbal descriptions of his person which have come down to us, or expect that twenty different artists, of rare skill, would, from the same verbal description, however minute, produce the same portrait of a person whom they had i~ever seen. They might, it is true, compare their work while it was in progress, and, by giving up, each of them, a little here and a little there, come out at last with pictures alike. But then, the line lines which give the expressionthe true life of the picturewould not be drawn from the description furnished them, but from their own combined and corrected conceptions. Similar, we think, must, at last, that pronunciation of Latin be, which the whole world of scholars shall finally agree to adopt, if they shall ever come to an agreement on the subject. It will not be derived, without any doubt or question, from satisfactory materials, but will be the result of compromises of judgment among various scholars, who will agree at last to call their combined system the right one. And although it may be as nearly right as it is possible that it should be, it will yet, in our judgment, fail of being such a language as the ancient crowds of the Forum would have listened to without an explosion. To some, this may seem a discouraging view of the case; and we should agree with them, if we thought it a thing of prime importance to secure this ultimate result, which is beyond our reach. But we do not think the subject of pro- 1861.] Latin Pronunciation. 125 nunciation ally less important, on this account. It is desirable that we should be made acquainted with all well established facts, and that the field of these investigations should continue to be diligently cultivated; for everything that can be learned stands intimately connected with the language and life of Rome, and will have a philological significance. But the value of the knowledge we already possess, and may yet obtain, on this subject, does not depend on our being able to make it com- plete. The painter, it is true, may not be able to put upon the canvas a perfect and life-like picture of Julius Agricola, but we are no less interested, on that account, in the beautiful de- scription of his person which has been preserved to us by his biographer. It is difficult for us to learn how to read Latin poetry, in the Roman manner, according to quantity; for the modern ear is satisfied with regarding accent in reading, and pays a strict regard to time, only in singing; nor do we confi- dently know how the Romans accomplished it. But this igno- rance, or want of skill, in reading as the IRomans did, does not destroy our interest in the metrical systems of the IRomans. And the like may be said of all the knowledge which lies within our reach, on this subject. When, now, it is proposed to the English scholar to say yarn for jam, and Zfseetsayro, or Keelcayro, for Uicero,to give up a system of Latin pronunciation in which the great majority of Latin scholars who speak English are agreed,~a system which is by no means without a rational basis, and is pliable enough to enable him to illustrate all the new knowledge which is gained, from time to time, in this branch of study, and is urged to substitute for it either a true system of Latin Pronunciation which is not certainly known to be a true system at all, but only likely to give him, in practice, a caricature of the ancient pronunciation, or a continental system, that he may pronounce as the Germans do, or as the Italians do, though not by any means as the IRomans did, then lie may reasonably reply, that he is not satisfied that the substitute proposed is such as makes it worth his while to incur for it the evils and difficulties involved in the change. 126 Puritan History. [Jan., ARTICLE ViJ.PURITAN HISTORY. The Puritans: Or the church, court, and Parliament of England, during the reigns of Edward VI, and Queen Elizabeth. By SAMUEL HOPKINS. In three Volumes. 8vo. Vols. T and II. pp. 549, 539. Boston: Gould & Lincoln. The History of the Puritans, or Protestant Nonconform- ists; fro~n the Reformation in 1517 to the Revolution in 1688; comprising an account of their principles; their attempts for a farther Reformation in the Church; their sufferings; and the lives and characters of their most con- siderable divines. By DANIEL NEAL, IMI. A. Reprinted from the text of Dr. Toulmins edition; with his life of the author and account of his writings. Revised, corrected, and enlarged, with additional notes. By JouN 0. ClouLEs, iMi. A. With nine portraits on steel. In two volumes. Svo. pp. 534, 564. New York: Harper & Brothers. NEALS history of the Puritans, though often spoken against by partisan writers in the interest of the Anglican establish- ment, holds its place as a standard work. Written and pub- lished more than a hundred years ago, it was revised and Vin- dicated during the life-time of its author. Half a century afterwards, it was re~dited with annotations by the learned and diligent Jeshna Toulmin, confirming and correcting the text. The first American edition, ill four volumes, had long been out of print, when the late Dr. John 0. Choules pre- pared for the Harpers the edition, in two volumes, which is now accessible to all American readers. Although the notes of the last editor add less to the value of the work as edited by Toulmin than might have been expected, they add some- thing, but the great merit of the edition is that it brings the history of the Puritan controversy in England, from the Reforlnation in 1517 to the Revolution in 1688, within the reach of all who have any disposition to study a subject so

126 Puritan History. [Jan., ARTICLE ViJ.PURITAN HISTORY. The Puritans: Or the church, court, and Parliament of England, during the reigns of Edward VI, and Queen Elizabeth. By SAMUEL HOPKINS. In three Volumes. 8vo. Vols. T and II. pp. 549, 539. Boston: Gould & Lincoln. The History of the Puritans, or Protestant Nonconform- ists; fro~n the Reformation in 1517 to the Revolution in 1688; comprising an account of their principles; their attempts for a farther Reformation in the Church; their sufferings; and the lives and characters of their most con- siderable divines. By DANIEL NEAL, IMI. A. Reprinted from the text of Dr. Toulmins edition; with his life of the author and account of his writings. Revised, corrected, and enlarged, with additional notes. By JouN 0. ClouLEs, iMi. A. With nine portraits on steel. In two volumes. Svo. pp. 534, 564. New York: Harper & Brothers. NEALS history of the Puritans, though often spoken against by partisan writers in the interest of the Anglican establish- ment, holds its place as a standard work. Written and pub- lished more than a hundred years ago, it was revised and Vin- dicated during the life-time of its author. Half a century afterwards, it was re~dited with annotations by the learned and diligent Jeshna Toulmin, confirming and correcting the text. The first American edition, ill four volumes, had long been out of print, when the late Dr. John 0. Choules pre- pared for the Harpers the edition, in two volumes, which is now accessible to all American readers. Although the notes of the last editor add less to the value of the work as edited by Toulmin than might have been expected, they add some- thing, but the great merit of the edition is that it brings the history of the Puritan controversy in England, from the Reforlnation in 1517 to the Revolution in 1688, within the reach of all who have any disposition to study a subject so PurUan History. 127 intimately related to the history not only of our own country and churches, but also of British law and liberty, and of Christianity everywhere. Neals History of the Puritans is necessary to the completeness of the library which ought to be in every parsonage. The new work which Mr. Hopkins is giving to the public on a part of the same subject, and of which two volumes are before us, is exceedingly unlike its time-honored predecessor. Neals history, though written with much simplicity and clearness as well as correctness of style, has never been a very fascinating book to general readers, not even to those whose religious and ecclesiastical sympathies might be expected to make it interesting to them. This new history, beginning with the reign of Edward VI, and to terminate with that of Elizabeth, is more brilliant and entertaining, and, at the same time, more philosophical. In the dramatic form which it often assumes, in the picturesque details which it gives, in its life-like representation of the personages that figure in the story, there is a charm rarely felt by the reader of Neals more formal and stately narrative. Yet, in that charm, there comes a snspiciomm that what seems so much like a historical romance, is not exactly history; and the reader can hardl~y be satisfied till he makes some comparison of the new with the old, verify- ing perhaps by the sober testimony of Neal, some of the iden- tical passages which, as Mr. hopkins tells the story, seem most like fiction. It may be safely suggested to purchasers, that, in any well furnished library, Neals History of the Puritans ought to stand on the same shelf with these attractive volumes. But the work before us is by no means a mere reproduc- tion of the materials collected by Neal. Mr. Hopkins seems to have explored very thoroughly all the original sources of information, so far as they are accessible in this country; and he has made good use of them. We are compelled to acknowl- edge that, though we were at first suspicious, the more we read his work, the more confidence do we have in its value as a history. The excessive and elaborate archaism of language in the dialognes offends us; now and then a word, where the 128 Puritan Iit8tOry. [Jan., author is speaking in his own person, seems infelicitous ;* but such faults are easily forgiven to a writer in whose careful narrative the events and personages of the times described are seen as in a moving panorama. One merit of the work before us is the distinctness with which it marks from time to time the progress of the great controversy, and the stages of advancement on the part of the Puritans, as they went forward from a scruple about the nse of certain IRomish vestments to a distinct and complete system of ecclesiastical polity on the one hand, (or, rather, to two such systems), and, on the other hand, to a theory of political rights and of English liberty which was irreconcilably opposed to the theory maintained by the court and the hier- archy. Puritanism, at the beginning of the reign of Edward YI, was a hidden germ, an undeveloped tendency, an un- spoken thought. Puritanism, at the end of the reign of Elizabeth, had become by slow degrees a great and formidable power in the Church, in the Universities, in the Parliament, in the Courta party persecuted, yet thriving under persecu- tionhardly an organization, because an organized party was in those days almost an impossibility; but a body of devout and earnest men everywhere present and everywhere active, bound together by living sympathies, though already beginning to show some signs of division into two parties based on opposite principles of ecclesiastical polity. It is often said, in a declamatory way, that the Puritans were the pioneers of religious and civil liberty. On the other hand, they are charged with an extreme narrowness and rigor in their notions of civil government, and with a harsh intoler- ance toward diversities of religious opinion and practice. Which of these opposite representations is justified by the * The word Precisian is used by Mr. hopkins as a proper name for the punctilious enforcers of conformity. In those times, when the word was com- monly used as a name of reproach, it was synonymous with Puritan. Of course, Mr. Hopkins is not ignorant of this. Yet the attempt to give to that word a meaning diametrically opposite to that which it had in the time covered by the history, and to make it the distinguishing name not of the Puritan party but of the anti-Puritan, seems infelicitous. Puritan Ifi8tory. 129 facts? Or is there a point of view from which both of these seemingly contradictory representations are discovered to be substantially true? We think there is. No man is qualified to write the history of the Puritans with an impartial hand, or to read it with an impartial eye, who is not, on the one hand, ready to acknowledge at the outset, and willing to re- member from first to last, that they did not propound or hold either the doctrine of absolute religious liberty or the doctrine of democratic government by universal suffrage,----and, on the other hand, equally ready to learn that all their struggles and sufferings were for a principle which is in reality the only 1)asis of liberty in church or state. What was the principle in which Puritanism began, and in which was all its strength? What was the principle which the Puritan non-conformists in the Church of England held in common with the separatists from the Queens establishment and by which both alike were governed? What was the principle which Puritanism in old England inherited from Wycliffe and the persecuted Lollards; and which the New Eng- land fathersboth the Pilgrims of Plymouth, and the Puritans of the other coloniesbrought with them as the basis of all their institutions? If we attempt to honor the founders of our New England commonwealths by implying that they came hitheras IRoger Williams went from Massachusetts to IRhode Islandfor the purpose of establishing and carr,ying out, under new forms of government, the great principle of religious liberty, weimply what is not true; for even the Pilgrims, and much more the less advanced Puritans, were far from accept- ing any such doctrine of religious liberty as that which is now recognized in all our constitutions. If we say that they came hither as fugitives from persecution, or that they came for the purpose of setting up a certain method of church fellowship and discipline, and of enjoying certain forms of worship, we say what is literally true, but we do not reach the principle on which they acted, nor the ulterior and higher purpose for which they came? Why was it that they had occasion to flee from persecution? Why was it that they felt themselves under the necessity of making their abode in a wilderness for the sake of vOL. xix. 9 130 Puritan History. [Jan., setting up a certain ecclesiastical system and a certain form of worship? Why did they not conform to the regnlations imposed by anthority upon the Church of England, and so stay at home in peace? The answer is, They had undertaken to obey God rather than men. They had accepted the Bible as an authority above rubrics, and canons, and acts of Parlia- ment. They had taken the Bible as the rule of their worship, the rule of their church order and discipline, and the rule of their living; and while they were conscientiously loyal to their native land and to its constituted authorities and powers, they had learned that their allegiance to Christ was higher than their allegiance to the crown or to the laws of England. Most willingly did they render to C~sar the things that are Ca~sars; but it was an inflexible principle with them that they must also render to God the things that are Gods, without ask- ing leave of C~esar. Their struggles, their sufferings, and their achievements, were their testimony to the supreme authority of the Bible, and to the nullity of all human laws that come between the soul and its allegiance to God. It was in this way that they became the martyrs, the prophets, and the founders of liberty. Standing upon this principle, they stood simply where the first Christians stood in relation to the government of the Roman empire. Christ came into the world, not only as a Redeemer and a revealer, but also as a lawgiver and the founder of a spiritual commonwealth. He saves men, and he saves the world, not only by offering a free forgiveness, but by establishing in the souls that receive him, and thus es- tablishing in the world, a new kingdom of God. As the law of Moses, in its minutest details, was the rule of action for all Israelites; so the law of Christ was the rule of action for all who, professing to be his disciples, received the reve- lation of the will of God, and the precepts for the guidance of human life, given in his sermon on the mount, in all his discourses and teachings, and in the testimony of his com- missioned and inspired apostles. The Israelite, wherever he dwelt, whithersoever he went to sojourn for a season, into what- soever land he had been carried captive, and whatever changes Puritan Hi8tory. 131 were effected in the government of his own holy land, was still obedient to the law which God had given to his fathers. The heathen might deride him or abhor him; but as for him, if he was to retain his rights and hopes in the commonwealth of Israel, that law, in all its details of morality or of religious observance and ceremony, was the rule of his life. In like manner they who received the gospelwhether at Jerusalem, at Antioch, at Corinth, or at IRomereceived it not as a faith only, but also as a law; not only as a revelation of pardon and of hope, but also as a revelation of duty; not only as showing what God had done and promised for them, but also as showing what God would have them do. The law of Christ, in other words, Gods word and will, which Christ had made known to them for the guidance of their life, was to them the highest law. That which visibly distinguished the believer in Christ from a heathen, ou the one hand, and from an unbelieving Israelite on the other, was not merely his theory of religion, but his practice; not so iuuch what he believed or what he rejected from his belief, as what he did and what he refused to do. Having received the glad tidings of the new kingdom of God among men, he had become a subject in that kingdom. He was a citizen in a new and holy commonwealth governed by the law of Christ. The church, then, as all can see who read the New Testa- ment for themselves, was at first, from the nature of the case, nothing else than a society or community of Christians brought together by their religions sympathies, and formally or informally agreeing to be governed as a body, and to gov- ern themselves as members of that body, by the law of Christ. The pledge which they gave to each other and to their com- mon Lord, was a pledge of adherence to the new faith which they had received, and of obedience to those higher principles and rules of life which Christ had made known to them. As members of Christ they were members one of another, and, recognizing each other in that relation, they were brethren and sisters needing each others help, and bound to each other by special ties of mutual duty. As the Jews in every Gentile city were a community by themselves, governed by their own 132 [Jan., law, so the Christians, in every city where the gospel entered, became a community by themselves, governed by the law of Christ. Under that law, they forsook not the assembling of themselves together for worship, and for consolation and in- struction; they observed the symbolical ordinances of their new religion; they provided for the relief of the poor and the suffering, and for the comfort of the afflicted; they main- tained their simple discipline, admonishing offenders or cx- eluding them; and all without asking permission of any hu- man power. They yielded withont evasion or resistance, whatever the imperial government might choose to exact, however unjustly; bnt when Ca~sar reqnired them to do what God forbids, or forbade them to do what God requires, they were ready to die rather than not to obey God. Wherever in the Roman empire a church of Christ was instituted, there was an organized community, asserting and exercising rights for which it acknowledged no dependence on the state, and governing itself and its members by a law which it honored as paramount to all imperial rescripts. Thus the first preaching of the gospel of Christ was, in ef- fect, though not in form, the proclamation of an inalienable right to worship the true God, and to obey his law in the face of all opposition from human law and government. It as- sumed, and virtually proclaimed the self-same right which Daniel and his fellow captives asserted against the king of Babylon, the same which Moses, so long before, asserted in Gods name for a nation of slaves, against the king of Egypt. The instituting of Christian churches in the Roman empire, without asking or obtaining the consent of the state, and in like manner the continued existence of those churches after the state had undertaken to suppress them, was an unconscious assertion of the great principle of religious libertya principle which, wherever it is asserted, is the vital germ of civil liberty. A similarly unconscious assertion of the same principle was made in the controversies and conflicts of the Reforma- tion. By imperceptible degrees, in the progress of ages, the original form of Christian churches, and, to a great extent, Puritan Hi8tory. 133 the original doctrine of Christianity, had disappeared from Christendom. From time to time there had been some vigor- ons protests against the wide corrnption; some flashes of light athwart the deepening darkness; some bold assertions of the inalienable right to read Gods word, and to be governed by Gods law. The snccession of witnesses had never failed. Bnt at last there was a wide awaking, and nations and govern- ments, as well as individnal sonls, were ronsed to throw off the bnrthen of snperstition and the yoke of spiritnal despot- ism. It is tine that the distinctive doctrinal principle of the Reformation, which gave it spiritual life, was the doctrine of Gods free forgiveness offered to all men through Christ, and received and realized by the simple act of believing, without the merit of propitiatory penance, or the help of priestly ab- solution. But the power of the movement was, that it as- serted the authority of the Scriptures against the authority of tradition, of the papacy, and of the so-called Catholic Church. The supremacy of the Bible as a rule of faith and practice, over all ecclesiastical traditions, all judgments of councils, all decrees of Popes, and all statutes and ordinances of men, was the great power of the Reformation. That memorable movement in the worlds progress was the assertion, implied rather than explicit, of the duty, and therefore the right, of private judgment the right of the individual soul to think, to inquire, and thus to know and do Gods will. The under- lying force which wrought that great upheaving of the nations, was the principle that not the church only as an organized institution, nor the state as a power ordained of God, but the individual as personally responsible, is bound to learn, in the use of all practicable means and helps, what God has re- vealed, and to hold it fastwhat Gods law is, and to obey it. Perhaps the reformers themselves might not have been able to enunciate distinctly their own great principle in its legitimate relation to all liberty, intellectual, civil, and religious, perhaps they might even have disowned it, had it been declared to them in its fullness; but on that principle they started, and by it they wrought their work. Yet the Reformation was only an imperfect restoration of 134 Puritan History. [Jan., the primitive Christianity. It was the rising up of princes and nations against the oppressive and all-absorbing ecclesi- astical supremacy of Rome. Great political interests and powers allied themselves with the religious movement, and wherever the Papacy was vanquished, the new ecclesiastical order was a matter of political regulation. Thus the Reforma- tion, instead of restoring the primitive institution of the church as a free association of believers in Christ agreeing to govern their lives by his law, came to a very different result. Wherever it displaced the old system of an organized and centralized catholic unity, governed by the bishop of Rome as Christs vicar, it originated and established a new theory, that of national churches. Each Christian state or kingdom was assumed to be a church, an independent and self-governed unity, owing allegiance to Christ, and having therefore the right of reforming itself according to Christs law. The old idea of catholic unity and uniformity was displaced in Protes- tant countries by the new idea of national unity and uniform- ity; and religious faith and worship were everywhere sub- jected in one degree or another to the authority of law and of the civil magistrate. The church being identified with the state, a confusion of ideas in regard to the relations of church and state, and the proper sphere of each, became inevitable. In the origin and progress of Puritanism we find another and mere distinct assertion of the principle on which the Reformation was begun, and on which the primitive churches were instituted,namely, the supremacy of Gods word in the Bible over all human authority, and of Gods law over all human enactments and ordinances. The English Reformation was unique in its process and in its results. As commenced under Henry VIII, and as accomplished and established under Queen Elizabeth, it was wrought by two very dissimilar forces brought into a temporary coalition. On the one hand, it was a reforma- tion among the people, a change in their religious beliefs and practices. On the other hand, it was a change in the consti- tution and government of the realm, a subversion of the rela- tions formerly existing between the crown and the mitre. On the one hand, it was the entrance of Gods word that giveth 1861.1 Puritan History. 1~5 light, the diffusion and reception of a long forgotten doctrine about the way to be saved. On the other hand, it was the expulsion of a foreign jurisdiction exercised in ecclesiastical courts administering the canon law, and the snbjugation of a hierarchy dependent on a foreign potentate. On the one hand, it was a religious reformation struggliiig for the revival of true and pure Christianity. On the other hand, it was a political reformation transferring to the monarch all the power which Roman Catholic principle and usage had given to the Pope. Considered as a religious movement, it began long before Luther in Germany published his theses against the doctrine of Rome. From the days of Wycliffe, a hundred and fIfty years before the reign of Henry VIII, there had been in England an outlawed body of Christian believers look- ing for the purity and simplicity of the gospel, and disowning the established priesthood. When Luther in Germany, and Zuingle in Switzerland, began to agitate Europe by the publi- cation of a reformed Christianity, deduced directly from the Scriptures, their doctrine found in England many who were already prepared to receive it. And when at last another reformation was set on foot in England for political ends when the King renounced the ecclesiastical dependence of his kingdom on the See of Rome, subdued the hierarchy, abolished the monasteries, seized their vast ~possessious, and placed him- self among the Protestant powersthe religious reformation and the political moved for a while in one direction. Under the reign of the boy-King, Edward Vi, the government rested for support upon the Protestant interest; and the reformation of the national church was carried forward steadily and reso- lutely, in the name of the sovereign, and by acts of legislation, as well as by the free course which was given to the preaching of the Protestant gospel. But even in that reign, tolerant as it was of Protestant deviations from the ecclesiastical uniform- ity required by law, there were some indications of a possible conflict between the two reformationsthe religious and the politicalthat were moving forward in so prosperous a coali- tion. In the reign of Elizabeth, after five years of terror and suffering under the bloody Mary had stimulated the religious 136 Puritan Hi8tory. [Jan., antipathy against IRomanisin into a chronic horror, the two distinct forces of the new era began to be developed each in its own way. The Queen valued her ecclesiastical suprema- cy as the brightest jewel in her crown. Her policy, and that of her wise statesmen, was to make .the ritual and ceremonial system of the established worship, and the priestly vestments of the clergy, attractive to those nnthinking masses of her sub- jects whose minds were still infected with the ancient super- stition. The reformation, as ordained and established by law, instead of being carried forward to a full agreement with the Reformed churches on the continent, was carried backward some degrees from the mark which it had reached before the reign of Mary. Bnt, meanwhile, the reformation as a relig- ions movement had gone forward. IDevout and earnest men began to be scrupulous abont complying with the policy of compromise with idolatry; and in those scruples was the origin of Puritanism as a power in the history of England and of civil and religions liberty. Pnritanism asserted the snpreme and exclusive authority of the Holy Scriptures in the government of ~a national church. It rested on the principle that what was wrong when measured by the standard of Gods word in the Bible, could not be made right by any human power. To the Puritan, the national Church of England, being identical with the Christian- ized English nation, was a divine fact. He was a member of that church by virtue of his birth and christening, and if he was a minister of Christ, he was by virtue of his calling a minister in the Church of England. He entertained no con- ception of any other church within the realm, than the one, indivisible, national church distributed into parishes. Seces- sion from the national church, if it had been a practicable thing, was not a thing which he could think of. All that he could do was simply to act on the principle that whatever rubric or canon, whatever act of Parliament, whatever rescript from the Queen, was contrary to Christs law, had no force as a rule of duty. In the church, the supremacy of the Queen, whatever it might be, was limited by the supremacy of Christ; the ecclesiastical law, whether in the form of canons or of Puritan Hi8tory. 137 statutes, was limited by the higher law of Christ. His allegi- ance to Christ, as head over all things to the church, and to the Bible as the supreme and immutable law in the church, and his courageous determination to obey God rather than men, put him upon an earnest inquiry into the limits which God has set to all human government, and especially into the limitations which the Providence of God, establishing the English constitution and the hereditary liberties of the English people, had set to the power of the English monarch. Thus he became, in his native country, the champion of law and liberty against prerogative, and the unconscious asserter of principles which involved religious and therefore civil liberty for the world. But the mere Puritan knew not the reach of his own great principle, and would have repudiated with horror its legiti- mate application to points beyond the scope of his own con- troversies about idolatrous gear, and the anti-Christian hierarchy. His theory of a national church, and therefore his method and programme of church-reformation, were, in reality, inconsistent with liberty. On his theory there could be no separation from the national churchnone, therefore, from the church which, for the time then being, was misgov- erned by prelates and High Commission. Therefore he could only testify, argue, agitate, suffer for nonconformity, and wait for the time when the realm of England, considered as a church, should be governed according to his views. But Pu- ritanism, by its continual protest, in word and deed, against ecclesiastical observances and institutions that had no warrant from the Scriptures, gave origin, at last, to a new conception of ecclesiastical reformation and a new method of attaining it. That constant demand for a farther reformation in the Church of England, together with the constant appeal to the Scrip- tures as the standard and rule of reformation, roused mens minds at last to the inquiry whether the very idea of a Church of England, reformed or unreformed, governed in one way or governed in another way, was not itself without a warrant from the Scriptures. Learned men, on the one hand, and men of plain common sense, on the other hand, as they grew 138 Puritan Hi8tory. [Jan., more and more familiar with the New Testament, began to see that the notion of a national church, coextensive with a state or kingdom, or in any manner dependent on prince or senate, was not in that book at all. They began to ask, Why should not we, the free subjects of an English Queen, use just that liberty which was used by the first disciples under a pagan emperor? The disciples of old instituted not a na- tional church, but local churches, congregations, by voluntary combination and agreement. What need have we of any other ecclesiastical arrangements than such as they had? Why should not we do as they did, even though we suffer for it as they suffered? That thought was something more than Puritanismsomething far more radical and revolu- tionary. It was a thought that brought emancipation with it. To those who accepted it, sEPARATIONthe free institu- tion of churches sustaining no relation to any church of England, established or imaginarythe gathering of con- gregations of saints, self-governed under Christwas no longer schism, but true unity and catholicity, the holy catholic chnrch, the communion of saints. Who first re- ceived that thought and began to propagate itwhether some obscure tradition of Lollard worship had prepared its way among the peoplewhether it slowly dawned on many minds at once, or flashed like a sudden revelation on some single mindwill never be known on earth. But this we know, and this they knew who first received the emancipating thought and determined to act upon it,it was a perilous thing to venture on a separation from the Church of England, in those days. Robert Brown, whose impulsive and headlong zeal made him conspicuous in the movement, and whose insta- bility and other faults made his name a convenient reproach to the cause, was in prisons more frequently than Paul, and was compelled to flee from England, though protected by relatives who were powerful at court. But imprisonment and exile ~re not the only perils that attended the sedition of separation. Two of the earliest Separatists, ministers of the gospel, wpre hanged for that sedition. Others like them, men Puritan Hi8tory. 139 of whom the world was not worthy, died on the gallows, for the same offense. Mr. Hopkins has already told the story in detail, with great skill, down to the early stages of that outgrowth of Puritan- ism which at first was stigmatized by Puritan and Conformist alike with the name of Brownism, which outlived that ob- loquy and was known as TNDEPENDENCY~ and which to-day, as CONGREGATIONALIsM, is a living power, not only in the thous- ands of churches that bear the name, but in all the Protestant churches, under whatever form of polity, throughout the English-speaking nations. Those who have read the two vol- umes already published, are prepared to receive his third vol- nine with a hearty welcome. 140 The Pulpit and the Crisis. ARTI0i~E VIII.THE PULPIT AND THE CRISIS. The Pulpit of the American Revolution; or the Political Sermons of the period of 1776. With a IJistorical Intro- duction, Notes~ and illustrations. By Joux WINGATH THORNTON, A. IMI. Boston: Gould & Lincoln. National Sins. A Fast-day Sermon; preached in the Pres~- byterian Church, Columbia, S. C., Wednesday, November 21, 1860. By Rev. J. H. THOENWELL, ID. ID. Columbia, S. C. Southern Guardian Steam-power Press. IT 1S a good work which Mr. Thornton has done in bringing out a collection of political sermons preached on various occasions from 1750 to 1783. Of the nine sermons in this col- lection, the first is Jonathan Mayhews iDiscourse concerning unlimited submission and non-resistance to the higher powers. It was preached and printed before the period of 1776 long before those thoughts of independence, which were in the hopes of the founders of Massachusetts and Connecticut, had begun to revive in their descendants. It belongs not so much to the actual conflict of the revolution, as to the prior conflict between the New England pastors and the intrusive missionaries of the English Society for propagating the Gospel. It was preached on the Lords day after the 30th of January, 174950, and is not only a refutation of the political doctrine which the Anglican missionaries taught, but a bold vindication of the war waged by the Long Parliament, a century before, against IKing Charles I. In the reflections on the resist- ance made to King Charles 1, and on the anniversary of his death, a day religiously observed by the missionaries of the Church of England and by their adherents, the mysterious doctrine of that princes saintship and martyrdom is unrid- dled. The sermon breathes none other than a loyal spirit toward the person of the then reigning king; it gives no inti

140 The Pulpit and the Crisis. ARTI0i~E VIII.THE PULPIT AND THE CRISIS. The Pulpit of the American Revolution; or the Political Sermons of the period of 1776. With a IJistorical Intro- duction, Notes~ and illustrations. By Joux WINGATH THORNTON, A. IMI. Boston: Gould & Lincoln. National Sins. A Fast-day Sermon; preached in the Pres~- byterian Church, Columbia, S. C., Wednesday, November 21, 1860. By Rev. J. H. THOENWELL, ID. ID. Columbia, S. C. Southern Guardian Steam-power Press. IT 1S a good work which Mr. Thornton has done in bringing out a collection of political sermons preached on various occasions from 1750 to 1783. Of the nine sermons in this col- lection, the first is Jonathan Mayhews iDiscourse concerning unlimited submission and non-resistance to the higher powers. It was preached and printed before the period of 1776 long before those thoughts of independence, which were in the hopes of the founders of Massachusetts and Connecticut, had begun to revive in their descendants. It belongs not so much to the actual conflict of the revolution, as to the prior conflict between the New England pastors and the intrusive missionaries of the English Society for propagating the Gospel. It was preached on the Lords day after the 30th of January, 174950, and is not only a refutation of the political doctrine which the Anglican missionaries taught, but a bold vindication of the war waged by the Long Parliament, a century before, against IKing Charles I. In the reflections on the resist- ance made to King Charles 1, and on the anniversary of his death, a day religiously observed by the missionaries of the Church of England and by their adherents, the mysterious doctrine of that princes saintship and martyrdom is unrid- dled. The sermon breathes none other than a loyal spirit toward the person of the then reigning king; it gives no inti The Pulpit and the Grt8i8. 141 mation of an approaching conflict between the colonies and the British government; it is only an earnest (and, in many passages, terribly sarcastic) refutation of the slavish doctrine which emissaries from the mother country were propagating in New England; its chief aim is ecclesiastical rather than politi- cal, religions rather than secular; and yet it is in reality a thor- oughly political sermon, expounding and defining, in the light of a great historical illustration, the whole Christian doctrine of obedience to government. Mr. Thornton is right in saying that by its bold inquisition into the slavish teachings veiled in the mysterious doctrine of the saintship and martyrdom of Charles I, and its elo4uent exposition of th& principles of good government and of Christian manhood in the state, this celebrated sermon may be considered as the morning gun of the iRevolution. Just one-third of a century later, (May, 1783), President Stiles of Yale College, preached at hartford his election sermon on the future glory of the United States. This sermon not less celebrated than that of iMlayhew, closes the series of Mr. Thorntons specimens collected from the almost countless multitude of political sermons that were preached and printed in those revolutionary times. The inter- vening sermons in the collection are Chaunceys Thanksgiving Sermon on the repeal of the Stamp Act in 1766 ;Cookes (Samuel, of the Second Church in Cambridge) Election Ser- mon in 1770 ;Gordons (William, of Jamaica Plain in iRox- bury) Thanksgiving Seri~on, 1774 ;President Langdons (of Harvard College) Election Sermon in 1775, when there was no election ;Wests (Samuel or Dartmouth) Election Sermon in 1776 ;Paysons (Phillips of Chelsea) Election Sermon in 1778 ;and Howards (Siineon, of the West Church in Boston) Election Sermon in 1780. No man can read these sermons, especially with the aid of Mr. Thorntons notes, and not be impressed with the intelligencc, learning, and political sagacity, as well as the patriotism, which characterized the Congregational clergy of New England in those times. He who will carefully examine these sermons, and others of the same kind, that have come down to us from the revolution- ary period, will find that the modern political preaching, 142 The Palpit and the crisis. [Jan., complained of by~po1iticians of a certain sort, is even less polit- ical than that which contributed to the assertion and establish- ment of our national independence. We confess that in most of these sermons there is less of distinctively evangelical doctrine and sentiment than there should have been. In this respect President Stiless Election Sermon outshines the rest. The political preaching of our dayespecially such as is heard from Congregational and Presbyterian pulpits generallyhas more of the religious element in it, and more of the gospel, than we find in these specimens brought to us from what has now become the olden time. That Election Sermon on The United States elevated to glory and honor, preached at Hartford in 1783, amid the august solemnities of an old- fashioned election-day, when Governor Jonathan Trumbull, after fifty years of unbroken service in various stations of pub- lic trust, having seen the independence of his native State and of its twelve confederates achieved and established under his administration, was closing his illustrious career,is, to our thought, alive with the distinctive spirit of the modern Kew England pulpit. With all the pedantic multifariousness of its learning, and with the encyclopedistic range of its topics, that sermon is the utterance of a soul burning with Christian zeal, not less than with patriotic ardor. It portrays the future glory of the United States, not indeed with an infallible foresight, but with something of a prophets fire, as well as with a large and philosophical view of the elements out of which our national riches and power were to be developed; and it fore- sees our future as in a prophets vision of those coming days when the knowledge and the true worship of a redeeming God shall fill the earth. For a few years past it has been held in certain quarters, that allusion to slavery as a wrong to be righted, or an evil to be remedied, is altogether foreign to the province of the pulpit. Opposition to slavery on moral grounds is held to be a mod- ern heresy. IBut in this collection of old sermons the reader will find that the patriot preachers of the revolutionary period, preaching to governors and legislatures, did not hesitate to speak of slavery as an evil and a wrong. In the election ser 1861.] The Pulpit and the CriSi8. 143 mon of 1770, the preacher said, Let the time past more than suffice wherein we, the patrons of liberty, have dishonored the Christian name and degraded human nature nearly to a level with the beasts that perish. Ethiopia has long stretched out her hands to us. Let not sordid gain, acquired by the merchandise of slaves and the souls of men, harden our hearts against her piteous moans. When God ariseth, and when he visiteth, what shall we answer? May it be the glory of this province, of this respectable General Assembly, and, we could wish, of this session, to lead in the cause of the op- pressed. pp. 182, 3. In 1774, the preacher of a thanksgiving sermon, speaking to hi~ people of the many favorable cir- cumstances that were suited, as he said, to preserve ns from fainting, to hearten us up, and to encourage our hopes, was not afraid to mention, first of all, the rising and growing con- sistency of sentiments in the friends of liberty, which hath led one assembly and another on this continent to attempt preventing the further introduction of slaves among them, though herein they have been counteracted by governors, and which the American Congress has with so much wis- dom and justice adopted. pp. 214, 215. In those days it was not held that the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence were tine only of white men. The institu- tion of domestic slavery was admitted to be incompatible with justice and with those sacred principles on which the right of revolution rested. It was expected as a matter of course, that the establishment of independence and of civil liberty would bring with it the abolition of the slave-trade and a gradnal but complete abolition of slavery. For many years, religion and patriotism had protested against the enslaving of Africans. In 1766, the town of Boston had expressly instructed its representatives not only to move for a law to prohibit the importation and purchasing slaves for the future, but also to watch for the total abolishing of slavery from among ~ In 1767 and 1774, says Mr. Thornton, Massachusetts passed laws against slavery which were vetoed by express in- structions from England ; as laws against slavery passed by the territorial legislature of Xebraska are now vetoed by the 144 The Pulpit and the & i8i8. [Jan., Federal governor. Similar attempts in Virginia against the slave-trade had encountered a similar resistance. When the first Continental Congress met in 1774a mere council, a conference with no sort of legislative powerone of its attempts was to suppress the slave-trade by the force of certain Arti- cles of Association, voluntarily agreed to by the members of that Congress for themselves and their constituents. In 1776, when Jefferson, in the felicitous phrase of President Stiles, poured the soul of the continent into the monumental act of independence, the draft of that monumental act, as it was reported to the Congress, contained, in its recital of the wrongs which the king had committed against his American subjects, the statement, He has waged cruel war against human na- ture itself, violating the most sacred rights of life and liberty on the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hem- isphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. . . . Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative atempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce. And though this charge in the im- peachment of the king was struck out for the sake of concili- ating South Carolina and Georgia, the fact that it was writ- ten not by John Adams of Massachusetts, nor by Roger Sher- man of Connecticut, nor by Robert R. Livingston of New York, nor by Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, but by Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, shows what the soul of the continent was in relation to the enslaving of Africans. In 1780, the peo- ple of Massachusetts incorporated into their organic law the de- claration, All men are born free and equal ; and when a ju- dicial decision, three years afterwards, had applied that glit- tering generality to the abolition of slavery, the preacher of the next election sermon said, We rejoice to find the right of enslaving our fellow-men is absolutely disclaimed is at length proscribed, and is no longer suffered to live with us. And it is devoutly wished that the turf may lie firm on its grave. p.388. The desire to conciliate South Carolina and Georgia ex The Pulpit and the Crisi& 145 punged from the monumental act of independence the testi- mony which Jefferson, pouring into it the soul of the conti- nent, had written down against the slave-trade, expressly re- cognizing the most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of black men, and denouncing the infamy of a mar- ket in which MEN are bought and sold. The same desire to conciliate South Carolina and Georgia, and, more lately, to conciliate other states having the same constitutional infirmity, has been potent in all the history of our union. In the Con- vention that framed the Federal Constitution, it gave a twenty yea:s lease of life to the execrated slave-trade. By concession after concession, by compromise after compromise, it has trained those states into the imperious habit of presuming that the Union exists only by their sufferance, and is to be gov- erned in the interest of their distinctive institution. Conces- sions and compromises were necessary, and may have been jus- tifiable, when the problem was how to form a Union for the pur- pose of asserting and maintaining an independent nationality, or when the problem was how to constitute a Federal govern- ment. But concessions and compromises yielded to threats of subverting the government and dissolving the Union, are a very different thino; and now, at last, we have come to the inevitable crisis of such a policy. It is now to be determined whether the Union which was proclaimed to the world by the IDeclaration of Independence, is a fact, and whether the gov- ernment which was constituted by the great compact of the Federal constitution, is in reality a government or only a help- less and worthless confederation, liable to dissolution at the will of whatever faction may have a momentary ascendancy in any state. The question to which we have come, and which is dis- tinctly presented by the attempted secession, is simply whether the iTnion shall hereafter be governed by a constitutional ma- jority of states, ascending to the forms and the meaning of the Constitution, or shall be at the mercy of whatever state may choose to enforce its demands by a threat of seccssion. A constitutional majority of the states, as represented in the electoral colleges, have determined that the chief magistracy of the Federal Government, for the next four years, shall be voL. xiv. 10 146 [Eke Pulpit and the Ctri8i8. [Jan., entrusted to a man against whom it is objected that he represents the principle of opposition to the extension of slavery into territories in which there is no state government. Thereupon the authorities of South Carolina have called a convention of the people of that State, and the convention, so assembled, has ordained the withdrawal of South Carolina from the Union. A parallel course has been taken in Georgia, in Mississippi, in Florida, and is about to be taken in other states. It need not be said that every step of these proceed- ings is in violation of the supreme law of the land, and is simply revolutionary. A convention of the people of South Carolina, however convened, can have no power save such as is reserved to the states by the provisions of the Federal consti- tution. It may have power to change the constitution of that state, within certain well-known limits; but the power of annulling the snpreme law of the land is not among the reserved powers of any state that has ratified or accepted the Constitution of the United States. A convention of a state, attempting to ordain and declare the secession of that state from the Union, differs in no respect from any other revolu- tionary assembly. The revolution thus attempted must be achieved, like any other revolution, by an appeal to arms. Of this the leaders are aware; and the appeal is made. Cus- tom-houses, arsenals, and forts, the property not of any one state but of all the states as represented in the Federal govern- ment, have been seized by the revolutionary power with as little show of legal right as poor John Brown and his pro- visional government had when he seized the armory at Harpers Ferry. War has been levied against the United States. A vessel displaying the thirteen stripes and new constellation has been fired npon, and driven away from the entrance of an American port. A fortress built at the expense of~ the Federal treasury, and held by a handful of Federal troops, is at this moment besieged by the declared enemies of the Federal Union, and every day is adding to the strength of the batteries which are soon to open their fire upon it. This is treason against the United States, as that crime is carefully defined by the snpreme law of the land; and nothing but suc The Pulpit and the Cr~s~s. 147 cess can make it anything else than treason. Nor can any suc- cess, whether achieved by arms or diplomacy, ever make it anything else than a crime against liberty and the welfare of the hnman race, hardly surpassed by any other crime which history has recorded. These, then, are revolutionary times, at least in the states in which the movement of secession is in progress, for secession is revolution if it sncceeds, and treason if it fails. At such a crisis it is worth onr while to inquire what is the position and influence of the pulpit. Are the same doctrines, in relation to liberty and the basis and rights of government, held forth now that were held forth by the patriot preachers whom Mr. Thorn- tons volume represents? iDoes the pulpit of 1861 give the same testimony concerning the relation of Christianity to liberty and mans inalienable rights, which was given by the pulpit of 1776? The qnestion is worthy of a serions attention. We would commend this volume, The Pulpit of the American iRevolution,to the careful pernsal of those pastors and preachers, if snch there are, who think that their duty, at so great a crisis, is to say nothing from which their hearers can infer either that God cares for the oppressed, or that the enslav- ing of Africans and holding them as slaves forever,waging perpetual war against human nature itself, and violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of black men, and keeping open a market in which men shall be bought and sold is oppression. In the free states, the pulpit, like the press and every other organ of opinion and of moral influence, is free. Consequently we must expect from the pulpit of the free states a wide diver- sity of utterance on the question of the times, as well as on every other question which can come within the range of moral and religions instruction. Some few preachers, in their zeal against what they call abolitionism, have been weak enough to maintain, more or less distinctly, that slaveryby which word they are understood, of course, to mean this American slavery with all its legalized impurities and atroci- ties is sanctioned by the word of God; and that those who protest against the unlimited extension of it by the legislation 148 The Pulpit and the C~ri8is. and the executive power of the Federal government, are re- sponsible for the impending dissolution of the Union. Others, in the spirit of fidelity to the kingdom of Christ, as well as to those great principles of natural justice which are the basis of American liberty, have frankly warned their hearers against being coerced or terrified into the sin of consenting in any manner to the extension of a system which, as defined by its own laws, and as illustrated by the hideous fact of the internal slave-trade, is grossly and execrably wicked. Others still, while taking great pains to show that in the Scriptures of both dispensations, slavery is recognized as an existing fact, and is regulated and restrained instead of being peremptorily abolish- ed,and while, in view of the great evil of abolitionism, they cry aloud and spare not,are yet constrained to admit that this American slavery, being what it is, cannot be justified. The learned Rabbi IRaphall of New York, whom we find re- ported in the newspapers, apparently from his own manu- script, is a conspicuous example. In his sermon at the syna- gogue in Greene street, on the Presidents Fast-day, he under- took to examine the Bible view of slavery, having been requested to do so (as he says) by prominent citizens of other denominations, who were of opinion that the religious mind of the country requires to be enlightened on this sub- ject. The drift of his discourse is as if he had been requested, like Balaain, to prophecy not indeed against Israel, but against some eminent preacher ~ whom he calls the eloquent preacher of Brooklyn,whom he describes as taking a lead among those who most loudly and most vehemently denounce slave-holding as a sin,and whom he denounces as one of a few impulsive declaimers, gifted with great zeal but little knowledge, more eloquent than learned, better able to excite our passions than to satisgy our reason. He introduces the customary topics of a theological argument in defense of slavery, and handles them no worse than they are handled by Christian doctors. Having frankly referred the origin of slavery to violencethe victor, in a public or private war, enslaving instead of killing his vanquished enemyhe finds that slavery must have existed even before the deluge, inas The Pulpit and the Cri8ie. 149 much as Noah, when lie pronounced the curse on Cam ~n, was already acquainted with the name and thing. Like many Christian doctors, he assumes that the curse on Canaan was a curse on all the descendants of Canaans father, in whatever line, and that by that curse they were doomed to slavery. He does not happen to mention that the Israelites were com- manded not to enslave, but to exterminate the descendants of Canaan, and with judicious care he avoids committing him- self to the conclusion that slavery is right because Noah pre- dicted ita conclusion which some Gentile doctors have unwarily adopted, thereby justifying all the wickedness that ever was predictednot to say all that ever was predestined. He shows conclusively enough that slave-holding, in some sense of the word, is not prohibited as a sin in the Hebrew Scriptures; and he goes so far out of his own province as to pronounce the same judgment on the books of the New Testa- ment, which he professes to have consulted for the very pur- pose of ascertaining whether the Brooklyn preacher reports their testimony correctly. Having thus disposed of matters comparatively unimportant, he proceeds to expound the Mosaic law of servitude; and that part of his task is done in a man- ner which, on the whole, is highly creditable not oily to his intelligence but to his human sensibilities. We might, indeed, record our dissent from his construction of some texts, but we need not. It is more to our purpose to observe the force of the testimony which he gives against the only slavery with which we at this crisis have any practical concern, or for which we can have any responsibilitythe very slavery which the prominent citizens of other denominations~ expected him to bless with Hebrew proof-texts in the name of Israels God. Having shown the distinction which Moses made be- tween a Hebrew reduced to servitude by poverty or for crime, and a Gentile slave or captive bought from the heathen that were round about, and having demonstrated that between the Hebrew bondman and the Southern slave there is no point of resemblance, he proceeds to saywhat cannot reasonably be deniedthat there were slaves among the Hebrews whose general condition was analogous to that of his [their] 150 The Pulpit and the crisi8. Southern fellow-s?~fferers. Mark that word fellow-suffer- ers ! The learned preacher has already said to his brethren of the house of Tsrael, I remind you that our own fathers were slaves in Egypt and afflicted four hundred years ; and mindful of that fact he cannot forget that to be a slave, whether in Egypt or in Palestine, whether under the law of Louisiana or under the law of Moses, is a hard lot, so that all slaves, however diversified the tenure of their bondage, are fellow-sufferers. That one word surrenders the very citadel of American slavery, for if a slave is a sufferer, then whatever may be the justice of enslaving enemies taken in war, and whatever the justice of holding such slaves when sold by their captors, the system which perpetuates itself only by enslaving innocent and unborn children, is unjust. Evidently the Rabbi is more familiar with ancient forms of speech and thought than with the modern and approved philosophy of slavery. His friends, the prominent citizens, who told him that the religious mind of the country needs to be enlightened on this subject, should have told him beforehand, We have changed all that. They should have told him, Our Southern slaves are not to be spoken of as if there were any wrong or hard- ship in their lot; for though they are of the cursed race of Ham, and deserve all manner of wretchedness for the sin which they committed in him four thousand years ago, their actual condition is one of rare felicity; they are in fact almost the luckiest of mortals; and as for being bought and sold, and other little incidents to which they are liable, they mind all that no more than eels mind being skinned alive. The rever- end Rabbi seems not to see the subject in this rosy, south-side light. Before accepting another invitation to deliver a pro- slavery discourse, let him Purge with euplirasy and rue The visual nerve, for he has much to see. But this word of humnan sympathythis natural recognition of the slave, under whatever form of slavery, as a sufferer ~ is not the only point in which the discourse seems, like Balaams prophecy, to have betrayed the cause it was expected 1861.1 The Pulpit and the Crisis. to defend. The preachers just veneration for the law of Moses leads him to contrast the condition of even the Gentile slave, under that law, with the condition of a slave under the system of American slavery. This, he says, is the great distinction which the Bible view of slavery derives from its divine source. The slave [under the Hebrew law] is a person in whom the dignity of human nature is to be respected; he has rights. Whereas the heathen view of slavery, which pre- vailed at iRome, and which I am sorry to say, is adopted in the South, reduces the slave to a thing; and a thing can have no rights. So, in the close of his discourse, having reaffirmed his proposition that under the law of the Hebrew Bible the slave is a person and has rights not conflicting with the lawfal exercise of the rights of his owner, he expresses a devout desire that our Southern fellow-citizens would adopt the Bible view of slavery, and discard that heathen slave-code. Hiow significant the phrase! That heathen slave-code not Mosaic, still less Christiannot even Mohammedanbut heathen! The institution which we are impudently required to nationalize, under the threat that if we refuse the govern- inent shall be subverted and the Union dissolved by treasona- ble violence,is a HEATHEN institution. We thank the venerable master in Israel for teaching us that word. It has often been said that the Southern pulpit never touches upon political questions. Let this be understood as meaning simply that the Southern pulpit never utters a word against slavery; and it is true. We have never believed the propo- sition in any other sense. But however that may have been heretofore, there is no room for doubt that now the Southern pulpit is employed as an important instrument of political influence. The Southern newspapers, like the Northern ,give abundant evidence that the question of the dissolution of the Union, being the question of the hour, and involving as it does interests of infinite moment in a moral and religious view, cannot be excluded from the pulpit. Thanksgiving sermons, Fast-day sermons, and sermons delivered in the ordinary course of Lords-day services, find their way into the newspapers, or obtain a separate publication, because of their bearing on this 152 The Palpit and the Cri8is. [Jan., question. Many of those sermons are before us, entire or abridged, in Southern newspapers, religious and secular. We have one from Baltimore, by Rev. Dr. Cummins of the Pro- testant Episcopal Church; a moderate defense not so much of slavery as of that religious quietism which refuses to testify against the palpable injustice of the system as it is, or to demand a legal protection for the human rights of the en- slaved; yet conceived and expressed in a spirit of gentleness and love which we cannot refuse to honor. From Portsmouth, in Virginia, we have two. The first is by Rev. M. R. Watkin- son, Pastor of a Baptist Church, and is a violent, blundering, and abusive appeal to the ignorance and prejudices of his hearers, urging the dissolution of the Union, and anticipating vast acquisitions by conquest from Mexico and farther south. The other is by Rev. Dr. Handy, Pastor of a Presbyterian (New School) Church, and is a plea for political modera- tion, arguing, in the interest of the Union, against all malignant opposition on the part of defeated minorities. We have one from Winchester, in Virginia, by Rev. Dr. Boyd, Pastor of a (New School) Presbyterian Church, treating of the dangers of the country and the spirit required by the crisis. It was evidently preached with a conservative aim, though, from our point of view, it is open to criticism in ahuost every passage which attempts to describe the action or the feeling and purposes of the people in the free states. From South Carolina we have only the pamphlet sermon by Dr. Thoruwell; for we were not provident enough to collect and save the pop-gun pieces of pulpit rhetoric which appeared in the Charleston jouruals at the beginning of the overt move- ment there. From Kentucky, we have what seems to be a very inadequate report of a Fast-day orationnot a sermon pronounced at Lexington, by Rev. Dr. Breckenridge, appeal- ing, as a Kentuckian to Kentucky, and with characteristic force of argument, against the madness of secession from the Union. We have from New Orleans the sermon by Dr. Palmer, to which we shall advert again; and another by Rev. I. J. Henderson, a Presbyterian Pastor, of the Old School 1861.] The Pulpit and the Cri8is. 153 connection, who evidently strives to soothe rather than to stimulate the revolutionary frenzy. iDr. Thoruwell is perhaps the foremost mind, just now, in the state of South Carolina. His misfortune is that having been born and brought up there, and having lived always in that most peculiar atmosphere, he has never outgrown the provincialism of his education. To him South Carolina is as completely the celestial empire and the central flowery kingdom, as China is to a learned Mandarin at Pekin. When we met him on a former occasion,* he was one of onr country- men, an American citizen, to whom were due the courtesies that belong to such a relation. To-day the question is pend- ing whether he is a citizen of a foreign and hostile state, or a traitor to the government of his country and ours. We have a right, therefore, to speak of him as freely as if he were an Austrian bishop or a Turkish mollah. Whether by his treason, (hi8, for if there has been treason in South Carolina, he was accessory before the fact,) or by a rightful and constitu- tional act to which he was consenting,the tie of a common citizenship between him and us is broken. The Fast-day on which the sermon before us was pronounced, must not be confounded with the Fast-day observed in the United States on the 4th of January. So much of Puritan- ism has South Carolina inherited from the New England influ- ence which was infused into that State at its beginning, that the custom of appointing fasts by public authority is still a custom there, as it is in Massachusetts and Connecticut. Wed- nesday, the 21st of November, was appointed by the legisla- ture of the State, and proclaimed by the Governor, as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. On that occasion, when the purpose of attempting a subversion of our national govern- ment and a dissolution of the Union had already been pro- nounced, and was waiting only for the formality of being registered by a convention, the sermon now before ns was delivered. The plan of the sermon, abridged but given as * New Englander, 1854, pp. 93124. 154 The Pulpit and the Cri8i8. [Jan., closely as possible in the preachers own language, is as fol- lows: South Carolina, as an organized political community, prostrates herself this day before God. It is a time of danger, of blasphemy and rebuke, and imitating the example of Hezekiah, [in the text, Isaiah xxxvii, 7,] she rends her clothes, covers herself with sackcloth, and comes into the house of the Lord. * * * It is a day of solemn worship in which the State appears as a penitent, and lays her case before the judge of all the earth. Two points are announced as those to which the attention of the hearers will be directed; first, the spirit in which we should approach God, and second, the errand on which we should go. I. As the individual, in coming to God, must believe that 1-le is and that He is the rewarder of them that diligently seek him, so the State must be impressed with a profound sense of His all-pervading providence, and of its responsibility to Him as the moral ruler of the world. * * * * II. The errand which brings us before God this day is fasting, humilia- tion, and prayer. These terms define the worship which we are expected to pre- sent. Fasting is the outward sign, penitence and prayer are the inward graces. These three are the subordinate topics under the second head: 1. Fasting, its symbolical value: 2. Humiliation or penitence, the State being represented as a moral person, bound to the spiritual duty of repentance and confession: 3. Prayer for Divine guidance and Divine strength for the future, inasmuch as States are no more competent than individuals to discharge their duties without the grace of God. The application is made by signalizing [?] the sins which it behooves us to confess, and by designating the blessings which it behooves us to implore. It would be curious, and perhaps not unproiitable, to scruti- nize Dr. Thoruwells somewhat singular language on the sub- ject of state religion. His account of the matter seems to be, not that the authorities of South Carolina had called upon the religious people of that State, as individual worshipers, in all their diverse forms of faith and worship, to unite in humilia- tion before God, and in supplication for the commonwealth, but that the state herself; in her mystic personality, was performing acts of spiritual religion. The language which evangelical preachers and writers use in commending the call and the offer of the gospel to individual souls, is used by him as if the state of South Carolina, in her political sovereignty, were capable of repentance and of faith in the same sense in which an individual is summoned in Christs name to repent and to be justified by faith. We would not press this criti- cism; nor would we hold the preacher responsible for inferen- ces which he might disown; but we must say that such lan- 1861.1 i/ike Pulpit and the (iri8is. 15~ guage as he uses about state faith, state repentance, and state prayer, is of dangerous tendency in regard to the interest of spiritual religion. Men who are accustomed to hear such language from the pulpit, are in danger of falling into fatally erroneous habits of thought about religion as a rersonal experience. Yet, in saying this, we do by no means imply (as Dr. Thoruwell might perhaps understand us to imply) that the notion of sin is not capable of being predicated of the mal- administration of the state. There may be sinful legislation in a state; sinful decisions and decrees in its courts of justice; sinful deeds and counsels in the executive administration of its government. But who8e is the sin? Who are responsible for it inforo con8cientiw? Who are to give account of it at the bar of God? When Israel, in the reign of Ahab, had become an idolatrous state, that idolatry was sin; but whose sin was it? Was Elijah guilty of it? Were those seven thonsand who had not bowed the knee to Baal, guilty of it? So when- ever sin is predicated of the mal-administration of the state, whether that state be a monarchy, an oligarchy, or a democ- racy, the responsibility for that sin rests always upon the individual sinners who acted in it or consented to it. The state is not a scape-goat to bear away into some metaphysical wilder- ness the sins of the individual men and women by whom whether directly or ever so indirectlythat mal-administra- tion of the state was brought about; nor, on the other hand, is the state a federal head, whose sin is imputed to those who had no part in it. We could wish that Dr. Thoruwell had brought this view of state sin a little more closely to the con- sciences of his hearers than he seems to have done. All those parts of the discourse which speak of national sins and state sins would have been far more effective, if each individual hearer had been put upon inquiring for himself, How far am I responsible for these sins ?does God know that I have had no part in them, and have never consented to them, but have pro- tested against them, and have used my influence in the state for the removal of all its iniquities of government or of public sentiment? It was a bold tIming in the preacher to quote as 156 The Pulpit and the & isis. [Jan., he did, in the hearing of a South Carolina assembly, those terrible words of God by the prophet Isaiah, Is not this the fast that I have chosen~ to loose the bands of wickedness,to undo the heavy burthens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke ? But had the hearers been made to feel more distinctly that the responsibility to God for every sin which can be predicated of the mal-administration of the state, rests not upon the mystic personality of the state, but upon individual sinners,the repetition of those awful words would have touched a deeper and more sensitive nerve in the conscience of every hearer. Undertaking to signalize the sins which were to be con- fessed on that day of penitence, the preacher says, We must look at ourselves in a double light, first, as a member of this Confederacy ; * and in the next place, as a particular commonwealth, a perfect state in ourselves ; and in order to appreciate the sins which attach to us in our unity as a con- federated people, he propounds the South Carolina theory of the peculiar structure of our government a theory which makes the Constitution of the United States nothing but a treaty, and the Union itself nothing but a confederacy of sovereigns, each jealously retaining all its separate sovereignty, and each having a sovereign right to withdraw from the alli- ance at its own discretion. This preposterous theory, which the most eminent statesmen and jurists of South Carolina, thirty years ago, rejected and refuted,* but to which the erratic genius of Calhoun gave a local popularity, has become at last, partly by the great influence of Dr. Thoruwell himself, the theory almost universally held in that and some of the adjoin- ing states; and from the position which that theory gives, the preacher surveys the sins which attach to us as a confederate people. Assuming that the Constitution of the United States is to be carried into effect simply by the good faith of the states, he charges upon the non-slaveholding states a breach * Of the eminent men in South Carolina, who, at the period referred to, con- tended against the doctrine that the citizen owes allegiance oniy to his own state, and not at all to the aggregate sovereignty of the Union,one honored survivor remains, the venerable patriot, JAMES L. PETIGRIJ. 1861.1 [The Pulpit and the Cri8i8. 157 of faith in two particulars. They have been reluctant to open the territories to the introduction of slaves, and have re- fused to restore fugitives to their masters. IReversing for convenience sake the order in which these two alleged violations of the Constitution are mentioned, we take the liberty of saying in regard to the second, that the allega- tion is grossly incorrect in point of fact. To say that the non- slaveholding states have refused to restore fugitives to their masters, is to say what is not true. According to the Consti- tution of the United States, as its interpretation has been fixed by Southern judges, the non-slaveholding states have nothing to do in regard to fugitives from service in the slave states. That whole matter belongs to the government of the Union; and nobody complains that the Federal government, under what- cver President, has shown any want of fidelity or alacrity in the performance of that duty. Some of the free states have made laws to protect their own free inhabitants against being kidnapped under the forms of a fugitive-slave law framed for the very purpose of insulting their just antipathy to a slave- code; but no state has refused, or (so long as the Constitution shall stand in its present interpretation) can refuse to restore fugitives to their masters. Those very laws carry on their face the protestation that they are not to be construed as inter- fering with the surrender of any fugitive from service; and, as everybody knows, any enactment contrary to that Constitu- tional stipulation is acknowledged in every free state to be ip8o facto void. As for the charge that the non-slaveholding states have broken faith, and dissolved the Union, in that they have been reluctant to open the territories to the introduction of slaves, we are willing to confess, in behalf of the free states and the good people thereof, the fact that they have been exceed- ingly reluctant on that point. But we deny the principle that such reluctance is a breach of faith. I)r. Thoruwell knows that, at this moment, every territory of the United States is open to the introduction of slaves, so far as any prohibition by act of Congress, or by attempted legislation of the free states, is concerned, lie knows that the people of the free 158 The Pulpit and the cri8is. [Jan., states have no intention nor desire to violate the Constitution in this regard; that their doctrine concerning the powers and duties of the Federal government in relation to the territories (erroneous as it may seem) is honestly entertained, and is forti- fied by the highest authorities of opinion and of precedent; and that his own theory (with whatever enthusiasm he may hold it) is comparatively a modern doctrine, having had no cur- rency or credit prior to the date of John C. Calhouns apostasy from the national principles and policy which, in his better days, he had so conspicuously asserted. Yet knowing all this, he declares, from the pulpit, that the ~ reluctance of the free states to accept his construction of the Constitutiona re- luctance which has never proposed to assert itself otherwise than by constitutional methodsis a breach of faith and a virtual dissolution of the Union. In other words, the Union exists only on condition that nobody shall dare to think other- wise than the South Carolina doctors happen to think on the question whether the Constitution carries slavery into the territories. But Dr. Thoruwell condescends to argue the question. I{e says, concerning the territories, All the States have confessedly an equal right of property in them. They are a joint possession. The citizens of any State may go there and take up their abode, and without express contract to the contrary among the proprietors, they are at liberty to observe the customs of their own States. It is as if the land were distributed and each State had a part. In that case, each State would evi- dently put its part under the jurisdiction of its own laws. The joint possession, to the extent of the partnership, places the territory in the same relation to the laws of all the States. One has no more right to introduce its peculiarities than another, and without positive contract the peculiarities of none can be excluded. p. 26. The first position of this argument, instead of bein o very b confessedly true, is a palpable error. No 8tate has any right of property in the territories. Instead of being a joint possession of the several states, they are simply the property of the Union as represented by the Federal govern- ment. The citizens of no state have any right to go there and take up their abode, till the Federal government opens the territory for settlement on such conditions and under such limitations as the wisdom of Congress shall prescribe. It is The Pulpit and the Cri8i8. 159 not as if the land were distributed, in whicli case each state would of course establish its own laws in its own territory. The case with which we have to do, is the case of territory which belongs only to the Union, and over which, there- fore, no state has any shadow of jurisdiction. Not the joint possession of the territory by all the states, but the sole possession of it by the Union, is what places it in the same relation to the laws of all the states. No law of any state has any validity in any territory. No citizen of any state, migrating into a territory, can carry with him any shred or particle of law from hjs own state. In the government of the territories, all the states co6perate not as states, but as con- stituent portions of the Unionprecisely as they co6perate in every other function of their united sovereignty. Therefore not only is it true that one has no more right to introduce its peculiarities than another ; but it is also tine that all the peculiarities of whatever state are to be excluded, if, in the judgment of the Union, represented by its legislative power, those peculiarities are inconsistent with the welfare of the state to be founded in that territory, or with the general welfare of the Union. It is a marvelous inadvertence into which Dr. Thoruwell is betrayed in that last sentence above quoted. One [state] has no more right to introduce its peculiarities [into the territories] than another, and without positive contract the peculiarities of none can be excluded. If the first proposition of that sen- tence is true, then South Carolina has no more right to intro- duce into a given territory her peculiarity of negro slavery, than Delaware has to introduce her less demoralizing pecu- liarity of public lotteries, or than Maine has to introduce that peculiarity, so detested by whiskey-drinking patriots, the pro- hibition of the trade in ardent spirits. That one proposition concedes the point which was to be defended. Slavery is a peculiar institution of certain states, created, as Dr. Thoruwell himself says, by the laws of the slave-holding states, which states have no more right to extend their pecu- liarities beyond their own limits, than other states have to ex- tend their own peculiar laws about divorces, or ab out usury, or 160 The Pulpit and the Crisis. [Jan., about banks and currency. But are the principles of universal justice a peculiarity of certain states? Is the principle that every human being has personal rights whereof he may not be divested bitt by the force of law, a peculiarity in the juris- prudence of Illinois or of Vermont, or is it common to the jurisprudence of all Christendom, not excepting our slave- holding states? Nor is that concession really recovered by the other proposition which makes the antithesis of the sentence, Without positive contract the peculiarities of none can be excluded. What if the peculiarities of one state cannot coexist on the same soil with the peculiarities of the other? Where is the positive contract that is to determine, in such a case, which of the two incompatible things shall exclude the other? Dr. Thoruwell illustrates his position by supposing that a Christian people, and a Pagan people, having entered in- to an alliance, have acquired a common territory; and he asks, Would it be competent for the Christian people, in the absence of a positive stipulation, to say to their Pagan neigh- bors, you shall not bring your idols into this land ? But sup- pose that the genius of that Paganism is essentially intolerant of Christianity; that its adherents regard the presence not only of Christian worship but of Christian opinion as a nuisance to be abated by the mob; that, in their settled feeling, their re- ligion is not safe, nor can their gods be placated, unless they demolish Christian temples, and tar and feather Christian be- lievers, and hang Christian preachers, and melt the types of Christian printing-offices into canon-balls wherewith to batter down Christian villages ;or suppose that their religion, aside from its fierce intolerance, includes some great outrage against the law of naturesuch as human sacrifices, or those horrible pollutions which characterize so many systems of idolatry, will the Christian people in the supposed confederacy consent that the peculiarities of that Pagan state, the very laws in which their paganism has entrenched itself at home, shall be recognized as valid in the common territory? Dr. Thoruwell, however, (we say it gladly, to his honor), does not address himself exclusively to the prejudices and blinding passions of his hearers,as has been done by many Notice8 of Book8. 161 ARTICLE IX.NOTICES OF BOOKS. THEOLOGY. RECENT INQUIRIES IN TnEoLoGY.*~~These Essays and Re- viewsfor that is the title of the volume, as originally pub- lishedhave been hailed by the Westminster Review as intro- ducing a new epoch in the Theological discussions of the Angli- can Church, which is to end in the abandonment of the received views of Christianity and the Scriptures, and in the adoption of the very negative Theology of that notorious journal. Dr. Hedge greets them with especial favor because they represent a new era in Anglican Theology, of which, the spirit is at once progressive and conservative; careful of all essential sanc- tities, careful also of the rights of the mind, of the interests of science, and the liberty of prophesying, carefully adjusting old views with new discoveries, transient forms with everlasting veri- ties; regarding symbols and articles as servants of thought, not as laws of thought; as imperfect attempts to articulate truth, not as the measure and guage of truth. On the other hand, the London Christian Observer, and the Christian Remembrancer, are alarmed at the fatal defection from the standards of the Church of England of which the authors of this work have been guilty, and condemn, if indeed they do not denounce them, as Ra- tionalistic and Anti-Christian. The Christian Examiner of Bos- ton, is much refreshed in spirit by the countenance to its own ways of thinking which is furnished from a quarter so unex- pected, and yet so respectable. Doubtless the Westminster Review sees in these speculations the promise of a day in England when a man may buy and read that quarterly without being exposed to social proscription; and our own Examiner hopes that its own * Recent Inquiries in Theology 6y Eminent English Churchmen; being Es- says and Reviews. Reprinted from the Second London Edition. Edited, with an Introduction, by Rev. FREDERIC H. HEDGE, D. D. Boston: Walker, Wise & Co. 1860. l2mo. pp. 480. [For sale in New Haven by T. H. Pease. Price $1.25.] VOL. XIX. 11

Notice8 of Book8. 161 ARTICLE IX.NOTICES OF BOOKS. THEOLOGY. RECENT INQUIRIES IN TnEoLoGY.*~~These Essays and Re- viewsfor that is the title of the volume, as originally pub- lishedhave been hailed by the Westminster Review as intro- ducing a new epoch in the Theological discussions of the Angli- can Church, which is to end in the abandonment of the received views of Christianity and the Scriptures, and in the adoption of the very negative Theology of that notorious journal. Dr. Hedge greets them with especial favor because they represent a new era in Anglican Theology, of which, the spirit is at once progressive and conservative; careful of all essential sanc- tities, careful also of the rights of the mind, of the interests of science, and the liberty of prophesying, carefully adjusting old views with new discoveries, transient forms with everlasting veri- ties; regarding symbols and articles as servants of thought, not as laws of thought; as imperfect attempts to articulate truth, not as the measure and guage of truth. On the other hand, the London Christian Observer, and the Christian Remembrancer, are alarmed at the fatal defection from the standards of the Church of England of which the authors of this work have been guilty, and condemn, if indeed they do not denounce them, as Ra- tionalistic and Anti-Christian. The Christian Examiner of Bos- ton, is much refreshed in spirit by the countenance to its own ways of thinking which is furnished from a quarter so unex- pected, and yet so respectable. Doubtless the Westminster Review sees in these speculations the promise of a day in England when a man may buy and read that quarterly without being exposed to social proscription; and our own Examiner hopes that its own * Recent Inquiries in Theology 6y Eminent English Churchmen; being Es- says and Reviews. Reprinted from the Second London Edition. Edited, with an Introduction, by Rev. FREDERIC H. HEDGE, D. D. Boston: Walker, Wise & Co. 1860. l2mo. pp. 480. [For sale in New Haven by T. H. Pease. Price $1.25.] VOL. XIX. 11

Notice8 of Book8. 161 ARTICLE IX.NOTICES OF BOOKS. THEOLOGY. RECENT INQUIRIES IN TnEoLoGY.*~~These Essays and Re- viewsfor that is the title of the volume, as originally pub- lishedhave been hailed by the Westminster Review as intro- ducing a new epoch in the Theological discussions of the Angli- can Church, which is to end in the abandonment of the received views of Christianity and the Scriptures, and in the adoption of the very negative Theology of that notorious journal. Dr. Hedge greets them with especial favor because they represent a new era in Anglican Theology, of which, the spirit is at once progressive and conservative; careful of all essential sanc- tities, careful also of the rights of the mind, of the interests of science, and the liberty of prophesying, carefully adjusting old views with new discoveries, transient forms with everlasting veri- ties; regarding symbols and articles as servants of thought, not as laws of thought; as imperfect attempts to articulate truth, not as the measure and guage of truth. On the other hand, the London Christian Observer, and the Christian Remembrancer, are alarmed at the fatal defection from the standards of the Church of England of which the authors of this work have been guilty, and condemn, if indeed they do not denounce them, as Ra- tionalistic and Anti-Christian. The Christian Examiner of Bos- ton, is much refreshed in spirit by the countenance to its own ways of thinking which is furnished from a quarter so unex- pected, and yet so respectable. Doubtless the Westminster Review sees in these speculations the promise of a day in England when a man may buy and read that quarterly without being exposed to social proscription; and our own Examiner hopes that its own * Recent Inquiries in Theology 6y Eminent English Churchmen; being Es- says and Reviews. Reprinted from the Second London Edition. Edited, with an Introduction, by Rev. FREDERIC H. HEDGE, D. D. Boston: Walker, Wise & Co. 1860. l2mo. pp. 480. [For sale in New Haven by T. H. Pease. Price $1.25.] VOL. XIX. 11 162 Notice8 of Book8. [Jan., theology may hereby gain more extensive currency, because it is partially sanctioned by the men of Oxford. We agree with both these Reviews in regarding the publica- tion of this volume as certainly a significant phenomenon. That seven clergymen of the Church of England, of unquestioned scholarship and culture, occupying high ecclesiastical and social positions, should issue a volume like this, containing such views, on such themes, and at a time distinguished like the present by the almost headlong proclivity of men of science and education toward the rejection of historical Christianity, is, indeed, a phe- nomenon that requires some explanation. This explanation is furnished, in part, by the history of opinion in the English Church for the last century, and especially by the spirit that had been dominant in the Universities, in respect to the free and the thorough study of Christian Theology. The Universities are the sources of opinion and influence to the English Church. They furnish and train the thousands of its clergy. But how do they furnish and train them? They pre- scribe an examination in Paleys Evidences, and it is ex- pected that candidates for orders should master Pearson on the Creed, and Burnet on the Articles. But Theological study, as we understand the term, has, till of late, been almost unknown at Oxford and Cambridge. Even the Fellows have spent the four to ten years which have intervened before their accession to the long expected living, in pursuits and investiga- tions of which it was safe to say that generally they were not Theological. We do not intend that systems of divinity and com- mentaries have not been often consulted at Oxford, and, least of all, do we forget that the Fathers have been much quoted, occasionally perused, and sometimes, perhaps, translated and edited. But we do intend that the conceptions of what Theological science is, and of what it is to investigate questions in Theology, have heen deplorably low and inadequate. The principal reason for this has been, that the genius of the Church has been tradi- tional, ecclesiastical, and sacerdotal, rather than scientific, evan- gelical, and Biblical. Even the so-called evangelical party, with ~dl its earnest zeal and deference to the Scriptures, has dis- trusted scientific Theology as tending to skepticism, or to use- less intellectual refining, and been prejudiced against the new exegesis as of doubtful utility, if for no other reason, because it Notwes of Books. 163 would divert the preacher from the practical enforcement of well known truth. The less zealous of the clergy have been content to perform the formal duties prescribed by the Church, and have been more anxious to live the comfortable life of a country gentleman than earnestly to prosecute the inquiries of the Theological and Biblical student. The Church as received from their fathers was regarded as faultless and finished in all its appointments, in its excellent and incomparable Liturgy, in its wise, conciliatory, and well considered articles, in its apos- tolical ministry, and in its authorized and life-giving sacraments. Its reverence for the Fathersthe Fathers before the Romish defection, and the Fathers of the age of Elizabeth and of Charles the Martyrprecluded the possibility that there should be any new questions in Theology to resolve, or new inves- tigations concerning the Scriptures to prosecute. It ought not to surprise us, in view of these notorious facts, that the Church of England has, for the last century, done so little for the cause of Biblical literature and Theologythat, with a few rare exceptions, both the Bishops and the other Clergy~~ have. not only done little themselves, but have manifested so comfort- able an ignorance, and so stolid an indifference in respect to what others have done.; and that the Universities have furnished both impulse and example to apathy and neglect, as to what the learned and the thoughtful, the believer and the infidel in other countries have been thinking and writing. It is true that, about thirty years since, a few of these University gentlemen became suddenly alarmed at the Rationalism of Germany, and were painfully affected with the suspicion that the Church of England might be in some danger from this new movement of thought. Forthwith they began to cast about them for new defenses against the unexpected foe. It would seem that thinkers should have examined the arguments of the New Infi- delity, and have reasoned against them with stronger arguments in returnthat scholars should have outdone its learning, have criticised its critics, and have surpassed its historians. But such a thought did not occur to these Oxford Churchmen. It would be out of all keeping with their conceptions of Churchly Theology and the duty of Churchly Theologians. The only ex11)edient against the Rationalism of the times, which they could devise, was to prepare the Tracts for the Times the 164 Notices of Books. [Jan., doctrine and motto of which were, that the Sacraments, and not preaching, are the means of gracethat to be baptized by a successor of the apostles was the chief condition of salvation. Having accomplished this service for their generation, and gar- nished the Tracts with sundry Catence Patrum, the Oxford Di- vines considered their duty to defend the Faith to be fully discharged. But the Church could not remain for another generation undisturbed by the long and heavy surges of thought which were moving the minds of the best thinkers of Europe. The daring speculations, and the still more daring criticisms of Germany, attracted the attention of one Churchman after another, till at last they compelled regard from the University men at Oxford. When lo! these cautious and cold-blooded En , these believing but unreasoning theologians, these prac- tised and well drilled logicians, these writers of Latin verses and critics of Greek Plays, find themselves easy victims of the new theo- ries. Paley is almost surrendered for Strauss. By a single bound, as it were, they pass from Burnet and Pearson to Bunsen and the Tflbingen Doctors, and the all-comprehensive Church of England is required at their bidding to enlarge once more the borders of her tent, that she may shelter under her elastic charity clergy- men who are near to denying that a miracle is possible, and who contend that the supernatural in Christianity is an element which is comparatively unimportant. Surely the Oxford of 1835 would hardly recognize the Oxford of 1860. The sufficient and satisfactory solution of this strange phenomenon is furnished in the fact that the Church of England has not demanded, and therefore the University of Oxford has not furnished, a free, a scientific, a thorough, and therefore a progressive Theology and Biblical Literature. The consequence is, that the ripeness of the culture at Oxford, and the perfection of its training, has pre- pared some of her best scholars to be the easier dupes of theories which a manlier exercise in theological reasoning, and a more thorough study of the new exegesis, would have en- abled them to reject and confute. This volume contains seven essays, entitled as follows: The Education of the World, by Frederick Temple, D. D.; Bun- sens Biblical Researches, by Rowland Williams, D. ID.; On the Study of the Evidences of Christianity, by Baden Powell, M. A., Notices of Books. 165 F. R. S.; The National Church, by Henry Bristow Wilson, B. P.; On the Mosaic Cosmogony, by C. W. Goodwin, M. A.; Tenden- cies of Religious Thought in England, 16881ThO, by Mark Pattison, B. D.; On the Interpretation of Scripture, by Benjamin Jowett, M. A. The authors inform us that they are each responsible for their respective articles only, and that they have written in entire independence of each other and without concert or com- parison. The only explanation which they give of the pur- pose for which they were written, and the principles which they desire to propagate, is in these words: The volume, it is hoped, will be received as an attempt to illustrate the advantage derivable to the cause of religious and moral truth from a free handling, in a becoming spirit, of subjects peculiarly liable to suffer by the repetition of conventional language, and from tradi- tional methods of treatment. The Essays are very unequal in their merit, and we add, also, very unequal in demerit, some of them being liable to objection only from the absence of a distinct recognition of that truth which, if presented in its proper proportions, and with proper earnestness, would make the article not only harmless, but just and true. This is the case with the essay on the Education of the World, by Temple, which abounds in fresh and beautiful conceptions, and is only marred by the defect of not distinctly recognizing and asserting the absolute necessity and the potent agency of frequent direct interpositions in a supernatural way, in order to make the education of the world effective for moral and relh~ious ends. The last essay, by Jowett, which is, perhaps, the best of the volume, also errs chiefly by defect. So many needful things are said, and well said, so many important principles are dis- tinctly recognized, and earnestly enforced, that we regret that the author has not subjected to a better theological discipline his rare gifts for a vivid and just interpetration of the Scriptures. Surely, had he done this, he could not have been content to believe the Scriptures to be so indefinite in their positive re- sults, nor so little binding on our faith, as many remarks which he has dropped would lead us to believe. The essay on Bunsen is open to the gravest objections. When we say that the author fully indorses Bunsens hasty assumptions, 166 Notices of Books. [Jan., his crude theories in respect to the history and chronology of the Old Testament, the results of which would disarrange the whole of its History, annihilate its Prophecy, and destroy entirely its Messianic character, and with scarcely a critical objection or reserved misgiving, commits himself to the whole of Bunsens destructive eclecticism and disorganizing rearrangement of the Hebrew Scripture, we have said enough in its dispraise. The essay on the Evidences, by Baden Powell, after a long and somewhat rambling discourse on the various opinions concerning the possibility of miracles, their value as evidences of a divine communication, and the evidence by which they are proved to the mind of the believer, in xvhich there is much interesting but somewhat inexact information, concludes as follows: The rea- son of the hope t.hat is in us, is not restricted to external signs, nor to any one kind of evidence, but consists of such assurance as may be most satisfactory to each earnest individual inquirers own mind: and the true acceptance of the entire revealed mani- festation of Christianity will be most worthily and satisfactorily based on that assurance of faith by which, the apostle affirms we stand, (2 Cor. II, 24), and which, in accordance with his emphatic declaration, must rest not in the wisdom of men but in the power of God, (1 Cor. II, 5). This is so vaguely expressed that at the first aspect it might seem to be a conclusion in which nothing is concluded, but on a nearer view it shows itself to be identical with that which Hume reaches in his famous essay on Miracles, with this difference, that the Faith of which Hume speaks in scoffing irony, Powell regards as a mystical work of supernatural power. But. the fatal similarity between Hnme and Powell is, that both contend with equal earnestness that Reason and Faith have no common relations, that on grounds of science a miracle is impossible and incredible, and can only be admitted on grounds of faith. It is singular that this zealot for the pre- ~minent authority of science should land in such extravagant terms Mr. Darwins masterly volume On the Origin of Spe- cies by the law of natural selection which now substantiates on undeniable grounds the very principle so long denounced by the first naturalists,the origination of new species by natural causes; a work which must soon bring about an entire revolution of opinion in favor of the grand principle of the self-evolving powers of nature. Notices of Books. 167 The essay on the National Church is an ingenious, we do not quite like to say Jesuitical, attempt to show that a National Church has striking advantages over the Independent or Congre- gational communions, among which this is pr& minent, that it admits of almost every possible variety of belief among its minis- ters. He contends, by much detail, that the Church of England presents no obstacles in its Articles to allowing an almost indefinite comprehension of all sorts of creeds. Speculative doctrines should be left to philosophical schools. A national church must be concerned with the ethical development of its members, and the wrong of supposing it to be otherwise is participated by those of the clericalty who consider the Church of Christ to be founded, as a society, on the possession of an abstractively true and super- naturally communicated speculation concerning God, rather than upon the manifestation of a divine life in man. Jesus Christ has not revealed his religion as a theology of the intellect, nor as an historical faith; and it is a stifling of the true Christian life, both in the individual and in the church, to require of many men a unanimity in speculative doctrine which is unattainable, and a uniformity of historical belief which can never exist. We forbear to characterize the remaining essays, for th~ reason that any brief criticism or separate extracts must fail to do justice either to their merits or defects. We sympathize with the free- dom and love of truth which the writers of all of them seem to manifest; we commiserate the narrow spirit and the traditional jealousy of new speculations and new expositions, with which they seem to be environed, and by which they are grievously hampered and embarrassed. But we cannot but protest against the destructive spirit which seems to animate them all,with unequal measure, it is true,toward every form of positive truth, and their utter incapacity to express or to defend what they would substitute in place of what they discard and reject. It is sad that men so accomplished as these writers should know only what they reject and deny, and therefore be able only to com- bat and assail what is held and affirmed by others, without being able to displace it by what they themselves positively receive. Negative Theologians are always vague and indefinite, and such, each in different degrees, are these writers, and all their well chosen phraseology, their abundant illustrations and their happy utterances of secondary truths, cannot conceal the poverty and 168 Notices of Books. the impotence of their own Faith. The Church of England and the scholars of England have long and bigotedly resisted the de- mands which two generations have been making upon them to bestir themselves in order to stand abreast with the great thought-movements of the age. It would not be strange if they should rue their indolent neglect and their luxurious sloth in seeing many of their finest minds led astray by the dazzling theories which break upon them in such novel bewildering glare, now that they have been forced to begin to think without those able and competent guides which the Church and the Universities should have long ago trained for the defense of the truth. We must confess our surprise that an American scholar so accomplished as the editor of this volume should have prefixed no word of caution to a book that, with all its ability and merits, suffers under such capital defects. Baptized Infidelity is rife enough among us already, without needing any additional stimu- lus from works like this, of which the positive assertions of truth are so vague and so few, and the positive denials are so numerous, and so bold, and, we add, so unsupported by argument. If our Theological men receive such books as these as their guides, they will not only risk the chance of making shipwreck of their faith, but they will be likely to befool their understandings, and to render obtuse their power to discriminate truth from error. To lose ones cherished Faith, is bad enough; to throw away with it a manly habit of reasoning and interpretation, aggravates the folly, if not the sin. LoGIc IN TnEoLoGY.*~The time is fresh within the recollection of many of our readers when a new work from the pen of Isaac Taylor was greeted with a cordial welcome by a mul- titude of admiring readers on this side the Atlantic. He has shared his popularity somewhat with the many sensation wri- ters for the religious public, and with other numerous religious authors of unquestioned merit and attractions, but his pccu- liar merits are neither superseded nor eclipsed by any. There * Logic in Theology, and other Essays. By ISAAC TAYLOR. With a sketch of the life of the author and a catalogue of his writings. New York: William Gowans. 1800. l2mo. pp. 29~. EFor sale in New Haven by E. P. and R. J. Judd. Price $1.]

168 Notices of Books. the impotence of their own Faith. The Church of England and the scholars of England have long and bigotedly resisted the de- mands which two generations have been making upon them to bestir themselves in order to stand abreast with the great thought-movements of the age. It would not be strange if they should rue their indolent neglect and their luxurious sloth in seeing many of their finest minds led astray by the dazzling theories which break upon them in such novel bewildering glare, now that they have been forced to begin to think without those able and competent guides which the Church and the Universities should have long ago trained for the defense of the truth. We must confess our surprise that an American scholar so accomplished as the editor of this volume should have prefixed no word of caution to a book that, with all its ability and merits, suffers under such capital defects. Baptized Infidelity is rife enough among us already, without needing any additional stimu- lus from works like this, of which the positive assertions of truth are so vague and so few, and the positive denials are so numerous, and so bold, and, we add, so unsupported by argument. If our Theological men receive such books as these as their guides, they will not only risk the chance of making shipwreck of their faith, but they will be likely to befool their understandings, and to render obtuse their power to discriminate truth from error. To lose ones cherished Faith, is bad enough; to throw away with it a manly habit of reasoning and interpretation, aggravates the folly, if not the sin. LoGIc IN TnEoLoGY.*~The time is fresh within the recollection of many of our readers when a new work from the pen of Isaac Taylor was greeted with a cordial welcome by a mul- titude of admiring readers on this side the Atlantic. He has shared his popularity somewhat with the many sensation wri- ters for the religious public, and with other numerous religious authors of unquestioned merit and attractions, but his pccu- liar merits are neither superseded nor eclipsed by any. There * Logic in Theology, and other Essays. By ISAAC TAYLOR. With a sketch of the life of the author and a catalogue of his writings. New York: William Gowans. 1800. l2mo. pp. 29~. EFor sale in New Haven by E. P. and R. J. Judd. Price $1.] Notice8 of Book8. 169 is the same comprehensive and catholic spirit ever spurning the names and limits of a single sect, the same extensive research, the same historic spirit, reasoning safely to the present from the lessons of the past, the same labored but always weighty and often felicitous style, and always the same honest Christian spirit, which have rendered his works the choice companions and the valued instructors to many thoughtful minds. Mr. Gowans seems to have taken Mr. Taylor into his keeping as an author for whom he has an especial regard, and this regard does honor to his own qualities of head and heart. We thankfully acknowl- edge our obligations to him for giving the American public this new volume. We trust he will not fail also to print Taylors latest volume, Ultimate Civilization and other Essays, a copy of the London edition of which has fallen into our hands and proves to be of rare interest. The present volume consists of seven essays. Logic in The- ology; The state of Unitarianism in England; Nihis :The Chris- tiaii courtier in the iDesert; Paula :High Quality and Asceti- cism in the Fourth Century; Theodosius :Pagan Usages and the Christian Magistrate; Julian :Prohibitive Education; Without Controversy. The first of these essays is nearly the same which was originally published as an Introduction to Edwards on the Will, and with which all the admirers of Taylor are familiar. The second of them first appeared in the Eclectic Review, and was afterward published in a separate tract. It contains an exhibition of the actual power and results of the Unitarian system, and is valuable both as history and argument. The four succeeding essays are four of those striking cabinet portraitures from the early history of the church, such as the author alone can furnish, each one of which has its moral for the present. The last two are of es- pecial value for these times and especially for the English people as they bring up and discuss the proper position to be taken by the magistrate and the educator in that vast Indian empire over which England bears sway, and into which she is introducing the sys- tems of government and education which involve inconceivable consequences of good and evil for uncounted millions. The author contends that the laws for India must be framed and ad- ministered as Christian laws, yet within the limits which Chris- tianity ever prescribes to itself. On this subject the author ex- presses himself in the following language: [Jan., 170 Notices of Books. Now as to such usa~essuch institutions, and such legalized crimesabom- inable as they may bethis is to be noticed concerning themand never ~iould it be forgottenthat Christianity abstains from naming, or denouncing, or pro- hibiting them it is silent because it takes quite another course in ridding the world of them: it does at length rid the world of them: but this happy issue it brings about in its own manner. It becomes us to understand what this method isfor, if we mistake it, we shall be likely to fall into the impious practice of pleading the silence of the Gospel in behalf of the worst abominations. When a crime of any sort has passed into its fixed form as an INSTITUTION when a sin has come to stand upon the fnir side of a peoples statute-books when the Devil has been called in to prepare the rough draft of a liberal enactment, thenwe shall look in vain for texts in which such crimes of a state are de- nounced, or are even named. The Gospel, as it addresses no offer of salvation to nations, so does it preserve an ominous silence concerning their sins. But this boding silenceis it approval? None will think so but those whose reason is fast goingwhere their conscience has long ago goneto ruin. What then are these Pagan usages? What are these NATIONAL IN5TITUTION5 which Chris- tianity does not name, and does not denounce, but of which, at length, it rids every country where it nains the ascendancy: They are these nine following I. Poly~,amy. II. Infanticide. III. Legalized Prostitution. IV. Capricious Di- vorce. V. Sanguinary and grossly immoral Games. VI. Infliction of Death or Punishment by Torture. VII. Wars of Rapacity. VIII. Caste. And, IX. Slavery. Each of these immoralities was practised, and was more or less distinctly existing as a social Institutiona usa,, eof the neighboring nations in the time of Christs ministry. In fact, each of them had then a place even in Palestine, so far as that it must often have come before Ilim and was an immorality perpe- trated under His eye. Yet one only of the nine on this list did lIe name, and denouncethat is the fourth: and the reason of the preference given to it we might easily find. But were the eight approved? It is madness to think so it were blasphemy to say it! With each of these non-mentioned immoral usa1,es Christianity, in its progress among the nations, came into conflict at an early time; and then, in its own manner, by enlightening the individual conscience, it either abrogated them entirely, or greatly mitigated the evil of each of them. Some of these usages disappeared silently, very soon after the moment of the im- perial conversion: others fell from their place as applauded customs, and quietly subsided into a position of tolerated evilscondemned, yet winked at. Each of them, among modern nations, vanishes wherever Christianity prevails, and is free to speak its mind. To this averment there is notthere never has beenan cx- ceptive instance. Certainly the worst of the nineSanvxnvis not an exception: how could it be so, for it includes, and it gives its eager support to, at least, seven of these enormities out of the nine it does so as thusSlavery has had its com- mencement in the most atrocious of all the forms of aggressive and lawless war: slavery perpetuates the most odious of the disti~ictions of caste slavery en- forces its initial wrong by givin~ a brutal licence to punishment by torture. And as to that circle of crimes which are attendants of slavery, in vitiating the rela- tion of the sexesslavery is the soul of each of those abominations with which Notices of Books. 171 the brutal lust and the demon-like cruelty of man have ever blighted what God has blessed. Slavery does indeed exist in countries where Christianity is blas- phemously professed :but in no country does slavery maintain itself in which the Gospel takes effect upon the consciences of men. pp. 291293. The last of the essays, Without Controversy, is by far the most interesting. Starting with the distinct recognition of the fact that almost every position in respect to Religions Truth is the sub- ject of vexatious controversy, he enquires like a man soliloquizing with himself, How can he avoid a disturbing scepticism in respect to all these points, and indeed in respect to the truth, the obligations, and the comforts of Religion itself? How shall a man find truth and peace by fixing for himself those truths which are without controversy? These questions he answers as it were to his own mind and for his personal satisfaction, by beginning with those fundamental facts in his own moral nature on which all Religious Faith is founded; and proceeding step by step, he builds up for himself the structure on which he rests. This is indeed a tract for the times and worthy of its honored Christian author. REASON AND TIlE BJBLE.*~The design of this work is to vindi- cate the system of truth taught in the Bible, and the Bible itself, on grounds of Reason. In order to do this the author discusses what are the methods and principles of Rational or Philo- sophical knowledge, and shows that these all conduct to the conclusion, that the Morality, the Religion and the Theology of the Bible are rationally true and morally obligatory. The work is divided into fourteen chapters, as follows: 1. Nature and value of the subject and the sources of light upon it. 2. The Harmony of Truth. 3. God in Reason. 4. God in his works. 5. God in Revelation. 6. The Bible coincident with Reason. 7. The analogy of all Religion. 8. The Bible necessarily true. 9. The Bible authentic. 10. The Biblical system, pure and exclusive. 11. The Biblical system, the Antidote for sin and woe. 12. The Bible adapted to the Perfection of mind. 13. Advantages of the Philosophic method in Truth. 14. The Relations of moral evil. These topics are discussed by the author with much reach and * Reason a d the Bible; or, the Truth of Religion. By MILES P. SQuIEE, D. D., Professor of Intellectual and Moral Philosophy, Beloit College. New York: Charles Scribner. lOmo. pp. 340.

Notices of Books. 171 the brutal lust and the demon-like cruelty of man have ever blighted what God has blessed. Slavery does indeed exist in countries where Christianity is blas- phemously professed :but in no country does slavery maintain itself in which the Gospel takes effect upon the consciences of men. pp. 291293. The last of the essays, Without Controversy, is by far the most interesting. Starting with the distinct recognition of the fact that almost every position in respect to Religions Truth is the sub- ject of vexatious controversy, he enquires like a man soliloquizing with himself, How can he avoid a disturbing scepticism in respect to all these points, and indeed in respect to the truth, the obligations, and the comforts of Religion itself? How shall a man find truth and peace by fixing for himself those truths which are without controversy? These questions he answers as it were to his own mind and for his personal satisfaction, by beginning with those fundamental facts in his own moral nature on which all Religious Faith is founded; and proceeding step by step, he builds up for himself the structure on which he rests. This is indeed a tract for the times and worthy of its honored Christian author. REASON AND TIlE BJBLE.*~The design of this work is to vindi- cate the system of truth taught in the Bible, and the Bible itself, on grounds of Reason. In order to do this the author discusses what are the methods and principles of Rational or Philo- sophical knowledge, and shows that these all conduct to the conclusion, that the Morality, the Religion and the Theology of the Bible are rationally true and morally obligatory. The work is divided into fourteen chapters, as follows: 1. Nature and value of the subject and the sources of light upon it. 2. The Harmony of Truth. 3. God in Reason. 4. God in his works. 5. God in Revelation. 6. The Bible coincident with Reason. 7. The analogy of all Religion. 8. The Bible necessarily true. 9. The Bible authentic. 10. The Biblical system, pure and exclusive. 11. The Biblical system, the Antidote for sin and woe. 12. The Bible adapted to the Perfection of mind. 13. Advantages of the Philosophic method in Truth. 14. The Relations of moral evil. These topics are discussed by the author with much reach and * Reason a d the Bible; or, the Truth of Religion. By MILES P. SQuIEE, D. D., Professor of Intellectual and Moral Philosophy, Beloit College. New York: Charles Scribner. lOmo. pp. 340. 172 Nofrices of Books. [Jan., profoundness of thought, and his opinions and conclusions are generally those which we would accept. It has manifestly been his design to avoid abstruse phraseology and the display of learned references, and to manage his argument in such a way as to interest any person who is disposed to think for himself, even though he is not familiar with the language of the schools. Perhaps we ought to say that he has sought to excite to thinking, by the very method of his discussion and the pecu- liarity of his style. Still we cannot but express the fear that he has in this way lost as much as he has gained. For example he has uniformly expressed himself in short sentences, with few logical connections or particles expressing the relations or transi- tions of thought. The disadvantage of this is, that to a great ex- tent it disintegrates his style, and makes his pages read like the Book of Proverbs, or a string of Orphic sayings. Then, in order to be intelligible, the author designedly shuns what is precise and technical, and in all cases the generally received terminology; and instead adopts words and phrases of his own, the peculiarity of which rather diverts attention from the thought to be announced. So it not unfrequently happens that his meaning is vague and gen- eral, and difficult to be divined, from the very effort which he makes that it should not be mistaken. We add that the author is obvi- ously an admirer of Cousin, and, like him, makes frequent use of the phrases, The Reason~ and The Infinite, assuming that they need no word of explanation. This, in our view, is a very serious oversightthese terms being subject to great abuse, as they open the door to all sorts of philosophical subreptions and tricks of logical legerdemain. But, notwithstanding, the work is able and attractive; often it is comprehensive and eloquent. We wish it the success and influence to which its manifest excellence en- titles it. HINTS ON THE FORMATION OF RELWIoUs OPINIONs.*~This unpretending but well written volume consists of sermons de- livered to the authors congregation, on the following subjects: 1. Evils of a state of Permanent Skepticism; 2. Laws of Reason- * Hints on the Formation of Religious Opinions. Addressed especially to young men and women of Christian education. By Rev. RAY PALMER, D. ID., Pastor of the First Congregational Church, Albany. New York: Sheldon & Co. 1860. l2mo. pp. 324.

172 Nofrices of Books. [Jan., profoundness of thought, and his opinions and conclusions are generally those which we would accept. It has manifestly been his design to avoid abstruse phraseology and the display of learned references, and to manage his argument in such a way as to interest any person who is disposed to think for himself, even though he is not familiar with the language of the schools. Perhaps we ought to say that he has sought to excite to thinking, by the very method of his discussion and the pecu- liarity of his style. Still we cannot but express the fear that he has in this way lost as much as he has gained. For example he has uniformly expressed himself in short sentences, with few logical connections or particles expressing the relations or transi- tions of thought. The disadvantage of this is, that to a great ex- tent it disintegrates his style, and makes his pages read like the Book of Proverbs, or a string of Orphic sayings. Then, in order to be intelligible, the author designedly shuns what is precise and technical, and in all cases the generally received terminology; and instead adopts words and phrases of his own, the peculiarity of which rather diverts attention from the thought to be announced. So it not unfrequently happens that his meaning is vague and gen- eral, and difficult to be divined, from the very effort which he makes that it should not be mistaken. We add that the author is obvi- ously an admirer of Cousin, and, like him, makes frequent use of the phrases, The Reason~ and The Infinite, assuming that they need no word of explanation. This, in our view, is a very serious oversightthese terms being subject to great abuse, as they open the door to all sorts of philosophical subreptions and tricks of logical legerdemain. But, notwithstanding, the work is able and attractive; often it is comprehensive and eloquent. We wish it the success and influence to which its manifest excellence en- titles it. HINTS ON THE FORMATION OF RELWIoUs OPINIONs.*~This unpretending but well written volume consists of sermons de- livered to the authors congregation, on the following subjects: 1. Evils of a state of Permanent Skepticism; 2. Laws of Reason- * Hints on the Formation of Religious Opinions. Addressed especially to young men and women of Christian education. By Rev. RAY PALMER, D. ID., Pastor of the First Congregational Church, Albany. New York: Sheldon & Co. 1860. l2mo. pp. 324. Notie~es of Books. 173 ing on Moral and Religious Subjects; 3. Responsibility of men for their Opinions; 4. Practical Value of Opinions; 5. The be- lief in the Being of God a result of the Constitution and Rela- tions of the Soul; 6. The Argument from Design for the Divine Existence; 7. A Presumption in favor of the Christian Revela- tion at the Outset; S. Christianity Authenticated in the Expe- rience of its Power; 9. Christianity a Religion of Facts; 10. Mys- tery no Obstacle to Faith; 11. The Highest Evidence may not produce Belief; 12. The Dark things of Life in the Light of Revelation; 13. The Christian Revelation the sole Hope of the World; 14. Divine Guidance a Great Necessity; 15. The Value of a Life as Related to Our Time. They were not addressed to positive unbelievers, but were designed to guide and defend those trained under Christian influences, from being misled by the numerous and various temptations to skeptical doubts and misgivings to which they are exposed. Viewed in this light, the volume occupies a peculiar position, and its publication is timely. lATe need not say that it is written in a pleasing style, and that the topics are treated with ability. We subjoin the following extract: Let us also understand, that the study of this subject is not unprofitable speculation. Far from it. Skepticism, so often repulsed in its grosser attacks on divine religion, has, in this our time, assumed a more refined and subtle form. The philosophical pantheism of the schools of Germany, and of the most recent skeptical writers of England and America, is a practical if not a real atheism. If God be not a living, personal, self-conscious being, existing apart from the creation, but only an unconscious necessary cause or force evolving itself in the universe of things and always immanent in it, the name may be retained, but the thin~ is gone forever. Such a necessary cause, or force, or ground of being, call it what you will,is no more God in any proper sense, than was the eternal fate of the Greek mythology. The advocates of the modern pantheistic views do as completely empty the universe of God, according to any true notion of his hem,,, as it is possible to do; and leave an awful vacancy as horrible to the conception of a healthful, sober mind, as it was represented in the passage quoted from Jean Paul a little while ago. Yet these are the views which in so many captivating forms, in books and lectures, in poetry and prose, are now addressed to the better class of minds among the young people of our land. Their vagueness takes the imagination. Their pretension excites the hope of augmented light. But, believe it, they do but mock with empty names, and with bewildering shadows; and bring instead of increased illumination, the murky gloom of unalleviated darkness: Black as deep midnight, terrible as hell! pp. 110, 111. 174 Notices of Book8. [Jan., CHRIsT OUR ~ The present essay is an enlarged form of a single chapter of a previous work, and is divided into nine chapters, as follows: 1. Statement of Views; 2. Is the Immor- tality of man directly asserted in the Scriptures? 3. Is the Im- mortality of all men assumed, or taken for granted, in the Scrip- tures? 5. Import of the Sentence of Death; 6. The General Tenor of Scripture Language; 7. Several Terms and Passages; 8. Passages supposed to imply the Immortality of the Lost; 9. Collateral Arguments. The views of the author are, as our readers are well aware, comprehended in the position that the word death means the ex- tinction of being as the termination of a course of punishment. He concedes that the phrase eternal life, means the gift, not of immortality only, but of a happy immortality. The antagonist creed that is commonly received is best stated and defended in the Thesis that Death may stand for other evils than those which involve the extinction of being, and that the concession of the au- thor, that Eternal Life denotes a blessed existence, snggests how this might be the case. In our view, the last position is the only one that consists with the natural interpretation of the Scriptures. We accord to the author ability, research, and an apparently Christia.n spirit., in the assertion and defense of his favorite tenet. THoUGHTs BY A PLAIN MAN.tThis little book, we are told in the preface, was originally designed for the columns of a news- paper. The thoughts which it contains have obviously proceeded from a sound understanding and an earnest spirit. No little re- flection must have been employed on this unpretending treatise, which stretches over the wide field of the moral government of God; discusses the profoundest principles which have ever tasked the efforts of the human mind, and does not evade the most se- rious difficulties involved in the system of natural and revealed Theology. The work is short, but there is much important and well presented information embodied within its pages. We would * Christ Our Life. The Scriptural Ar~ument for Immortality through Christ Alone. By C. F. HUDSON, author of Debt aud Grace as related to the doctrine of Future Life. Boston: John P. Jewett & Co. 1 2mo. pp. 160. f Thoughts on the Administration f Cods Moral 6overnsnent over our Fallen World. By a Plain Man. New Haven: Peck, White & Peck. 1860. 1 8mo. pp. 143.

174 Notices of Book8. [Jan., CHRIsT OUR ~ The present essay is an enlarged form of a single chapter of a previous work, and is divided into nine chapters, as follows: 1. Statement of Views; 2. Is the Immor- tality of man directly asserted in the Scriptures? 3. Is the Im- mortality of all men assumed, or taken for granted, in the Scrip- tures? 5. Import of the Sentence of Death; 6. The General Tenor of Scripture Language; 7. Several Terms and Passages; 8. Passages supposed to imply the Immortality of the Lost; 9. Collateral Arguments. The views of the author are, as our readers are well aware, comprehended in the position that the word death means the ex- tinction of being as the termination of a course of punishment. He concedes that the phrase eternal life, means the gift, not of immortality only, but of a happy immortality. The antagonist creed that is commonly received is best stated and defended in the Thesis that Death may stand for other evils than those which involve the extinction of being, and that the concession of the au- thor, that Eternal Life denotes a blessed existence, snggests how this might be the case. In our view, the last position is the only one that consists with the natural interpretation of the Scriptures. We accord to the author ability, research, and an apparently Christia.n spirit., in the assertion and defense of his favorite tenet. THoUGHTs BY A PLAIN MAN.tThis little book, we are told in the preface, was originally designed for the columns of a news- paper. The thoughts which it contains have obviously proceeded from a sound understanding and an earnest spirit. No little re- flection must have been employed on this unpretending treatise, which stretches over the wide field of the moral government of God; discusses the profoundest principles which have ever tasked the efforts of the human mind, and does not evade the most se- rious difficulties involved in the system of natural and revealed Theology. The work is short, but there is much important and well presented information embodied within its pages. We would * Christ Our Life. The Scriptural Ar~ument for Immortality through Christ Alone. By C. F. HUDSON, author of Debt aud Grace as related to the doctrine of Future Life. Boston: John P. Jewett & Co. 1 2mo. pp. 160. f Thoughts on the Administration f Cods Moral 6overnsnent over our Fallen World. By a Plain Man. New Haven: Peck, White & Peck. 1860. 1 8mo. pp. 143.

174 Notices of Book8. [Jan., CHRIsT OUR ~ The present essay is an enlarged form of a single chapter of a previous work, and is divided into nine chapters, as follows: 1. Statement of Views; 2. Is the Immor- tality of man directly asserted in the Scriptures? 3. Is the Im- mortality of all men assumed, or taken for granted, in the Scrip- tures? 5. Import of the Sentence of Death; 6. The General Tenor of Scripture Language; 7. Several Terms and Passages; 8. Passages supposed to imply the Immortality of the Lost; 9. Collateral Arguments. The views of the author are, as our readers are well aware, comprehended in the position that the word death means the ex- tinction of being as the termination of a course of punishment. He concedes that the phrase eternal life, means the gift, not of immortality only, but of a happy immortality. The antagonist creed that is commonly received is best stated and defended in the Thesis that Death may stand for other evils than those which involve the extinction of being, and that the concession of the au- thor, that Eternal Life denotes a blessed existence, snggests how this might be the case. In our view, the last position is the only one that consists with the natural interpretation of the Scriptures. We accord to the author ability, research, and an apparently Christia.n spirit., in the assertion and defense of his favorite tenet. THoUGHTs BY A PLAIN MAN.tThis little book, we are told in the preface, was originally designed for the columns of a news- paper. The thoughts which it contains have obviously proceeded from a sound understanding and an earnest spirit. No little re- flection must have been employed on this unpretending treatise, which stretches over the wide field of the moral government of God; discusses the profoundest principles which have ever tasked the efforts of the human mind, and does not evade the most se- rious difficulties involved in the system of natural and revealed Theology. The work is short, but there is much important and well presented information embodied within its pages. We would * Christ Our Life. The Scriptural Ar~ument for Immortality through Christ Alone. By C. F. HUDSON, author of Debt aud Grace as related to the doctrine of Future Life. Boston: John P. Jewett & Co. 1 2mo. pp. 160. f Thoughts on the Administration f Cods Moral 6overnsnent over our Fallen World. By a Plain Man. New Haven: Peck, White & Peck. 1860. 1 8mo. pp. 143. Notices of Boo/cs. 175 earnestly advise our clerical friends to circulate a work that is so well fitted to be generally useful. We quote the following: It may be useful here to recall some of the positions taken early in these pages; as, That the great purpose of God in the administration of his governmeist over our fallen world is the Consummation of the Kingdom of Christ; That man is author of his own thoughts, and free and able to control his own volitions and acts; That man is so treated everywhere in the Scriptures; and That the administration of Gods government must be consistent with his own sovereignty and with mans free agency. In connection with what has already been snid, can an honest mind take up the life of Christ, from the day he entered on his ministry, and follow it down to the day of his ascension,take note of all that be said, did, and suffered; con- sider the character, manner, and object of his teaching,and still doubt that the positions above repeated are well taken? Who can fail to see that our earth was fitted up and specially adapted to the wants and uses of sinners in a state of probation? And can it be denied that such adaptation had direct refer- ence to the practical fulfillment of the plan of redemption? Idleness is the mothcr of sin; and how palpable are the wisdom and goodness of God in having laid upon man the necessity of laborious industry. He comes into the world with nothing in his hand. his necessities are immediate and imperative. They are also constant, and demand a daily supply. And he finds in climate, soil, and face of country, with various other surroundings, the ne- cessity of constant and persevering industry. But be finds, moreover, the cer- tainty, with Gods blessing, of deriving from the pursuits of agriculture, com- merce, and the arts, abundant means to make himself comfortable, and useful to his fellow men and to the cause of Christ. How wisely this for his encour- agement. pp. 4951. THE DEBATE BETWEEN THE Cnuucn AND ScIENcE.* The de- sign of this volume is to vindicate the fame of that very able writer whose name appears upon the title-page, from what are alleged to have been the unjust attacks of his New England critics; and as the anonymous author repeatedly intimates that there is little chance that a book printed in Schenectady should be read in New England, which is called a provincial district, he has taken care that it should be printed and published at Andover. We advise our readcrs to read the book, for there are some able discussions in it of the subject matter announced in the title-page. The Debete between the Gleureli and Science; or, the Ancient Hebraic Idea of the Six Days of creation. With an Essay on the Literary character of Tay- icr Lewis. Andover: Warren F. Draper. 1860. l2mo. pp. 437.

Notices of Boo/cs. 175 earnestly advise our clerical friends to circulate a work that is so well fitted to be generally useful. We quote the following: It may be useful here to recall some of the positions taken early in these pages; as, That the great purpose of God in the administration of his governmeist over our fallen world is the Consummation of the Kingdom of Christ; That man is author of his own thoughts, and free and able to control his own volitions and acts; That man is so treated everywhere in the Scriptures; and That the administration of Gods government must be consistent with his own sovereignty and with mans free agency. In connection with what has already been snid, can an honest mind take up the life of Christ, from the day he entered on his ministry, and follow it down to the day of his ascension,take note of all that be said, did, and suffered; con- sider the character, manner, and object of his teaching,and still doubt that the positions above repeated are well taken? Who can fail to see that our earth was fitted up and specially adapted to the wants and uses of sinners in a state of probation? And can it be denied that such adaptation had direct refer- ence to the practical fulfillment of the plan of redemption? Idleness is the mothcr of sin; and how palpable are the wisdom and goodness of God in having laid upon man the necessity of laborious industry. He comes into the world with nothing in his hand. his necessities are immediate and imperative. They are also constant, and demand a daily supply. And he finds in climate, soil, and face of country, with various other surroundings, the ne- cessity of constant and persevering industry. But be finds, moreover, the cer- tainty, with Gods blessing, of deriving from the pursuits of agriculture, com- merce, and the arts, abundant means to make himself comfortable, and useful to his fellow men and to the cause of Christ. How wisely this for his encour- agement. pp. 4951. THE DEBATE BETWEEN THE Cnuucn AND ScIENcE.* The de- sign of this volume is to vindicate the fame of that very able writer whose name appears upon the title-page, from what are alleged to have been the unjust attacks of his New England critics; and as the anonymous author repeatedly intimates that there is little chance that a book printed in Schenectady should be read in New England, which is called a provincial district, he has taken care that it should be printed and published at Andover. We advise our readcrs to read the book, for there are some able discussions in it of the subject matter announced in the title-page. The Debete between the Gleureli and Science; or, the Ancient Hebraic Idea of the Six Days of creation. With an Essay on the Literary character of Tay- icr Lewis. Andover: Warren F. Draper. 1860. l2mo. pp. 437. 176 Notice8 of Book8. [Jan., There are also some vastly amusing passages in it, which are almost as good as a play. We extract a passage or two, assuring our readers that there are a great many left of the same sort. We cannot but tender to Professor Lewis our sincere sympathy, in the affliction that Providence has sent upon him in this over- zealous friend. The drift of the ecclesiastical mind in New England is towards philosophical religionism. Analyzing the ideas expressed by Philosophy and Religion, it ap- pears that the phrase philosophical religion expresses a self-contradictory notion. Pvc~n~ is the essential thing in the one,Faith, in the other. In a philosophical relioion, or where there is a strong tendency that way, the philosophical element tends to kill out the religions; and in a region infected with philosophical re- ligionism, there will be a general tendency to philosophize, rather than to believe. Men will construct systems for themselves; and shades of belief, or rather of unbelief, will be developed in gradation from the most orthodox philosophical religionism to undisguised atheism. p. 60. As might have been expected from his pursuits, our critic has turned to a pious naturalism, He feels the coldness, he sees the barrenness of philosophical religionism, and he seeks for something, after which his moral nature pines, in the teachings of Nature. The old religion still inspires him with awe, and kin- dles him with devotion; but he loves to put into the lips of Nature truths breathed only in revelation. He tinges her pale cheeks with pantheistic rouge; and very dear is his souls communion with his Egeria, who whispers so much truth, or seems to whisper. Hence the voice from Schenectady, which broke in on his matins and vespers, warning that the Nature-Nymph knows not the su- pernatural,has no eternal, unerring word for the soul,seemed to utter in his ears words of profound infidelity. That warning he heard, and that was all ke would hear; that he understood, and that was all he would understand. Blind and deaf to all but that, he goes forth pro aris et focis. As came the book of Wal- dense or Bohemian of old to some well-fed, well-comforted, well-honored abbot, warning of the vanity of things to him venerable and personal, and seeming to threaten the passing away of all that was good and profitable on earth, so came to his comfortable study the book from Schenectady; and in the irate professor reappears the abbot, his nstonishment, his very sincere rage, his overbearing manner, his bluster, and his barbarous Latin. pp. 61, 62. Time furnishes one parallel to the genius of Lewis, so exact that it might almost lead one to believe in the old doctrine of metempsychosis. The only name which that of Lewis suggests, is the name of the greatest of Frenchmen the name of Pascal. The genius of each is the same. Each has the same inathe- matical genius, fitted for the safe examination of abstruse problems, and irre- sistibly compelled to grapple with them. In each is the harmony of the ideal and the practicaL Great as writers, they are greater as men. Each have heroic fealty to truth, making them earnest in its defense, unsparing in the exposure of its counterfeits,Bayards in the world of mind, without fear, without reproach. Each are masters of resistless logic, terrible invective, keen sarcasm, delicious Notice8 of Book8. 177 irony; the wit of each is allied to unearthly sadness; and each, in their true devotion to truth, make it subservient to fairest reasoning. The writings of each have passages of crystalline clearness, in which abstruse ideas are pictured with the brilliancy of poetry, and the accuracy of mathematics. They are en- dowed with an imagination entirely unique, a revealing rather than a creating faculty, effective of all the sublimity imagination can awake, yet resolving itself into clearness and far-reachingness of intellectual vision. Nor are their lives so unlike as it might seem. The one throws all his soul into a contest with the order of Jesuits; the other, into a contest with an age more jesuitical than the Jesuits. Pascal having surveyed all truth, projected a work which should embody that survey. The substance of it exists in fragments. What he did first for himself~ then as preparatory to his work, that Lewis has done for himself. Some- thing, too, of that which Pascal did for his work, he has done; and from all that he has written, it might be possible to compile a book of thoughts so wide in their range, yet so related, so ultimate yet clear, so wise, so true, and many of them so condensed, pointed, and felicitous in expression, that it would be worthy to be laid beside that of the great Frenchman. pp. 310, 311. NoTITIA EDITIoNIs CoDIcIs BIBLIORUM SINAITIcI.*~Many o our readers will remember the interest which was excited, some eighteen months since, by the announcement, that a very ancient manuscript of the Old and New Testaments had been discovered in the East by Prof. Tischendorf. We have, in the pamphlet before us, recently received from Leipsic, a detailed account of this manuscript, and of the way in which it was found, together with an encouraging assurance that it will soon be published. One can scarcely read the authors simple story, without par- taking in his own joyful feelings, and uniting in his expression of gratitude to God for this great gift to the church. He had been enabled by the favor of the Emperor Alexander of Russia to make a third journey to the Orient, in the beginning of the year 1859, and was making a short visit to the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, where, some fifteen years before, he had discovered certain fragments of a most ancient codex of the Septuagint ver- sion. On the fourth of February, 1859, the very day on which he had made arrangements for an early departure for Egypt, he * Notitia Editionis Codicis Bibliorum Sinaitici, auspiciis Imperatoris Alexendri II.~ susceptae. Accedit (atalogus (odicurn nuper cx Oriente Petropolin perlatorum; item Origenis Scholia in Proverbie Salornonis partim nunc prirnurn partim secun- durn atque emendatius edita. (urn duabus tabulis lapidi incisis. Edidit AENOTI!. FaIn. CoxsT. TIscuENnoaF. Lipsiac: F. A. Brockhaus. 1860. 4to. pp. 124. VOL. XIX. 12

Notice8 of Book8. 177 irony; the wit of each is allied to unearthly sadness; and each, in their true devotion to truth, make it subservient to fairest reasoning. The writings of each have passages of crystalline clearness, in which abstruse ideas are pictured with the brilliancy of poetry, and the accuracy of mathematics. They are en- dowed with an imagination entirely unique, a revealing rather than a creating faculty, effective of all the sublimity imagination can awake, yet resolving itself into clearness and far-reachingness of intellectual vision. Nor are their lives so unlike as it might seem. The one throws all his soul into a contest with the order of Jesuits; the other, into a contest with an age more jesuitical than the Jesuits. Pascal having surveyed all truth, projected a work which should embody that survey. The substance of it exists in fragments. What he did first for himself~ then as preparatory to his work, that Lewis has done for himself. Some- thing, too, of that which Pascal did for his work, he has done; and from all that he has written, it might be possible to compile a book of thoughts so wide in their range, yet so related, so ultimate yet clear, so wise, so true, and many of them so condensed, pointed, and felicitous in expression, that it would be worthy to be laid beside that of the great Frenchman. pp. 310, 311. NoTITIA EDITIoNIs CoDIcIs BIBLIORUM SINAITIcI.*~Many o our readers will remember the interest which was excited, some eighteen months since, by the announcement, that a very ancient manuscript of the Old and New Testaments had been discovered in the East by Prof. Tischendorf. We have, in the pamphlet before us, recently received from Leipsic, a detailed account of this manuscript, and of the way in which it was found, together with an encouraging assurance that it will soon be published. One can scarcely read the authors simple story, without par- taking in his own joyful feelings, and uniting in his expression of gratitude to God for this great gift to the church. He had been enabled by the favor of the Emperor Alexander of Russia to make a third journey to the Orient, in the beginning of the year 1859, and was making a short visit to the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, where, some fifteen years before, he had discovered certain fragments of a most ancient codex of the Septuagint ver- sion. On the fourth of February, 1859, the very day on which he had made arrangements for an early departure for Egypt, he * Notitia Editionis Codicis Bibliorum Sinaitici, auspiciis Imperatoris Alexendri II.~ susceptae. Accedit (atalogus (odicurn nuper cx Oriente Petropolin perlatorum; item Origenis Scholia in Proverbie Salornonis partim nunc prirnurn partim secun- durn atque emendatius edita. (urn duabus tabulis lapidi incisis. Edidit AENOTI!. FaIn. CoxsT. TIscuENnoaF. Lipsiac: F. A. Brockhaus. 1860. 4to. pp. 124. VOL. XIX. 12 178 Notices of Books. happened to be walking with the steward of the monastery. The conversation turned quite naturally upon the great subject of the authors labors and investigations. The mind of his companion being awakened to interest by the conversation, he informed the author, on their return from their walk together, that, in his own apartru~nt, he himself had a copy of the Septuagiat, and, as they entered the room, he presented it to him, as it was, rolled up in a cloth. Tischendorf unrolled the cloth, and found, to his astonish- ment and delight, not only a very large portion of the Old Testa- ment, but also the whole New Testament, without even the smallest part wanting, together with the Epistle of Barnabas and a fragment of the Shepherd of ilermasand that too the very codex which, so early as 1855, he had declared to be the oldest of all the Greek manuscripts on parchment, which still survive. So overjoyed was he, that, unable to sleep, he spent the night in transcribing the Epistle of Barnabas, and then, on the following day, he obtained consent of the monks to have the manuscript for- warded to him at Cairo. After his arrival there, he further per- suaded them to present it, through himself, as a gift to the Em- peror Alexander, and thus it was brought to St. Petersburg in November of the same year. By the merest accident, as it seemed, had it been preserved from destruction, at the first, as a useless thing, and then again, by the merest accident, did it become known to this critical scholar, by whose means it will now be made the property of the world. We have abundant reason for thank- fulness, that these seeming accidents were all really ordered of the Divine Providence and goodness, so that after hope had almost died away, the treasure was at length so wonderfully discovered. Of the manuscript itself the author gives a description, and adds, at the same time, sonic pages of the text. In the Old Testa- ment, it contains a portion of the Chronicles, the poetical books from Job to the Song of Solomon inclusive, Isaiah, with a portion of Jeremiah, the Minor Prophets, with the exception of ibsen, Amos and Micah; and of the Apocryphal books, Tobit, Judith, a por- tion of the Maccabees, Wisdom of Solomon, and Ecclesiasticus. We have not given the order of succession here, but, in the New Testament, we have, first, the four Gospels; secondly, the Epistles of Paul, that to the Hebrews being placed between the second to the Thessalonians and the first to Timothy; thirdly, the Acts of the Apostles fourthly, the Catholic Epistles; fifthly, the Apocalypse; Notices of Books. 179 and finally the Epistle of Barnabas with fragments of the Shep- herd. The arguments for the antiquity of the manuscript are presented briefly, and the conclusion derived from them is, that, beyond all reasonable doubt, it was written as early as the fourth century. Thereupon follows a list of the readings of this codex in a large number of passages, in the different books of the New Testa- ment. The author promises to have the complete work pub- lished about the middle of the year 1862that being the thou- sandth anniversary of the foundation of the Russian Empireand we are sure that it will everywhere be received with a grateful appreciation of the generous favor of the Emperor, without which the discovery would never have been made, ahd of that liberality through which he now offers it freely to the univer- sities of every land. The remaining portions of the pauiphlet, which are mentioned in the title, we pass over without espeoial notice. The great in- terest and value which the work has, is, of course, its promise of the future, and we wait as patiently as we can, till that promise is fulfilled. Meanwhile we would urge all, who may find the op- portunity, to examine what Tischendorf has here given us. That opportunity will of course be round rather in our public libraries, than through a purchase of the pamphlet by individual scholars. a CODEX ALEXANDRINES. To the Biblical student there is no work in the British Museum of greater interest, than the four ancient manuscript volumes of the larger part of the Old and New Testaments, known as the Codex Alexandrinus. It was presented to Charles the First by Cyrillus Lucaris, the pa- triarch of Constantiiiople, but previously of Alexandria, and is generally supposed to have been written in Egypt, in the latter part of the fifth century. Of the last of the four volumes, which contains the New Testament, the editor of this work professes to give a faithful transcript. Heretofore we have been obliged to depend mainly upon Woides excellent, though * Codex Alexa7edrinus. Novum Testamentum Graece ex antiquissimo Codice Alexandrino a C. G. WOIDE ohm descriptum: ad fidem ipsius Codicis denno accuratius edidit B. II. COWPEII. Londini: Williams & Norgate. New York: B. Westermana & Soc. 1860. 8vo. pp. xxxviii, 503. Price $3.

Notices of Books. 179 and finally the Epistle of Barnabas with fragments of the Shep- herd. The arguments for the antiquity of the manuscript are presented briefly, and the conclusion derived from them is, that, beyond all reasonable doubt, it was written as early as the fourth century. Thereupon follows a list of the readings of this codex in a large number of passages, in the different books of the New Testa- ment. The author promises to have the complete work pub- lished about the middle of the year 1862that being the thou- sandth anniversary of the foundation of the Russian Empireand we are sure that it will everywhere be received with a grateful appreciation of the generous favor of the Emperor, without which the discovery would never have been made, ahd of that liberality through which he now offers it freely to the univer- sities of every land. The remaining portions of the pauiphlet, which are mentioned in the title, we pass over without espeoial notice. The great in- terest and value which the work has, is, of course, its promise of the future, and we wait as patiently as we can, till that promise is fulfilled. Meanwhile we would urge all, who may find the op- portunity, to examine what Tischendorf has here given us. That opportunity will of course be round rather in our public libraries, than through a purchase of the pamphlet by individual scholars. a CODEX ALEXANDRINES. To the Biblical student there is no work in the British Museum of greater interest, than the four ancient manuscript volumes of the larger part of the Old and New Testaments, known as the Codex Alexandrinus. It was presented to Charles the First by Cyrillus Lucaris, the pa- triarch of Constantiiiople, but previously of Alexandria, and is generally supposed to have been written in Egypt, in the latter part of the fifth century. Of the last of the four volumes, which contains the New Testament, the editor of this work professes to give a faithful transcript. Heretofore we have been obliged to depend mainly upon Woides excellent, though * Codex Alexa7edrinus. Novum Testamentum Graece ex antiquissimo Codice Alexandrino a C. G. WOIDE ohm descriptum: ad fidem ipsius Codicis denno accuratius edidit B. II. COWPEII. Londini: Williams & Norgate. New York: B. Westermana & Soc. 1860. 8vo. pp. xxxviii, 503. Price $3. 180 Nottee8 of Book8. [Jan., rare and costly fac-simile. This has long enjoyed the reputation of being very accurate. Mr. Linnell was able to find but two letters in the whole of the Epistle to the Ephesians, in which Woides copy varied from the original. Mr. Cowper, however, professes to have discovered what he rather indefinitely calls a good many errors. These are all properly indicated in the foot notes. A further service has been rendered by the editor, in the verification of doubtful passages. Instead of reproducing the capital letters in which the original is written, with the di- vision of words, and no signs except rarely of interpunctuation, as Woide has done, the editor has given the text in modern characters, with the words properly separated. This, although in some respects rendering the work inferior to an accurate fac-simile, may be justified ~u the ground of more general legibility. The same reason, however, hardly applies to the addition which the editor has made of accents, aspirates, and iota subscripts, which we could wish had not been made. On the other hand, the editor deserves all praise for adhering faithfally to the spelling of the original, whatever anomalies it may present,the neglect of which principle on the part of Cardinal Mai has, among other things, occasioned such general dissatisfaction with his translation of the Codex Vaticanus. We cannot see what important end is secured in reprinting from Kusters edition of Mill the missing parts of the original maauscript, viz, Matt. i, 1 to xxv, 6, and John vi, 50, to viii, 52, and 2 Cor. iv, 13, to xii, 6. If the room oc- cupied by these portions had been given to notes in which the variations of the manuscript from the Textus Receptus, and from the text of the latest critical editions of the New Testament were indicated, the work would have been more valuable to the mass of those for whom it is designed. With these slight abatements, the transcript is deserving of high commendation. In comparing it with Woide, in several places, we have not fallen upon a single inaccuracy, and presume that it will be found to be a reliable copy of the most complete of the ancient manuscripts of the New Testament. The critical collections of variations in Tischendorfs large edition of the New Testament, and in Alfords Commentary, fail to point out, except here and there, the peculiar orthography of the Codex Alexan- drinus, which probably represents provincial and archaic forms, Notices of Books. 181 and with which the student soon becomes acquainted in reading the transcript of Mr. Cowper. In the revived attention, within the last few years, to the textual criticism of the New Testament, there is some danger that an exaggerated impression of the degree to which the Textus Receptus is to be regarded as erroneous, may be made. The reading of a dozen chapters of this work will effectually remove any such impression, and agreeably surprise the student with the conviction of the almost uniform agreement of the ancient text, with the one with which he is familiar. In conclusion, we have to thank t~e American publishers for their share in the publication of this important work, and for making it accessible, at so low a price, to American scholars, and trust that their enterprise will be rewarded with a remunerative sale. THOLUCKS COMMENTARY ON THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT.*~ It is a thing much to be desired, and yet one which is probably to be realized only in the distant future, that all our educated young men should be so thoroughly acquainted with the German lan- guage, as to avail themselves readily of the works of German scholarship. No fact is better known or more generally admitted by literary men than this, that he who reads only the translation of the writings of a foreign author, has but a very inadequate idea of the fullness and beauty of the original. And though this state: ment may not hold with regard to commentaries and similar works, which have reference to some ancient text, with the same force a~ to many other classes of books, yet we believe, that, even here, the student, who will take the pains to examine the authors own words, will find a satisfaction, which cannot be obtained through any working over of those words by another mind and hand. But as the good time has not yet arrived, we must be con- tent to take such things as we can, and be thankful whenever the unknown language is put into our possession by means of a good translation. The admirable commentary of Tholuck on the Ser- mon on the Mount, in its last edition, is now offered to us in an English form, and so much more is thus added to the resources of * Commentary on the Sermon on the Mount. By Dr. A. THOLIJCR. Translated from the Fourth Revised and Enlarged Edition, by the Rev. R. LUNDIN BROWN, M. A. Philadelphia: Smith, English & Co. 1860. 8vo. pp. 443.

Notices of Books. 181 and with which the student soon becomes acquainted in reading the transcript of Mr. Cowper. In the revived attention, within the last few years, to the textual criticism of the New Testament, there is some danger that an exaggerated impression of the degree to which the Textus Receptus is to be regarded as erroneous, may be made. The reading of a dozen chapters of this work will effectually remove any such impression, and agreeably surprise the student with the conviction of the almost uniform agreement of the ancient text, with the one with which he is familiar. In conclusion, we have to thank t~e American publishers for their share in the publication of this important work, and for making it accessible, at so low a price, to American scholars, and trust that their enterprise will be rewarded with a remunerative sale. THOLUCKS COMMENTARY ON THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT.*~ It is a thing much to be desired, and yet one which is probably to be realized only in the distant future, that all our educated young men should be so thoroughly acquainted with the German lan- guage, as to avail themselves readily of the works of German scholarship. No fact is better known or more generally admitted by literary men than this, that he who reads only the translation of the writings of a foreign author, has but a very inadequate idea of the fullness and beauty of the original. And though this state: ment may not hold with regard to commentaries and similar works, which have reference to some ancient text, with the same force a~ to many other classes of books, yet we believe, that, even here, the student, who will take the pains to examine the authors own words, will find a satisfaction, which cannot be obtained through any working over of those words by another mind and hand. But as the good time has not yet arrived, we must be con- tent to take such things as we can, and be thankful whenever the unknown language is put into our possession by means of a good translation. The admirable commentary of Tholuck on the Ser- mon on the Mount, in its last edition, is now offered to us in an English form, and so much more is thus added to the resources of * Commentary on the Sermon on the Mount. By Dr. A. THOLIJCR. Translated from the Fourth Revised and Enlarged Edition, by the Rev. R. LUNDIN BROWN, M. A. Philadelphia: Smith, English & Co. 1860. 8vo. pp. 443. 182 Notices of Books. [Jan., all among us. This commentary is similar in its general features to others by the same author, but, in some respects, it is, perhaps, the most successful of his works. On the whole, we value the notes and criticisms of Meyer and DeWette more highly than those of Tholuck, if indeed a comparison can be made between them, entering, as they do, upon their labors, with a somewhat dif- ferent method, and all accomplishing their purpose so perfectly. But it is not too much to say, whatever may be the merits of others, that this present exposition of the three chapters of Matthews Gospel is the best one which has ever been published. It gives ns the most careful~exainination of every verse and phrase, and, at the same time, presents very distinctly before the mind the progress and connection of the thought. Mingled with the notes upon individual passages, we find also discussions of the various subjects of which the Saviour spoke, which discussions will be cmi- ently suggestive of thought to the reader. Indeed, what the author has thus said has added to the good effects of the book, and has aid- ed in the way of fulfilling its design, as much if not more than any- thing else in it. The most wide-extended and varied learning is displayed on every page, and may almost discourage an ordinary scholar, who is beginning to hope that he has already made some progress in the study of the Bible, by showing how much knowl- edge may be gathered about every point. The encouragement, however, to be derived from such a work as this is far greater than the discouragement, and we gladly seize upon it as a help on our way forward. And surely it will be a shame to the coming generation of American students, if, with the best results of mod- ern scholarship thus put into their hands in their own language, they do not rise to a higher position than the great majority of those who have preceded them have been able to attain. ELLIcolTs COMMENTARY ON THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIAN5.* The character of this volume is well set forth ii its title. It is properly called a critical comftientary; for, though there is * A Uosnmentary, Critical and Grammatical, on St. Pauls Epistle to the Gala. tians, with a Revised Translation. By CHARLES J. ELLICOTT, B. ID., Professor of Divinity, Kings College, London, and late Fellow of St. Johns College, Cam- bridge. With an introductory notice; by CALVIN E. STOWE, ID. ID., Professor in Andover Theological Seminary. Andover: ~Warren F. Draper. 1860. 8vo. pp. 183.

182 Notices of Books. [Jan., all among us. This commentary is similar in its general features to others by the same author, but, in some respects, it is, perhaps, the most successful of his works. On the whole, we value the notes and criticisms of Meyer and DeWette more highly than those of Tholuck, if indeed a comparison can be made between them, entering, as they do, upon their labors, with a somewhat dif- ferent method, and all accomplishing their purpose so perfectly. But it is not too much to say, whatever may be the merits of others, that this present exposition of the three chapters of Matthews Gospel is the best one which has ever been published. It gives ns the most careful~exainination of every verse and phrase, and, at the same time, presents very distinctly before the mind the progress and connection of the thought. Mingled with the notes upon individual passages, we find also discussions of the various subjects of which the Saviour spoke, which discussions will be cmi-