THE NEW ENGLANDER. No. XXXVII. FEBRUARY, 1852. ART. 1.THE HARMONY OF NATURAL SCIENCE AND THEOLOGY. [THIS article is an Address delivered at the Annual commence- ment of the Berkshire Medical College, at Pittsfield, Mass., Nov. 25, 1851, by Rev. Samuel Harris, Pastor of the South Church in Pittsfield. In our November number of the last year, one of the writers of the New Englander discussed the relations of Science to Christian Civilization; we now make use of the la- bors of another of our writers to carry forward the discussion, by tracing the relations of Science to Theology. In doing this, we do not think it necessary to change the form of the Address.] I cannot suppose, gentlemen, that you expect on this occa- sion any instruction in the science of medicine; for, if so, you would have selected a speaker learned in your own profession. The fact that you have selected a clergyman, I receive as an intimation of your desire that my subject be presented in the light of those revealed truths which constitute the peculiar study of the Christian ministry. My own intercourse with gentlemen of your profession has furnished some of the most interesting recollections of my ministerial life; and among medical practioners and professors with whose acquaintance I have been honored, are not a few, who, while ornaments of the Medical Faculty, are not less ornaments of the church of Christ. I accept this appointment as a new token of the desire of medical men that their profession and its schools should not VOL. X. 1 2 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. be divorced from the influences of our blessed religion. Indeed, no two professions are more closely united in interest, or recip- rocally owe each other greater obligations to respect and co6p- eration. It is not only that ovr common station is at the bed- side of the sick and jhe dying, and thus we are brought into continual intercourse under the most affecting circumstances, but the duties of these professions intertwine, and the success of each depends often on the success of the other. Clergy- men are sometimes called to give the consolations of religion to the melancholy, when the depression of spirits arises from physical derangement, and needs for its removal air, exercise, and medical care, rather than spiritual instruction. You are often called to administer to cases which need rather the skill of one who can Minister to a mind diseased Raze out the hidden troubles of the brain, And with some sweet oblivious antidote Cleanse the stuffed bosom of that perilous stuW Which weighs upon the heart. To the successful practice of your own profession, it is indis- pensable to understand the action of the mind upon the body, and especially the strength and intensity of those religious feel- ings, of which the susceptibility exists in every human breast, and the right direction often avails more than medicine for the removal of disease. But, closely allied as are the professions of Theology and Medicine, it is a common impression that there is a repug- nance between the Natural Sciences, which constitute the principal study of the one, and Revelation, which is the principal study of the other. On the one hand, are a certain hastiness on the part of naturalists to decide prematurely, that their dis- coveries disprove the sacred record, and the impression, not always concealed, that theology has some peculiar affinity for narrowness of mind, unfitting its disciples to receive the induc- tions of science; on the other hand, is the fear, perhaps an ex- tensive impression, that scientific discovery is undermining the authority of revelation. This reciprocal jealousy has attended the whole history of scientific investigation. It is not only that in this day, geology is thought to contradict Moses, and physiology to disprove the descent of all men from Adam; ~ is not only that some generations ago, Galileo was im- prisoned by the inquisition; but even Ptolemy, who in his day made real advances in astronomy, was subjected to the same jealousy; for we find Origen in his long lost but lately recovered xvork, the Pitilosophoumena, sneering at him 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. 3 thus: Who will not be amazed at the thought and toil spent on these calculations? This Ptolemy, who has so carefully studied these things, is not altogether a useless person. I am only grieved by this, that being of modern times, he could be of no service to the giants, who, knowing nothing of these meas- urements, thought that the heights of the heavens were near us, and endeavored to build their tower to reach them. If Ptolemy had been there to instruct them, they would not have labored in vain. Oh idle toil of knowledge, that puffs up the soul! Oh faithless faith, which is no faith! That Ptolemy should be thought the wisest of men, by those who cultivate this kind of knowledge ! But though from Origens day downward, this jealousy has attended the whole history of science, all that history has proved it groundless. Though in their earliest stages, the sci- ences have often seemed opposed to revelation, yet with the progress of discovery, the seeming antagonism has disappeared, and every science has contributed distinct confirmation of Christianity. It is time, then, that this jealousy were aban- doned, and that all believers of inspiration and all students of science unite with the father of modern philosophy, in the rev- erential meditation, Thy creatures have been my books, but thy Scriptures much more. I have sought thee in the courts, fields, and gardens, but I have found thee in thy temples. And in another connection he counsels, Let no man upon a weak conceit of sobriety, or an ill applied moderation, think or maintain that a man can search too far or be too well studied in the book of Gods word, or the book of Gods works, divini- ty or philosophy; but rather let men endeavor an endless pro- gress or proficience in both: only let men beware that they apply 1)0th to charity and not to swelling, to use and not to ostentation; and, again,that they do not. unwisely mingle or coufound these learnings together. It may not be unsuited, therefore, to this occasion, and to the demands of the times, to consider as our subject, The Harmo- ny of Natural Science and Theology. And, since Theology is based on Revelation, the statement of the subject presupposes, what will be assumed throughout the discussion, that the Bible is a revelation from God. I. Natural Science and Theology harmonize in the princi- ples of reasoning which they respectively recognize. Though the Baconian philosophy is the boast of modern times, its principles of reasoning are recognized in the Bible as really as in the Novum Organon. The leading principle of the inductive philosophy is, that all 4 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. science is based on the observation of facts. This principle is as indispensable in theology as in natural science. The Bible is little else than a thesaurus of facts; a statement of what God has done and will do in the government of the world. The common impression that theology is mere dogma and abstraction, is the opposite of the truth. Look into the Bible and see if it is not so. Here you must pardon me, gentlemen; for it is impossible to complete the argument without just indi- cating what, in my own view, are some of the prominent teach- ings of theology. What is the Bible but the revelation of such great facts as these? That God exists, endowed with all perfection; that he created the universe; that he created man innocent and happy; that man sinned and came under Gods curse; that all the human race, descendants from Adam, are fallen, sinful, under condemnation; that God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, in the incarnation, the cru- cifixion, the resurrection ; that the spirit of God is given to exert divine influence, to renovate the hearts of men and thus save them through the Mediator? No, gentlemen; Christianity is not a bundle of dogmas; it is a series of facts ; and its centre is that most stupendous of all facts, the Incarnation; God mani- fest in the flesh; Christ crucified for us. This is why it took so long to make the revelation of Christian- ity. If this revelation had been only a collection of abstract propositions, it might all have been issued in one volume, in the day after the fall. But can the infinite God reveal himself by mere words? Can we know him by learning a few abstract pro- positions? No. There is needed something more of grandeur, earnestness and life, to reveal the infinite God. His infinitude cannot be written and folded up in parchment, to make him known to a world that has no knowledge of his acts. A revela- tion of God must be a revelation of his acts. It must be noth- ing less than God actually stepping forth from the unseen, ~nd moving before his creatures in the execution of his plans. The words by which he utters himself are not the words of human lips, but his own stupendous acts. Therefore a revela- tion of God must be a process of long time. The Bible, com- pleted in the lapse of centuries, is only the record, which him- self has inspired, of the revelation which he has made of him- self in his own august acts; the panorama of his majestic march; a panorama not only of the past, but opening the acts of God in eternity to come. Herein Christianity differs from all false systems of religion; it exhibits the true series of Jehovahs acts; they, only fables ridiculous fables of Jupiter and Brabma, or false assertions re 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. 5 specting the acts of God. Herein it differs from all philosophy, and all religions which are only baptized philosophies, which attempt to renovate the world by abstract truths. The propo- sitions of philosophy may be true, beautiful, sublime; but it does not lift the veil and show us God, in his majestic move- rnents, governing, redeeming. judging the world ;and therefore powerless; for it shows not the arm of the Almighty acting, the heart of Infinite Love throbbing in the actual work of gov- erning and renovating the world. This, Christianity alone reveals. Therefore it is not to be suffered that Christianity be called a religion, one of the religions of man; it is the relig~ion; the absolute, the true, the only, because it reveals the one series of Gods actual doings in governing and redeeming the world. It is apparent, then, that theological, as well as natural sci- ence, is based on facts. The student of the latter learns his facts by observation, because these facts lie open to the obser- vation of the senses. The student of theology is introduced to a different series of facts, pertaining to the spiritual world, and therefore not open to the observation of the senses. From the very necessity of the case, therefore, he must learn them by information communicated directly from God. But both study facts; the one unfolding from the bowels of the earth and the depths of measureless space Gods stupendous works in crea- ting the world; the other unfolding from Gods own testimo his still grander acts in governing and redeeming it. ny We may carry out the comparison further in detail. The Baconian philosophy sets aside a priori speculationsfor exam- ple, as to how the world ought to be, or might be made, specu- lations on which the ancients wasted their energiesand holds the student rigorously to the inquiry, What actually is? This is equally indispensable in theology. In respect to every ques- tion, the inquiry is not permitted, what God a priori would be expected to be and do, but what from the Bible we learn he actually is and does. It is remarkable that a great part of the difficulties and objections brought forward against Christian truth arise from neglecting this fundamental principle. It is not a little astonishing that scientific men themselves, when reasoning about theology, fall into this very error. They well know how to send the shafts of ridicule at theologians, who now and then introduce their a priori speculations to controvert the facts of science. But though here and there a theologian does this, there is no hazard in affirming that it is exceedingly more common for men of science, in reasoning on theology, to adopt the old Aristotelian logic of the dark ages, inquiring not what God actually does, but speculating from their own crude a pri 6 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. on notions what he ought to do; and so it is not strange that they plunge themselves in the darkness of those ages, whose exploded principles of reasoning they adopt. The Baconian philosophy, by another application of its great principle, allows no force to objections in opposition to facts. When the astronomer has proved the fact of the earths rota- tion, the objection that it is contrary to the evidence of the senses is of no weight, and the fact must be received, though with the acknowledgment that previously the senses of all man- kind had always deceived them. The chemist shows a metal taking fire by immersion in water. Now, cry the crowd, that is contrary to uniform experience; since the world began it never happened that any substance should be set on fire by immersion in water. But the chemist takes no notice of the objection. It is enough that he has the fact. Equally applica- ble is this principle in theology. If from that authentic record, the Bible, we learn what God has done, objections against the fact are not to be regarded; good reasoning imposes no obliga- tion to answer them; to reject a revealed fact on account of such objections is as unphilosophical as to deny the rotation of the earth because the senses contradict it, or to deny the prop- erties of potassium because contrary to previous experience. Another distinctive feature of the inductive philosophy is, that it marks the limit between the knowable and the unknowable. Every object examined by the student of natural science sug- gests questions which he cannot answer. lie cannot pursue his inquiries far in any direction without encountering a barrier which he cannot passthe dim and misty outline of the infi- nite and the unknowable, on which all knowledge borders. The commonest leaf or pebbleeverything which is the work of God, has in it mysterythe finger print of the infinite hand that made it. True science makes no attempt to penetrate this region of the infinite and incomprehensible. It withdraws at- tention from profitless inquiries about this, to the investigation of what may be known. And to this, not less than to any other principle of the Baconian philosophy, must its practical benefits be ascribed. There is no book in which this distinction is more plainly marked and more rigorously regarded than in the Bible~ Our Saviour propounded to Nicodemus the doctrine of the new birth. Nicodemus, instead of asking in the spirit of true phi- losophy, what the new birth is, asked that question, character- istic of all scholastic quibbling, How can these things be ? The Saviour, in the very spirit of philosophy, rebukes him for asking such a question, recalling him to the true question, what 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. 7 is the fact, and away from speculations as to the mode in which it takes effect. So always in studying theology, as in studying natural science, questions are continually suggested which we cannot answer. But both philosophy and theology unite in forbidding the inquirer to waste his strength on the fruitless question, How can these things be ? and require him to re- ceive the facts made known and use them to his own salvation. And as it would be contrary to all science to deny the law of gravitation, because it can be apprehended only as a fact, and no mind has been able to go beyond this in explaining it, equally nuphilosophical and ridiculous is it to refuse to believe the truths of Christianity till you can answer all the questions which curi- osity asks. And yet a large proportion of the objections to Christ- ian truths rest on this very position, and involve a principle which would literally require the mind to know everything be- fore it knows anything, and to be infinite in knowledge before it begins to know. II. Natural Science and Theology harmonize in the spirit essential to the successful study of each. Science is indebted to Christian theology for the mental ac- tivity which has led to its brilliant progress in modern times. This has been denied. Says Babbage, Religion cannot but be injured by [such] an unfounded statement. Whoever is ac- quainted with the present state of science, and looks back over the inventions and civilization which the fourteen centuries sub- sequent to the introduction of Christianity produced, and com- pares them with the advances made during the succeeding four centuries following the invention of printing, will have no doubt as to the efficient cause. This reasoning is specious, but not solid; for it blinks both what Christianity actually accomplished in those fourteen centuries, and the difficulties with which it had to contend. The fact is, Christianity in the beginning did arouse the human mind to an activity unprecedented in its in- tensity, universality, and solid results. This activity continued five hundred years. Those who urge the objection under consid- eration seem to assume that the introduction of Christianity was followed by the immediate decline of the world into the dark ages, and forget that from the death of Christ to the dark ages, was a period about as long as has elapsed from the discovery of the art of printing until now. This whole period was marked by intense intellectual activity; questions of the greatest importance were discussed; books of undying value were written; and the universal mind aroused to the intensest action on subjects vital to the welfare of man, as it never was aroused in the brightest period of Roman and Greek literature. One of the 8 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. palpable resultsso long secured that we forget its greatness was the overthrow of idolatry, and the elevation of the human mind to the appreciation of the spirit of man, the spiritual na- ture and worship of God, and all the sublime ideas connected with the unseen worldan advance decidedly the greatest both in its nature and results ever made by the mind of man. It should also be noticed that the objection overlooks the ob- stacles to the progress of society with which Christianity had to contend. Christianity was introduced amid the corruption and enervation attending the decline of the Roman Empire, when the great experiment what man could do without a divine Saviour was coming to its appalling end, when the humai~ race had sunk to the lowest point in the enervation and emas- culation of strength of character, the barrenness of lofty prin- ciples, the corruption of public sentiment and the prevalence of a sensuous scepticism. Soon afterwards commenced the irrup- tion of the Barbarians, which broke down all governments, dis- solved society, and introduced idolatry and barbarism together. Here Christianity had its work to begin anew; and it did begin it with success; the Barbarians abandoned their idols; regularity of government and the supremacy of law reappeared, and pre- sently, from the chaos, issued a civilization purer, nobler, more full of blessings, than the world had ever seen. The marvel is, not that Christianity did so little during those fourteen centuries, but that it was not itself swept out of being. Therefore, though printing has been a powerful instrument of human progress, yet Christianity has given the stimulus to the mind to use it. The first use made of the new invention was to print the Bible; and the first action of mind exhibited through the press was in theological discussion and reform; preceding by far the development of mental activity in natural science. It were well for those who insist on ascribing human progress to outward inventions as its primary cause, to remember that Wickliff had arisen, the morning star of the Reformation, and Huss had roused all Bohemia to intense activity of thought and theological reform, before printing was invented; that Luther had nailed his ninety-five theses to the church-door of Wittenberg before the telescope or microscope existed, before even there was a post-office system in England or a carriage on springs in Paris; that Puritanism was in England before pocket watches, and had wrought the great revolutions of 1649 and 1688, and laid the foundations of American liberty before Watt or Arkwright was born; and that always, spiritual truth in its work of rousing the mind to action, has gone in advance of sci- entific discovery and mechanical invention. 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. 9 We proceed to a second consideration. Christian truth re- strains the mind, in the pursuit of science, from extravagant and fanciful vagaries. The fact is certainly remarkable, how- ever it is accounted for, that philosophical speculations, when removed from the influence of a belief of the Bible as the au- thoritative word of God, have issued in theories either unintelli- gible, absurd, fanciful or ridiculous. It is needless to say that these characteristics belong abundantly to the philosophy and sciencealike mental and physicalof the Greeks, the Romans, the Egyptians, the Parsees, the Brahmins, and the Boodhists. Even Plato mars the beauty of the Phtedon with a sketch of the material universe so fantastical, that his admirers, like Cousin, account for it as a mere sport of the fancy to relieve the severity of the preceding philosophical discussion, though others, more justly, agree with Humboldt in regarding it as a serious attempt at describing the universe. The same characteristics have marked the philosophy of those who in modern times are not influenced by the authority of the Bible, quite often enough to suggest at least the inquiry whether this extravagance be not legitimately chargeable on the disregard of the sober philosophy of Gods word. The Hegelian philosophy is based on nothing, or the zero, and proceeds to show how everything is developed from it. Proudhon begins with the assumption, Humanity is infallible ; but Max Stirner, the atheistic Doctor, sums up his philosophy thus: Not merely is there no God, but humanity, or mankind itself, is a mendacious idol, and devotion to humanity a mere matter of priesthood and monkhood. I am alone in the world; I exist alone; my enjoyment, my power, my liberty can- not be limited by any belief, by any rule, by any right foreign to my right. Nor are such extravagances found in speculations pertaining to man alone. President Hitchcock presents the following extract from Professor Loreuzo Oken, of Zurich, an eminent Physiologist who has made some valuable contributions to scientific discovery: The fundamental principle of all mathematics is the zero. Mathematics is based on nothing, and consequently arises out of nothing. Real and ideal are no more different than ice and water. The Eternal is the nothing of nature. There is no other science than that which treats of nothing. Man is the whole of arithmetic, compacted, however, out of all numbers. He can therefore produce numbers out of himself. Animals are men who never imagine. They are single accounts; but man is the whole of mathematics. Arithmetic is the truly absolute or divine science. Theology is arithmetic personified. Man is God wholly manifested. God is a rotating VOL. x. 2 10 The Harmony of lYatural Science and Theology. rFeb. globe. The world is God rotating. For God to become real, he must appear under the form of a sphere; there is no other form for God. The whole world is alive. All plants and ani- mals are only metamorphoses of infusoria. The liver is the soul in a state of sleep; the brain is the soul active and awaken- ing. Circumspection and forethought appear to be the thoughts ef the bivalve mollusca and of snails. Gazing upon a snail, one believes that he finds the prophesying goddess sitting upon the tripod. What majesty is in a creeping snail, what reflection, what earnestness, what timidity, and yet at the same time, what confidence! Surely a snail is an exact symbol of mind slum- bering deeply within itself. No believer in the Bible can ever run into such extravagance. Perhaps even the famous Neb- ular Hypothesis of La Place will yet be added to the list of the vagaries of scientific men. Founded only on conjecture from supposed facts, Herschel, Brewster, and other leading as- tronomers, now that several of the principal nebulae have already been resolved into stars, already renounce the theory as a mere figment. Humboldt acknowledges its growing doubtfulness; and it will not be strange if, in a coming generation, it should be held up, with the vortices of Descartes and the atoms of Epi- curus, as another extravagance of science, when not sobered and restrained by the word of God. It is further to be remarked, that theology demands and reli- gion implies that candor, love of the truth, and humility, which are also essential to the study of science. But so frequent, it must be confessed, is the exhibition of the opposite spirit by scien- tific men, that Sir J. F. W. Herschel has deemed it important to vindicate the natural sciences by showing that they have no ne- cessary tendency to pride, opinionativeness, and dogmatism. It is sometimes imagined that bigotry belongs exclusively to theology. And therefore it may not be improper to say that, if you ex- amine, you may find bigotry as often among geologists or phy- siologists, as among theologians. What is bigotry? It is a blind and unreasoning attachment to an opinion or a theory which holds the opinion or theory without due evidence; which will not consider the evidence for the opinions of others; which dogmatizes and browbeats in inculcating its own opinions~ and sneers in listening to the opinions of others. If this is big- otry, the history of what science is free from the record of it? If it is bigotry for the thelogian to deny the doctrines of geol- ogy without investigating the evidence, it is equally bigotry for the geologist to deny the divine authority of the Bible without investigating the evidence. And if the evidence of geology cannot be appreciated without a thorough study of geology, 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. 11 neither can the evidence of the Bible be appreciated without a thorough study of the Bible. And there is little hazard in af- firming that the greater part of the scepticism of the scientific respecting the Bible never resulted from a thorough and candid study of the subject, but bears on its very front the offensive characteristics of bigotry. The same spirit is discovered in the facility and positiveness with which scientific men set aside the Bible, or some one of its declarations, on the ground of some single discovery, or oftener on the ground of some theory of their own educed from the discovery. Science, in its earlier discoveries, has often seemed opposed to the Bible; in its further progress every science has confirmed it. The true philosopher, if he find a fact seeming- ly in collision with revelation, suspends his judgment, expecting that further knowledge will remove the seeming inconsistency. But the sciolist or the scientific dogmatist declares at once that Christianity is an impostureChristianity which has been grow- ing with the worlds growth, incorporating itself into all its civili- zation, identified with its whole historythis he thinks he has, by some petty discovery, overturned and brushed out of the world forever. And if a theologian suggest that the discovery or the theory educed from it may need confirmation, or that the argu- ment from it against the Bible will be set aside by a better knowledge of facts, the dogmatist in science tells him roundly that scientific men alone are capable of forming an intelligent opinion in these matters, and that the only befitting course for him, too ignorant even to appreciate the argument, is to receive the dictum of the man of science in reverential silence. In our college days, geology taught that fossil remains were deposited by the flood; and then it was urged with the utmost confidence that the Bible could not be true because no fossil remains of men had ever been found in Asia. We remember hearing the President laboriously endeavoring in a learned lec- ture to answer this argument. But geology has reversed its decisions since then; and now the discovery, of fossil human bones would be an argument against the Bible. And when on theories so ill-established as this, men of science have con- .fidently rejected Gods wordwhen the theory of development is propounded, while not one fact is known of the develop- ment of a higher species from a lowerwhen, thus without a solitary fact, we are required to believe that all living creatures have been developed from monads, or, as would be equally in- telligible to the most, hatched from microscopic eggswhen the discovery of the skeleton of a man in the limestone forma- tion of Gaudaloupe leads to the announcement that men must 12 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. have existed before the Mosaic creation, while geology itself now acknowledges that that limestone has been formed within a few centurieswhen we remember the vaunted argument of Bry- done, that he had found on Etna a stratum of lava which he supposes to have been thrown out in an eruption described by Polybius, two thousand years ago, and the soil even now but im- perfectly formed over it, and then at the base of the mountain, he had found seven superjacent layers of lava, with soil formed on each, and therefore the world in its present historical period must have lasted seven times two thousand years, while we know that on Pompeii and Ilerculaneum. destroyed 1773 years ago, are six superjacent strata of lava, each with soil upon it, and geology itself would now only ridicule Brydones argument when on such data we are peremptorily required to renounce the Bible, what is the name by which we must designate such effrontei~y? But this is the spirit of sciolists and dogmatists, not of pro- found philosophers; not of Newtons and Bacons. The spirit of true science and true religion is the beautiful spirit of can- dor, teachableness and humility, in which alone the worshipers, alike in the temple of nature and the temple of grace, are able to find and permitted to approach the divinity they seek. III. Natural Science and Theology harmonize in the sub- stance itself of their teaching. The impression is extending in the community that there is a real discrepancy between the facts discovered in natural science, and the facts taught in the Bible. This impression is industriously disseminated. But it is utterly false. The facts of natural science harmonize with the word of God. It will be impossible fully to unfold this thought. To do it would be to exhaust the whole compass of natural theology; for natural theology is nothing but science teaching in harmo- ny with the word of God. It is much that science does not contradict revelation. That a book written by many different hands, in every variety of style, at different periods during fifteen hundred years, and treat- ing of the whole compass of human duty and relations, should not be, by the progress of science, convicted of error, is certainly wonderful; and the more so, because other books of the ancients, and especially books of religion, are full of errors. But natural science not only does not contradict, it directly confirms and illustrates the truths of revelation. Nor is there any science which fails to contribute something to this result. Mathematical laws pervading the universe, the law of chemical equivalents, the unvarying angles of crystals, the motions of 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. 13 stars and planets, and, if we may believe the Annual of Scien- tific Discovery for 1850, the identity of the mathematical law governing the position of leaves on the trees with the law determining the relative position of the planets; every object which we investigate, every science which we explore, adds to the proof that a living mind pervades and controls the universe. Comparative anatomy goes back with geology to the measure- less past, and from the eye of the Trilobite, and even from the Briarean Pentacrinite, with its one hundred and fifty thousand bones and three hundred thousand fascicles of muscular fibers, draws fresh arguments for the unity of God. And not a little is collected for the various sciences to teach, and especially to illustrate the moral character and government of God, and the spiritual nature and immortal existence of man. Natural science is thought to have tendencies to materialism. But how is it possible to measure the distances of time and space which it reveals, the stupendous glories of the starry heavens, the in- conceivable immensity of microscopic life, how is it possible to follow science through its overwhelming discoveries and not be impressed with the grandeur of the human soul? Science is but a series of mirrors, endlessly multiplying the vision of the souls greatness. It does but reverberate from its countless glories the words of inspiration, What shall a man give in exchange for his soul ? But there is another service which science renders to theolo- gy, in which it comes even nearer to revelation to render it her aid. it furnishes the answer to a large part of the objections to revelation, by showing that they are equally applicable to scientific facts. In the progress of science, materials have been furnished to enlarge Butlers immortal Analogy. Geology pre- sents her decisive answer to the supposition of an infinite series, by revealing the fact that the present series of events had a beginning, and putting the finger of her research on the very point where it began; she silences effectually flumes argu- ment against miracles, that the interruption of the course of nature is contrary to universal experience, by revealing in the depths of the past, recorded indelibly on the rocks, repeated in- stances of Gods direct interposition, interrupting the establish- ed order of events. The pure mathematics, also, contribute an answer to the same argument; for since flumes day, the mathematical laws of the calculation of probabilities have been investigated, and by the application of those laws it is demonstrated to be more probable that a miracle should happen than that the writers of the New Testament should agree in testifying to a falsehood. 14 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. Thus, continually, science is contributing to remove the objec- tions to theology, and to illuminate its doctrines. 1V. Natural Science and Theology harmonize in their re- ciprocal relations. The former is introductory to the latter; or, if a mathematical term may be borrowed, theology is the complement of natural science. It must be added to science to complete the circle of human knowledge. In the first place, natural science teaches the necessity of revelation. It compels its student to demand it, to expect it. In discovering and classifying its facts, natural science gives rise to two classes of questions. One class of these questions inquires for the cause of phenomena. Such inquiries result inevitably from the constitution of the human mind. A little child cannot hear a noise, but with wonder depicted on its in- fantile face it asks, What was that? In every step of scientific investigation, this same mental constitution compels the inquiry, What is the cause of all these phenomena? God has made us thus, in order that, as the needle to the pole, the mind may al- ways, by the necessity of its own constitution, be turned to him. This question we are able to answer without the aid of revelation; we infer with certainty the existence of a First Cause, his personality, and with some clearness, his character. There is another class of questions, resulting with equal cer- tainty from the constitution of the mind. It is the class of questions clustering around or implied in this one, What is it for ? Whatever excites the curiosity of a child calls out this question; and this curiosity to learn the use and design of any- thing elicits a variety of inquiries as to how it is to be used, what its mode of operating is, how its design can be accom- plished. Philosophers have often affected to repudiate and ig- nore this class of questions; but they are a necessary result of the human constitution as really as the other class of questions. It is as impossible to avoid asking for the final cause, as for the efficient cause of phenomena. Repudiate or ignore these ques- tions whoever will, they remain questions that demand an an- swer; every child asks them, and every man; every step in scientific investigation compels them to arise; the very men who repudiate them, are conscious of asking them every day. Some of this class of questions are these: For what end was the universe made, and what is to be its destiny? For what end was I made, and how am I to accomplish it? How am I to harmonize with the grand design of the universe, and what are the laws of my being, compliance with which is necessary to this result? In a word, what are the designs of the Creator, what his character, and how shall I please him? These ques 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. 15 tions are suggested inevitably by the contemplation of nature; all generations have asked them; stripped of their scientific as- pect, they resolve themselves into that greatest question which man can ask, that question which in one form or another has always been struggling up from the anxious heart of the world, What must I do to be saved ? To this question natural science can give no answer; it at- tempts none. The depth saith, It is not in me, and the sea saith, It is not in me. We ask astronomy. She returns from measuring the stars and following the light in its flight of ages, but brings no answer. We ask geology. She digs into the bowels of the earth; sh~ shows us the bones of animals that lived myriads of ages ago; she discourses on the deposition of strata; she carries us back into distances of time, wearisome and inconceivable as the astronomical measurements of space; but when we repeat our question, she has no reply. We go to chemistry. She analyzes matter to its elements; she reveals the existence and propounds the laws of the subtlest fluids; she weighs the atoms and determines the laws of their combination; but when we put the question which is burning our hearts with its intensity, she looks at us vacantly and is silent. But these questions still crowd and clamor around every sub- ject of investigation, till natural science owns her ignorance and teaches her pupils the necessity of a revelation, till she bids them look up to heaven for a teacher sent from God; and when he appears with the inspired word of life, leads them to his feet, acknowledging that she is fitted only to be an usher to lead her scholars to that superior instructor, counting it sufficient honor to have made the necessity of his teachings felt, and to have awakened a desire and an inquiry for the higher knowledge which he is able to impart. Hence Socrates, after a life of thought, declared his conviction of the necessity of a revela- tion, and taught his pupils to expect that at some future day the supreme God would make known his will to man. And this is the conclusion which Bacon has announced, as the result of his studies: We must conclude, therefore, that the knowledge of God is to be drawn from his word, not from the light of nature or the teaching of reason. For it is written, The heav- ens declare the glory of God, but nowhere is it found written, The heavens declare the will of God. Our second remark is, that every science ultimately runs into theology. Pursue it, and you will presently find that the ques- tions which it raises are purely theological. This follows from the remarks just made as to the questions which natural phenomena suggest. These questions are pure- 16 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. ly theological. If the student confine himself simply to the discovery and arrangement of facts, he will avoid theology. But, as we have seen, the very constitution of the mind makes it impossible to do this. God has so made us that theological questions must crowd around every natural phenomenon and ev- ery scientific investigation. Thus every science runs into the- ology; every science borders on theology, and the explorer cannot traverse it without presently crossing over into the the- ological domain. Not only is this general remark true, but specific scientific inquiries are continually involving specific theological ques- tions, and often the most profound ~hich theology presents. Prof. Ehrenbergs microscopic investigations are an instance. It was just in this field of scientific inquiry that modern atheists bad established one of their most impregnable fortresses; the theory of creation by law without a personal creator, of the development of all life originally from microscopic existences. They claimed to have established by the microscope the inhe- rent vitality of matter; the existence of certain ultimate vital atoms, called monads; the creation of microscopic animals by galvanic experiments; the multiplication of microscopic ani- mals casually, and without parental propagation. Here they claimed to have observed facts establishing their theory. But the more extended microscopic investigations of Prof. Ehren- berg have already positively disproved all their alledged facts except one; he has reached a satisfactory solution even of that, and established the probability that further observation will dis- prove it entirely. Certainly it would be supposed that, in microscopic investi- gations, if anywhere, the investigator would have little to do with theology. God sits enthroned among the highest orders of beings; it would seem that, in examining animalcules too small for the unaided eye to see, the observer was going to the remo- test extreme of creation, the farthest possible from God and from theology. But behold, in the circle of knowledge, ex- tremes meet, and the end adjoins the beginning. Behold, here in this remotest and most hidden field of investigation, the in- quirer finds himself face to face with the enthroned God, and involved in the subtlest questions of theology. Here in this region of immeasurable littleness, hidden from the unaided eye, one of the most important conflicts of theology with atheism has been fought, one of its most signal victories has been won. And if science, pertaining even to the lowest material forms, is thus linked with theology, how much more when it begins to investigate questions pertaining to man! The new science of 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. 17 comparative philology, the recent progress of which has been so brilliant, is already throwing light on the question of the uni- ty of the human race; and, although a sufficient number of facts has not yet been collected to furnish the basis of a final decision, yet every advance in comparing the languages of the world has thus far increased the probability that the races and the languages of mankind originated alike in a common origin. If you study the structure and functions of the brain, the ner- vous system, muscular contractility, sleep, somnambulism, mes- meric influences, it is impossible to avoid theological questions. If you study the will, the conscience, the constitutional propen- sities, and the like, you are scarcely aware of pursuing other than theological investigations. Even political science is not an exception, as the history of the last year has proved; no thorough investigation can be had of government, the founda- tion and extent of its authority, the duty of citizens, the right of revolution, without involving theology. And there is nothing wonderful in all this; or rather, it is wonderful only by reason of the common but unphilosophical notion, that the knowledge of science is entirely distinct from the knowledge of God; that theology is one little tract in the world of knowledge, not a little dry desert, and uninvitingone little room in the temple of truth, not a little dusty and mouldy and hung with cobwebs, into which it is fitting only that a few unscientific ministers should enter. Nay, gentlemen; that is not theology. Nor is it an adequate representation which I have made in saying that every science borders on theology, as if the latter were a distinct tract bordering and encompassing all. Rather theology pervades and penetrates all science, and, trans- muting it, makes all science a theology, or knowledge of God. And this is most reasonable and necessary; for if God is the Creator of the universe, how is it possible but that the study of the creation be interlinked at every point with the study of the Creator, and thus become, to the devout mind, the study of theology. Fruitful in ungodliness and practical atheism is the common impression that the study of the one is entirely distinct from the study of the other. Here it is proper to notice certain other questions which the sciences bring to theology to answer. We have spoken of the many questions which the sciences raise and bring to theology, which she answers. There are other questions which they bring and lay at her feet, which she does not answer. There- fore an unjust reproach is sometimes thrown on theology; and that twofold; first, that it has so many hard, knotty, mysteri- ous questions to discuss; and, secondly, that having these ques VOL. x. 3 18 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. tions, it gives not a satisfactory answer. This reproach is, in both its parts, unjust; because the fact thai. theology has so many of these questions is not chargeable on her, but on the other sciences; for it is they that raise these questions and bring and propound them to her for answer. And for the second reproach, that she does not answer them, this is not a just re- proach; for the failure to answer is owing to the fact that the subjects are too vast for man to understand; that there must be questions started by contemplating the creation of an infinite God, the answer to which the mind of man is too limited to grasp. And these questions belong to theology rather than to the other sciences, only because to theology belongs the post of dignity, which is always the post of difficulty; because she is the great teacher to which all these sciences come as scholars; because from her very position as the interpreter of God, and nearest to his throne, all the sciences bring all their hard ques- tions and call on her oracle for a response. Certainly it might be supposed that it belonged to you, gentlemen of the medical profession, to answer our questions respecting pain, disease, and death. If any are obliged to solve our difficulties on these points, it ought to be you who devote your lives to the study of them. Yet, when the question arises, as to every thinking mind it does arise, What is the origin of evil? how came there to be pain, disease, and death? you do not attempt to answer; you take the question and lay it at the feet of Theolo- gy and say, Answer me this. It might be supposed that the student of mental philosophy ought to answer all our questions respecting mind. But when we ask, as every thinker does ask, How can the freedom of mans will coexist with the govern- ment and plans of God? the students of mental science do not attempt to answer. They take the question and lay it at the feet of Theology and say, Answer us this ? We do not com- plain of this. It is right, it is the established order of things that the sciences should go to school to theology. Itis the profoundest homage which can be paid to her, as the queen of all sciences; it is a homage which all science and all men of science do render her. Multitudes of these questions which they bring, she answers authoritatively with, Thus saith the Lord. It is no just reproach that they sometimes bring ques- tions to which God has revealed no answer, or the answer to which would involve too vast a knowledge of the infinite God and his eternal plans for man to comprehend. And it may be worth while at least to raise the inquiry, whether all these questions do not resolve themselves at last into this one, Why any being exists besides God? You ask, 1852.] The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. Why does evil exist? That may resolve itself at last into the question, Why anything but God exists? For if God creates, it must be a being inferior to himself; therefore, inferior to God, in perfection; therefore, imperfect. But imperfection implies the absence of good; and the absence of good is the nearest thing to the presence of evil. Besides, you may ask, If God create, shall he create all creatures possessed of the highest possible perfection, or shall he create a diversity from the angel to the worm? For, reasoning as men are wont to reason on the origin of evil, an angel can enjoy more than a worm; and if God had made all creatures angels, even the myriad millions of animalcules, if he had endowed them all with the highest per- fection possible in a creature, there would have been more hap- piness. And it is just as pertinent to ask why God did not make all creatures angels, or give to all the highest perfection possible to a creature, as to ask why evil exists. The question, therefore, if we knew more, might resolve itself into this, Why did God create anything? Why does not God exist alone? So the question of the freedom of the will while yet depen- dent on God, may be seen, some day, to be no other than the question whether any finite being should act, or God should act alone. For if God create finite beings, either he must act alone, and every movement of animate and inanimate beings be the direct act of God, or he must leave his creatures to act themselves; and if the latter, he must give them power and freedom to act. And, therefore, it may only be a question, how any being can act but God. The dark line which these questions indicate, is only the line where the finite and the infinite meet. They all resolve them- selves at last into the question, How can the finite and the infinite exist and act together? And that is a question which no finite mind can solveno, not the angelsnot any being whose exist- ence flows out from the infinite one and is by the infinite one sustained. Thus all sciences meet in theology, like streams from various sources, all meeting in one channel and flowing on together to lose themselves in the ocean of Gods infinitude. Thus is theology the science of sciences; the science by which all sciences ar~ systemized, harmonized, and made one. Thus it solves the great enigma of the universe, an enigma which every new dis- covery of science does but make the more inexplicable, enlarg- ing our knowledge of the extent and grandeur of the creation, and yet revealing no end accomplished by all this vastness of being and complexity of contrivance, except to give existence 20 The Harmony of Natural Science and Theology. [Feb. for a few years to various short-lived animals, and then to be the eternal mausoleum of their dust. Thus as science unfolds the greatness of the material universe, theology reveals an end worthy of that grandeur in the surpass- ing grandeur of the world that is not seen, in the plan of the infinite God which, embracing in its incipience all the material universe, stretches on for its completion to an eternity of pro- gressive glory; and thus theology completes, illuminates, and makes glorious the circle of human knowledge. We see, therefore, gentlemen of the medical profession, no antagonism between your professional studies and theology. For every discovery which you make in natural science, for ev- ery addition of light which you may throw on the human organi- zation, and the phenomena of life, disease, and death, in the name of theologians and of the church of God, we thank you. In the impregnable conviction that he who made the material uni- verse is also the author of revelation, we are assured that his works, rightly interpreted, will never contradict his word; and that whatever discoveries are drawn from the study of our own frames, and of physiology in general, or from the depths of the geological ages, or from the immensity of the astronomical dis- tances, they will but illustrate and confirm theology, based on the revelation of God. I only desire that the study of the sciences may lead you, as it did Socrates, to feel your need of revelation; as did it Newton, or, to mention rather some of the luminaries of your own pro- fession, as it did Good and Boerhave, Bell and Abercrombie, and many of the illustrious dead and the honored living, to the reverential study of Gods word; that the powerful and widely ramifying influence which your position secures and your use- fulness deserves, may commend at once intelligence and piety, philosophy and faith, the study of nature and the study of Gods word; and that, from our respective spheres, in which, groping in not a slight obscurity, we severally study the works and ways of God, we may pass upwards, till we meet before the throne, where we shall no more see through a glass darkly, where there s~iall be no more night, where, as the stars now fade at the rising of the sun, the sun itself shall fade before the brighter glories of the God of light. 1852.] Rise of Universities. 21 ART. 11.RISE OF UNIVERSITIES. History of Roman Law in the Middle Ages, by F. C. VON SAVIGNY. Vol. III. THE Universities of Europe have played so important a part in the history of civilization, that their origin and early state become subjects of very considerable interest. Nay, our own forms of higher instruction have grown by an easy progress out of the Universities of the middle ages. What, then, was the system of higher teaching, when it began to sway the European mind, and what preparation for it lay in the early modes of in- struction under the Roman empire and in the earlier part of the middle ages? To these inquiries, of which the last de- mands our attention first, we shall give as brief an answer as the nature of the case admits of. The learned schools among the ancients were at first confined to one branch with its ancillary studies. Such were the schools in philosophy, oratory, law, and medicine; to which Christian- ity in a single instance added a school of tIreology. Only late in the history of Rome was the plan adopted of uniting several of the sciences in a community, answering to what we now call a University. The collection of literary and learned men at Alexandria under the Ptolemies was an Academy or gathering of salaried persons, whose principal employment did not con- sist in teaching. Athens, being the place where instruction in philosophy was concentrated at and before the time of Alexander, kept up its name long afterwards for a number of schools of different sects, as the Academics, Peripatetics, Stoics and Epicureans. The masters of these schools do not appear to have been in any wise associated together. The succession of teachers among the Academics chn be traced down from Plato to Damascius the Neoplatonit, a period of more than eight hundred and fifty years,a longer time than any modern institution of learning has as yet lasted. It was during the mastership of Damascius that the arbitrary Justinian shut up the school and confiscated its funds, which had been very considerable. But the schools of philosophy at Athens were not assisted only by the proper- ty which they held as corporations; under the Roman empe- ror it would appear that both the state and the city contributed to their support; and fees were derived from students. The rivalry of the schools was great. Young men were waylaid at

1852.] Rise of Universities. 21 ART. 11.RISE OF UNIVERSITIES. History of Roman Law in the Middle Ages, by F. C. VON SAVIGNY. Vol. III. THE Universities of Europe have played so important a part in the history of civilization, that their origin and early state become subjects of very considerable interest. Nay, our own forms of higher instruction have grown by an easy progress out of the Universities of the middle ages. What, then, was the system of higher teaching, when it began to sway the European mind, and what preparation for it lay in the early modes of in- struction under the Roman empire and in the earlier part of the middle ages? To these inquiries, of which the last de- mands our attention first, we shall give as brief an answer as the nature of the case admits of. The learned schools among the ancients were at first confined to one branch with its ancillary studies. Such were the schools in philosophy, oratory, law, and medicine; to which Christian- ity in a single instance added a school of tIreology. Only late in the history of Rome was the plan adopted of uniting several of the sciences in a community, answering to what we now call a University. The collection of literary and learned men at Alexandria under the Ptolemies was an Academy or gathering of salaried persons, whose principal employment did not con- sist in teaching. Athens, being the place where instruction in philosophy was concentrated at and before the time of Alexander, kept up its name long afterwards for a number of schools of different sects, as the Academics, Peripatetics, Stoics and Epicureans. The masters of these schools do not appear to have been in any wise associated together. The succession of teachers among the Academics chn be traced down from Plato to Damascius the Neoplatonit, a period of more than eight hundred and fifty years,a longer time than any modern institution of learning has as yet lasted. It was during the mastership of Damascius that the arbitrary Justinian shut up the school and confiscated its funds, which had been very considerable. But the schools of philosophy at Athens were not assisted only by the proper- ty which they held as corporations; under the Roman empe- ror it would appear that both the state and the city contributed to their support; and fees were derived from students. The rivalry of the schools was great. Young men were waylaid at 22 Rise of Universities. [Feb. a distance from the town, and plied with persuasions to join this or that sect. On the decease of a master the members of the sect at Athens seem to have elected his successor. Other schools of philosophy existed at Rhodes, Tyre, Alexan- dria, Rome and elsewhere. At Alexandria, in the second cen- tury of our era, an Eclectic school grew up, and for a time at- tained to great celebrity. Here were educated under Ammo- nius Saccas, Origen, not the Christian, and Plotinus. Schools of rhetoric also were founded at an early date by Greek sophists and orators. These, however, depending more on the personal endowments of the man than the schools of philosophy, do not appear to have had a very permanent life. The school set up by Isocrates at Athens was famous over all Greece for the men of rank, orators and historians there edu- cated, and for the high fees paid to the teacher. Afterwards schools of rhetoric instituted at Rhodes rivaled those of Ath- ens, and sought for applause by cultivating a more flowery style of composition. The schools of the declaimers at Rome and other places where the Latin tongue was spoken, were of a more practical cast, having reference in part to the cultivation of a talent for speaking and pleading cases. A sort of popular knowledge of law~ was communicated in these schools; and style in written composition was made an object of attention. But neither law nor style was well taught. In the sciences, subsidiary to philosophy and to general cul- tivation, such as music and mathematics and especially geome- try, teachers may be traced back to the time of Pericles. in after times mathematics had a kind of centre in Alexandria, that remarkable capital where more than anywhere else Greek logic and oriental intuition met together. Law the Greeks never reduced to a consistent science; but its well-arranged system of jurisprudence was the greatest glory of Rome. At an early date it was the custom for able lawyers like Scaevola to admit young men into their houses and impart to them the fruit of their experience. In pr& ess of time law came to be regularly taught both at Rome and in the Eastern part of the empire. A school enjoying great reputation exist- ed at Berytus until after Justinian, when it declined, owing to the injuries which the town sustained from an earthquake and to the progress of the Arabs. The other eastern law-school was at Constantinople. And these two cities, with Rome, en- joyed by law the monopoly of teaching legal science. We are able to point to no school of medicine in ancient times other than such as might be set up by particular physicians and dependent on their lives, unless, indeed, such an institution ex 1852.] Rise of Universities. 23 isted at Alexandria, where the teachers were called hiatrosoph- ists, or medical philosophers. Alexandria, too, possessed a school of Christian theology, under the superintendence of the bishop, and known by the name of ~xoX~ iCr~c~v, catechetical school. This was the scene of the labors of the Alexandrian Clement and of the great Origen. Had all the schools at Alexandria, in the time from the second to the fourth centuries of our era, been united, they would have taken the form of a modern university wifh some of the ablest men in the world for its teachers. B~it no project of uniting the different branches of study in one institution was ever carried into execution, that we are aware of, except at Constantinople, where the auditorium (Japitolinum had three teachers of Roman oratory, ten of Roman grammar, five Greek sophists, ten Greek grammarians, one professor of philosophy, and two of law. This school, or one supplying its place, after alternations of fortune, revived in the ninth century and never ceased its instructions until the empire perished. Mathematics was then one of the branches of education. This school was resorted to by some scholars from European countries. The Roman emperors made provision for the better suste- nance of literary men, by granting immunity from taxation to a certain number. Stipends from the public treasury were be- stowed on teachers at Rome, and perhaps in other places, until toward the close of the fourth century, when the increasing poverty of the empire required that this expense should be cur- tailed. With the decay of the Roman empire its language was cor- rupted, Roman law was partially laid aside and the demand for books lessened ;a state of things whk4~i i~ndered the existence of higher institutions of learning impossible, and well nigh de- stroyed schools for elementary instruction. Moreover, the study of philosophy was nearly abandoned, as being hostile to Christian theology. But during the ages of darkness, necessa ~ rily following the mighty social and political changes out of which modern civilization grew, the light burst out in an unex- pected quarter. The Arabians, when they had matured their political institutions, began to collect and make accessible by translations the treasures which Greece and other countries had laid ~p. Thus, under the Abassid Caliphs of Bagdad, that cap- ital was a centre of learning to the eastern world. But the heretical Fatimite dynasty of Egypt is particularly remarkable for the great literary institution which it founded at Cairo in the ~beginning of the eleventh century. The house of wis- dom, says Von Hammer in his history of the assassins, was 24 Rise of Universities. [Feb. erected at Cairo in 1004, and richly provided with books, mathematical instruments, professors and servants. Entrance and the use of the literary treasures stood free for all. Often were learned disputations held by the Caliphs, at which the professors having chairs in this Academy, attended in separate bodies, according to their Faculties,Logicians, Mathemati- cians, Jurists and Physicians, clothed in their Doctors robes. Two hundred fifty-seven thousand ducats, drawn from the tithe and the eighth of the tithe, were the yearly income of this Academy for the payment of professors and servants, for the procurement of whatever was needed in teaching, and for other purposes both of open scientific discipline and of the secret doctrine. The former embraced all the branches of human knowledge, the latter was acquired by learners passing through nine ascending degrees. Learned schools, after this model, or more in accordance with orthodox Mohammedanism, spread through Afr~a and Spain. Meanwhile, in the kingdoms of western Christendom the monastic schools were the refuge of theology and the elementa- ry branches of learning. These branches were united techni- cally into two groups. The first, or most elementary, called the trivium, (the union of three studies,) included grammar, rhetoric, and logic. Gramma~ consisted in learning the Latin language, and reading some of the Roman writers. Rhetoric was the practical art of composition in Latin, accom- panied by the explanation and application of technical terms handed down from the ancient rhetoricians. Logic was little more than the use of the various syllogistic forms. The other group, called the quadrivium, consisted of geometry, astrono- my, arithmetic and i?iu~c. Little, however, beyond the sim- plest elements of these sciences was communicated. Astrono- my, in particular, seems to have been the inculcation of the Ptolemaic system, and the pointing out the stars and constella- tions. These two groups together formed the septem artes, or seven liberal arts; and a person was learned who had gone through them all. The seven arts of these groups were thus classified before the destruction of the western empire. After the middle of the eighth century, cathedral schools were added to monastic ones. At that time the rul6 or canon was devised by Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, which, whei?gen- erally received, gave a semi-monastic character to the ecclesias- tics attached to cathedrals, and put them upon a more permanent basis. In these schools the diocesan had the supervision, and one of the canons officiated as master. It is of the more im- portance to notice these schools, because the earlier universi 1852.] Rise of Universities. 25 ties partook of an ecclesiastical character, so to speak, by their connection with the chancellor of the dioceses where they were situated; and the office of chancellor, subsequently retain- ed in some universities when they had become independent of the bishops, is to be explained by this original connexion. The great wishes and plans of Charlemagne gave a momen- tary impulse to learning; and originated a number of schools formed on the same model with those of the previous age; but like his great plans of political organization, his zeal for knowl- edge bore comparatively little fruit. What he accomplished was principally this: assisted by learned men invited from vari- ous parts, and particularly from England, (where convents, such as that of York, having long had a peaceful existence, produced many well trained pupils,) he attempted to revive those monastic schools which had fallen into decay, and estab- lished a number of new ones. Among these latter may be named those of Fulda, Corvey in Westphalia, llirschfeld, Reichenau and St. Emmeran at Ratisbon in what we now call Germany; and those at Ferrieres in Gatinois, Aniane in Lague- doc, and Fontenelle in Normandy of France. A kind of school, established at the palace with Alcuin for its master, and the emperor, some of his children and officers of the court for its pupils, is particularly described by Guizot, in his lectures on civilization in France. Alcuin afterwards retired to the rich monastery of St. Martin at Tours, where he continued to act the instructor until old age put an end to his labors. The impulse given by Charlemagne extended into his Italian dominions, where, indeed, as might be expected, instruction and seminaries of learning had never ceased. The convent of Monte Cassino, the central and original dwelling-place of the Benedictine order, retained its distinction for learned monks and for imparting knowledge. The convent of Bobbio in Northern Italy, founded at a later epoch, was an important seat of learn- ing, under the grandson of Charlemagne; and in his laws schools are spoken of as existing at Pavia, Ivrea, Turin, Cre- mona, Florence, Verona, Vicenza and Friuli in Northern Italy; while in more Southern Italy, Rome and Benevento seem to have maintained seminaries of education, and to have kept from extinction through the middle ages the learning which they had received from better times. The institutions of Charlemagne, we have said, did little for learning. It would be more true, perhaps, to say that if not the means of its advancement, they were the means of its trans- mission, and that but for them Europe might have been much slower in recovering itself from the shock of those causes of voL. x. 4 26 Rise of Universities. [Feb. barbarism which threatened to destroy everything civilized be- tween the middle of the ninth and the end of the tenth centu- ries. This age, indeed, with its Norman, Saracen and Hunga- rian invasions, with its central governments continually grow- ing weaker, and its awful, moral corruptions hung like a black cloud over Europe. And yet, as soon as quiet had been re~istab- lished and industry began to be rewarded again, and the morals of the church were in some measure reformed, learning lifted up its head anew, so that within the next century, what is prop- erly the modern university system may be discovered in its infant state. Let us now look at the causes which promoted the origin of Universities in the end of the eleventh and beginning of the twelfth centuries, as well as at their nature and.constitution. The first cause, which relates especially to the science of theology, is the awakening of the human mind by the scholas- tic philosophy. Philosophy became more definitely separated from theology than before, towards the close of the eleventh century. The epoch is marked by the theory of Roscellin, a canon of Compiegne in France, who taught that general notions ihave no objective reality. The doctrine of Roscellin was vio- ~ently opposed by many of the principal theologians, as both shal- ~ow and unscriptural. Among its opponents may be numbered Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, born in 1033, and St. Ber- nard, who flourished in the next century. Peter Abaelard, born in 1079, near Nantes, in France, although not strictly a nominalist, was a scholar of Roscellin. A part of his eventful life was spent in lecturing to large auditories of students in Champagne and at Paris. in Paris, too, Walter of Mortagne, a canon of St. Victor, lectured at the same time with Abaelard. Other lecturers in theology occur at the same age and in the same capital. Thus we find a tendency towards one centre of instructioA, out of which, by some kind of bond, a university might grow. A second cause for the origin of Universities at this period, applies especially to the study of the Roman law, which began to be pursued more earnestly than before on account of the wants of the Italian towns in Lombardy. This country had been governed first by Roman law, then by Lombard, then by Frank, or Carlovingian running down into Feudal. Mean- while the towns were beginning in the early part of the eleventh century to take a start, and become independent. For the most part, they had been immediately under the jpris- diction of their bishops. Their laws needed modifying, in order w accommodate them to the new political condition. In 1852.] of Universities. 27 this state of things, Roman law, the knowledge of which had never been wholly lost, caine into great request, and by natu- ral result was communicated by instructors to scholars. It has sometimes been said, and that in respectable books of history, that the Pandects of Justinian had gone out of the knowledge of Europe; that in fact there was but one copy in existence, which was kept at Amalfi; that the German emperor Lothair of Supplinburg, when he sacked Amalfi, about 1130, gave this copy to the Pisans, who rendered him aid; and that this copy thus brought into the north of Italy, revived the study of Roman law. But Savigny, in his great work on the history of Roman law during the 5iddle ages, has proved that in all probability there is no truth in this story. The copy in ques- tion had been deposited at Pisa long before the attack on Amalfi: that it was not the only copy is shown by important discrepan- ces in existing manuscripts which carry us back to more than one text; and the study of Roman law arose into importance, not at Pisa, but at another place, to which it had been trans- planted from a still older school. Moreover, the story about the Amalfi Pandects can find no voucher for it earlier than two centuries after the time when the alledged fact is said to have occurred. A tradition preserved by some of the earliest writers of the Bologna school of law .bas been carefully traced out by Sa- vigny, and is regarded by him as not unworthy of credit. It is to this effect: that there was in early times a school of law at Rome, which we know tcPbe a fact; that it was then trans- planted to Ravenna, which accords well with the important attitude which Ravenna took as one of the great towns of the empire, the capital of Theodoric and of the exarchate; that one Pepo began to teach at Bologna, but that Irnerius really founded the school; and that the text-books of Roman law were trans- ported from the one to the other city, not all at once but con- secutively. Irnerius flourished in the first part of the twelfth century, beyond which date the history of the school at Bologna cannot be pursued. The places which we have named, Paris and Bologna, were thus the earliest seats of higher study, the one in theology, the other in law. A school of medicine began at about the same time in Salerno. And out of these three schools grew the three earliest scientific tendencies of modern Europe. We read in some English writers that the University of Oxford had been founded long before this in the time oi~ Alfred the Great; but all that can be proved is that a school of some repute existed there. It is certain that the University at Oxford, properly 28 Rzse of Universities., [Feb. speaking, was modeled after that of Paris, as were also the others in Spain, Germany, Bohemia and northern France, while those of Italy and in part of southern France followed the norm of Bologna. We come now to the nature and constitution of the Univer- sities, and of these two in particular. it will be observed that we leave Salerno out of sight. The reason is that little is known of its early history, and that it had no influence upon the similar establishments which arose elsewhere, as the Univer- sity of Montpellier, for instance, which erelong became distin- guished as a medical schodl. Thus much may be said of the origin of medical instruction at Salerno. The place was re- nowned for its healthful situation, and was the seat of a Bene- dictine convent, whose inmates had some traditional knowledge of the processes of healing. In the eleventh century one Con- stantine, of Carthage, who had spent a long time in the east, settled at Salerno, and afterwards retired to the mother con- vent of Monte Cassino, where he employed himself in translating works of Arabic physicians. As early as the first crusade, (at the end of the eleventh century,) Salerno was a place of resort for the cure of maladies: thus Prince Robert, son of William the Conqueror, stopped there to be~ reated for a wound in the arm, which had been. badly dress& Fby surgeons in Palestine. In the course of the twelfth century a number of physicians are named who lived, and perhaps taught at Salerno, but no university organization there can be pointed out, until the time of the second German emperorFrederick, in the thirteenth century. Returning from these remarks respecting the medical school at Salerno, let us proceed with the constitution of the schools of Bologna and Paris. At first these schools could be called universities neither in the modern nor the ancient sense of that term. We mean by it an organized body of teachers and students in many or all the liberal arts and sciences constituted by some public authority, in which preparation is made for the professions, and degrees are given to certify proficiency in learning. To many minds, probably the term university suggests the whole circle of the sciences, as denoting that which embraced within its precincts universal knowledge. But at first the term was far from having so wide an application. Universitas, as a word of Roman law, means a corporation, whether that of a municipal town or of an intellectual society. Thus a university might originally include only the teachers of a single branch, as of jurisprudence. It may here be remarked of the kindred term, schola, that in late 1852.] Rise of Universities. 29 Latin it was transferred from jts ordinary acceptation to denote a fraternity of artisans or a guild, and came to be used not only of guilds proper, but of military bodies formed out of them. These schola?, known to Roman law, and existing before the destruc- tion of the empire, were one germ of the system of guilds which in the middle ages pervaded the towns of Lombardy and of the rest of Europe. .At first the schools of Bologna and Paris were universities neither in the modern sense nor in that of Roman law. They were merely voluntary gatherings of pupils around a teacher of eminence, who was supported by their fees, and who con- ferred on them no degree nor other advantage, except the knowl- edge which he himself possessed. The titles given to the mas- ter were only titles proper to his function: thus doctor was simply teacher and nothing more, and magister artium simply the master who imparted the knowledge of the seven liberal arts. A number of pupils flocked around a master: having more au- ditors than he could instruct he associated with himself a {avo- ite pupil, or chose a colleague if he grew old; or else some one of his pupils set up for himself. There was need of concert, otherwise one doctor or magister might steal away the pupils of another. Concert or association would naturally regulate the admission of others into the society of teachers, the hours of lecturing, the text-books and the like. Hence the first statutes. The University of Bologna began with teachers of Roman law, but in process of time instruction in other departments was introduced. Each of these bodies, in the language of the time, was called a university. Another term much used in the middle ages was studium generale, which denoted the intellec- tual essence, while universitas denoted the incorporated associa- tion. There were at length four universities at Bologna, one of which consisting of Citramontanes or Italians, and another of Ultramontanes or students of other nations devoted to the study of law, for certain purposes formed one body. The third university, called universitas artistarum and consisting of artists or students in the liberal arts and of students in med- icine,* was not founded until the year 1316. In the middle of the fourteenth century, pope Innocent VI founded a fourth or theological university. Canon law was taught in connexion not with theological, but with jural science. This complicated aggregate of corporations was by and by united together. * In German arzt (artst) denotes physician, which perhaps arose from this con. nexion of medical students and artists in one school. 30 Rise of Universities. [Feb. The first public recognition of this institution proceeded from the German emperor, Frederick I, or Barbarossa, in a law of privilegium of the year 1158, by which foreign scholars were protected on their journeys to and from the university, and might be tried coram domino vel magistro suo, vel ipsius ci- vitatis episcopo, quibus hanc jurisdictionem dedimus. This law was in part copied from a rescript of Justinian relating to the law school of Berytus, and must have been suggested to the emperor by the jurists of Bologna themselves, some of whom he employed in important projects of legislation. It was itself the model, after which the universities of Europe had juris- diction of their own in certain cases, as is the fact even now at Oxford and Cambridge. The universities formed after the model of Bologna or of Paris began their existence for the most part with charters by which their powers were defined; and these institutions themselves were often confirmed in the possession of the rights which they had assumed before any positive statute. The right of jurisdiction conferred upon them, and their existence as a sep- arate political body within a municipal corporation, were not at all strange in the middle ages. Nor was the incorporated association of teachers and students anything but the most natural proceeding. Every interest at that time united its members for mutual protection, for monopoly and for the exer- cise of local rights. The hanses or confederations of trading towns, the guilds or associations of trades which often determined the forms of city governments, the fraternities for religious worship, the orders of knighthood, of monachism and of the two united as the religious orders, all show this tendency to- wards partial unions, while as yet national union and general law scarcely existed; and most of them had a legally recog- nized existence, as well as some judicial powers over their members. The universities in relation to the nations composing them, of which we shall presently speak, formed a parallel to the towns with their citizens arrayed in guilds, each of whichhad a share perhaps in the government, while they often stood in hos- tility to one another. Concurrent jurisdiction would often lead to disputes; and exemption particularly of foreign students from the laws or from certain departments of the laws of the towns, must have been exceedingly annoying to the mu- nicipalities. The history of the earlier uniVersities, particular- ly of Paris, is full of bitter quarrels between the town authori- ties and those of the learned societies, the latter alledging that the former had trampled on their chartered rights, and the stu- dents in particular being often kindled to a terrible pitch of enthu 1852. Rise of Universities. 31 siasm. In such contests the universities usually got the better, for they were generally favored by the feudal sovereign of the place and by the ecclesiastical authorities~ who were glad enough to check the assumptions of the burgesses: in an ex- treme case th~ university would suspend its lectures, or the whole corps of teachers and scholars would remove to some other town, leaving houses unrented and provisions unsold. One example of this kind of conflict may suffice for illustra- tion of what we have said. In the year 1408, two students hav- ing committed theft and murder on the high road were arrested by the provost of the merchants of Paris. He offered at first to remit the criminals to the justice of the university, but the reply being made that the university did not hold such persons to be clerks, he then put them to trial by torture and on con- fession caused them to be hanged. Upon this the students be- longing to the nation of Normandy began to excite the univer~~ sity, and it demanded its privileges. The only answer made to its reclamations was that it might take the bodies from the gallows, and bury them wherever it should think best. Then the rage of the university was extreme: sermons and studies were suspended, and a committee was sent to the king to say, that since its privileges were thus violated, it would go away from Paris and seek an asylum elsewhere. The council of the king on this appeal took the part of the learned body. It was decreed that the provost had acted with imprudence and haste. As a penalty he was required to go with the hangman, take down the corpses of the scholars, kiss them in the mouth, conduct them to the precincts of Notre Dame, in order to give them over to the bishop and rector, pay the expenses of the pro~ession and make his apologies to the university. The bodies were in. terre~l in the cloister of the Mathurins, where a tomb recently existed with an epitaph recording this passage of history.* The universities could not have threatened thus to secede, had they been anything more than spiritual bodies. Had they pos- sessed large buildings, libraries or apparatus, such possessions would have bound them to one spot; but as it was, when they did not perhaps own even a hall for lecturing, it was the easiest thing in the world to imitate the Tartar horseman, all whose worldly goods are in a few hours transferred from one pasture ground to another. We have referred to the nations into which the members of the universities were divided. This remarkable imitation of the guilds in the towns pervaded the university system in all the * Barante, histoire des dues de Bourgogne, 2, 146. 32 Rise of Universities. [Feb. countries of Europe. The nations received the new corners according to their extraction, their divisions being partly deter- mined by the number from a particular district resorting to the university. At Bologna there were thirty-five such nations, eighteen ultramontane and seventeen citramonrane. At Paris there were four. At Oxford there were two, the Northerns and the Southerns. At Montpellier there were three, the Bur- gundians, Provencals and Catalans. At Prague also there were three, the Bohemians, Bavarians and Saxons. The nations at Bo- logna had officers called consiliari, excepting the German, whose affairs were committed to procurators, and who had the special privilege of exemption from the jurisdiction of the rector. This term procurator was preserved at Oxford in the shortened form of proctor; the two proctors having formerly been the heads of the two nations, and being now the annually elected po- lice magistrates of the university. The natjons voted we be- lieve as bodies, and not per capita. In the university of Bologna the power was at first entirely in the hands of the scholars; in that of Paris and those formed after it entirely in the hands of the teachers, as might be ex- pected from the discipline of the monastic schools, which the first Parisian masters would naturally adopt. At Bologna only the foreign scholars could vote in public meetings and elect to uni- versity offices or be elected. The scholars native in Bologna were deemed to have civil relations inconsistent with this pre- rogative. The officers were originally a rector (or at Bologna two rectors) and counselors, besides certain inferior persons, as beadle~ and notaries. The rector held his office for a year, and was chosen by the retiring rector, the counselors and certain electors specially chosen for that purpose. We come now to the degrees conferred by these learned bodies. At first doctor and magister, as already remarked, as well as dominus, were merely terms of relation, implying the correlative scholar. Afterwards the two first became titles, im- plying a certain qualification to teach, as ascertained by examin- ation. The title of doctor at Bologna was at first rather confined to the law teachers; while magister was given to the teachers in the arts. The earliest doctors diploma, which Savigny has found, belongs to the university of Reggio in Lom- bardy and was granted in the year 1276. It emanates from the bishop of the place. After a wordy recital of the fitness of the candidate, as ascertained by certain persons commissioned for that purpose, the diploma goes on to say that the bishop, in accord- ance with that examination, and to encourage merit, grants to 1852.] Rise of Universities. 33 the candidate license here and everywhere of presiding in civil law and of occupying a masters chair. The titles given to the examiners of this candidate show that the terms employ- ed for degrees were not entirely fixed. Thus with doctoi~s of laws occur doctors of decrees, which answers to the doctorship of canon law of later times. Masters of civil and canon law are also spoken of by the titles domini and magistri, which seem to be identical with doctores. The degree of doctor was given at Bologna on examina- tion by a faculty of promotion before and with the consent of, the archdeacon of the cathedral church. The archdea- con s presence is easily explained by what we have said of the cathedral schools. lie received afterwards the title of chancellor, because the chancellor of the cathedral of Paris was superintendent of the cathedral school, from which in part the university of Paris emanated. The faculty of promotion con- sisted, for legal studies, of a certain number of doctors, sixteen for civil and twelve for canon law. The places in this faculty were engrossed by doctors of Bolognese extraction, who also contrived to keep the principal professorships to themselves. The can- didate for doctorship was first subjected to a private examination, in preparation for which two textsboth from Roman, or from canon law, or one from each if he wished to be graduated in bothwere given him to work upon. The same day he exhibited his work, a doctor who presented him conducting the examina- tion, and the others presenting objections, if they saw fit. If after his trial was over he was voted worthy of a degree, he was then called a licentiate. He might remain at this interm& diate stage for some time, or if he wished, proceed at an early day to the cathedral, where after a discourse and a juristic praelection, (against which students, not doctors, might dispute,) he was proclaimed a doctor amid appropriate fcvrmalities. Some of these consisted in bestowing on him a book, a ring and a doc- tors hat, and in inviting him to a place on the cathedra. The ceremonies of conferring degrees in later times have in part been drawn from these old usages. The degree of doctor, like that of magister artium, gave a right to teach, although all gri~duates of these ranks did not avail themselves of their privilege. in order to obtain the de- gree in law at Bologna, a civilist was required to study eight and a canonist six years. Scholars, who were not doctors, could by permission of the rectors discharge a certain part of the of- fice of an instructor, if they had studied five or six years. A person thus allowed to teach, after he had proved his talent by reading upon a book or even a passage of law, was called & voL. x. 5 34 Rise of Universzties. [Feb. Bachalarius, and enjoyed certain rights in the university. This word, variously spelt, was afterwards corrupted into Baccalau- reus, as if a scholar on receiving his minor degree was crowned with a branch of laurel on which the fruit was hanging. But the word, as appears from its forms, Bacalar in Proven~al and Bacheler in old French, originally denoted a young man, a jour- neyman, an unmarried man, an inferior knight not a banneret; and was evidently introduced into the language of universities to denote a degree or rank below that of doctor.* Our bache- br, in the sens~e of an unmarried man, has kept close to what is probably the original sense. The teachers at Bologna were employed either in praelec- tions, repetitions, or disputations. The first, or lectures, deriv- ed their name from the professors reading a text beforehand, and then commenting upon it. The student was expected to copy the text, and at first would naturally do so on account of the paucity of books. But a time arose long before the inven- tion of printing, wh~n the business of copying for the crowds of students who resorted to Bologna became a regular and lu- crative trade, whether the books were to be sold or let out by the scribe, as was done at certain fixed prices.t At first the lecturer was expected to finish a book within a year; for in- stance, the code of Justinian was such a book, as was also the first part of the Digest to the twenty-fourth book, which re- ceived the name of Digestum vetus. Afterwards the practice grew up of spending a very long time on a single passage. First the sum of the passage was given; then the text was read and explained, and seeming contradictions were removed; then the mind was led to the rules of law lying in the text, and final- ly the subject was illustrated by real or feigned examples. A repetition was a copious explanation of a single text with solutions of difficulties, the text being taken from the subject of praelections then going on. A disputation was held by a candidate for a paid lectureship, and any one might oppose. The lecturers were ordinary or extraordinary. The former lectured on the ordinary books, which were naturally the most important, and in the morning or best hours. The extraordi * ~~ denotes even, singularly enough, the journal in keeping accounts, as opposed to the main book of accounts or ledger. The day-book is, as it were, the journey- man to the other book. ~ The practice of letting out books was by far the more common one. The book- lender was called Stationarius, a stationer, from the station or stall which he occu- ~pied. Savigny, with incredible learning, has gathered up a multitude of psrticu- lars with regard to the book system at the universities, and the men engaged in copying or correcting them, the material, the price, etc. 1852.] Rise of Universities. nary lectured on other than the usual law-books, and in the af- ternoon, The terms in more modern times have somewhat changed their acceptation. An extraordinary professor now stands in the universities of Europe nearly in the place which was occupied by the Bachelors of old. Fees were at first the sole support of the teaching doctors. By and by, however, lectureships on particular books were founded by the city of Bologna, until at the end of the four- teenth century nineteen professors of law and twenty-one in the arts, (including medicine,) were supported by public salaries. It then became an exception for the teacher to be chosen by the scholar, and at last ceased entirely. Several lectureships for scholars who were not doctors were also established at the same time. These facts will readily explain the pretexts and the motives of the doctors born at Bologna in securing all the pro- fessors places to themselves; and they make it evident that the decline of this seat of learning was inevitable, because profess- orships and salaries were monopolized. The relation of a student to his particular teacher was more permanent than it now is, when a student passes at will from one professors course to another. The age of the students was very various, but in general more advanced than that at which the university course is now commenced. When Roman law began to be talked of through Europe, men even in middle life, who had filled judicial stations, came flocking to Bologna to learn something of the new doc- trine. There are examples, however, of quite young persons commencing their course in law; Petrarch was but fifteen when he began the study, which he continued through seven years. No examination was prescribed, so far as we can ascertain, for admission to the lectures. The success of the university of Bolocrna led other towns and rulers in Italy to found similar institutions; or it might be that doctors from Bologna, when the university was at variance with the town, seceded to another place.* Such was the origin of the university of Padua, which was founded in 1222; and of the abortive institution of Viceuza, which had a life of not more than five years. In the thirteenth and fourteenth century many similar institutions arose, as at Pisa, Piacenza, Modena, Reg- gio, Florence, Sienna, Ferrara, Pavia,. Rome and Naples. Many of the later universities, both in and out of Italy, had a certain * This may have led to the system before spoken of, according to which Bologna doctors engrossed the offices of teaching. They would be less inclined to withdraw from their native place. 36 Rise of Universities. [Feb. dependence on the pope. This is to be accounted for from his superintendence over theology and canon law, and from the connexiori of the earlier schools with religious foundations. A diploma or charter from the pope gave some advantages to teachers in theological branches, and to all teachers who should enter the papal dominions. Hence each new university was glad to secure this source of reputation and prosperity. It was a sign of being recognized in the community of letters. Doubt- less the popes, in thus attempting to control the universities of Christendom, acted according to their usual sagacity; for a new power was arising in the literary world, which could sway opin- ion, and by combined effort make head against other intellectual forces. Much of what has been said of Bologna will apply to Paris, and therefore need not be repeated. As, however, the univer- sity of Paris had some distinctive marks, as it has played, on the whole, a much more important part than that of Bologna, and served as a model for the institutions of northern Europe, it will be necessary to look at its peculiar features and at some points in its history. The university of Paris arose out of the union of distin- guished teachers in theology, philosophy and the liberal arts, who were connected with the cathedral school, and with the monastic schools of St. Genevieve and St. Victor. The oldest genuine monuments relating to it are two decrees of Pope Al- exander III, the first of which ordains that in France no one shall take money for a license to teach, or in modern language for conferring a degree, while the second exempts the existing chancellor of Paris from the operation of the former law. Prob- ably the university had the rudiments of an organization long before this,* but to trace it back to the time of Charlemagne, as Bulaeus (or Du Boulay) does in his history of this institution, is to confound the embryo with the mature animal, or the seed with the plant. It was greatly favored by King Philip Augus- tus at the beginning of the thirteenth century, from whom a privilege proceeded, allowing indeed the provost of Paris to ap- prehend disorderly students, but requiring that afterwards they should be handed over to the bishops court for trial and pun~ ishment. The rector was to be entirely free from municipal jurisdiction. The succeeding kings of France, especially St. Louis, greatly patronized the university, and usually took its * It is said that Henry II of England, of course before 11)70, was willing to refer the dispute between him and Thomas a Becket to the judgment of the university of Pezi& 1852.] Rise of Universities. 37 part, as we have seen. It acquired the title of the eldest daughter of the king, from this close connexion. In a decree of Pope Innocent 111, belonging to the beginning of the thir- teenth century, it is styled a Universitas. That great pope himself had been a student of theology within its precincts. The university of Paris differed from that of Bologna in be- ing one body from the first, and in that all authority was vested in the teachers. When the names doctor and magister became titular, the teaching masters claimed and exercised the legisla- tive power; calling into their aid the other graduates only on special occasions. The Faculties, if not at first, yet at an early date, were those of theology, of canon law, of arts and of medi- cine. Instruction in civil law at Paris was impeded by the in- fluence of the popes, until 1679, when this department also was taught by professors. It was owing to the fact that the action of the university was the action of the teachers, that its decisions in theological and scientific questions had so much weight throughout Europe. Although the decision was usually that of but one faculty, prin- cipally of the theological, yet the dignity and wisdom of the whole body naturally seemed to be represented by each of its parts. Its voice was heard in every dispute which agitated the Christian world. Thus its advice was of weight in relation to the great schism of the west, and to its termination by means of a general council.* We have already said that the students at Paris were divi- ded into four nations. They were the French, (including as pertaining to Bourges, Spain, Italy and the East,) the English or German, (including Hungary, Poland and the northern king- doms,) the Picards, (including the Netherlands,) and the Nor- mans. To these nations, professors and scholars, in whatever branch, belonged according to birth. In the middle of the thirteenth century a quarrel with the mendicant friars, who in vain attempted to secure for themselves posts in the university, led the doctors of theology to separate from the main body, and form a college or faculty by themselves. This example was imitated by the canonists and medical teachers, after which the four nations were looked on as a single fourth faculty, that of the artists; and to them belonged the rectorate. Still the bachelors and scholars of all the faculties pertained to this body. * And in many questions peculiar to France; for example, the Sorbonne, (see below,) in 1587, amid the quarrels of Henry III, and just af~r his assassination of the Duke of Guise, decided that princes, who are not such as they should be, may be deprived of their government. 38 Rise of Universities. [Feb. A very important institution, which flourished more at Paris than in Italy, and has had great influence on the manner of ed- ucation since, both in Europe and America, was that of the colleges. The word college, when applied to education, had two meanings in the middle ages: one relating to a corps of teachers or a faculty, and another to a community of masters and scholars originating in the wants of poor students. Such colleges seem to have been founded at first by the religious for the benefit of persons devoted to the science of theology, who lived a kind of conventual life in them, under the control of the master, who would be one of the regent masters of the university. If the master was successful, and more resorted to his college than he could take care of, he associated with him- self other teachers, who hence in the colleges of the English universities were called his fellows. Hence to endow a college was to provide for the support of a master and a certain num- ber of students. Or the master might set up a pension or boarding house for himself, since the privileges of the colleges were not confined to the poor. This system acquired such a sway at Paris jhat at one time all the branches of study adopt- ed it, and there were few students in the university not inclu- ded in the colleges. A college founded in 1250 by Robert de Sorbonne, for theologians, and called after his name, has often been confounded with the theological faculty of Paris, because many of the same persons belonged to the faculty and the col- lege. The rectorate at Paris fell into the hands of the artists, as has been said, and among them pertained to a master of arts, who, if he became a doctor, vacated his office. The procurators of the four nations chose this officer for a time, but afterwards yielded up their power to four electors specially appointed by the masters of arts. The rector was chosen for four months, and was required to be an unmarried man, though not neces- sarily pertaining to the ecclesiastical order. The times of study necessary for degrees at Paris, the exam- inations, and almost all the academical rules relating to teachers and teaching are sufficiently like those of Bologna to need no special mention. The jurisdiction over the students was a com- plicated and somewhat changeable one. In criminal matters its members depended at first on the bishops court, and after- wards on the parliament of Paris. In civil cases the provost of Paris, and afterwardsthe court of the chatelet had jurisdiqtion. And in addition to this certain university officers, viz: the rector, the four procurators and three deans, constituted a court in cases more especially confined to the body, such as insults 1852.] Rise of Universiti~. 39 to the rector, quarrels between a teacher and his scholars, the conduct of scribes engaged in copying books, questions of rent of rooms to students and the like. The university of Paris, and in imitation ofit other northern institutions of the same kind, visited its younger members, as well bachelors as students, with stripes on the bare back in the presence of the rector and the procurators. The number of students at Paris, especially before the Eng- lish and German universities were founded, was very great. In 1229, on occasion of a quarrel with the city of Paris, twen- ty thousand are said to have emigrated to Oxforda proceed- ing which the universal Latin language of the schools rendered not so very difficult. This secession, it is said, greatly forward- ed the progress of that infant seminary. The number of se- ceders seems incredible, and is probably overstated; but they include, it should be observed, not only teachers and students, but dependent persons of various descriptions, to whom the scholars furnished the means of living. We will add a remark or two upon some points of interest in some of the other universities of Europe. AtMontpellier a school of medicine existed before 1180, and this department of science afterward constituted a distinct university by itself. In the next century jurists were added, and not long after theological teachers, to be selected only out of the mendicant orders. Thus there arose another university, properly pertaining fo the jurists, in which the theologians and artists were engrafted. The students had the power of elect- ing to university offices, as in Italy; and the bishop of the dio- cese had control over the whole body. The university at Prague, founded in 1348, the oldest and long the most flourishing in Germany, (for Bohemia was then properly a German State,) is remarkable for its commo- tions during the time of John Huss. iluss had embraced opinions in part agreeing with those of Wycliffe before he be- came acquainted with the writings of that reformer. Find- ing that he agreed with himself in realistic opinions he was led to think more favorably of him than he had done before, and the Bohemian part of the university came to sympathize with his realism and his respect for Wycliffe. The German part of the university were nominalists, and as they hated Wycliffe on that account as well as on account of his heresies, and, constituting two nations out of the three were thus able to out-vote the Bohemians, they used their power to condemn his writings. This roused the national feelings of the Bohemian students to the highest pitch of excitement; bands of students met in conflict 40 Rise of Universities. [Feb. in the streets, and some were slain. Thereupon the Bohemian teachers persuaded king Wenceslaus, then German emperor, to alter the constitution of the university so as to give their nation three votes and only one to the Germans. This led the Ger- mans, teachers and students, five thousand strong it is said, to abandon the university, and gave occasion to the foundation of that of Leipzig in 1409. The English universities had this characteristic difference from the continental, that the college system grew into such re- pute as to overshadow and finally almost to undermine the uni- versity system. The university consisted of a rector? officers of the nations, and doctors or professors arranged in Faculties, with power to confer degrees, or at least to commend for de- grees to a certain ecclesiastic, called a chancellor. The grand business was lecturing, and there was no need of buildings ex- cept for lecture rooms. Before the invention of printing in- struction was confined to a certain round of books, such as the corpus of Roman law, the canon law, and Peter Lombards sentences. There was therefore small demand even for libra- ries, which have been considered in some places as the very germ of an institution of learning. The colleges on the other hand consisted of teachers living in the closest contact with students, in separate houses owned by the teachers or founded for their benefit. It could not but happen that these college masters and fellows would have far more infiueDce over their students than the professors had, who met them only in the lecturing hall. The teachings in the c~lleges might be regard- ed at first as introductory to those of the university, or as rep- etitions of them. But an able master might easily make his instructions so valuab[e as to throw the lectures quite into the shade. The latter would then be attended only on compulsion, to obtain a degree or comply in some other way with the stat- utes; and would by and by fall into neglect. And the advanta- ges of having good lodgings, comfortable board and pleasant soci- ety, with some relief for pecuniary necessities, would add no small weight to the other inducements which the colleges had to offer. The old system of university education sustained a rude shock in England from the changes in study consequent upon the revival of classical learning, and upon the reformation. Canonical law came to be at a discount, and scholastic theology was driven out of its cathedra by the study of the Bible. Greek and the elegant investigation of classical Latin writers became the property of college instruction, not being provided for in the system of the university. But above all the inven 1852.] Rise of Universities. 41 tion of printing put cheap books instead of dear manuscripts into the hands of students, and substituted what may be called the instructions of the chamber for those of the lecture-room, study for the copying of other mens thoughts, private examina- tions from a text-book for repetitions. Add to this that neither Oxford nor Cambridge was a good place for the study of law and of medicine: London, the centre of professional ability, of courts and hospitals, offered many advantages over them, at least after distinguished men in these professions had collected libraries. Thus it happened that while lectures were read on these branches, the great amount of study was done in the capi- tal. The university course was almost confined to the liberal arts and theology: in the latter the tendency was, while the scholastic system was discarded, to put no theological study into its place. The university professors, as the directors of students minds, gave way to the college fellows acting in the capacity of public teachers; and these again in more modern times have given way, in a great degree, td private tutors chosen out of their number by the students. Thus Oxford and Cam- bridge have diverged entirely from the course which the conti- nental institutions have persevered in until the present day. The old university system remains, as the lifeless shell, within which the colleges are the living kernel. It would be interesting, could we now afford the space for it, to contemplate the effects of the universities upon civilization and thinking in modern times. We should find them of eminent service~s congregating minds together: after their foundation the different scJ~nces no longer grew up in narrow isolation, but liberalized each other by reciprocal action. We should find them to be places where thought had more freedom than anywhere else; they were never wholly under the thumb of bishops, parliaments or popes; and in maintaining their privi- leges they fought successfully with towns and princes.# They were the home for new sciences, as these arose, and for new doctrines. We should ever be grateful to one of them, the youngest of all, for harboring in its bosom the reformation, which but for the teachings of Professor Luther and Professor Melanchthon, and for the independent spirit of an association of scholars, might easily have been suppressed. voL. x. 6 * The control now exercised in continental Europe by the governments over the universities, is, we believe, practically more oppressive and effective than any which was exercised in the middle ages. 42 Moses Stuart. [Feb. ART. 111.MOSES STUART. A Commentary on Ecciesiastes. By MOSES STUART, lately Professor of Sacred Literature, in the Theological Seminary at Andover, Mass. New York: George P. Putnam, 1851. SINCE the beginning of the present year, one of the most distinguished men in the history of American theology has rest- ed from his labors. Th~ celebrity and public usefulness of MosEs STUART, the multitude of his pupils scattered over the world, to whom the announcement of his decease comes with a touching sense of personal bereavement, and the effects which his labors in life have already wrought, and which his surviving influence is yet to work upon the progress of theology and of religion in our country, prompt us to lay before our readers, without waiting for a more authorized biographer, some notice of his life and labors, drawn partly from our personal reminis- cences, and partly from opportunities of communication with some of his early and intimate friends. He was born at Wilton, in Fairfield County, on the 26th of March, 1780. At the age of 17, in the spring vacation, he en- tered the Sophomore class in Yale College. He had made his preparation for college, partly at least, under the instruction of that admirable scholar, afterwards so distinguished as a jurist, Roger Minot Sherman, who had then just retir~d from ~is short connection with the Faculty of the College, and was attempting to establish himself in the practice of law at Norwalk. A class- mate who entered at the same time, and shared in his examina- tion, testifies that from his first appearance within college walls, all those peculiarities of manner which every one who knew him in later years must have observed, and which even the reader of his writings felt distinctly, all the singularities by which the man was so identified to the last, were fully devel- oped. His earliest college composition, read in the recitation room, was on the advantages of a prospective over an imme- diate abolition of slavery, a subject which had just then a local interest in Connecticut; and it was written in quite the same peculiar style, both of diction and of argument, with his late pamphlet on cognate subjects, entitled Conscience and the Constitution. In a class which shows upon the catalogue some names of most distinguished scholarship, he was honored by the highest appointmenta distinction which he probably owed in

42 Moses Stuart. [Feb. ART. 111.MOSES STUART. A Commentary on Ecciesiastes. By MOSES STUART, lately Professor of Sacred Literature, in the Theological Seminary at Andover, Mass. New York: George P. Putnam, 1851. SINCE the beginning of the present year, one of the most distinguished men in the history of American theology has rest- ed from his labors. Th~ celebrity and public usefulness of MosEs STUART, the multitude of his pupils scattered over the world, to whom the announcement of his decease comes with a touching sense of personal bereavement, and the effects which his labors in life have already wrought, and which his surviving influence is yet to work upon the progress of theology and of religion in our country, prompt us to lay before our readers, without waiting for a more authorized biographer, some notice of his life and labors, drawn partly from our personal reminis- cences, and partly from opportunities of communication with some of his early and intimate friends. He was born at Wilton, in Fairfield County, on the 26th of March, 1780. At the age of 17, in the spring vacation, he en- tered the Sophomore class in Yale College. He had made his preparation for college, partly at least, under the instruction of that admirable scholar, afterwards so distinguished as a jurist, Roger Minot Sherman, who had then just retir~d from ~is short connection with the Faculty of the College, and was attempting to establish himself in the practice of law at Norwalk. A class- mate who entered at the same time, and shared in his examina- tion, testifies that from his first appearance within college walls, all those peculiarities of manner which every one who knew him in later years must have observed, and which even the reader of his writings felt distinctly, all the singularities by which the man was so identified to the last, were fully devel- oped. His earliest college composition, read in the recitation room, was on the advantages of a prospective over an imme- diate abolition of slavery, a subject which had just then a local interest in Connecticut; and it was written in quite the same peculiar style, both of diction and of argument, with his late pamphlet on cognate subjects, entitled Conscience and the Constitution. In a class which shows upon the catalogue some names of most distinguished scholarship, he was honored by the highest appointmenta distinction which he probably owed in 1852.] Moses Stuart. 43 part to the thoroughness of his preparation under Mr. Sherman, particularly in mathematical studies. After leaving college, he found some temporary employment as a teacher, and soon commenced the study of law, which he had chosen for his profession. In 1802 he returned to college as a tutor, and while performing the duties of that office, he continued his legal studies, and was admitted to the bar in Fairfield County. But at the time of his admission to the bar, inquiries and studies of another sort were already beginning to engross his attention. President Dwight was accustomed in those days to read oc- casionally at evening prayers, a chapter from the translation in Macknight on the Epistles. Something in that exercise had interested Mr. Stuart; and he began to study the Scriptures on the Sabbath, borrowing for that purpose from the President, a volume of Macknight. As he read, an interest deeper than any merely intellectual inquiry was excited; his religious con- sciousness was beginning to be awakened. Presently his Sab- bath-day study of the Scriptures was continued into the week; his ardent and impetuous mind felt itself grappling with infinite realities; religion had become to him a matter of immediate inquiry; his personal reconciliation to God was to him the greatest of all concerns, and the foremost of all duties. He saw in Christ, as in a glass, the glory of Cod; and thus his views of life and of the world, and all his plans of activity in life, were changed. After a little study of theology under the guidance of President Dwight, and the writing of a single met- aphysico-theological dissertation, which, with a text prefixed, was made to answer as a sermon at his examination for licen- sure, he was duly approbated by the Association, and com- mended to the churches as a candidate for the ministry of the Gospel. Having written another sermon, (from 2 Kings ii, 12,) he began to preach. This was about the close of the year 1804. Forty-seven years ago, the aged pastor of the First Church in New Haven, (Dr. James Dana,) being temporarily disabled in consequence of the fracture of a limb, Mr. Stuart was em- ployed to supply the vacancy for a few Sabbaths. His preach- ing immediately began to command attention. So strong was the impression produced by his earliest efforts, that after a few weeks, a large portion of the congregation, and espe- cially of the younger people, had fixed their hearts upon him with the determination that he should be their pastor. He was accordingly invited by a vote to preach as a candidate for settlement. The invitation was declined on the ground that the aged pastor with whom it was proposed to associate him as 44 Moses Stuart. [Feb. a colleague, did not favor the movement. Between Dr. Dana and Mr. Stuart there was as great diversity of mind, manners, habits and opinions as can easily be found existing between any two men who could be thought of in such a connection. Dr. Dana was dignified, formal and precise in speech and man- ners. Mr. Stuart, though neither slovenly nor clownish, des- pised the idea of an old fashioned clerical dress, and old fash- ioned clerical dignity of countenance and demeanor. Dr. Dana was one whose taste in writing and in eloquence was formed on classical models. In Mr. Stuarts written discourses, and in all his public performances, there was the utmost seriousness and earnestness, without any scholastic affectation of correctness. Dr. Danas notions were thoroughly c~nservativeas if it were enough to keep things as they were, and not let the church or the world grow worse. Mr. Stuart had by nature all the restless impulsiveness of a reformer; he was one of those who feel that their business is to make the church and the world a great deal better. Dr. Danas way of preaching was cautious, as if he were unwilling to depart from the letter of the Scrip- tures, and as if he must needs be particularly reserved on those cardinal points of Christian doctrine which are so magnified and illustrated by the emotions of Christian experience, and around which so many of the controversies of theology revolve from age to age. Mr. Stuarts preaching was just the reverse of this: whatever he knew, he knew without the shadow of a doubt, and he proclaimed it without reserve or caution; every sermon had with him the freshness of a new discovery; and the outright earnestness with which he spoke just what he him- self had found, and felt, and handled of the truth, carried the attention and the sympathy of his hearers. Dr. Danas opinions on the theological questions of the time, were utterly opposed to what was then called new Divinity ; he repudiated with all his heart, the dogmatic peculiarities which the successors of President Edwards had introduced into New England theology. Mr. Stuart, as a young man, as a man made for progress, and by virtue of all his associations, Was wholly with the new Divinity. It cannot seem strange then that the old pastor was unwilling to have such a colleague as the society was proposing to thrust upon him; or that the young candidate was unwilling to be put into such a relation. The result was that Dr. I)ana, then seventy years of age, though in only the seventeenth year of his ministry in that church, was dismissed from his charge, and Mr. Stuart having been regularly invited to the pastoral office, was ordained on the 5th of March, 1806, just as he was completing the twenty-sixth year of his age. 1852.] Moses Stuart. 45 His short ministry in New Haven, marks an era in the his- tory of the church which he served as pastor. We might al- most define his settlement as the date of a revolution. The old petrified order of things which had come down through the ministry of at least three successive pastors, and which was sanc- tified by the traditions of more than a century, was rapidly and effectually disturbed. Meetings for prayer and free religious conference, which before had been hardly knownmeetings in the evening by candle light, which before had been reckoned lit- tle better than a scandal, became frequent. A new religious vitality began to be developed in the church; a new serious- ness spread itself over the congregation at large. Many who had cherished the notion that a decent morality, with a per- functory attendance on public worship, was all that could rea- sonably be expected of them, began to ask, What lack I yet? Many a soul, touched by Gods gracious spirit, began to be con- scious of a need and guilt unfelt before, and began to inquire, What must I do? Many to whom the idea of religious experi- ence had been quite distasteful, began to feel the powers of the world to come, and awoke as from the dead to newness of life. During the three years and ten months of Mr. Stuarts service in the pastoral office, two hundred persons were received to full communion in the church, of whom only twenty-eight were received by letter from other churches. Of those two hundred such is the rapidity with which a living generation passes away less than fifty are now among the livingthirty of them still in connection with the same church. He, in a ripe and venera- ble age. has gone to give an account of his ministry. How great a multitude of those to whom the word which he dis- pensed was a savor of life unto life, or of death unto death, have gone before to meet him at the dread tribunal! As lately as the first ten years of the present century, the ar- rangements for theological education in this country, were ex- ceedingly defective, in comparison with what they now are. The student, after completing what was then esteemed a course of liberal studies in some college, spent a few months, or a few weeks, as the case might be, either at college or with some pas- tor, reading some system or body of divinity, writing a t~w dissertations on the leading questions of theology, and prepar- ing a few sermon~ and then he was ready to pass his examina- tion before the associated pastors of the neighborhood, and hav- ing received their approbation, he became a regular candi- date for the ministry. The Greek Testament was studied of course in college, for in those days it was considered indispen- sable to a liberal education; but beyond this there was ordina 46 Moses Stuart. [Feb. rily no study of the Scriptures in the languages in which they were written. If here and there some adventurous student en- tered on the study of the Hebrew, he found but little help and little encouragement. The zeal of President Stiles in behalf of Hebrew studies, and in behalf of theological erudition general- Jy, had wrought no permanent effects. Doubtless the New Eng- land theology of that day, following the bias which it had receiv- ed from the mighty hand of the elder Edwards, had its own high merits; but in proportion as it became more speculative and metaphysical, it was growing less learned; in proportion as it valued itself more and more upon its distinctive improvements in the statement and illustration of Christian doctrine, it was growing provincial; in proportion as it concerned itself with philosophical analysis, it was tempted to withdraw itself from the historic interpretation of the Scriptures. But about forty- five years ago,a few large-minded men in the eastern part of Massachusetts, alarmed at the development of Unitarianism in that quarter, began to consult about the foundation of a college f& r educating ministers of the Gospel in the various branches of learning and science belonging distinctively to their own profession. From their consultations arose the theological seminary at Andover, in form a mere off-shoot from Phillips Academy, but entirely separate in fact, and endowed at its outset with a princely liberality. One part of the plan was, thorough instruction in the original languages of the Bible and in the theory and practice of Biblical interpretation. To the profes- sorship in that department Mr. Stuart was invited near the close of the year 1809, not long after the first organization of the seminary. No opening could have offered to him a more attractive prospect of activity and usefulness. The church and society reluctantly yielded to his judgment, and gave their consent to his dismission from the pastoral office. On the 9th of January, 1810, just forty-two years before his death, the relation between him and the first church in New Haven was formally dissolved. Inducted at the age of thirty into his new office, he devoted himself to it with characteristic zeal and force; and as we have said that his settlement in the pastoral office marks an era in the history of the particular church to which he ministered, so we may say without exaggeration, that his removal to the chair of sacred literature at Andover, marks an era in the history of American theology. He went to that office with little preparation beside an earnest, enthusiastic mind, a habit of diligent applica- tion to whatever he,might undertake, and a gift for teaching which had been tried in college, and which consisted chiefly in the pow- 1852.] Moses Stuart. 47 er of inspiring his pupils for the time being with something of his own zeal. His acquaintance with Greek, at that time, was limited to the New Testament and a part of Homers Iliad; and as for Hebrew he had never read more than half a dozen chapters in Genesis, and that without the points. But the ardor with which he devoted himself to study and teaching, made up for all deficiencies in his own preparation. He created, as it were, the entire department of Biblical literature in that seminary, which has served as a model for every theolo- gical seminary since established in this country. Beginning to teach the venerable language of the Old Testament as he had learned it, (or rather was learning it,) without the pointsthe mode of reading and teaching to which Parkhurst and other English Hebraists of reputed learning had given considerable currencyhe digested his knowledge, as fast as he acquired it, into a Grammar of the Hebrew language without the points. A copy of this now almost forgotten work we remember to have seen a little more than thirty years ago. After having been used for a year or two in manuscript, it was printed; and it was the first book in the department of Biblical literature that was issued from the now celebrated Andover press. But hard- ly had that Grammar made its appearance when the author of it renounced the superficial and unsatisfactory method on which it was written, and began to lay anew, on a deeper and broader plan, the foundations of his Hebrew learning. He found that the English language contained no adequate helps for himself or for his pupils; and that in the department of learn- ing to which he was devoted, another living language had been enriched with a body of literature quite unknown to the theo- logians and scholars of Great Britain as well as of this coun- try. At a time when the German language was almost as little studied among English and Anglo-American scholars as the Chinese now is, he became acquainted with the profound and all-investigating scholarship of German universities, and through their language he made the results of their learn- ing available to himself in his pursuits. He soon began to bring forward a new class of divines; not new in the sense of having new theological opinions, but new as having to some extent new habits of investigation and inquiry, and new methods of discussing theological questions. As students from Andover presented themselves to associations of pastors, here and there, for the customary examination, many a careful guardian of the good old ways was startled not only by new and uncouth tech- nical words, such as Exegesis, llermeneutics, and Lin- guistic, but still more by the rejection (perhaps not altogether 48 Moses Stuart. [Feb. unostentatious) of everything like a spiritual or secondary sense underlying the literal meaning of the Scriptures, and by the ready acknowledgment that this or that proof-text habitually quoted in preaching and in controversy, time out of mind, was not to be relied on as apposite or conclusive. There were not then so many facilities as now exist for propagating suspicion against an unfortunate innovator, but in many a monthly meet- ing of ministers, at many an ecclesiastical council, in many an associational meeting, there was inquiry and no little solicitude about the tendencies of Prof. Stuarts mode of teaching; and it seemed to be doubted whether any good would come in the end from the Andover institution. What might be the use of such an institution, and of such studies, to the church and to the truth, became evident to the public at large, when Moses Stuart descended, a champion in armor of proof, into the arena of the Unitarian controversy. For several years there had been, throughout New England, a growing uneasiness in the religious public at the rapid, but for the most part silent development of Unitarianism among the churches of Boston and vicinity. As yet, though there had been occasional skirmishes of controversy in pamphlets and magazines, there had been no formal separation of the parties, no drawing of definite lines between those who stood upon the old foundation, and those who had been carried away by the speculative and skeptical tendencies of the then dominant Eng- lish philosophy. At last, in May, 1819, Dr. Channing, in a ser- mon at the ordination of Mr. Sparks, (now President Sparks of Cambridge,) in a new Unitarian church at Baltimore, threw down the gauntlet, as it were, and challenged Orthodoxy to defend it- self. The sermon was immediately published and was greatly admired. It was very soon followed by a memorable publica- tion, Stuarts Letters to Channing; and from that time the tone of contempt in which Boston Unitarians had been wont to speak of Andover and Orthodoxy, began to be modified. As to the effect in other quarters, we remember to have heard a story which may be no better than a myth, but the existence even of such a myth answers our purpose as well as if we were able to warrant its historic verity. The story is that Dr. Beecher, then a pastor in Connecticut, had prepared a sermon against the dangerous tendency of familiarity with German commentators and philologists, and was on a journey to Andover, with the pur- pose of preaching it in the seminary chapel, when the Letters to Channing, having just been published, fell in his way; and the consequence of reading them was that the well-intentioned sermon was consigned to the fire. In certain quarters the pre 1852.] Moses Stuart. 49 judice against German studies is still extant; but the utterance of it begins to sound like an echo of the cry which has some- times been heard from ignorant zeal against Latin and learning and college-made ministers. It is not our purpose to criticise the published works of Prof. Stuart, or even to give a catalogue of their titles. In one way or another he has been, for more than thirty years, almost con- tinually before the public as an author. The correction of proof-sheets and the preparation of manuscript foi the compos- itor has been with him a constantly returning labor. In ser- mons and in essays, in translations and in original treatises, in contributions to theological journals, (almost invariably under his own name,) and in separate volumes like those on the Canon of Scripture and the Interpretation of Prophecy, he has been contributing to the advancement of theological learning. His Hebrew Grammarnot the half-forgotten one to which we have already made allusion, but the one lately in use at Andover and elsewherewas published in 1821, and has passed through several editions, always improved, and always expecting to be improved again. But he is perhaps most honorably known in theological literature by his elaborate Commentaries. These were the great labor of his life, so far as it was a life of author- ship. The earliest of them, the Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews, was published in 1828. We believe that, in re- spect to minuteness and thoroughness of philological investiga- tion, nothing equal to it, nothing of the same sort, had then appeared in the English language. It was followed by Com- mentaries of the same character on the Epistle to the Romans and on the Apocalypse. More recently his Commentary on Daniel was added to the series. His latest publication was the Commentary on Ecclesiastes, the title of which is placed at the head of this article. His explanations of that most remarkable book, unique among the writings of either Testament, are in- teresting to the alumni of Andover for old acquaintance sake, though we believe~ that to the majority even of professional readers the Commentary has the still greater interest of novel- ty. At our last interview with the venerable author, (in Octo- ber,) we found him in his study, at work with all the activity and enthusiasm of earlier years, reading proof-sheets and sup- plying copy for a forthcoming Commentary on the Book of Proverbs. Happy are we to learn that this work was com- pleted and is now ready for publication, the last proof-sheet having been corrected before he lay down to die. It is not as an author, however, but as a teacher, that he has most effectually served his generation by the will of God. The VOL. X. 7 50 Moses Stuart. [Feb. writer of this article became acquainted with him in the rela- tion of a pupil, a little more than thirty-one years ago. The Professor was then in the meridian of his powers. He had been ten years in his professorship, and had become familiar with its duties. It is a reminiscence of youthful delight to recall the excitement of that lecture-room. The daily recitation was not to him, and therefore it was not to us, a daily drudgery; in him it seemed to be a joyous exercise/abor ipse voluptasand his delighted earnestness transfused itself into the minds of his pupils. On our part, the profoundest reverence for the teacher was found to be not inconsistent with the utmost freedom in the statement of objections to any of his views and in drawing out from him the solution of our doubts. It was a new pleasure to find ourselves on such a footing of friendship and unembarrass- ed intercourse with one whom we so delighted to honor. It was a new pleasure to see the sacred page grow luminous, as he fixed upon it our awakened attention, and guided our minds to the perception of its beauties and its treasures. Nor was it with- out a new delight that we found ourselves led forth out of nar- row and hard-beaten paths into the open field of free investi- gation. Thus, through a series of nearly forty years, class after class of men who had devoted themselves to the work of the ministry, was trained by him in the study of those Divine records which are the text-book and the only authoritative rule of Christian faith. His pupils, dispersed perhaps through all our states and territories, have found their posts of usefulness not only in the pastoral office, but in the most various academic stations, and in almost every kind of literary employment. These all have felt the action of his ardent mind wakening and kindling their souls as with a touch of inspiration. These all owe to him, in no small measure, whatever they possess of skill and of freedom, in the exposition of the oracles of God. Nor is this the whole. His usefulness as a teacher connects itself not only with the progress of Christianity in the va~t empire of our Union, but with those foreign missionary movements which, proceeding from this country, are carrying Christianity into the most distant realms of Pagan and Mohammedan darkness. At Beir~it, each morning sun spreading its rosy splendor over the snow of Lebanon wakens to his daily task one of the most ac- complished scholars of our age, who is preparing with toilsome accuracy, a new translation of the Bible into the sacred language of the Korana translation which, if he is permitted to finish it, will be pronounced, we doubt not, by competent judges, the most exquisite which the world has ever seen in any language a translation which, we trust, will yet be to the uncounted 1852.] Moses Stuart. 51 millions with whom that language is vernacular, more than all that Luthers Bible has been to Germany. At Constantinople, the language of the Turks has been enriched and hallowed by receiving a translation of the Scriptures; and the Jews there are reading the law and the prophets, and the records of the New Testament, not in the dead Hebrew only, but in their own tongue in which they were born. At Smyrna, another hand is completing the translation into modern Armenian. Beyond the Mountains of Assyria, the Nestorians are rejoicing in the trans- lation of the Scriptures into their spoken Syriac. It would be tedious to rehearse what has been done, or is now in progress, of the same sort, for India, for China, for Hawaii, for the Zulus of South Eastern Africa, for the Ch& rokees and the Choctaws. In all these regions, in all these languages, the pupils of Prof. Stuart are employed, or have been, not only in preaching the Gospel, but in translating and publishing the records of inspira- tion. The tidings of his death will travel round the globe to find those who have been disciples at his feet; and tears, as of filial affection, will fall on pages half Inscribed with the strange words and uncouth characters of languages which the men whom he trained for their work are consecrating to the worship of God and the Gospel of Christ. It is, perhaps, the highest illus- tration of his usefulness, that, in so many languages, the Bible will be given by his pupils to so many tribes and nations, not in the form of hasty translations from a translation, but in the form of translations made directly from the inspired original, with all the aids afforded by the most advanced investigation. No intelligent admirer of Prof. Stuart will claim for him the highest rank, either in general learning, or in the particular learning of his own profession. He was too impetuous by na- ture, too zealous in his work, too intent on achievement, to be unfailingly accurate. Some of his pupils are doubtless more learned than he was in his own department. But who of them all can teach in that department as he taught, rousing the whole class and kindling each learner into a glow? It is well to re- member that the most minutely accurate scholar is not always the most effective teacher. Prof. Stuarts merit is, that he did for his own department of learning what another professor, still flourishing in a green old age, has done for physical science. Distant be the day when the parallel may be drawn out, in all its points of resemblance and contrast, without indelicacy. Had Moses Stuart been one of those scholars who never err, and whom no criticism can censure, he might have adorned some learned chair with the wealth of his attainments and the academic renown of his acuteness; but he would never have Moses Stuart. [Feb. been the inspiring teacher that he was, nor would he have been honored as the father of Biblical learning in America. It would be difficult to discuss at large his influence, present and prospective, on American theology, without deviating wide- ly from the object of this notice. Yet we shall be unjust to his memory if we omit entirely so important a topic. The provi- dence of God has made him the pioneer, or rather one of the chief instruments, of a great reformation in the method of the- ological education and of theological studya reformation the effects of which on the pulpit, on the church, on the progress of the Gospel. and on the conversion of the world, have been as yet by no means exhausted or fully unfolded. A change is tak- ing place in the character of our theology, a change which, how- ever it may be deprecated by the fearful and the unbelieving, goes on, year after year, by the force of tendencies which can- not be resisted. It is not that the vital truths of the evangeli- cal system are rejected or undervalued; rather let us say that they are contemplated in a clearer light and with a wider view of their relations, and that thus they are more adequately ap- preciated. It is not, as accusers proclaim, that our theologians are departing farther and farther from the landmarks of doc- trine, as defended by Owen and Calvin, and in earlier ages by Augustine and Athanasius; on the contrary, the New England orthodoxy, without losing any just reverence for its own great divines, and without forfeiting its right to what they have won for it, is growing, as we judge, more orthodox according to an- cient, historic, and truly catholic standards of orthodoxy. It is not, as so many complain, that our teaching and preaching are less Scriptural and more speculative; the very reverse is the fact. Doubtless the progress of this gradual revolution, (for slow as the movement is, it may be called a revolution,) is at- tended with dangers; but what good thing is there in this world, what change for the better, which may not become extravagant and mischievous through human infirmity. Let those, there- fore, who are foreordained and predisposed to be conserva- tives of the old, see to their duty and magnify their office. No doubt, as our theology advances on its course, new investi- gations and a more exact analysis of language and of thought will require new definitions and defenses of doctrine, and thus there will be new controversies among those who receive the truth in the love of it; but the truth will be safe. The causes of the change in question are many. One of them, no doubt, is to be found in the progress of physical sci- ence and in the extent to which the inductive philosophy and its achievements have entered into our systems of education, 1852.] Moses Stuart. 53 and have affected all our habits of thought. Much is due, also, to the fact, that with us Christianity is thrown upon its own resources, and stands in a new relation to all civil institutions. Much is due to the changing developments of infidelity, and to the presence of Romanism and other kindred systems which our predecessors knew only by tradition. Much is due to the enlarged and enterprising evangelism of the age, planning and laboring for the propagation of the truth, and continually react- ing on the pulpit and on the intellectual habits of all who labor in word and doctrine. But in the contemplation of such cau- ses, we should not forget how much is due to the influence of individual men, leaders by the endowments of nature or by the position assigned to them in Gods providence. No man among our recent theologians is more conspicuous in this respect than Moses Stuart. He was made to be a leader, wherever he might be placed; and he was destined to an extraordinary position. The peculiarity of his influence upon the progress and tenden- cy of our theology is not, as some suppose, the simple conse- quence of his studying German authors and introducing Ger- man expositors to the knowledge of those who read the Eng- lish language. It is the consequence of his zeal for the study of the Scriptures, and of the success with which he insisted on making that the primary and fundamental study in the whole cyclopedia of theology. The difference is obvious enough be- tween the method of studying theology which was in com- mon use before the year 1810, and that which may be regarded as beginning when Moses Stuart was removed from the pastoral office in New haven to the professorship at Andover. On the one hand there is a method of teaching which begins with put- ting a ready-made system of theology into the hands of the learner, and ends with showing him how to argue it out, and how to use the Bible as a storehouse of proof-texts. This is the way to have a theology which, as determined by the genius of the age or of the people, will be either unthinking and tradition- al, or speculative, logical and rationalistic, but always narrow and sectarian. On the other hand there is a method of teach- ing, which begins with putting the Bible itself into the hands of the learner and setting him to study it as a collection of histor- ical documents, and which afterwards leads him to investigate, in the light of this authentic and inspired Christianity, the dog- matic system which theologians, toiling from age to age upon the materials which the Bible afforded them, have hewn out, and~ jointed, and built up into a massive and symmetrical structure. This method will obviously give us, ultimately, though not with any violent change, a theology very different in its spirit and 54 Moses & uart. [Feb. tendency from the other. The theology resulting from such a method of instruction will be fundamentally scriptural, and therefore free and of a catholic spirit. Beginning with the study of the Scriptures as historic documents, it learns to distinguish between the revelation given in the record and the analyses and deductions of human logic; and the more devoutly it clings to the one, the more humbly it distrusts the other. Without shut- ting up the expounder of Christian truth to the one work of interpretation, or forbidding him to attempt a science of theol- ogy, it cultivates among theologians a scholar-like and histori- cal spirit, and puts them upon tracing along the line of ages the successive struggles by which the now existing science of dog- matic theology, identified in all its progress with the instincts and yearnings of evangelical piety, has been slowly developed out of the simple and primitive Gospel. That such is now the character of American evangelical theology, or even of theol- ogy in the New England schools and churches, we will not af- firm; but we confess it has often seemed to us that something like this may be the theology of the future. We believe that those who were familiar with Mr. Stuarts preaching in his youth, generally agree in representing him as having lost in later years much of his power. The tradition of his preaching in New Haven corresponds with the record of what was achieved under his ministry, and makes him one of the most pungent, convincing and efficient preachers that New England has ever known. Two of his sermons, addressed to his own congregation, were published,one, preached at the last communion before his resignation of the pastoral office, the other a more formal farewell sermon preached after his dismis- sion. A critic measuring these sermons, mechanically, by the rules laid down in books on homiletics, might not discover in them any remarkable superiority. A fastidious reader, com- paring them with some of the grand discourses of such masters as Chalmers and Robert Hall, and looking only for philosophic originality of thought and poetic beauty of illustration and expression, might find in them little to admire. Any intelli- gent man happening to light upon them in a volume of old pamphlets, and happening not to recognize the name of their author, might not discover any difference between them and the ordinary printed sermons of preachers whose celebrity never traveled far beyond their own parochial boundaries. But to one familiar with the author and able to represent to his own mind the actual preaching of the sermons at the time and place, those dingy leaves will seem to flash with an electric fire. He recalls the preachers tall, thin figure with the angular sharpness 1852.] Moses Stuart. 55 of its outline. He hears the peculiar modulation of that voice, sometimes dropping to the deepest tones, sometimes mounting up the scale in bursts of emotion, always distinct in its articulation, often most emphatic in its pauses. He sees the occasionally vehement gesticulation, the expression gleaming in every fea- ture, the soul unconsciously betraying at every moment its own inward glow, and thus giving even to the most familiar truth the warmth and lustre of originality. To one who reads ihose two sermons in the light of such associations, the report which survivors give of the effects produced in the preaching of them, will not seem at all mysterious. Mr. Stuarts power as a preach- er was in his unaffected earnestness, snatching a grace beyond the reach of art. He had a quick sympathy with his hearers, which they felt because he felt it, and thus grappling their souls to his, he drew them along with him; when the train began to move upon the track, the dead weight of every listener became as it were a living force, all their momentum was added to his own, and soon every axle and every wheel glowed with the rushing movement. In that constitutional quickness of sympathy, that genial heartiness which afterwards so charmed his pupils, and which gave him so much power with his parishioners in private intercourse, was one element of the earnestness with which, in the pulpit, he grasped the truth and felt its electric thrill through every fibre of his being. None that knew him as a pastor or a teacher, none that knew him as a man and a friend, will censure us for having described him only in terms of eulogy. Who that knew him can forget the genial glow of his affections, the fascinating frankness of his manners, the impressiveness of his voice, the eloquent expressiveness of his countenance, the flashes of wit and humor that illuminated his talk, the profound seriousness toward God and eternity which communicated itself to all who listened? Who that remembers these things will expect us to criticise the eccentricities which gave such distinctness to his personal identity, or to draw his frailties from the dread abode to which they have just descended? It is enough that he feared God, and trusted, as a weak and sinful man, in Jesus Christ, and that God has made him in his generation a burning and a shining light. His decease took place late in the evening of the Lords day, the 4th of January last. A short and apparently slight illness had seemed to yield to medical treatment; but death came so suddenly that his family, who had retired for the night, had not time to assemble at his~bed-side ere he had breathed his last. 56 The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. [Feb. ART. IV.TIIE FIFTEEN DECISIVE BATTLES OF THE WORLD. The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World, from Marathon to Waterloo. By E. S. CREASY, Professor of History in Uni- versity College, London. New York: Harper & Brothers, 82 Cliff street, 1851. By decisive battles the author of this work intends, in the Janguage of his motto taken from Mr. Hallam, those of which a contrary event would have essentially changed the history of the world in all its subsequent scenes. It is assumed that human minds have the power of passing an accurate judgment upon the results of possible events; that they can trace the stream of history not only as it has actually flowed along from age to age, but as it would have flowed, if it had been obstructed or diverted at any particular point of its progress. But this is an unsafe and arrogant assumption. If the wisest minds are unequal to the task of always determining the exact relations of cause and effect in the world of actual events, if the manifold dependence of things on one another, and our ignorance of many of them, render even this a problem not always possible to be solved, so that modesty becomes us, and we must decide rather as guessers than as judges; how much more will this be true where we must make out our own picture of ppssibilities and frame a world of contingencies for ourselves? Who is competent to say that but for a blow struck at such and such a time freedom would have become extinct; that but for such a victory civilization would have gone back- wards perhaps a thousand years? The most that we can do is to say that there seem to us to be crises, and that the balance turned by the influence of a particular predestined arm. We may be in error. To contemporaries political and moral crises multiply themselves, and every event seems big with the fates of nations. It is said, somewhere, that the inhabitants of a little German Duchy, when some calamity befel them, thought that it was the opening of the sixth seal. But posterity forms a different judgment; the crisis dwindles perhaps into an ordi- nary event, while some other cause of change, invisible to the eyes of its age, rises into grand proportions before their success- ors. And so it may be, that to a student in eternity who shall study the whole of this worlds history, some things now seen through a magnifying mist may dwindle into petty events hardly

56 The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. [Feb. ART. IV.TIIE FIFTEEN DECISIVE BATTLES OF THE WORLD. The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World, from Marathon to Waterloo. By E. S. CREASY, Professor of History in Uni- versity College, London. New York: Harper & Brothers, 82 Cliff street, 1851. By decisive battles the author of this work intends, in the Janguage of his motto taken from Mr. Hallam, those of which a contrary event would have essentially changed the history of the world in all its subsequent scenes. It is assumed that human minds have the power of passing an accurate judgment upon the results of possible events; that they can trace the stream of history not only as it has actually flowed along from age to age, but as it would have flowed, if it had been obstructed or diverted at any particular point of its progress. But this is an unsafe and arrogant assumption. If the wisest minds are unequal to the task of always determining the exact relations of cause and effect in the world of actual events, if the manifold dependence of things on one another, and our ignorance of many of them, render even this a problem not always possible to be solved, so that modesty becomes us, and we must decide rather as guessers than as judges; how much more will this be true where we must make out our own picture of ppssibilities and frame a world of contingencies for ourselves? Who is competent to say that but for a blow struck at such and such a time freedom would have become extinct; that but for such a victory civilization would have gone back- wards perhaps a thousand years? The most that we can do is to say that there seem to us to be crises, and that the balance turned by the influence of a particular predestined arm. We may be in error. To contemporaries political and moral crises multiply themselves, and every event seems big with the fates of nations. It is said, somewhere, that the inhabitants of a little German Duchy, when some calamity befel them, thought that it was the opening of the sixth seal. But posterity forms a different judgment; the crisis dwindles perhaps into an ordi- nary event, while some other cause of change, invisible to the eyes of its age, rises into grand proportions before their success- ors. And so it may be, that to a student in eternity who shall study the whole of this worlds history, some things now seen through a magnifying mist may dwindle into petty events hardly 1852.] The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. 57 worthy of notice, except as indicating a spirit that was at work; while othersinventions, or theories in religion, or poli- tics, or the voice and energetic will of a single preachermay stand forth in bolder prominence than the most fiercely waged battles. The judgments men form respecting the eras in their own characters may be used to illustrate our subject. How often it happens that men date their religious life from a prominent event, which arrested their attention powerfully, but was not the main force in the hands of the renovating spirit. There are crises of temptation, no doubt, and even the possibility that there are throws deep seriousness into life; but who can say that this or that event was the turning point for honor or for shame, for life or for death. We believe that the moral agent is not equal to the analysis of the causes which have acted on his own character; much less could he pronounce what he would have done or been, iU his will at a particular moment had pointed in a different direction. These considerations should lead us to speak with caution respecting the crises of history, and the influence of possible events. We may, indeed, pronounce with a greater degree of positiveness respecting a series of events, a portion of history of some length:. we may say that in the collision between Greece and Persia, the victory of the former had immense re- sults; that eastern civilization, overflowing the free thought and genius of Greece, would, in all probability, have brought incal- culable woes on the human race, or at least have changed the face of the world entirely; but we cannot say that the battle of Marathon, and that principally, turned the tide. We can say that Saracen conquests in France would have been most disas- trous, and that Charles Martell was a benefactor of Christen- dom when he beat the Moors of Spain at Tours; but who can say that Saracen civilization could have taken root in France, supposing victory had inclined to the other side, or that some other battle would not have driven away the once successful invaders? We can also say that the power of the Huns was broken in the fearful battle of the Catalaunian plains, but is it at all likely that this eminently savage race could have planted it- self in Europe on the ruins of civilization? Would they not have followed the example of so many savage races, of bowing in the course of time before the might of superior civilization? Let another race tell us by its history how this might have been. The Hungarians came from the same central regions of Asia; they were ruthless heathen; the terror of Germany and long its scourge; its best blood was spilt in checking their advances voL. x. 8 58 The Fffteen Decisive Battles of the World. [Feb. westward. But being confined to the plains of the Danube and the Theiss, they grew attached to the soil and gave up the life of plundering horsemen; they received religion and the forms of political organization in vogue among their neighbors, and be- came to a great extent members of the European family. We do not see but that on the same principle on which the battle of Tours is chosen by our author as one of the crises, some one of those hard fought battles between the Magyars and Germans ought to have been selected, which occurred in the time of the emperor Arnulph or soon afterward; and with still greater reason the battle which was fought in 1241, near Wahlstadt in Silesia, by Henry of Breslau and his confederates, and which, though in their favor, yet, by the severity of the contest, turned the Mongols upon another course. Actual history, we think, teaches the lesson that a single bat- tle is seldom a crisis. How often has it happened that nations have been at the two extremes of fortune within a very short age, and that great calamities have only tested their great tenaci- ty of life. The Romans were in a state of lower depression after the invasion of the Gauls than they could have been, if the consul Nero had not gained the victory of the Metaurus over Hasdrubal. A nation with strongly marked national character and fixed institutions cannot so easily be disposed of by a con- queror: it is impossible to break the spirit of some states. M ilan was taken and razed to the ground by the German emperor Frederick I; and yet a few years after it was built up again and redccupied, ready to support the Guelphic cause as vigor- ously as before. These remarks may serve to show that great battles are sel- dom great crises. Let us now look at the particular battles chosen by our author. He selects Marathon because there first the east and west came into conflict, as if the omen of that victory had encour- aged the Greeks in all their future engagements. But with all the confidence inspired by the battle of Marathon and by that of Salamis, the day of Plattea was not so easily gained, and a defeat then would have touched the whole of Greece, while a defeat at Marathon affected only Athens. We cannot however believe that, even if the scales had otherwise inclined at Plattea, the Greeks of the continent would have been subdued. The next crisis our author finds in the defeat of Athens at Syracuse in 413 B. C. He is backed here by the authority of Arnold, who thinks that, if the expedition of the Athenians had proved victorious, the energies of the Greeks during the next eventful century would have found their field in the west no 1852.] The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. 59 less than in the east; Greece and not Rome might have con- quered Carthage; Greek instead of Latin might have been at this day the principal element of the language of Spain, of France, and of Italy; and the laws of Athens rather than of Rome might be the foundation of the law of the civilized world. That this might have been so of course we cannot but admit; we can however only regard the great image which rose before Dr. Arnolds eyes as a creation of his own fancy. What was Athens, that it should carry out this scheme of conquest which we know Alcibiades entertained, and the historian Thucy- dides does not pronounce visionary. There were limits to her resources; her population was scanty; and her institutions cer- tainly did not prevent, but rather favored, party changes attend- ed with changes of foreign policy. Above all, nearly the whole continental Greece was against her. Is it likely that a career of victories in Sicily would have overawed the states which could furnish ten times the number of heavy armed troops which she could? Or is it not rather highly probable that complete suc- cess in the expedition in question would have produced a well- directed aim against the seat of life of so ambitious a power? The battle of Arbela comes next. We have only to say as to this event that on the same principles which led the author to select Marathon rather than Salamis or Plahea, he ought to have selected the battle of the Granicus rather than Issus or Arbela. At the same time we are well persuaded that Alexanders ex- pedition as a whole was one of the most memorable portions of the history of man. We have already referred to the victory of the Metaurus, and need only add, without intending to depreciate its impor- tance, that Carthage had not those institutions or that spirit, which qualified her to be a mistress of the nations. If by an- other turn of affairs at this time Carthage could have made Rome halt in her career, we do not believe that the city of traffic could have taken her place. Our author justly regards the defeat of Varus in the year 9 B. C., by the Cheruscan leader Arminius, as an event of the highest importance. The Roman legions were sweeping eastward in the conquest of Germany, when the capital was appalled by the news of the co[nplete annihilation of the forces under Varus, through a union of savage tribes. Henceforth the Romans contented themselves with penetrating to the scene of these de- feats, and honoring thea memory of the fallen by victories over their graves; but the tide of conquest was stopped, and their subsequent policy was to occupy a defended frontier along the Rhine and the Danube. The inner part of Germany was free. 60 The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. [Feb. Above all, northern, or Saxon and Frisian, Germany remained tinromanized and was able to develop its own institutions, without being exposed to the despotical influences of the em- pire. That the highest interests of mankind may have been thus secured, we willingly admit. It may be that civil liberty would have existed neither in England nor America, but for the defeat of Varus. At the same time we may be permitted to doubt whether, if the result had been different, Roman civiliza- tion could have crushed and changed the German character; whether there was not a tenacity of national traits in that race which was Wanting to the Celts; and whether it was not a little too late to set about such a project of conquest, when the empire was just at the point between the vigor of the republican period and the weakness of the despotical. Of Mr. Creasys next critical battles, those of Chalons in 451, when the Huns were defeated by Mitius, and of Tours when Charles Martell drove back the Moors into Spain, we have perhaps said all that is necessary. We may add, however, that a different turn given to Mohammedan history at the outset would seum more likely to have effected the destinies of the world than another result at Tours. If, for instance, in 629 Ma- hommed, instead of capturing Abu-Sofian and Mecca, had been captured or even defeated himself, is it not quite possible that his religion, immature and as yet confined to a few follow- ers, would have been extinguished? Nor can we believe that any victory of the Moors would have secured for them a pre- dominance in Europe beyond the peninsula. There was too much faith in Christ in the darkest times of the middle ages not to give strength and unity to the Christian states of Europe and to produce a permanent opposition to the Arabic religion, and too much civilizationlittle as there wasto be crushed by Saracen institutions. Next in time among our authors decisive battles is that of Hastings, fought in 1066. The result here is open to all, but it is very far from clear what would have happened, if William had been driven back to Normandy. Mr. Creasy thinks that Englands liberties are owing to her having been conquered by the Normans. The state of England, he says, under her last Anglo-Saxon kings closely resembled the state of France under the last Carlovingian and first Capetian princes. The crown was feeble, the great nobles were strong and turbu- lent; and although there was more national unity in Saxon England than in France, although the English local free insti- tutions had more reality and energy than was the case with anything analogous to them on the Continent in the eleventh 1852.] The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. 61 century, still the probability is that the Saxon system of policy, if left to itself, would have fallen into utter confusion, out of which would have arisen first an aristocratic hierarchy, like that which arose in France; next an absolute monarchy; and final- ly a series of anarchical revolutions, such as we now behold around, but not among us. Again he says, that the blending of the Normans with the Saxons softened the harsh and evil points in the character of the latter. As Campbell boldly ex- pressed it, they high mettled the blood of our veins. The authority of Gibbon may be taken as decisive when he pro- nounces that assuredly England was a gainer by the conquest. The sum of all seems to be that the chivalric feudalism of the Norman and the superior refinementof France poured new ele- ments of progress into England; that the nation was kept in its unity and raised in its political importance by a vigorous line of kings until the feudal barons were strong enough to secure the great Charter at a favorable moment for themselves and the peo- ple; and that the people were rather strengthened than weak- ened in the sentiment of freedom by the opposition which they entertained towards their Norman superiors. There is much truth in these considerations. Still this is just a case, where we can scarcely estimate the effects of a victory on the Saxon side. Might not a hard struggle and a decisive battle have united and improved their character. The times before Alfred were equally times of disorganization, but the nation arose again to a higher point than it had before reached. As for an influence coming out of France, and preventing England from falling into the same system of feudal hierarchy and then of absolute monarchy, into which France itself fell, we may be permitted to be a little sceptical. Next to the battle of Hastings the author gives us an ac- count of Joan of Arcs victory at Orleans in 1429, which re- sulted in the coronation of Charles VII at Rheims, the union of the French nation, the expulsi~n of the English, and their relinquishment in a great measure of the hope of preserving territory in France. That all this grew out of the enthusiasm of the half-inspired and wonderful peasant girl of Domremi is historically certain. She saved France, and we might add saved England. But it is to be considered that English suprem- acy in France after the battle of Agincourt was owing prin- cipally to the discords of the princes, that there was every rea- son in their national character and treatment of the conquered, why the English should become odious, and be finally driven out, as they had been before, and that the wars of the Roses so weak- ened and occupied the English that they could not in all proba 62 The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. [Feb. bility have retained their footing in France through that struggle. Such are some of the crises of history, as our author regards them. Crises they may in most cases be called, but not pivots on which the destinies of the world turned. The same is true of the remaining battles selected by our author. A victory of the Spanish Armada could not, we believe, have subdued the English national spirit. There remained a land invasion where the nation would defend its firesides and its religion. A victory of the English at Saratoga could not have prevented, although it might have delayed, our independence, the causes of which lay deeply imbedded in the colonial history, and could notwe say it without any belief in historical fatalitybut make them- selves one day felt. The battle of Blenheim did not so break the power of Louis XIV, but that those of Ramillies and Mal- plaquet might have been gained by his generals. It was Marl- boroughs skill rather than the prestige of the first victory which turned the scale in the others upon the same side. An- other general in the allied army might have spoiled everything. The battle of Valmy, as a trial of strength before the vast wars of the French revolution, may have had its weight; yet we doubt whether a different issue in that affair would have essen- tially varied subsequent history. The battles of Pultowa and of Waterloo, especially the last, were doubtless momentous in their consequences. There are two tendencies which the mind is apt to fall into, while looking at great historical events, neither of which, when pursued to an extreme, is safe. One is that of historical fatal- ism, which looks at every event as determined by events going before it with inevitable certainty, so that there is no room left for the sway of what we call accident, the free movements of a human mind, and providential interference. No one who be- lieves in God can receive such a historical doctrine as this. Our author does not, for he admi~ that each battle might have had a different result, but when he pronounces that with another re- sult the course of history would essentially have varied, he forgets how many new and original causes, such as minds with peculiar powers and enthusiastic feelings, Divine Providence might have raised up to arrest a stream of evil and save a na- tion from that destruction which seemed to impend over them. The other tendency is that to historical optimism, which, in spite of facts, persists in believing that every event is a part of a scheme of progress. The view which a Christian must take we conceive to be this: that on the whole, and when ages are contemplated, the world has been advancing, and that arguing 1852.] The Maine Temperance Law. 63 from the past, independently of the divine promise, we may ex- pect it to advance in the future. A historian, who can believe in a return of the world to barbarism, or heathenism, or utter infidelity, cannot have much faith in a superintending God. There is enough of good manifest in history t@ induce us to inquire what beneficial result was accomplished by this or that great event or series of events. Yet there are occasions enough when the evil in the world gets the better of the good and seem- ingly without necessity, to make us feel that the constant strug- gle, which consumes time and almost wears out human hope, is not compensated by the discipline which attended it. ART. V.TIIE MAINE TEMPERANCE LAW. An Act for the suppression of Drinking Houses and Tippling Shops, passed by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Maine, in Legislature assembled, and approved, June, 1851. IT has been apparent now for some years past, that the great desideratum for the prevention of the calamities and burdens which drunkenness brings upon individuals and communities, is an efficient law for the suppression of the traffic in intoxicating liquors, especially that traffic as carried on in drinking houses and tippling shops. It is true, indeed, that much has been done, and much may yet be done, towards preventing and reforming the evil habits of the drinker, and even of the vender, by what is called moral suasionby reason and argument, by appeals to conscience, humanity and enlightened self-interest. Yet it has been evident to the understanding of many always, and is now proved by experiment to all, that moral suasion alone can- not give triumph to the temperance reformation. Notwithstand- ing all the light which has been shed on the pernicious and im- moral character of the traffic, there are men who do sell intox- icating liquors; and sell them by the dram; and will, so long as they can make money by it: which they can do very rapidly because of the very immorality of the business, since that gives a monopoly of it to the unscrupulous and wicl~ed. The re- monstrances of the friends of society, the appeals of the suffer- ing wives and children of drunkards, the entreaties and tears of widowed mothers whose sons they are ruining, the sight of the

1852.] The Maine Temperance Law. 63 from the past, independently of the divine promise, we may ex- pect it to advance in the future. A historian, who can believe in a return of the world to barbarism, or heathenism, or utter infidelity, cannot have much faith in a superintending God. There is enough of good manifest in history t@ induce us to inquire what beneficial result was accomplished by this or that great event or series of events. Yet there are occasions enough when the evil in the world gets the better of the good and seem- ingly without necessity, to make us feel that the constant strug- gle, which consumes time and almost wears out human hope, is not compensated by the discipline which attended it. ART. V.TIIE MAINE TEMPERANCE LAW. An Act for the suppression of Drinking Houses and Tippling Shops, passed by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Maine, in Legislature assembled, and approved, June, 1851. IT has been apparent now for some years past, that the great desideratum for the prevention of the calamities and burdens which drunkenness brings upon individuals and communities, is an efficient law for the suppression of the traffic in intoxicating liquors, especially that traffic as carried on in drinking houses and tippling shops. It is true, indeed, that much has been done, and much may yet be done, towards preventing and reforming the evil habits of the drinker, and even of the vender, by what is called moral suasionby reason and argument, by appeals to conscience, humanity and enlightened self-interest. Yet it has been evident to the understanding of many always, and is now proved by experiment to all, that moral suasion alone can- not give triumph to the temperance reformation. Notwithstand- ing all the light which has been shed on the pernicious and im- moral character of the traffic, there are men who do sell intox- icating liquors; and sell them by the dram; and will, so long as they can make money by it: which they can do very rapidly because of the very immorality of the business, since that gives a monopoly of it to the unscrupulous and wicl~ed. The re- monstrances of the friends of society, the appeals of the suffer- ing wives and children of drunkards, the entreaties and tears of widowed mothers whose sons they are ruining, the sight of the 64 The Maine Temperance Law. [Feb. moral destruction and the premature death of those who drink from their handall do not restrain them; and the community have become convinced that they, who against all such influen- ces will continue such a traffic, are invincible by any form or amount of argument or persuasionthat nothing but the strong arm of the law will reach them. Not more effectually had the avarice and revenge of Shylo~k steeled his heart against all persuasion. Indeed, to those, if any remain, who think that modern dramsellers can be reached by moral suasion, we might properly speak in the words of the great dramatist: You may as well go stand upon the beach, And bid the main flood bate his usual height; You may as well use question with the wolf~ Why he bath made the ewe bleat for the lamb; You may as well forbid the mountain pines To wag their high tops, and to make no noise, When they are fretted with the gusts of heaven; You may as well do anything most hard, As seek to soften that (than which what s harder) (A dramsellers) heart. We set it down thus as a fixed and unchangeable truth, that intoxicating drinks will be freely sold unless the power of law prevents. But, so long as intoxicating liquor is sold as a common bever- age, especially so long as it is sold in eating houses and places of resort, there will be those who will drink. The inebriate who desires and attempts to reform finds it hard to keep out of his mind and from his lips what is continually before his eyes. He drinks and drinks again till be perishes. And many of our youth, even those educated in the doctrines of total abstinence and well convinced of their truth, in the fondness for excitement and the heedlessness pertaining to that period of life, will be- gin to drink in a convivial or social way, and continue the evil custom, till ere they are aware the habit of dissipation and drunkenness is formed. For these and like reasons, a conviction has been increasing in extent and depth in the public mind of the importance and necessity of thorough legislation against the traffic in alcoholic liquors: The subject has often been brought before the Legis- latures of various States. Old laws have been amended. New laws have been framed. In many localities, these laws have been admini~ered with beneficial effect, breaking up or seri- ously diminishing the traffic, and conserving the public welfare. But in many other localities, it has been found exceedingly diffi- cult to enforce the laws, even where public sentiment justified and demanded their enforcement. And everywhere it has been 1852.1 The Maine Temperance Law. 65 manifest that the wisdom to frame an efficient law against the acknowledged and pernicious evil of trafficking in alcoholic drinks, has not been attained. But, at length, a law has been enacted by the Legislature of Maine, which disposes all the friends of what has been called temperance legislation, who have examined its nature and its working, to cry out Eureka. It has been in operation now about six months, and, according to abundant testimony, has completely destroyed the manufacture of alcoholic drinks throughout the State; has put an end to their open sale in all taverns, dram shops, eating houses, stores and places of public resort; indeed, has suppressed the open sale of them altogether, and prevents any considerable secret sale; and so reduces tax- es, and works for the public welfare so decidedly and palpably, that the vast majority of the people of the State are rejoicing in its existence and are resolved on its continuance. This law is entitled An Act for the suppression of drinking houses and tippling shops. It consists of eighteen sections. The first section ordains that no person shall manufacture or sell any intoxicating liquors except as hereafter provided. The second section authorizes the selectmen of any town, and the mayor and aldermen of any city, to appoint annually an agent to sell intoxicating liquors, to be used for medicinal and manu- facturing purposes and no other, who shall receive such compen- sation, and conform to such rules, as they shall prescribe, and shall be removed at their pleasure. The third section prescribes that a certificate of his appointment as such agent shall be given to him by the selectmen, or mayor and aldermen; but not till he shall have given to them a bond with two good and sufficient sureties, in the sum of six hundred dollars, that he will conform to the rules which they shall establish and to the provisions of the law. The fourth section provides as penalties for violation of the law at any time, by any person or his agent, (the princi- pal and agent both to be held liable,) on the first conviction, ten dollars and the costs of prosecution; on the second conviction, twenty dollars and the costs of prosecution; and on the third and every subsequent conviction, twenty dollars and the costs of prosecution, and imprisonment in the common jail not less than three nor more than six months. Moreover, on the first and second convictions, the violator of the law is to stand com- mitted jintil the fines prescribed and the costs are paid, and in default of such payment must not be released from prison until the expiration of two months, and, in default of payment of fines and costs after the third and every subsequent convic- tion, shall not be released from prison till the expiration of four voL. x. 9 66 The Maine Temrerance Law. rFeb. months. The fifth section prescribes the mode of applying the law to offenders. Any forfeiture or fine may be recovered by an action of debt, or by complaint before any justice of the peace, or judge of any municipal or police court in the county where the offense was committed. All fines are to go into the treasury of the town, for the use of the poor; the prosecutor or complainant may be a witness; the defendant can in no case recover costs if any one of the board of selectmen, or mayor and aldermen, shall have endorsed his name on the writ of prosecution; and the selectmen, or mayor and aldermen, are bound to commence an action against any violator of the law, on being informed, and furnished with proof, of the fact. The sixth section treats of the conditions and consequences of an appeal. It provides, that if any person convicted shall clairp an appeal, he shall, before the appeal shall be allowed, give two bonds, with two sufficient sureties to each; one in the sum of one hundred dollars, that he will prosecute the appeal, and will pay all costs, fines and penalties which may finally accrue against him; and another in the sum of two hundred dollars, that he will not during the pendency of this appeal violate any of the pro- visions of this act. And it further provides that if he shall be convicted before a jury the amount of fines, penalties and im- prisonment, awarded on the first trial, shall be doubled. It provides, also, that no recognizance or bond shall be taken by any one except the justice or judge before whom the trial was had, that the bonds required must be given within twenty-four hours after the judgment or the appeal cannot be allowed, the defendant in the meantime to stand committed; and in every case of an appeal in an action of debt, the defendant shall be held to advance the jury fees. The seventh section treats of agents who forfeit their bonds. It provides that the board of selectmen, or mayor and aldermen, on complaint of a breach by an agent for the sale of intoxicating liquors, of the condi- tions of his bond, shall hear the parties, and, if the complaint is proved, shall revoke his appointment; and if such unfaithful- ness of the agent shall in any manner be brought or come to their knowledge, they, or some one of them, shall, at the ex- pense and for the use of their city or town, cause the bond to be sued before the proper court. Section eight treats of makers and common sellers, and provides that no person shall be a manufacturer of any spirituous or intoxicating liquQr, or common seller thereof, without being appointed according to the provisions of this act, on penalty of forfeiting, on the first con- viction, the sum of one hundred dollars and the costs of prose- cution, and in default of the payment thereof, of being impris 1852.] The Maine Temperance Law. 67 oned sixty days in the common jail; on the second conviction, of forfeiting the sum of two hundred dollars and the costs of prosecution, and in default of payment, of being imprisoned four months in the common jail; and on the third and every sub- sequent conviction, of forfeiting the sum of two hundred dol- lars and of being imprisoned also four months in the common jail. These penalties are to be recovered before any court of competent jurisdiction by indictment, or by action of debt, in the name of the city or town where the offense shall be com- mitted; and whenever a default shall be had of any recogni- zance arising under this act, a scirefacias shall be issued, re- turnable at the next term, and the same shall not be continued, unless for good cause satisfactory to the court. The ninth sec- tion excludes persons engaged in unlawful traffic in intoxicating liquors from juries, in cases arising under this act. It provides, that when any juror is believed to be engaged in such traffic, then the court shall inquire of such juror if he is so engaged. If he declines to answer, as the law allows, he shall be discharg- ed from the jury; and if he answers falsely, he shall be incapa- ble of serving on any jury in the State; but no answer which lie shall make shall be used against him in any case arising un- der this act. The tenth section provides that all cases arising under this act which come before a superior court by appeal or original entry, shall take precedence in court of all other busi- ness, except those criminal cases in which parties are already under arrest awaiting a trial; and a nolle prose qui shall not be entered, or a continuance granted, except when the purposes of justice shall require it. The eleventh section is so peculiar and important, that we will quote it in full, without any attempt at abbreviation. SEC. 11. If any three persons, voters in the town or city where the complaint shall be made, shall before any justice of the peace or judge of any municipal or police court, make complaint under oath or affirmation that they have reason to be- lieve, and do believe that spirituous or intoxicating liquors are kept or deposited, and intended for sale, by any person not authorized to sell the same in said city or town under the provisions of this act, in any store, shop, warehouse or other building or place in said city or town, said justice or judge shall issue his warrant of search to any sheriff, city marshal or deputy, or to any constable, who shall proceed to search the premises described in said warrant, and if any spirituous or intoxicating liquors are found therein, he shall seize the same, and convey them to some proper place of security, where he shall keep them until final action is had thereon. But no dwelling house in which, or in part of which a shop is not kept, shall be searched, unless at least one of said ccmplainants shall testify to some act of sale of intoxicating liquors therein by the occupant thereof, or by his consent or permission, within at least one month of the time of making said complaint. And the owner or keeper of said liquors, seized as aforesaid, if he shall be known to the officer seizing the same, shall be summoned forthwith before the justice or judge by whose warrant the liquors were seized, and if he fails to appear, or unless he can show by positive proof, that said liquors are of foreign production, that they have been im 68 The Maine Temperance Law. [Feb. ported under the laws of the United States, and in accordance therewiththat they are contained in the original packages in which they were imported, and in quan- tities not less than the laws of the United States prescribe, they shall be declared forfeited, an 1 shall be destroyed by authority of the written order to that effect, of said justice or judge and in his presence, or in the presence of some person appoint- ed by him to witness the destruction thereof, and who shall join with the officer by whom they shall have been destroyed, in attesting thitt fact upon the back of the order, by authority of which it was done; and the owner or keeper of such liquors shall pay a fine of twenty dollars and costs, or stand committed for thirty days, in default of payment, if in the opinion of the court said liquors shall have been kept or deposited for the purposes of sale And if the owner or possessor of any liquors seized in pursuance of this section, shall set up the claim that they have been regu- larly imported under the laws of the United States, and that they are contained in the original packages, the custom house certificates of importation and proofs of marks on the casks or packages corresponding thereto, shall not be received as evi- dence that the liquors contained in said packages are actually imported therein.~~ Section twelfth provides that when the owner, keeper or pos- sessor of the liquors seized is unknown to the officer, they shall be described and advertised for two weeks; and upon satisfac- tory proof, adduced within two weeks, that at the time of their seizure they were the property of any city or town in the State, purchased by its agent in pursuance of the provisions of this act, they shall not be destroyed, but shall be delivered up by the judge or justice authorizing the seizure, to the agent of said city or town. Section thirteenth treats of an appeal by claimants of seized liquors. The appellant must give a bond in the sum of two hundred dollars, with two sufficient sureties, to prosecute his appeal, and to pay all fines and costs which may be awarded against him; and where the quantity of liquors so seized shall exceed five gallons, if the final decision shall be that such liquors were intended by him for sale, he shall be adjudged a com- mon seller of intoxicating liquors, and shall be subject to the penalties provided for in section eight, and said liquors shall be destroyed as provided for in section eleven. Nothing, however, in this act shall be so construed as to prevent any chemist, ar- tist, or manufacturer, in whose art or trade they may be neces- sary, from keeping such quantity of distilled liquors as he may have occasion to use in his art or trade, but not for sale. Sec- tion fourteenth provides for the seizure of intoxicating liquors in any tent, hut, shanty, or place of any kind for selling refresh- ments, on any public occasion or gathering. It makes it the duty of certain officers, on information given, to search such premises, and, if intoxicating drinks are found, to seize them, and to arrest the keeper or keepers of such premises, and to take them and their liquors forthwith before some judge or jus- tice of a municipal or police court, and upon proof, he or they shall be imprisoned in the county jail for thirty days, and the liquors shall be destroyed by order of the justice or judge. See- 1852.] The Maine Temperance Law. 69 tion fifteenth provides that an appellant from judgment against him according to section fourteenth, shall give a bond, in the sum of one hundred dollars with two good sureties, for prosecu- tion of the appeal and payment of all fines, costs and penalties which may be awarded against him; and if the verdict shall be against him, he shall pay an additional fine of twenty dollars. It provides, also, for fees to the prosecuting officer of the govern- ment, (who shall conduct all cases of appeal under this act, except where the proceeding is by action of debt,) and that costs shall not be remitted or reduced. Section sixteenth provides that all payments, of whatever kind, for liquors sold in violation of law, shall be held to have been received without consideration, and against law, equity and good conscience; and all sales, trans- fers and conveyances, mortgages, liens, attachments, pledges and securities, of every kind, thence accruing in whole or in part, shall be utterly null and void in law, and in any action touching them either in law or equity the purchaser of such liquors may be a witness for either party. And it further pro- vides that no action shall be had in any court of the State for the recovery and possession of intoxicating liquors, or the value thereof, whether sold in this State or any other State or coun- try. Section seventeenth ordains that all provisions of this act relating to towns shall be applicable to cities and plantations, and those relating to selectmen shall be applicable to the mayor and aldermen of cities and assessors of plantations. Section eighteenth repeals certain portions of a former act, and all other acts or portions of acts inconsistent with this act. It must be apparent to every reader of this law, who has been at all familiar with the attempts to execute laws against the traffic in intoxicating liquors, that it has been framed from experimental knowledge of the difficulties which have attended the execution of such laws, and of the various methods devised by the unscrupulous ingenuity of liquor sellers and their attor- neys to evade such laws, and with the determined design to meet all those difficulties and to guard against all those eva- sons. And this, as we learn from friends of the law in Maine, ~as been the fact. If the law has a special and admirable adaptation to the purpose of suppressing the traffic; if it is so constructed that lawless liquor dealers can neither evade nor contend with it; this is because the framers of the law have profited by the lessons taught them by those who have endeav- ored to elude or violate the plain intent of former laws. What- ever oversight in former laws rumsellers have discovered and 70 The Maine Temperance Law~ [Feb. profited by, has been provided for in this. Whatever crevices in former laws rumsellers have been wont to squeeze through, and whatever holes they have made b~ burrowing under pre- vious prohibitory enactments, have been completely stopped in this. The framers of this law, under the direction of public sentiment, have aimed at a single objectthe entire suppression of the sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage; and to accom- plish that object effectually, and yet without infringing on con- stitutional or private rights, they have employed not a little in- ventive wisdom, and knowledge gained by long and careful observation of the past. And they have succeeded. We can- not suppress our exultation as we say it. They have succeeded. They have incorporated in their law principles, never applied to such laws before, yet long applied, and with general acquies- cence, to laws on some other matters, principles which make enforcement of the law easy and effectual. The almost dis- couraged friends of temperance everywhere hail it as a star in the east, ushering in a new and triumphant era in the refor- mation for which they give their labors and their prayers. The efficiency of the law results from the ease, certainty and celerity with which a real violator of it may be detected and convicted; and the efficacy of the penalties if he persists in his illegal traffic. A few words on each of these features. A chief objection to former laws has been the great difficul- ty of convicting an off even the grossestthe great dif- ficulty of ever bringing down the penal power of the law upon its transgressors. It has been almost impossible to bring evi- dence before courts of justice of the reality of sale, though that reality was undoubted. It must be proved that the liquor drank was intoxicating liquor, not merely that it looked like it. It must be proved also that the liquor drank was sold, not given away. Now the cases are quite rare where this can be proved by any persons, except those who have drank the liquor them- selves, or their companionsby any persons except the fre- quenters of grog-shops. And they, it has been found on ample trial, cannot be depended upon for honest testimony. They will not know anything about the sale, when brought on to the witnesses stand. It is a sad truth, but truth it is, that nei~- ther liquor dealers, nor their customers, will hesitate to perjure themselves, when called on to testify what they know respecting the illegal sale of intoxicating drinks. But this law makes the liquor itself a witness, when searched for and found; and it re- quires the proper officers to get out a warrant, and search for it, in any shop, or place of sale, when three citizens declare ,that they have reason to believe that liquor is sold in such shop 1852.] The Maine Temperance Law. 71 or place. This liquor, when found in any place of sale, or in any private house where a sale has first been proved, if the oc- cupant cannot prove himself, to have been appointed town agent for the sale of liquorsthis liquor thus found, is itself a witness, and a witness that cannot lie or deceive, or be igno- rant or dumb. Thus the production of testimony, amply suf- ficient for the conviction of a transgressor of the law, is a very simple and easy matter. This principle, viz, making the pres- ence of the implements of illegal business proof of guilty in- tention, is perfectly familiar to us, having been incorporated for years in our laws against gambling and counterfeiting. And when we see it applied to the more destructive business of vending intoxicating drinks, we only wonder that it has not long since been applied to that business, when carried on con- trary to law. Great difficulty also has been usually experienced, whenever a convicted liquor seller has appealed from the decision of a justice to a court and jury. Some liquor seller, in nine cases out of ten, would be on the jury, and however clear the guilt of the accused might be, the jury would not agree, and the cost of prosecution would be thrown on the community. So often has this been the case that attempts at prosecution under our present laws have been greatly discouraged. It is main- taining a legal contest against the rumseller with all the odds on his side. But this law provides that no liquor seller or suspected liquor seller shall be on a jury for the trial of a liquor case. It is true indeed that under former laws the pow- er existed in the prosecuting officer to remove a liquor seller from the jury by the process of challenging. But this power, being entirely at the discretion of the officer, was rarely exer- cised. It is one excellence of this law that, in this respect as in all others, it leaves as little as possible to official discretion and choice, but makes the officers duties specific. If any man among those who desire the enforcement of the law informs the court that any member of any panel is engaged in the traffic in alcoholic liquors, or that he believes he is so engaged, the court shall inquire of the juryman of whom such belief is en- tertained. The law allows him to decline an answer. But if he does, he shall be discharged from further attendance as juryman; and if he answers falsely, he shall be thereafter incapable of serving on any jury in the State. So the prose- cution of any suspected violator of the law is not left to the discretion of any officer; for the law provides, that, if any three persons, voters in the town or city where the complaint shall be made, shall before any justice of the peace or judge of 72 The Maine Temperance Law. [Feb. any municipal or police court make complaint under oath or affirmation that they have reason to believe, and do believe that spirituous or intoxicating liquors are kept or deposited, and in- tended for sale, by any person not authorized to sell the same in said city or town under the provisions of this act, in any store, shop, warehouse or other building or place of sale, the said justice or judge shall issue his warrant of search to any sheriff, city marshal or deputy, or to any constable, who shall proceed to search the premises described in said warrant. The law is so constructed that it depends for enforcement, not on the discretion and choice of official men, nor on the majority of the people in a particular locality, but simply on a few friends of the law in that locality. Three temperance men who are not afraid, one justice of the peace, and one constable, are sufficient to enforce the law in any locality. It has been heretofore quite a successful device of liquor sell- ers and their attorneys, to avail themselves of the laws delay. In the first place, their case would have to wait its turn upon a crowded docket. And when its turn came, they would on the ground of the pretended absence of some essential witness or under some pretext or other, procure a continuance of the case. This answered two purposes. It gave an opportunity in the meantime for some of the witnesses for the prosecution to dis- appear, or be got out of the way; and it gave them an oppor- tunity, before the case should be issued, to make more than money enough, by the pursuit of the illegal traffic, to pay all fines and costs which would accrue if they should be finally convicted. This law completely blocks this game, by the pro- vision that cases arising under it shall take precedence in a su- perior court of all other business in that court, except those of criminal cases in which the parties are actually under arrest, awaiting a trial; and that the court and prosecuting officer shall not have authority to enter a nolle prose qui, or to grant a continuance, either before or after the verdict, except where the purposes of justice shall require it. Another device of illegal traffickers in alcoholic liquors has been to appeal from the decision of a justice or municipal judge to a higher court, and that in cases where the decision was manifestly correct. This gave them whatever advantage there might be in the glorious uncertainty of the law, especially in a jury trial, and, what was more valuable to them, it gave them the opportunity during the pendency of the appeal to pur- sue their lawless method of gain, which many did pursue with such profitable results that they could well afford to be sued every month. To this device also this law puts an end, by the 1852.] The Maine Temperance Law. 73 provision that the appellant shall give two bonds, with two suf- ficient sureties to each, one in the sum of one hundred dollars that he will prosecute the appeal and will pay all costs, fines and penalties which may finally accrue to him, an& another in the sum of two hundred dollars that he will not during the pen- dency of this appeal violate any of the provisions of this act. And moreover it discourages appeals to the higher courts, not by the innocent but by the guilty, by the provision that if on the appeal they are convicted the amount of the fines and pen- alties shall be doubleda wise and just provision: for it is not, as some have caricatured it, a punishment for seeking justice by lawful appeal, but a suitable reward to a person who knows he is guilty, for vexing the State, for putting the State to un- necessary trouble and expense. If a guilty person chooses thus to seek advantage from the glorious uncertainty of the law, let him pay for his chance by an aggravation of his risks. Such is the celerity with which this law operates on its transgressor. Indeed it takes effect instantly, as soon as it lays its hand upon him. From that moment it completely stops his illegal business. It puts an utter end to the disgraceful parodox of violation of the law by an accused person, of defiance of the law by a per- son while he is in the hands of the law. Such is the ease, the certainty and the celerity with which this law operates on those who violate it. It harms and can harm no innocent person. But it lays its hands upon the transgressor, and he is gone; he cannot contend with it. It seizes him with a lions grasp, instant, infallible, inevitable. The second of the features which constitute the efficiency of this law is the efficacy of its penalties. It is not severe upon a person who violates it but once. It subjects him to a fine of ten dollars and the cost of prosecution, and holds him commit- ted till payment is made. If he is convicted of a second viola- tion, it subjects him to a fine of twenty dollars and the costs of prosecution, and holds him committed until payment is made. But on the third and every subsequent conviction, it subjects him to twenty dollars fine and costs of prosecution, and to im- prisonment in the common jail not less than three nor more than six months. The common or habitual seller, however, and the manufacturer, of alcoholic liquors, are punished more severely. On the first conviction they are subjected to a fine of one hundred dollars and the costs of prosecution, and in de- fault of payment are imprisoned sixty days in the common jail; on the second conviction they are subjected to a fine of two hundred dollars and costs of prosecution, and in default of pay- ment are imprisoned four months in the common jail; and vOL. x. 10 74 The Maine Temperance Law. [Feb. on the third and every subsequent conviction, they are both fined and imprisonedfined two hundred dollars and imprisoned four months. Moreover, the intoxicating liquor found on their premises is at once taken from their possession, and, after de- cision against it by the appropriate tribunal, is destroyed; and all contracts or claims, of whatever kind, in whole or in part, for intoxicating liquors sold contrary to this act, are out- lawed and cannot be enforced by any legal process. Against such penalties no man will contend. All see that it is the part of discretion and of self-interest to yield at once. The violators of former laws found their lawless business so lu- crative, that they could well afford to pay their fine as often as they could be convicted, with the difficulties in the way of con- viction already described. The keeper of a large hotel, or of a fashionable eating saloon, or of a well-frequented dram-shop, would return with head erect to the enormous gains which filled his pocket over and above paying his fines. But the violator of this law, after paying the fines and costs, returns from the scene of his trial and conviction, to find the material of his guilty gains, the liquor itself, to the value perhaps of hundreds of dollars, like water spilt upon the ground that cannot be gathered up again ; and to find, also, that all the avenues by which he can renew his supply of that material are guarded by a police, who cannot be evaded, empowered to seize it and consign it to the same fate. He finds, too, that he cannot col- lect any bill against his customers; and cannot, as of old, when be has consumed the drunkards life, take away from his widow and children the remains of his estate to pay for the murderous process. And what is still more effectual, on the third and every subsequent conviction, however gentlemanly the deport- ment, however faultless his broadcloth, and however respecta- ble his name, he is conducted to the common jail and takes his place, his own place, among felons. In this irresistible power of the penalties of the law, united with the ease, certainty and promptness with which it detects and convicts its trangressors, consists its efficiencyan effi- ciency which is now universally acknowledged; which has sup- pressed entirely throughout the State the open sale of intoxica- ting liquors, except by the appointed town agents, who are un- der bonds to sell only for purposes of medicine and the arts; and has compressed within very narrow limits and into small degrees the secret sale of theman efficiency which has emp- tied watch houses and houses of correction, diminished the police force, quieted the streets at night, almost abolished row- 1852.] The Maine Temperance Law. 75 dyism, and reduced taxation resulting from poverty and crime at the rate of from fifty to one hundred per cent. The objection to the law that it invades private property, is hardly worth notice. It invades the destroyer of property, and not of property only, but of health, morals, welfare, life and souls. Shall private property in this supremely destructive form be held sacred, when private property in the form of decayed veg- etables, dangerous or mischievous dogs, counterfeit money, tools for counterfeiting, and implements for gambling, are destroyed by public authority without scruple? The constitutionality of the law, which some have been in- clined to question, there is no valid reason to doubt. We un- derstand that it has been declared constitutional by the decision of the Superior Court of Maine. And its constitutionality has been virtually established by the Supreme Court of the United States, in their judgment on the Massachusetts case. In that case, Justice Daniel said: No such right (the right to sell in violation of the police regulations of the State) is pur- chased by the importer; he cannot purchase from the govern- ment that which it cannot insure to him, a sale independent of the laws and policy of the State. Chief Justice Taney said: If any State deems the retail and internal traffic in ardent spirits injurious to its citizens, I see nothing in the Constitution to prevent it from regulating and restraining the traffic, or from prohibiting it altogether. The following passage from Justice Griers opinion in the same case is very satisfactory: It is not necessary to array the appalling statistics of misery, pauperism and crime, which have their origin in the use and abuse of ar- dent spirits. The police power, which is exclusively in the State, is alone competent to the correction of these great evils, and all measures of restraint or prohibition necessary to effect the purpose, are within the scope of that authority. All laws for the restraint or punishment of crime, or the preservation of the public peace, health and morals, are from their very na- ture of primary importance, and lie at the foundation of social existence. They are for the protection of life and liberty, and necessarily compel all laws on subjects of secondary import- ance, which relate only to property, convenience or luxury, to recede when they come in contact or collision. Salus,populi suprema lex. The exigencies of the social compact require that such laws be executed before and above all others. it is for this reason that quarantine laws, which protect public health, compel mere commercial regulations to submit to their control. They restrain the liberty of passengers; they operate on the ship, which is the instrument of commerce, and its officers and crew, 76 Litckfield County Celebration. [Feb. the agents of navigation. They seize the infected cargo and cast it overboard. All these things are done, not from any power which the State assumes to regulate commerce, or inter- fere with the regulations of Congress, but because the police laws for the prevention of crime and protection of the public welfare, must of necessity have full and free operation, accord- ing to the exigency that requires their interference. If a loss of revenue should accrue to the United States from a dimin- ished consumption of ardent spirits, she will be the gainer a thousand fold in the wealth and happiness of the people. We conclude by expressing the hope and the belief, that the example of Maine, in the enactment and execution of this law, will be adopted by many of her sister States. There is no measure now claiming public attention which will contribute so much to the ends of good government; none which calls more loudly for co6peration, energy and perseverance upon all friends of the public welfare. It is greatly to be desired that all the States should adopt and execute laws which prohibit altogether the sale of alcoholic liquors as a beverage; and we think that such laws are more easily enforced than those which allow a restricted sale on the license system, because they are seen and felt to be impartial. But if any will adhere to the vicious li- cense system, they can apply the principles of the Maine law to the unlicensed sale of intoxicating drinks, which constitutes everywhere the larger and usually the most pernicious part of the traffic; and can thus stop the destroying flood, except in those channels where, in their folly, they authorzie it to flow. ART. VLLITCHFIELD COUNTY CELEBRATION. Litchfteld County Centennial Celebration, held at Litchfield, Coan., 13th and 14th of August, 1851. Hartford: Publish- ed by Edwin Hunt, No.6, Asylum street, 1851. 8vo. pp. 212. Tan county of Litchfield is one of the most interesting parts of Connecticut. Its scenery, its soil, its productions, are all peculiar. The influence of these natural peculiarities has been strikingly manifested in the character of its population. This county, unlike most portions of New England, has had a char- acter of its own, and it furnishes the materials for a separate and peculiar history. The traveler, who, starting from the

76 Litckfield County Celebration. [Feb. the agents of navigation. They seize the infected cargo and cast it overboard. All these things are done, not from any power which the State assumes to regulate commerce, or inter- fere with the regulations of Congress, but because the police laws for the prevention of crime and protection of the public welfare, must of necessity have full and free operation, accord- ing to the exigency that requires their interference. If a loss of revenue should accrue to the United States from a dimin- ished consumption of ardent spirits, she will be the gainer a thousand fold in the wealth and happiness of the people. We conclude by expressing the hope and the belief, that the example of Maine, in the enactment and execution of this law, will be adopted by many of her sister States. There is no measure now claiming public attention which will contribute so much to the ends of good government; none which calls more loudly for co6peration, energy and perseverance upon all friends of the public welfare. It is greatly to be desired that all the States should adopt and execute laws which prohibit altogether the sale of alcoholic liquors as a beverage; and we think that such laws are more easily enforced than those which allow a restricted sale on the license system, because they are seen and felt to be impartial. But if any will adhere to the vicious li- cense system, they can apply the principles of the Maine law to the unlicensed sale of intoxicating drinks, which constitutes everywhere the larger and usually the most pernicious part of the traffic; and can thus stop the destroying flood, except in those channels where, in their folly, they authorzie it to flow. ART. VLLITCHFIELD COUNTY CELEBRATION. Litchfteld County Centennial Celebration, held at Litchfield, Coan., 13th and 14th of August, 1851. Hartford: Publish- ed by Edwin Hunt, No.6, Asylum street, 1851. 8vo. pp. 212. Tan county of Litchfield is one of the most interesting parts of Connecticut. Its scenery, its soil, its productions, are all peculiar. The influence of these natural peculiarities has been strikingly manifested in the character of its population. This county, unlike most portions of New England, has had a char- acter of its own, and it furnishes the materials for a separate and peculiar history. The traveler, who, starting from the 1852.] Litchfield County Celebration. 77 valley of the Connecticut, takes his way westward, after ascend- ing the basaltic range that first meets his eye, looks across the Farmington valley before him, and descries in the distance a series of hills lying in nearly parallel lines, one rising above the other, as far as the eye can trace them. The general direction of these hills is northeast and southwest, though cross valleys divide them, made on the east by the Farmington river and its branches; and farther west by the tributaries of the Housatonic and their branches. If the traveler follows either of these val- leys westward, he will find himself, sooner than he is aware, surrounded by abrupt and lofty hills, and in the midst of a rough and broken country; or, if he boldly breasts the hills, after crossing the sandy ridge that bounds the Farmington valley on the west, he encounters the granite ridges that give character to the surface, the soil and the scenery of the greater part of Litchfleld county. These ridges, as we have already said, run in general in a southwesterly direction and are separated by valleys more or less defined, into some of which you descend to a moderate depression, while into others, as those of .the Nau- gatuck and the Shepaug, you are tumbled down into deep and gloomy gulfs, overhung by precipices of granite and shaded by masses of hemlock forest. On the highest of these ridges, and nearly in the centre of the county from east to west, are situa- ted the towns of Goshen and Litchfield. These ridges to the southward deeline into somewhat gentler slopes. Northward they are expanded into elevated plateaus, or table lands. The tops and sides of some of them are rough and rocky, tasking the strength and the wits of the laborer, while those of others are beautifully smooth, furnishing a surface inviting to the mower and the ploughman. The soil is tenacious and moist, and the climate cold, so that the whole region is marked by nature as adapted to grazing and those annual crops which are appropriate to a grazing district. The valleys and sunny slopes yield good and tolerably certain returns when planted with indian corn, but the great staple of the hill country is grass. As you pass over these ridges, you are suddenly arrested by the deep and narrow valley of the Housatonic, which cuts its winding course eight hundred feet below the hill tops of the county, and is lined on either side by mountain ridges and mount am peaks. As you descend into this valley and thread your way northward or southward, you are surprised to find that its narrow limits include lower hillocks and easy slopes that creep up the granite mountain on either side, of a formation almost unknown in Connecticut. Their rounded tops often bared of soil down to the rock, reveal the limestone beneath, while the 78 Litchfield County Celebration. [Feb. luxuriant growth of wheat and maize shows that an unusual and stimulating material is present in the dry and at first sight unpromising loam that constitutes the soil. This lime rock formation occurs everywhere in the valley, through the entire length of the county, now opening into wider levels, and shoot- ing out into the narrow valleys that are crowded by the over- shadowing mountains, or diminished to a scanty ribbon of rock as the great ranges that attend upon the Housatonic push them- selves into the brawling stream. As the valley is expanded at New Milford, in a new direction northeastward, the limestone range thrusts itself along the Aspetuck, in the town of Wash- ington, where it piles itself into those abrupt and broken ridges which have been quarried for many years for marble. In Canaan, at the northern extremity of the county, the same for- mation has yielded for generations much of the lime for the eastern part of Connecticut. But after reaching the valley of the Housatonic, you have still another ridge to climb or to thread, before you gain the western limit of the State, and pass over into that region which was once the dread of all good federalists and lovers of the steady habits of Connecticutthe region where common schools were not sustained and sabbath traveling was not forbidden by law. As you gain the summit of this ridge, there are points from which prospects of unrivaled rivaled beauty, reveal the luxuriant valleys and hills of Dutch- ess county, which extend westward to the Catskills, ever looming upwards with their dark and peculiar blue. On the west side of this ridge lies the limestone that stretches itself onward to the Hudson, which in the little that is left of Con- necticut, spreads itself out into the magnificent slopes of Shar- on, and the beautiful valleys, that with the clear and graceful lakes, give such a charm to the unsurpassed scenery of Salis- bury. South and westward of Sharon lies a valley of the same formation, if possible of still lovelier aspect, which once belong- ed to Litchfield county, but was bartered away to New York by a bargain in which the Dutch for once were too sharp for the Yankees. To give still greater importance to the valley of the Housatonic, its vicinity abounds with the finest iron ore in America, while the precipitous and otherwise worthless mount- ains that bound the valley on either side, and the proud sea of mountain tops called the Taconick range, have furnished for generations the fuel to reduce the ore. The reader of this sketch of what nature has done for Litch- field county, will readily believe us, when we add that its scene- ry is various and interesting. The traveler or resident who has climbed the hills and threaded the valleys; who has been re 1852.] Litchfield County Celebration. 79 freshed by the breezes on the heights and gazed at their ever- varying outline from the valleys; who has ascended the mount- ains and sought out the landscapes ever-varying; who has admired the lakes and been delighted by the waterfalls, which are so numerous and yet so unlike each other, will agree with the opinion which we express, that a thorough exploration of this portion of Connecticut will repay the most fastidious tourist, and will be likely to be followed by a second visit. The peculiarities of soil, of situation, of climate and of resources which we have noticed, have exerted a marked influence upon the population. It is not common to speak with freedom of the peculiarities of our near neighbors and fellow citizens. We presume, however, no offense will be taken at our friendly ob- servations, even if they are free. The severe climate and the ungenial and rocky soil have given vigorous frames and a ruddy hue to the inhabitants. The stern blasts of winter and the never-ceasing breezes of summer have left their mark upon almost every man and woman. The effort required to wrest a subsistence from the soil has toughened the fibres of their muscles, and hardened their bones. There are few large villages in the county, from the very necessities of dairy-farming; the farms are larger than in the more fertile sections of the State, and the dwellings are farther asunder; to say nothing of the influ- ence of steep hill sides, of extensive marshes, and large inter- vals of rock and mountain in separating still more widely the farm houses. As the consequence of the sturdier character and the isolation of the people, personal independence and self- reliance are their prominent characteristics. When these take a good direction they lead to strength of intellect, to clearness of judgment and to firmness in good purposes; when they go wrong they develop themselves into contented ignorance and dogged obstinacy and recklessness of character, beyond the common measure. We doubt whether any community of the same numbers can furnish more originals, or those which are more strongly marked, than Litchfield county. The isolation which we have noticed, makes the people social rather than otherwise. They are not over-crowded and satiated by society, and hence when their duties at home are done, they go abroad with a peculiar eagerness and enjoy friendly intercourse with a peculiar heartiness. They are fond of reading, and in general well informed, though different towns differ very greatly, ac- cording to the religious and intellectual culture which they have enjoyed. It rarely happens that a student from Litchfield county, who goes from home to the academy or the college, fails to appreciate the advantages with which he is favored, or 80 LitchJield County Celebration. [Feb. to use them with a wakeful and energetic intellect. The in- habitants, though till within a few years in a remote and rather inaccessible region, have not been isolated from or ignorant of, the world. Many of them have been accustomed to be on the saddle in long and frequent excursions for the purchase and sale of cattle. The manufacturing and mechanical business of many communities have forced others to be often abroad, and most of all, the constant and never-ceasing emigration from the county has covered the whole land with cousins from every household to the remotest degree, multitudes of whom have reflected upon the family circle on the hills, the refinement and culture which their wealth and success have wrought. Nowhere is the ge- ography of our new States better understood; nowhere do you hear more frequent and intelligent conversation respecting the scenery and resources of these States; nowhere do the proofs present themselves so strikingly at every point, that the people have been accustomed to travel. Certainly there is nowhere greater thrift. Strange as it may appear to those who contrast these hard and rough looking hills with the smooth and fertile meadows to which they are accustomed, there are no farmers who live in greater comfort, who dwell in better houses or who lay aside larger gains, than the farmers of -Litchfield County. The traveler is surprised at the neat and comely appearance of the dwellings, and often in some secluded valley or on some far off hill, is astonished to see the evidence of taste and neatness, which he is sure must be owing to the desire of the inmates to please themselves, for the stranger is certain it will rarely hap- pen that any one else will come so far to enjoy or commend the neat and tasteful premises. The superior thrift of the farm- ers of this county is strikingly contrasted with the indolence and neglect that are occasionally, perhaps not unfrequently, ex- hibited, by the farmers on some of the richest levels of the Con- necticut. It may be owing in some measure to the ready sale at good prices of all the products of a grazing district. The principal cause however is the stern necessity for effort, with the habits of early toil and exposure, the wakefulness of intellect and the indomitable and intelligent enterprise, which are en- forced by the severe but wholesome teachings of climate and soil. As a consequence of this general thrift, property is more equally distributed and the majority of the people are more nearly equal in all respects, and this in its turn fosters independ- ence and self-reliance. These traits of character may now and then be perverted to self-conceit and self-will, but they are far better than servility and abject dependence. 1852.] Litchfield County Celebration. 81 It ought not to be surprising, that such a population should, under republican institutions, be strongly interested in politics, and somewhat prone to litigation. Men who feel themselves equal to their neighbors develop an intense regard for their in- dividual rights, and are apt to be sensitive to real or imagined wrongs. Those who are accustomed to contend with nature and to breast themselves manfully to the sternest encounters with her forces, are not easily frightened by the threats of their fellow men. Those whose existence is a continued effort, a struggle ever renewed, enter upon a ldwsuit or political contest as a kind of diversion. Those who are intelligent enough, or think they are, to form an opinion in regard to every question, whether of local or national policy, are fond of discussing such topics, and are always furnished with well settled opinions. They are familiar with the principles and practices of courts of law, and their strong and acute discernment fastens upon such subjects, with an awakened interest and an intense satisfaction. Whatever is read on such subjects is pondered, digested and thoroughly mastered. It is generally thought of before it is talked about, so that opinions direct conversation rather than are directed by it. The Litchfield county farmer takes his weekly paper, and gives to it a thorough reading, fighting a tough battle with everything which he dislikes, and making as thorough- ly his own whatever he approves. He does not, like the New York merchant, glance at the leader of his morning journal, while swallowing his breakfast or crossing the ferry, and then turn to his neighbor to know what to think of it. The farmer may be slow, but he is sure and decided; the merchant may be quick and showy, but he is likely to be flip pant and vacillating.. To know how deeply an interest in politics and law enters into all the habits of thought and feeling of this population, one must live among them. The conceited student fresh from his books, or the nice young ~ nurtured upon the conventionalities of artificial life, who expects to find them talk of bullocks only, will learn to his confusion, that they can talk of higher themes, and that they talk with a positiveness and an ardor, which possibly may shock his nerves. One striking consequence of this tendency to law and politics has been the immense num- ber of distinguished lawyers and statesmen who are natives of Litchfield county or sons of its emigrants. So far as these tendencies are earthly they need a strong coun- teracting force, and this force is furnished in the religious faith of the people. This faith is not the blind and unreasoning sub- jection of the Catholic devotee, nor is it the amiable deference which is cherished by the roystering esquire and the hob-nailed voL. X, 11 82 Litchfield County Celebration. [Feb. peasant for the English church, but it is the intelligent faith of the New England Calvinist, who delights in his faith, not mere- ly because it gives peace to his conscience and kindles hope in sorrow and in death, but because it tasks his intellect by the loftiest themes of human inquiry, and employs his enterprise and energy in actual work for the extension of Christianity. To such a population an intelligent clergy is and must be one of the most valued blessings of earth, and their best affections cluster around the dwelling of their pastor and the meeting house, whence he dispenses the instructions that quicken and guide their intellects, as well as kindle their affections and con- firm their faith. The clergy of Litchfleld county have been inferior to none in the world for theological acumen and for pastoral fidelity and zeal, and the impress of their influence may be traced in every dwelling and on every mind. This district was settled at a later period than any other portion of the State. The first century has just elapsed since it was organ- ized as a county; and settlements within its limits were rare till twenty-five years before this organization took place. For near- ly an entire century after the settlement of Hartford and New Haven, it was an unbroken and uninhabited forest. The tribes of Indians which were found upon the Pomperaug and the Housatonic, are believed to have been remnants of the larger tribes, who fled before the wasting and the wars of the first century, and were redrganized in this secluded and unknown district. The early inhabitants of the Connecticut Colony looked upon these ridges and mountains of forest which bounded their vision on the west, as a vast and terrible unknown, the symbol of eternity, not merely from their vastness, but from the fact that they suggested the dread of the savage Mohawk, who claimed the forest lands of Litchfield and Berkshire counties as his own, and who issued from their fastnesses at his capricious will, to strike terror into the colonists on the Connecticut, and the Indian tribes who clung to the white man for protection. But the pressure of population and the desire of wealth drove new adventurers over its hills from the east, and into its valleys from the south and west. The first town, Wood bury, was set- tled in 1674; New Milford, the second, in 1707; Colebrook, the last, in 1795. The county was organized in 1751, and it was at the expiration of the first century since justice first took her seat upon Litchfield Hill, that the celebration was held, of which the volume before us is the memorial. The volume consists of a record of all the proceedings which led to the celebration, of the historical address by the Hon. Samuel Church, Chief Justice of the State, of a Poem by Rev. 1852.] Litchfield County Celebration~ S3 John Pierpont, and a sermon by Horace Bushnell, D. D., to- gether with sundry letters from natives of the county, also short addressess from several gentlemen who were present, and a number of poetic effusions which were elicited by the occa- sion. No eye witness will forget the scenes of those two mem- orable days of August. The Hill of Litchfield never showed so proud a spectacle. The situation of this village is admira- bly adapted to give interest to such an occasion; crowning as it does one of the highest yet smoothest hills of the whole re- gion, it commands in some directions a view of the most distant parts of the county, and might be seen for miles by the assem- bling tribes who were literally forced to go up to the place of their joyful solemnities. Indeed, there is perhaps no village so small as this in the Union, which from its conspicuous situation and its more conspicuous memories of the past, could be so ex- actly fitted to be the scene of such an anniversary. We are quite certain that there is no county which does not include a capital, that could summon so noble a train of descendants, or that could point those descendants to so noble an ancestry. The town itself, once the seat of a law school, where more great lawyers and great statesmen received their legal education than at any single school in the Union, at a time too wh~n lawyers and statesmen found in the state of the country an open, a wor- thy and an exciting field; the seat also of one of our first estab- lished and widely celebrated female schools; the resort in sum- mer of many distinguished visitors, aiid more than all, the resi~ dence of some of the ablest and purest men whom the country has ever knownwas itself eminently fitted to awaken befitting associations, since almost every dwelling is connected with the name of some family known and honored by the majority of the inhabitants. The celebration was observed with enthusi- asm by the crowds who assembled, and the whole county was moved by the spirit of the occasion. The address of Judge Church contains much information of an interesting character in respect to the history of the county, though it is arranged in a manner not entirely methodical and occasionally deformed by serious inaccuracies of language. As a whole, however, it is a valuable contribution to the history of the county and of the State, and will remain as a permanent record of many facts and names, which would otherwise have been forgotten. We appreciate fully the evidences of pains~ taking and research which it exhibits, and express with pleasure the gratitude which we are sure the public will feel to the au~ thor. In reading it we have noticed here and there a sentence or paragraph which, to say the least, excited our surprise. We 84 Litchfield County Celebration. [Feb. give the following: I shall not detain you with an eulogium on Puritan character. This may be found stereotyped every- where not only in books and speeches, but much more accurately in its influence and effects, not in New England alone, but throughout this nation. Our American ancestors were Englishmen, descendants of the same men and inheritors of the same principles, by which Magna Charta was established at Runnymede. They were Anglo-Saxons inspired with the same spirit of independence which has marked them every- where, and especially through the long period of well-defin~d English History, and which is destined in its further develop- ments to give tone and impress to the political and religious in- stitutions of Christendom. So much has been said and written of the Puritans, I have sometimes thought that some believe that they were a distinct race, and perhaps of a different com- plexion and language from their other countrymen; whereas they were only Englishmen, generally of the plebeian caste, and with more of the energies and many of the frailties and imper- fections common to humanity. If our first settlers here cher- ished more firmly the religious elements of their character than any other, the spirit of independence to which I have alluded developed anotherthe love of money and an ingenuity in gratifying it. it strikes us that this paragraph is a good exam- ple of the rhetorical figure called anti-climax. We hardly know how to account for its appearance. Did the author commence with some glow of feeling towards the Puritans, but instead of being gradually warmed by his theme, was he gradually chilled the more he contemplated it, till in a moment his warmth dropped to zero and his flow of kindly enthusiasm was arrested by a sudden frost? Or does he differ so far in point of taste from the majority of chroniclers on such occasions, that instead of dilating with ardor on the virtues of a worthy ancestry, be- ing a little blind to their faults, he thinks it more becoming to reverse the ordinary rule? Or did he fear that the old Puri- tans of Litchileld county, many of whom he knows to be stiff and fervid enough, were so much in danger of being intoxica- ted with enthusiasm on this exciting occasion, that prudential considerations made it wise for him to administer the sedative of nil admirari in the form of a shower bath? But is this a fair account of the Puritans? Are the facts alledged true? Is it true that the Puritans were in all respects like other liberty-loving Englishmen and moved only by ~the same principles which animated the Anglo-Saxon race? Is it true that they were generally of the plebeian caste ? If they were so it is a charge which is hardly a reproach in this demo- 1852.] LitchJield County Celebration. 85 cratic country. The Puritans were not indeed to any great extent of noble families, but they belonged to the better portion of the middling classes, many of them being men of education, all of the clergy graduates of the universities, most of them possessed of competent estates, and all elevated above what is properly called the plebeian caste. They were no more plebeian than ninety-nine out of every hundred whom the author was address- ing are of the plebeian caste in Litchfield county, and to whom such a characteristic was presented, as it seems to us, with the worst possible grace, as a reason why they should not esteem too highly their Puritan ancestry. We remember that John Locke said of these men of the plebeian caste, that God had sifted three kingdoms that he might sow America with the finest of the wheat. Or, is it true that the Puritan spirit of independ- ence has developed in their descendants in an extraordinary measure the love of money and an ingenuity in gratifying it ? So far as this ingenuity in making money is peculiar to the Yankees, it has been developed within the present century, since the Puritan spirit has ceased to give the entire character to New England. But are the descendants of the Puritans more remarkable for the love of money than the canny Scotch- man, or the grasping Englishman, or the frugal Dutchman, or the miserly German, or the hoarding Irishman? Not at all. That they are independent and ingenious is true, but to set off this as a term of reproach against the religious fervor of the Puritans, .as though a sneer at the one would abate admiration for the purity of the other, is, to say the least, not in good taste. Another passage arrested our attention. I have already suggested that there was here a more tolerant and better spirit than existed among the first emigrants to Plymouth and Massa- chusetts. The churches were insulated and in a manner shut out from the disturbing causes which had agitated other por- tions of the colony. I do not learn from that full and faithful chronicler of religious dissensions, Dr. Trumbull, that there was in the county so much of the metaphysical and subtle in theology as had produced such bitter effects at an earlier time, in the churches at Hartford, New Haven, Stratford and Walling- ford. The pastors were men of peace, who had sought the re- tired parishes over here in the hills and valleys without much pride of learning and withoutambitious views. This would be all very well, if there were furnished in the history of the churches of the county any striking proofs that they were inferior to those of other parts of Connecticut in their interest in theological discussion, or their concern at deviations from what they believed to be the truth. The estimate of the clergy of 86 Litckfield County Celebration. [Feb. the county, in respect to their theological acumen and their general prominence and influence, is singularly at fault, as will appear from the mention of the names of Bellamy, Backus, Ed- wards, Porter; Griffin, Mills, Hallock, Beecher and Hart. It strikes us also that Bellamy was not remarkable for his toler- ance of Arminian heresies, nor Backus for his tolerance of Thomas Jefferson, nor Porter and Beecher for their tolerance of brandy drinking. But again: There was here, also, very early, another element ~vhich modified and liberalized the tem- per of the fathers who had smarted, as they supposed, under the persecutions of an English home and English laws. A little alloy was intermixed in the religious crucible, which, if it did not, in the opinion of all, render the mass more precious, at least made it more malleable and better fitted for practical use. There was not in this county an universal dislike of the Church of England. We were removed farther back in point of time, as I have said, from the original causes of hostility. We were Englishmen, boasting of English Common Law as our birth- right and our inheritance, and into this was interwoven many of the principles and usages of English ecclesiastical polity. This respect for the institutions of the mother country, though long felt by some, was first developed in the college and extended sooner and more widely in this county than anywhere else, so that congregations worshiping with the Liturgy of the Eng- lish church were soon found in Woodbury, Watertown, Ply- mouth, Ilarwinton, Litchfield, Kent, Sharon and Salisbury, and were composed of men of equal intelligence and purity of character with their neighbors of the Congregational churches. And yet enough of traditional prejudice still remained uncor- rected by time or impartial examination often to subject the friends and members of the Church of England to insult and in- justice. Some of it remains still, but too little to irritate or disturb a Christian spirit. Our first and most natural inquiry after reading this paragraph was, for what was this written or with what propriety is it inserted in this discourse. A full and respectful notice of the Episcopal churches of Litchfield county was demanded by a regard to historic truth and the very respec- table character of those who belong to this communion. But such a notice as the one given by the author seems rather to savor of the temper and language prevalent in the strifes of the toleration party of 1817, than to the genial and friendly spirit of such an occasion. The suggestions in respect to the causes which led to the early planting of these Episcopal churches seem to us quite incorrect, and the insinuation that the members of that church have been liable to insult and injustice, seems 1852.] Litchfield County Celebration. 87 hardly appropriate in view of the fact that the people of Litch- field county have delighted to give political honor to the mem- bers of that church, far beyond any claim which their numbers would warrant. We say this account of the origin of the Episcopal churches in the county is incorrect. The simple facts were these: sundry members of the Congregational churches did not like the strictness of the discipline; others had suffered under the administration of this discipline; others were offended by the excesses attending the great awakening; others, in whom the love of money was strikingly developed, showed their inge- nuity in gratifying it by preferring the church of England missionary, whose salary was paid by the venerable society for the propagation of the gospel; others in some local quarrel in respect to the parish matters, the location of a church or the choice of a minister, were active in starting, or hasty in joining an Episcopal parish. None of these causes are named by the writer, whereas a regard to the exact truth of history requires that greater importance should be ascribed to any one of them than to the fancy, vaguely hinted, that it was in the awak- ening of a regard to English institutions, that these parishes owed their origin or their growth. The writer speaks also of the temper of the fathers who had smarted, as they supposed, under the persecutions of an English home and English laws ; and in another place of the sense of oppression inflicted by the mother country, whether real or fancied. Does the writer intimate that they were mistaken in respect to these supposed persecutions, or that the sense of their wrongs was greatly disproportioned to the reality? We observe no such qualification, when he speaks of the wrongs which they inflicted on the Quakers, prayer books and %hristmass, or when he charges them with wholesale injustice to the poor In- dians, who, according to his own concessions, had no better title to these lands than that acquired by squatters for the term of thir- ty to fifty years, or when he talks so confidently of the insult and injustice which the congregationalists of Litchfield county, with all their acquired tolerance, visited the friends and mem- bers of the church of England. When our author speaks of the wrongs suffered by the Puritans, then he questions their reality; when of those which they inflicted, he is certain and positive. Whereas, who does not know, or may not know, that the wrongs which they imposed bear no proportion to those which they were forced to endure? Surely justice, on such an occasion, should at least be even-handedeven if the charitable tolerance on which we pride ourselves, when contrasted with 88 Litckfield County Convention. [Feb. our fathers, should not lead us to be generous, when we are gathered over their graves to honor their memory. But were our fathers mistaken in their suppositions? Were the imprisonments, the heavy finings, the croppings, the scourg- ings, only illusions or fancies? Surely so shrewd as they were and so fond of money withal, they could hardly have been im- posed upon so far as to leave their homes and their country for wrongs that were not real but fancied. But to what does the author allude in the remark that the alloy of Episcopacy made the mass more malleable ? Does he refer to the conduct of not a few Episcopalians in the war of the revolution? But enough of these passing criticisms. Our chief objection to these passages is, that they detract not a little from the dignity and authority of an address, that in other respects was so excellent. The address was followed by a Poem from Rev. John Pierpont, in which the Reverend wit altogether outdid himself, and well he might, for he was on his native heather. After exhausting his abundant store of local allusions, and given a sufficiency of local pictures drawn from his own early memory, and still true to the life, he thus concludes in a graver strain. But, mother Litchfield, thou hast stronger claims To be called holy, than thy holy names Can give thee.Reckon as thy jewels, then, Thy saintly women, and thy holy men. Scarce have thine early birds from sleep awoke, And up thy hill-sides curls the cottage smoke, When rises with it, on the morning air, The voice of household worship and of prayer; And when the night-bird sinks upon her nest To warm her fledglings with her downy breast, In re~erent posture, many a father stands, And, oer his children, lifting holy hands, Gives them to God, the Guardian of their sleep; While, round their beds, their nightly vigils keep Those Angel ministers of heavenly grace, Who always do behold their Fathers face. And, when the day returns for toil to cease, With the disciples of the Prince of Peace, The voice responsive of thy village bells, From hill and valley, on the clear air swells, And up thy hills, and down thy valleys go Thy sons and daughters, reverently slow, To eat the bread of life, their pastor brings, And pay their homage to the King of Kings. The sermon by Rev. Dr. Bushnell, though it would be pro- nounced by severer critics not much of a sermon, contains a professed description of the age of homespun, or the life of a people who spin and wear their own clothing. The idea is 1852.] Litc/zfield County Celebration. 89 ingenious, and the sketches of life in Litchfield county are felici- tously grouped together around this central fact. Of the livelier sketches we give the following: But most of all to be remembered, are those friendly circles, gathered so often round the winters firenot the stove, but the fire, the brightly blazing, hospitable fire. In the early dusk, the home circle is drawn more closely and quietly round it; but a good neighbor and his wife drop in shortly, from over the way, and the circle begins to spread. Next, a few young folk from the other end of the village, en- tering in brisker mood, find as many more chairs set in as wedges into the periphery to receive them also. And then a friendly sleigh full of old and young, that have come down from the hill to spend an hour or two, spread the circle again, moving it still farther back from the fire; and the fire blazes just as much higher and more brightly, having a new stick added for every guest. There is no restraint, certainly no affectation of style. They tell stories, they laugh, they sing. They are serious and gay by turns, or the young folks go on with some play, while the fathers and mothers are discussing some hard point of theology in the ministers last sermon; or perhaps the great danger coming to sound morals from the multiplication of turnpikes and newspapers! Meantime, the good housewife brings out her choice stock of home grown exotics, gathered from three realms, doughnuts from the pantry, hickory nuts from the chamber, and the nicest, smoothest apples from the cellar; all which, including, I suppose I must add, the rather unpoetic beverage that gave its acid smack to the ancient hospitality, are discussed as freely, with no fear of consequences. And then, as the tall clock in the corner of the room ticks on niajest- ically towards nine, the conversation takes, it may be, a little more serious turn, an4 it is suggested that a very happy evening may fitly be ended with a prayer. Whereupon the circle breaks up with a reverent, congratulative look on every face, which is itself the truest language of a social nature blessed in human fellowship.~ After the sermon followed several speeches, some of which are interesting and spirited, and others, though well enough as spoken, do not add greatly to the value of the volume. We would that the history of Litchfield county could be thoroughly canvassed and written. The political and religious influence of this inconsiderable and till recently inaccessible portion of New England, upon our union and the world, has been greater than the proudest of her sons has dared to dream, and we are certain that the more fully this influence should be studied, the greater and more renowned would it appear. von. x. 12 90 Longfellows Golden Legend. [Feb. ART. VII.LONGFELLOWS GOLDEN LEGEND. The Golden Legend. By HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW. Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields, 1852. New Haven: T. H. Pease. WE think it probable that some of the readers of this poem may query why it should have been called a Golden Legend. Originally the Legenda, or Legendarius was a book con- taining acts of Saints arranged for the whole year, so called be- cause those acts were appointed to be read (Legenda) on cer- tain days in the churches and sacred assemblies. These lives were distinguished from the lives of other saints, confessors and martyrs, which were not thus honored. The term Le- genda, however, was afterwards ext~nded so as to apply gener- ally to lives of saints. There were many collections of such lives, but there was one more celebrated than the rest, written by Jacobus De Voragine, Archbishop of Genoa, about 1260, and called the Aurea Legenda. This was translated into French about 1332, by Jehan De [ignay, a monk hospitaler, at the command of Queen Jane; from this version Caxton made the translation which he published somewhere about 1486, under the title of the Golden Legend. The term, however, had been extended earlier than this so as to embrace the lives of others than saints, if we may judge from Chaucers Le ende of Gode Women, where we meet with several, such as Helen, Medea, Dido, Cleopatra, whose lives, by no indulgence of charity, could be placed among the Legenda of the church. The present meaning grew gradually into use; but it is not an insignificant fact that the term which once designated religious biography should have come at length to be applied solely to fiction. On what ground Mr. LongfelIQw has used the title of The Golden Legend, we shall see hereafter. The poem opens with a prologue, which represents Lucifer with the powers of the air, attempting to pull down the cross from the spire of the Srasburg cathedral, the bells meanwhile sounding forth their solemn tones. The conception of this scene is very fine, and it is beautifully adapted for a prologue to the poem; nor is the execution unworthy of the conception. We have not room for the whole of it, and a portion in this particular case would not do full justice to the writer. The poem is written in the form of dialogue, though it is not divided into the acts and scenes of the regular drama. The

90 Longfellows Golden Legend. [Feb. ART. VII.LONGFELLOWS GOLDEN LEGEND. The Golden Legend. By HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW. Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields, 1852. New Haven: T. H. Pease. WE think it probable that some of the readers of this poem may query why it should have been called a Golden Legend. Originally the Legenda, or Legendarius was a book con- taining acts of Saints arranged for the whole year, so called be- cause those acts were appointed to be read (Legenda) on cer- tain days in the churches and sacred assemblies. These lives were distinguished from the lives of other saints, confessors and martyrs, which were not thus honored. The term Le- genda, however, was afterwards ext~nded so as to apply gener- ally to lives of saints. There were many collections of such lives, but there was one more celebrated than the rest, written by Jacobus De Voragine, Archbishop of Genoa, about 1260, and called the Aurea Legenda. This was translated into French about 1332, by Jehan De [ignay, a monk hospitaler, at the command of Queen Jane; from this version Caxton made the translation which he published somewhere about 1486, under the title of the Golden Legend. The term, however, had been extended earlier than this so as to embrace the lives of others than saints, if we may judge from Chaucers Le ende of Gode Women, where we meet with several, such as Helen, Medea, Dido, Cleopatra, whose lives, by no indulgence of charity, could be placed among the Legenda of the church. The present meaning grew gradually into use; but it is not an insignificant fact that the term which once designated religious biography should have come at length to be applied solely to fiction. On what ground Mr. LongfelIQw has used the title of The Golden Legend, we shall see hereafter. The poem opens with a prologue, which represents Lucifer with the powers of the air, attempting to pull down the cross from the spire of the Srasburg cathedral, the bells meanwhile sounding forth their solemn tones. The conception of this scene is very fine, and it is beautifully adapted for a prologue to the poem; nor is the execution unworthy of the conception. We have not room for the whole of it, and a portion in this particular case would not do full justice to the writer. The poem is written in the form of dialogue, though it is not divided into the acts and scenes of the regular drama. The 1852.] Longfellow8 Golden Legend. 91 substance of the story can be stated very briefly. Prince Henry of ioheneck is afflicted with a strange disease, for which he has consulted whole schools of doctors in vain; only the doctors of Salerno had returned to him this very wonderful prescription: Not to be cured, yet not incurable! The only remedy that remains Is the blood that flows from a maidens veins, Who of her own free will shall die, And give her Life as the price of yours! It is the attempt of Lucifer to involve the Prince in the self- ish sacrifice of the life of another to save his own, which is the main thread of the story. The opening scene, for we shall use this word to designate the successive steps in the progress of the poem, represents the first interview between the Prince and Lucifer. To the Prince, sitting alone ill and restless, Lu- cifer appears out of a flash of lightning, in the garb of a trav- eling physician. The Prince puts the prescription he had received from Salerno into the hands of his new doctor, who does not seem to find so much fault with it as is usual in the case of rival prescriptions. This is the strangest of all cures. * * * * * And yet who knows? One cannot say That into some maidens brain that kind Of madness will not find its way. Meanwhile, as the matter admits of no delay, Lucifer recom- mends his own wonderful catho1icon,~ which he puffs in a manner almost equal to the quack-doctors of the present day. . It assuages every pain, Cures all disease, and gives again To age the swift delights of youth. The Prince drinks again and again, the voice of an angel in the air at the same time uttering notes of solemn warning. Th& potent draught works magically and the Prince exclaims: Jam not ill! Jamnotweak! The trance, the swoon, the dream, is oer! I feel the chill of death no more I We know not that we understand the design of the author in this matter of the catholicon. It was not of course intended to describe Lucifer as wishing to cure the Prince in this way. It has nothing of the nature of a compact such as Gdthe re 92 Longfellows Golden Legend. [Feb. presents to have been made between Faust and Mephistopheles. Nor do we see that it could have been given with a view to bring the Prince under the power of Luciti~r, for Lucifer subse- quently succeeds in his designs merely through the disguise of an assumed character. And yet Lucifer says: Drink! drink! And thy soul shall sink Down into the dark abyss, Into the infinite abyss, From which no plummet nor rope Ever drew up the silver sand of hope. It may be remarked here, however, that it does not appear to be the design of the poet to describe the contests in the pre- sent life between the principles of Good and Evil, under the form of a compact with the Prince of Evil. The poem does not profess to belong to the same class with the Faust of G6the; it aims rather to reproduce the views of a particular age as to the nature of satanic agencies in the affairs of men, and to make the reproduction the occasion of describing the characteristics of that age. Looking at the poem, therefore, some- what as an historical representation of the sentiments, religious ideas, literature and manners of the middle ages, we will trace the course of it with more particularity. The scene following the interview between the Prince and Lucifer brings before the reader the castle of Vautsberg on the Rhine. The Prince had been driven from it, and it is falling to ruins. The dialogue is carried on between the aged Seneschal and Walter, a Minnesinger, who seems to have been introduced merely because the Minnesingers were among the distinctive characters of the age. He is not at all necessary to the progress of the story. We learn that the Prince had been sent forth in disgrace by the priests into banishment, though for what rea- son is not distinctly stated. We quote the Seneschals account of their proceedings. The Prince had been found stretched on the floor as if in a swoon, but Hubert says: I think he might have mended; And he did mend; but very soon The priests came flocking in, like rooks, With all their crosiers and their crooks, And so at last the matter ended. Walter. How did it end ? Hubert. Why, in Saint Rochus They made him stand, and wait his doom; And, as if he were condemned to the tomb, ~egan to mutter their hocus pocus. First, the Mass for the Dead they chaimted, 1852.] Longfellows Golden Legend. 93 Then three times laid upon his head A shovelfull of church-yard clay, Saying to him, as he stood undaunted, This is a sign that thou art dead, So in thy heart be penitent! And forth from the chapel door he went Into disgrace and banishment, Clothed in a cloak of hodden gray, And bearing a wallet, and a bell, Whose sound should be a perpetual knell To keep all travelers away. The Prince, driven from his castle, as has just been narrated, withdraws into the Odenwald, where he is received and protect- ed by some of his tenants. The progress of the story carries us thither, where in a garden we may listen to the Prince read- ing a legend, taken for aught we know from the veritable Au- rea Legenda, of the monk Felix, who going out one morning after the hour of prime, had whiled away unconsciously just one hundred years in listening To the melodious singing Of a beautiful white bird a sort of middle age Rip Van Winkle, we suppose. As the Prince finishes reading, there presents herself before him the young maiden, who is to be the future sacrifice. Elsie, after conversing awhile, repeats the prettiest legend of them all, the story Of Christ and the Sultans daughter. These may be regarded as specimens of the legends of those times, and, perhaps, gave occasion to the title of The Gold- en Legend, which the author has bestowed upon the whole poem. The reader is next introduced to a quiet family scene at the hour of twilightDame Ursula spinning, Gottlieb asleep in his chair, and Bertha and Max listening to Elsie, telling them stories of the wood And the Wolf aud Little Red Ridiughood. The character of Ursula and Gottlieb are the best drawn, we think, of any in the poem, and the steps by which they are grad- ually brought to offer up their daughter, as Abraham of old his son; are sketched with skill and with a nice adjustment of the motives which might lead to such a resolve. Elsie at this time announces her willingness to die for the Prince. After she leaves for the night with Bertha and Max, Ursula discourses of Elsie in a way which lessens our wonder at her resolution: 94 Longfellows Golden Legend. [Feb. She is a strange and wayward child, That Elsie of ours. She looks so old, And thoughts and fancies weird and wild, Seem of late to have taken hold Of her heart, that was once so docile and mild I But the worthy Gottlieb has discovered none of this: She is like all girls. The poet follows Elsie and hears her evening prayer, which we give entire: My Redeemer and my Lord, I beseech thee, I entreat thee, Guide me in each act and word, That hereafter I may meet thee, Watching, waiting, hoping, yearning, With my lamp well trimmed and burning I Interceding With these bleeding Wounds upon thy hand and side, For all who have lived and erred Thou hast suffered, thou hast died, Scourged, and mocked, and crucified, And in the grave hast thou been buried! If my feeble prayer can reach thee, Oh my Saviour, I beseech thee, Even as thou hast died for me, More sincerely Let me follow where thou leadest, Let me, bleeding as thou bleedest, Die, if dying I may give Life to one who asks to live, And more nearly, Dying thus, resemble thee I We afterwards find Elsie at the bedside of her parents weep- ing and urging upon them the impulses which sway her mind. The character of Elsie has in it much that is attractive, and it is portrayed with great artistic skill. It has evidently been made a study, and the embodiment of the conception in words is all that can be desired. The outlines are clearly drawn and there is a precision in the filling up which reaches the true mean ~of neither too much nor too little. We felt, however, as we read the development of the character, a deficiency in the concep- tion itself. If the sacrifice which the maiden makes of herself is to be regarded as an act of duty, abstracted from any merely human motives, and we see none such, then the occasion is not a sufficiently dignified or important one for so sublime an act of self-devotion; or, if it be regarded as a religious offering in im- itation of Christ, we would rather see such a triumph of Christ- ian feeling exhibited in the defense of truth or of fealty to Christ, than for the mere object of restoring a sick prince to 1852.] Longfellows Golden Legend. 95 life. But we dwell not upon thiswe simply state a certain feeling which arose in our minds as we followed the progress of the poem. It remains for Prince Henry to decide whether he will permit the sacrifice to be made. In his perplexity he consults, as he supposes, his priest, who, by a labored argument, reconciles duty with inclination. It may have occurred to the reader that Lucifer has been quite inactive of late,at least for him. He now appears, as he always does, at the critical time. For it was he who, taking the seat of the priest at the confessional, had overcome the doubts of the Prince. We quote from his argument. Many a better cause has been worse reasoned. Lucifer. Be not alarmed! The Church is kind, And in her mercy and her meekness She meets half-way her childrens weakness, Writes their transgressions in the dust! Though in the Decalogue we find The mandate written, Thou shalt not kill! Yet there are cases where we must. In war, for instance, or from scathe To guard and keep the one true Faith! We must look at the Decalogue in the light Of an ancient statute, that was meant For a mild and general application, To he understood with the reservation, That, in certain instances, the Right Must yield to the Expedient. Lucifer then proceeds to prove that the greater good requir- ed the peasant girl should die rather than the Prince. This smacks to us very much of Paley; but whether the poet has been guilty of an anachronism, or Lucifer has anticipated the Doctor, we are not informed. The decision is at length made, and the Prince and Elsie with attendants start upon the journey to Salerno. The poet, taking advantage of this journey, presents several distinct pictures of the middle ages. We can follow him only in part. We pass over the night scene in Strasburg, where Prince Henry meets with his old friend, Walter the Minnesinger, on his way to Pal- estine, with the cross of the crusaders on his breast; also, the sermon of Friar Cuthbert on Easter Sunday; and finally, though with reluctance, the scene in the Cathedral between Elsie and the Prince. We must, however, dwell upon what next meets our atten- tiona veritable miracle-play, written by a poet of the nine- teenth century. The miracle-plays, we perhaps need not in- form our readers, were dramatic representations of the princi 96 Longfellows Golden Legend. [Feb. pal events in the Scriptures, the creation, the flood, the nativity, the passion, the last judgment, and others, written by the eccie- siastics, and performed by them in the churches on festivals. The materials were derived not alone from the canonical, but also from the apocryphal Scriptures. These exhibitions were intended to take the place of the heathen plays of the Greeks and Romans, and to furnish both instruction and amusement. They doubtless had a much more serious object than would appear from a mere glance at them. It is generally admitted by the historians of literature, that they were the origin of the modern drama in several countries of Europe. Warton and Collier and others trace English dramatic literature to this source. Mr. Ticknor does the same with respect to the Span- ish drama. As to their general character, they are coarse, puerile, destitute of dramatic talent, and, judged by our present notions, irreverent. As exhibiting the manners of the age and as illustrating the origin of the modern drama, or as literary curiosities, they have some importance, but they are not fit to be reproduced in a modern poem, not even in one which pro- fesses to describe the times in which they prevailed; for the poet may surely reject whatever materials are incapable of a poetic handling. We will fortify our judgment by a quotation. The play is the Nativity. We take one extract from the part which represents Jesus at play with his schoolmates. Jesus. The shower is over. Let us play, And make some sparrows out of clay, Down by the rivers side. Judas. See, how the stream has overflowed Its banks, and oer the meadow road Is spreading far and wide 1 They draw water out of the river by channels, andform little pools. Jesus makes twelve sparrows of clay, and the other boys do the same. * * * * * . Jesus. Fly, fly! ye sparrows! you are free! And while you live, remember me, Who made you with my hands. Here Jesus shall clap hia hands, and the sparrows shall fly away chirruping. * * * * * * Joseph. Ye wicked boys! Why do ye play, And break the holy Sabbath day? What, think ye, will your mothers say, 1852.] Longfellows Golden Legend. 97 To see you in such plight! In such a sweat and such a heat, With all that mud upon your feet! There s not a beggar in the street Makes such a sorry sight. Now, doubtless, something like this, only not so polished, was often represented at the Easter festivals in Strasburg, and doubtless, too, the story may be found in some of the apocry- phal gospels relating to the childhood of Jesus; but still will it give to any reader the pleasure which flows from genuine poetry? After the festival at Strasburg, the party passes on to the convent of Hirschau, in the Black Forest. The poet avails himself of this opportunity to present in several successive scenes, a general view of such establishments. We stop not, however, in the convent cellar with Friar Claus, Among the brotherhood, Dwelling forever under ground, Silent, contemplative, round and sound; Each one old, and brown with mould. We pause a moment in the Scriptorium where Friar Pacifi- cus is transcribing and illuminating. It is growing dark! Yet one line more, And then my work for to-day is oer. * * * * * Thus have I labored on and on, Nearly through the Gospel of John. S * * * * This is well written though I say it! I should not be afraid to display it, In open day, on the self-same shelf With the writings of St. Thecla herself, Or of Theodosius, who of old Wrote the Gospel in letters of gold. * * * . * There, now, is an initial letter! King Renl~ himself never made a better! Finished down to the leaf and the snail, Down to the eyes on the peacocks tail ! We pass by the cloisters, and the chapel where the Prince finds an ancient enemy now turned monk, and becomes reconcil- ed to him. The next scene, which is laid in the refectory, is portrayed with no apprentice hand. We can give but a small portion of it. It describes a gaudiolum of monks at midnight, at which Lucifer is present, disguised as a friar. Friar Paul Sings. Aye! color vini clan Dulcis potus, non amari, Tua nos inebniari Dignenis potentia ! 13 VOL. X. 98 Longfellows Golden Legend. [Feb. Friar Cuthbert. Not so much noise, my worthy freres, You 11 disturb the Abbot at his prayers. * * * * * Friar John. What is the name of yonder Friar, With an eye that glows like a coal of fire, And such a black mass of tangled hair ? Friar Paul. He who is sitting there, With a rollicking Devil may care, Free and easy look and air, As if he were used to such feasting and frolicking? Lucifer represents himself as a friar from the convent of St. Gildas de Rhuys, and of course has something to say of the Abbot Abelard and the Abbess Heloise. But in the midst of the revelry the Abbot comes in upon them, and all disperse. The next scene is in the neighboring nunnery, but we must pass that by, as well as the remaining portion of the journey, though it contains much beautiful poetry; we land with our~ pilgrims at Salerno. The poet, as he has given a description of one of the most remarkable institutions in the middle ages, in the convent, here introduces an account of another of those institutions equally worthy of note, the university. The first subject to attract our attention is a traveling scholastic affixing his theses to the gates of the college. There, that is my gauntlet, my banner, my shield, Hung up as a challenge to all the field! One hundred and twenty-five propositions, Which I will maintain with the sword of the tongue, Against all disputants, old and young. Let us see if the doctors or dialecticians Will dare dispute my definitions, Or attack any one of my learned theses. Here stand I; the end shall be as God pleases. The scholastic goes out and then come in two doctors dis- puting, followed by pupils. Doctor Serafino. I, with the Doctor Seraphic, maintain, That a word which is only conceived in the brain Is a tyne of eternal generation; The spoken word is the incarnation 1852.] Longfellows Golden Legend. 99 Doctor Citerubino. What do I care for the Doctor Seraphic, With all his wordy chaffer and traffic ? Doctor Serafino. You make but a paltry show of resistance; Universals have no real existence Doctor Cherubino. Your words are but idle and empty chatter; Ideas are eternally joined to matter I Doctor .Serafino. May the Lord have mercy on you position, You wretched, wrangling culler of herbs 1 Doctor Clzerubino. May he send your soul to eternal perdition, For your Treatise on the Irregular Verbs The doctors rush out fighting, when two students appear and after conversing awhile go in to listen to a learned praelection on Marcus Aurelius Cassiodorus. Lucifer next presents himself and shows that he is not less at home in the university tban in the convent. Soon after, Prince henry and Elsie enter with attend- ants and the Prince inquires, Can you direct to friar Angelo ? Lucifer replies, He stands before you. We need not detail the rest. Elsie, after ineffecthal opposition from the Prince, goes within with Lucifer. The Prince, as if stung with re- morse, cries out, Unbar the door ! Lucifer, from within, re- plies, It is too late ! They however burst the door open and rush in. When the poet had gotten to this point, he must have found himself in a dilemma. To die or not to die, that is the ques- tion. For Lucifer to accomplish the sacrifice of the maiden would have been a triumph of malice unworthy even of a devil we mean poetically speaking; but to rescue her involved the very difficult question of what should be done with her. The poet restores the Prince to health, and then after the most ap- proved fashion of the common-place novel, the happy pair are wedded! We must acknowledge we do not think the poet has been altogether successful in the characteristical part of the poem, nor, as we have just intimated, in the denouement of the story. We have not been able to take an interest of any kind in the character of Prince Henry. His unrest arises not from the struggles of the spirit with the great questions of Life and Death; he has not exhausted the pleasures of the world and 100 Longfellows Golden Legend. [Feb. grown sad at its vanities; indeed, we cannot think of him much otherwise than as a miserable dyspeptic, whose Heart has become a dull lagoon Which a kind of a leprosy drinks and drains.~~ The forester who brings the news of his recovery, after say- ing he was healed by the touch of St. Matthews sacred bones, adds with genuine yankee sagacity, Though I think the long ride in the open air, That pilgrimage over stocks and stones, In the miracle must come in for a share 1 We must hold the prince quite unworthy the love of the holy- minded Elsie. Indeed, Lucifer hit the mark when he said of him, Let him live to corrupt his race, Breathing among them, with every breath, Weakness, selfishness, and the base And pusillanimous fear of death. We have already remarked on the character of Lucifer. We may accept it as a true representation of the views of the age as to satanic influences, but really the author attributes scarce any thing more to Satan than what could he accomplished by an adroit juggler. He palms himself off as a physician, a confes- sor and a friar, which has often been done, we dare say, by de- ceivers of much less pretensions. He does not seem to enter heartily into the plot he had himself laid; the only place where he conducts himself with right good will is in the convent and the university. But the most remarkable thing relating to Lu- cifer is to be found in the Epilogue. The two recording angels ascend to heaven, the angel of good deeds with a closed book in which deeds of goodness are sealed up, and the angel of bad deeds with an open book waiting before closing it till the sun should go down, for the repentance of the evil doers. As the latter ascends, he says, Lo! over the mountain steeps, A dark, gigantic shadow sweeps Beneath my feet. * * * * It is Lucifer, The son of mystery; And since God suffers him to be, He, too, is Gods minister, And labors for some good By us not understood 1 1S52.] Longfellows Golden Legend. 101 We venture not to argue the theological part of the ques- tion with the recording angel, but we make bold to implore that Lucifer may have at least poetical justice done him. Mr. Longfellows Lucifer, it is true, is quite a harmless sort of a creature, and we care but little about him any way; indeed, on the theory of the recording angel, that Lucifer is Gods minister, we do not see that there is any mystery in this par- ticular case, as to the good he labored for,it was evidently to bring about the match between Elsie and the Prince. But we are not quite willing that Miltons Satan and Gdthes Me- phistopheles should go unwhipt of justice, on the ground of -be- ing instruments of good. In case where great calamities have been brought upon the comparatively innocent through external agencies, it is well to furnish some relief to the feel- ings, but we can see no reason why the natural feelings of the soul towards unmitigated villains should be softened by repre- senting them as laboring for some good. In aiming to give an analysis of the poem as a whole, we have been compelled to omit a reference to several beautiful and justly admired passages. There are many such which would of themselves place Mr. Longfellow very high in the rank of poets. There is also in the poem an accuracy of knowledge, a careful finish of every part, and a uniform purity and beauty of style, which deserve the highest praise. As a work of art, in which the poet, calm and unimpassioned, describes scenes from without which present themselves before himas a pic- ture of objects simply looked at and delineated just as they are we rank it high, though poems of this class do not affect the mind like those which are wrought out from the poets own soul. We have been disappointed in some respects, but we are not blind to the very great excellencies which are to be found in the poem. 102 Messianic Prophecies. [Feb. ART. VIILMESSIANIC PROPHECIES. Thoughts on the Origin, Character and Interpretation of Scrip- tural Prophecy, by SAMUEL U. TURNER, D. D., Professor in the General Theological Seminary of the Protestant Episcopal Church. New York: Harper& Brothers, 1852. pp.219. l2mo. THE scriptural prophecy here mainly referred to, is the series of Messianic prophecies found in the Old Testament and appeal- ed to in the New Testament; the consistent interpretation or explanation of which is one of the most perplexing points in the connection of the old and new dispensations, which all professed Christians are necessitated to hold. It were easy by directing the attention of the reader to par- ticular prophecies, and to the difficulties of reconciling them to the New Testament, greatly to embarrass him, and to leave his mind in a most painful state of doubt; or, on the other hand, by confining the attention to other select prophecies, to exhibit a beautiful argument and full confirmation of our religion. But to embrace the whole subject, to survey the whole ground, to take a fair view of all the prophecies concerned, to meet the many difficulties which wary and learned objectors have pro- posed, and yet leave a desirable or salutary impression on the mind of the reader, is the work only of a trained mind, of an able scholar, -of a true theologian, and such we esteem the re- spected author of this work. The work is timely. There are numbers, both in his denom- ination and in our own, who are looking at this subject with an intense interest, before which many of the usual topics of con- troversy sink into absolute insignificancy. These discourses open with a critical explanation of 2 Pet. 1: 1921, from which our author deduces the divine origin of prophecy in the first discourse, and its certainty or reliability in the second. This passage, viz. 2 Pet. 1: 1921, is a locus classicus in respect to inspired prophecy, and it is interesting to observe that the interpretations of our best critics verge to the same point. Even the Syriac Peshito Version may be understood in the same sense, no prophecy is an exposition of its own text, i. e. no prophecy is an exhibition of ones own writing. We should be glad to give our authors explanation of this import- ant passage in full, but it is too much extended for our purpose.

102 Messianic Prophecies. [Feb. ART. VIILMESSIANIC PROPHECIES. Thoughts on the Origin, Character and Interpretation of Scrip- tural Prophecy, by SAMUEL U. TURNER, D. D., Professor in the General Theological Seminary of the Protestant Episcopal Church. New York: Harper& Brothers, 1852. pp.219. l2mo. THE scriptural prophecy here mainly referred to, is the series of Messianic prophecies found in the Old Testament and appeal- ed to in the New Testament; the consistent interpretation or explanation of which is one of the most perplexing points in the connection of the old and new dispensations, which all professed Christians are necessitated to hold. It were easy by directing the attention of the reader to par- ticular prophecies, and to the difficulties of reconciling them to the New Testament, greatly to embarrass him, and to leave his mind in a most painful state of doubt; or, on the other hand, by confining the attention to other select prophecies, to exhibit a beautiful argument and full confirmation of our religion. But to embrace the whole subject, to survey the whole ground, to take a fair view of all the prophecies concerned, to meet the many difficulties which wary and learned objectors have pro- posed, and yet leave a desirable or salutary impression on the mind of the reader, is the work only of a trained mind, of an able scholar, -of a true theologian, and such we esteem the re- spected author of this work. The work is timely. There are numbers, both in his denom- ination and in our own, who are looking at this subject with an intense interest, before which many of the usual topics of con- troversy sink into absolute insignificancy. These discourses open with a critical explanation of 2 Pet. 1: 1921, from which our author deduces the divine origin of prophecy in the first discourse, and its certainty or reliability in the second. This passage, viz. 2 Pet. 1: 1921, is a locus classicus in respect to inspired prophecy, and it is interesting to observe that the interpretations of our best critics verge to the same point. Even the Syriac Peshito Version may be understood in the same sense, no prophecy is an exposition of its own text, i. e. no prophecy is an exhibition of ones own writing. We should be glad to give our authors explanation of this import- ant passage in full, but it is too much extended for our purpose. 1852.] Messianic Prophecies. 103 The third discourse exhibits the gradual and increasing development of the doctrine of a comingMessiah by successive prophecies. This is a highly interesting part of the work, which we shall endeavor to abridge. In Gen. 3: 15, it is predicted that the victory which Satan had just obtained over our first parents should be reversed, but it is not stated distinctly when or by whom. In Gen. 12: 3, and the parallel passages, Gen. 18: 18. 22: 18, it is predicted that all the families of the earth should be blessed through the posterity of Abraham. In Gen. 49: 10, it is said that the sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh, or he whose right it is, come; for so Ezekiel appears to have understood the term Skiloh. See Ezek. 21: 27. The prophe- cy thus intimates that the Messiah should be a ruler descended from the line of Judah, and limits also the time of his coming. We pass over the Jewish service which is supposed to adum- brate or typify the priestly character of Christ, inasmuch as such adumbration certainly could not have been known at that period. In Deut. 18: 15, 18, God promises to the Israelites a prophet, or rather a succession of prophets, like unto Moses, thus in- cluding the Messiah, who is the prophet of prophets.The very existence of such a peculiar succession of prophets is wonderful. In 2 Sam. vii. a royal seed or succession of kings is promised to David, thus including the Messiah, who is the king of kings, and who is symbolized perhaps by the regal office itself. In Psalm cx. the future Messiah is announced as a priest, not after the order of Levi, but after the higher order of Melchi zedek. In Is. liii. it is clearly announced that the Messiah should be a sacrifice for his people; that he should bear our griefs and carry our sorrows; that he should be wounded for our trans- gressions and bruised for our iniquities; that the chastisement of our peace should be upon him, and with his stripes we should be healed. In Ps. lxxii. Is. 9: 6, 7, the peaceful and happy nature of the Messiahs reign is announced. In Mic. 5: 2, we have the place of his birth. In Mal. 3: 1. 4: 5, we have mention of his forerunner. In Hag. 2: 7, the glory of the new temple is predicted. In Dan. 9: 24, the time of his coming is brought within sev- enty weeks of years. These passages, as commented on by our author, constitute a beautiful series of Messianic prophecies, on which Christian- ity may rest, as on a stable foundation. 104 Alessianic Prophecies. [Feb. It may be important to remark here, that beside the passages rendered somewhat complicated by a double sense, there are, according to Bp. Marsh, himself an advocate of double sense, thirteen passages in the Old Testament, which refer to Chi~ist in their literal and only meaning. On these passages, connected with miracles, the divine authority of the Christian religion might firmly rest. The fourth discourse is on the different modes of prophetic communication. This topic our author handles in an able and masterly manner. For this task he was prepared by his famil- iar acquaintance with Rabbinic literature. These modes of prophetic communication are (1.) oral communication, in an audible voice, whether connected with a supernatual appear- ance or not; (2.) prophetic dreams, which were often commu- nicated to men not prophets, to be explained by those who were prophets; (3.) ecstacies or prophetic visions; (4.) symbolical exhibitions or actions, whether in dreams or ecstasies; and (5.) significant actions performed by the prophet under divine im- pulse. The fifth discourse treats of the nature of prophetic sight or vision, which is common to nearly all the modes of prophetic communication. It is here that our author develops his pecu- liar view of double sense, which he supposes to arise from, and to be dependent on, the nature of prophetic vision. The prophet sees the future at one view, as on a picture or panorama. The impression made on his mind is as vivid as if made by realities. The prophet endeavors to describe the picture presented to his imagination. He copies what he has seen, and that perhaps in the order in which he has seen it, not in an historical or chro- nological order. The felicity of the Messiahs kingdom which lies in the background, mixes with and affects the intervening events. The vision is divine. The impression on the prophet is perfect; but the prophet in describing it, exercises the power of his own mind, and exhibits his own intellectual character. Dr. Turner then states his idea of double sense in a lucid manner; and shows how he would apply it to individual cases. Some Messianic prophecies, according to him, have a double meaning, both equally prominent. Others have a double mean- ing, but one meaning is more prominent than the other. Others again have one part of them to be understoood more literally, and another part of them to be understood more spiritually. He has, in his notes, drawn out his view on these points with more than common minuteness. The sixth discourse treats of the poetical or figurative char- acter of prophecy, and is intended to discountenance a prevail- 1852.] Miessianic Prophecies. 105 ing habit of giving a literal construction to unfulfilled prophe- cies. Prophecy, he supposes, abounds in figures of speech and ornaments of diction. The seventh discourse discusses in an able way the intellec- tual and moral qualities requisite for an interpreter of prophecy. The eighth discourse is an appendix to the rest, and contains an explanation of Noahs blessing on Japheth. The prominent point in these discourses is our authors view of double sense, or his mode of interpreting the prophecies of Christ in the Old Testament so as to accord with the use made of them in the New Testament. We mean not to pass our judgment on the main point at issue, but shall endeavor to state succinctly the nature of the pro- blem to be solved, and then to give historically some of the prin- ciples or expedients which learned men from time to time have brought forward to solve the problem or relieve the difficulty. The proper problem is to show (1.) How that a child born of a virgin, described as living in the time of Isaiah, shall actually represent Jesus of Nazareth, living several centuries after- wards. Is. 7:14, comp. Mat. 1: 23. (2.) How that what is ap- parently said of David, Solomon, or some secular monarch of Israel, shall really apply to Christ. Ps. ii. xvi. lxxii. (3.) How that the marriage of Solomon shall at the same time denote the union of Christ to his church. Ps. xlv. (4.) how that what ap- pears to be said of a. pious sufferer generally should refer to Christ in particular. Ps. xxii. lxix. (5.) How that what is said of Ahi- tophel, or some enemy of David, should be intended for Judas, or some enemy of Christ. Ps. lxix. (6.) How that the physi- cal return from the Babylonish captivity shall at the same time denote the restoration of the Jews to the Christian church. Is. xl.lxvi. (7.) How that what is said of the destruction of Je- rusalem shall at the same time express the consummation of all things. Mat. xxiv. xxv. and some other analogous points. Bp. Warburton: Divine Legation of Moses demonstrated, 173840. The sacred writers of the Old Testament, having a knowledge of both dispensations and of their relation to each other, have made use of types and ulouble-sense prophecies, (which were in ancient times customary modes of communica- ting thought,) in order to invest the truths which they revealed concerning the new dispensation with the necessary obscurity. The possibility that the divine mind should choose this course cannot be denied; but it is not easily seen how such obscurity was necessary, nor how the sacred writers should follow such examples, if indeed they existed. Subsequent writers on doubl~ sense appear not to have pressed this point. VOL. X. 14 106 Miessianic Prophecies. [Feb. Bp. Lowth: Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews, 1753. As in the Jewish religion, sacred rites, sacred persons, times and places, were typical or had a double relation, so his- torical narrative and prophecy also sustain a double relation. Bp. Lowth calls this the mystical allegory, a third species of al- legory, peculiar to the Hebrews, and supposed to arise from the nature of the imperfect Jewish economy, as related to the more perfect or Christian.There is a natural correlation between any two religions, as religions, and intended to subserve the same great purpose; but the theory of Lowth supposes some relation much more specific, which is the point to be proved. Rev. Win. Jones of Nayland: Lectures on the Figurative Language of the Holy Scriptures, 1786. The language of the Holy Scriptures is symbolical or figurative, and has principles of interpretation peculiar to itself.This principle lays the foundation for the broadest views of double sense, and the ut- most extravagance. Thus, according to Mr. Nayland, the visi- ble world is throughout a pattern of the invisible; persons in the Jewish history are typical of Christ; events in the Jewish history are typical; the miracles of Christ are typical of his salvation; the ceremonial law is a type; etc. James Macknight, D. I).: Essay on Gods Covenant with Abraham, 1795. Characters, actions and events, as well as ceremonial laws, have been ordered of God as types or prefig- urations.But is it reasonable so to believe? Prof. Geo. F. Seiler of Erlangen: Biblische Hermeneutik, 1800. Some passages of the Old Testarpent are applied by wri- ters of the New Testament, by way of accommodation, to events under the Christian dispensation, to which they did not originally allude; e. g. Mat. 2:15. 2:18. Luke 4:18.This principle has been received with favor by many, and is very satisfactory for a few passages, which on this principle are no longer Messianic. Bp. Marsh: Lectures on Divinity, 181314. Typical inter- pretations, and double sense prophecies, may be received on the authority of the sacred writers; but not without such authority. This is thought a wholesQine restriction.But if types and sec- ondary senses exist in the Old Testament at all, is it necessary to believe that they are all referred to in the New Testament? John Jahn of Vienna: Introductio in Libros sacros V. T. 1814. A distinction is to be made between the subjective sense, or that which appears to the speaker to be the meaning of the words uttered by him at the instigation of the Holy Spirit, and the objective, or that which is really intended by the Deity himself.This idea has met with much approbation, and is per- 1852.] Messianic Propheczes. 107 haps the prevailing sentiment; but it is difficult to conceive how time, or the course of events, can add a meaning to words which was not originally in them. John H. Pareau of Utrecht: Institutio Interpretis V. T. 1822. As David is a type of the Messiah, his circumstances and condition, as represented in the Psalms, represent those also of the Messiah, whether of quiet confidence, as Ps. xvi. near to death, as Ps. xxii. engaged in wars, as Ps. cx. yet hoping for victory, as Ps. ii. or about to inaugurate Solomon, as Ps. lxxii. This view has been much elaborated by him, but stills wants concinnity. Prof. E. N. Hengstenburg: Christologie des A. T. 1829. Future events are presented to the prophet as on a large picture or tablet. Things remote from each other in time become thus connected in space. This he applies to the predictions in Mat. xxiv. xxv.This idea was a favorite one for a while, but is now not so popular. It seems to admit that the sacred writer, even our Saviour himself, had a false impression and conveys the same to others. Augustus Hahn ~f Leipsic: On the Grammatico-historical Interpretation of the Scriptures, 1830. The double or mystic sense is entirely unnecessary. John Davison of Oxford, Eng.: Discourses on Prophecy, Oxf. 1839. Some scripture prophecies are so framed as to bear a sense directed to two objects, i. e. to have two important analo- gous senses. The fulfillment in such case is rendered more diffi- cult and becomes more important. He applies this principle directly to two very urgent cases, viz. Is. xl.lxvi., so as to include both the restoration from Babylon and the evangelical restoration of the Jews; and Mat. xxiv. xxv., so as to include both the destruction of Jerusalem and the dissolution of all things. W. Lindsay Alexander of Edinburgh: The Connexion and Harmony of the Old and New Testaments. Lond. 1841. The Messianic psalms refer directly and solely to our Messiah, Jesus of Nazareth. The psalm is intended for the temple service; and although written by David or Solomon, as the case may be, is represented as coming from the future Messiah. In some of the Psalms, the future Messiah is merely addressed, as Ps. xlv. lxxii.This suggestion is a very happy one. Prof. M. Stuart of Andover: Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy. Andover, 1842. In the Messianic psalms, Jesus of Nazareth alone is intended; but the costume of the picture is taken from existing objects. David, Solomon, or Melchizedek, 108 Messianic Prophecies. [Feb. as the case may be, sit for the portrait. See Psalm cx. explain- ed on this principle in Christ. Spect. for 1820, and Ps. xvi. on same principle in Bibi. Repos. for 1831.eThis view is poetical, spirited, happy. Christ is another David, but David greatly en- hanced. The drapery or costume receives an easy explanation. Dr. Thomas Arnold: Sermons, Lond. 1844. What is said of Babylon is true not only of the historical Babylon, but of any other city which may be so called figuratively. So of Edom, Amalek, Jerusalem, Ahitophel. As if these words were not proper names, but connotative, that is, common names denoting character. See Mills Logic.This applies plausibly to a part of the problem before us, but Dr. Turner rightly hesitates to receive It. Dr. Turner in the work before us, 1852. Although the appli- cation of certain passages in a given connection to one subject, and other passages ih the same connection to another subject is gratuitous, yet a given prophecy may be interpreted partly his- torically and partly spiritually.This principle he endeavors to apply to Is. xl.lxvii. where it seems reasonable. These several l)rinciples are illustrated by their advocates and authors with more or less minuteness of detail. The list is sufficient to show that great efforts have been made by learned men, and that much thought has been expended by them on this subject; and that very diverse expedients have been resorted to, in order to meet the difficulty in question. Each one of these expedients or principles is perhaps possible, per se; many of them are plausible; all of them are not wanted or necessary; none of them, in any form yet given to them, meets the whole difficulty. Whether some one of them shall hereafter be modi- fied, or two or more of them shall be united, so as to give a solution generally satisfactory, time alone will decide. We are willing to believe that something has been accomplished, and that our author and his predecessors in this field of inquiry are entitled to our commendation and to our gratitude. 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 109 ART. IX.LOUIS KOSSUTH. WE place the title of no book at the head of this article. Louis KOSSUTH himself is both a history of the past and a prophecy of the future. The first governor of independent Hungary, driven by Despotism from Europe to Asia, brought by Republicanism from Asia to America, charged with the hopes and pleading the cause of Europes oppressed nations before this great Republic, and, to adopt his very words, with the boldness of a just cause, claiming the principles of the Christian religion to be raised to a law of nations; and to see not only the boldness of the poor exile forgiven, but to see him consoled by the sympathy of millions, encouraged by individuals, associa- tions, meetings, cities and states, supported by operative aid, and greeted by Congress and the Government as the nations guest, honored out of generosity with honors which only one man before him ever receivedand that man received them out of gratitudewith honors such as no potentate ever can receive; oh, indeed, there is a history of future ages in all these facts. We can imagine no prouder eminence of influence and re- sponsibility. To plead as the representative of one continent before the people of another, as the representative of the oppressed before the millions of the free; at the time when des- pots and their armies are combining against the people, speaking on the great question which is agitating the world in such a position that both continents listen with breathless interest, the powers of despotism and the powers of freedom ponder his utterances, and tyrants shut them out of their dominions as anxiously as they would resist a hostile armythis is a position of sublime influence and responsibility such as few have ever occupied. To this nation, involved already in discussing a change of settled national policy, his visit must be fraught with important consequences. Without committing ourselves to every one of his sentiments or to the advocacy of his proposed measures, without being led astray by a blind and undiscerning enthusiasm, without deeming it necessary to investigate the charges against him which Count Casimir Batthyany sends across the ocean, or the imputations circulating in some of our own newspapers, we cannot but ex- press our profound satisfaction that from a position of so extra- ordinary influence, have been uttered some of the most enno- bling principles of Christianity. We cannot but feel a profound

1852.] Louis Kossuth. 109 ART. IX.LOUIS KOSSUTH. WE place the title of no book at the head of this article. Louis KOSSUTH himself is both a history of the past and a prophecy of the future. The first governor of independent Hungary, driven by Despotism from Europe to Asia, brought by Republicanism from Asia to America, charged with the hopes and pleading the cause of Europes oppressed nations before this great Republic, and, to adopt his very words, with the boldness of a just cause, claiming the principles of the Christian religion to be raised to a law of nations; and to see not only the boldness of the poor exile forgiven, but to see him consoled by the sympathy of millions, encouraged by individuals, associa- tions, meetings, cities and states, supported by operative aid, and greeted by Congress and the Government as the nations guest, honored out of generosity with honors which only one man before him ever receivedand that man received them out of gratitudewith honors such as no potentate ever can receive; oh, indeed, there is a history of future ages in all these facts. We can imagine no prouder eminence of influence and re- sponsibility. To plead as the representative of one continent before the people of another, as the representative of the oppressed before the millions of the free; at the time when des- pots and their armies are combining against the people, speaking on the great question which is agitating the world in such a position that both continents listen with breathless interest, the powers of despotism and the powers of freedom ponder his utterances, and tyrants shut them out of their dominions as anxiously as they would resist a hostile armythis is a position of sublime influence and responsibility such as few have ever occupied. To this nation, involved already in discussing a change of settled national policy, his visit must be fraught with important consequences. Without committing ourselves to every one of his sentiments or to the advocacy of his proposed measures, without being led astray by a blind and undiscerning enthusiasm, without deeming it necessary to investigate the charges against him which Count Casimir Batthyany sends across the ocean, or the imputations circulating in some of our own newspapers, we cannot but ex- press our profound satisfaction that from a position of so extra- ordinary influence, have been uttered some of the most enno- bling principles of Christianity. We cannot but feel a profound 110 Louis Kossuth. [Feb. satisfaction in directing attention to these principles, long famil- iar to our own pages, now that a masterly eloquence, aided by wonderful events of Providence, is causing them to resound throughout Christendom. Kossuth and Mazzini are the representatives, in continental Europe, of true constitutional liberty, in distinction from red re- publicanism and socialism, from the revolts unworthy to be called revolutions, which result from impatience of restraint without even the idea of well-ordered freedom, and from the republican- ism of Cavaignac and Lamartine, which, regarding only politi- cal institutions, recognizes not the connection between the eter- nal principles of liberty and the eternal laws of God, and strikes no roots deep into mans spiritual nature, in which all abiding and vigorous human progress must be rooted. Kossuth and Mazzini, on the contrary, recognize the authority of God as the source and regulator of human liberty; they recognize the Bible as the depository of the lofty sentiments, true principles, and constraining motives which alone give to men the will to be free and the selfcontrol to use their freedom aright, which alone originate and sustain the true progress of society ; they cut through the sophistry of tyrants and found the rights of man on the grant of the eternal God, the only basis of inaliena- ble rights, which no ages of prescription, no centuries of op- pression can annul or impair. In America, Kossuth appears as the representative of anoth- er principle, the universal fraternity of man. This also he grounds on the authority of God. As he utters the cry of oppressed humanity, he claims that it is invested with the au- thority of God, who hath made of one blood all nations of men, who has required us to love our neighbor as ourselves, and who has taught us that our neighbor is every one whom it is in our power to relieve. Thus, the cry of suffering humani- ty, wherever raised, comes to us, not as a supplication but as a command. As a supplication, as a piteous cry of distress, it goes up into the ear of God; from the throne of the eternal it is sent down to us, a divine command. These principles, presented avowedly as principles of Chris- tianity, Kossuth claims ought to be recognized as the basis of governmental action. Founding his plea on eternal and un- changeable principles derived from God, he does not hesitate to recognize the law of God as the supreme authority, and claims that governments should acknowledge its supremacy and deter- mine their action by its requirements. Were we required to state his position in a single sentence, it would be this: Principle, not policy, the basis of governmental 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 111 action ;or thus, The requirements of Gods laws as really obligatory on governments as on individuals. Before considering the application of these Christian princi- ples to governmental action, the occasion seems to demand a few remarks on these principles themselves, and the results to be desired from this extraordinary presentation of them. And we feel at once, when we come within the scope of this man s eloquence, that we are raised above the sphere of selfish ambi- tion, the jangling of faction, and the chicanery of office seek- ers, to an atmosphere of manly thought and invigoratingprinci- pie; that we are in the presence of an honest, earnest, fearless worker, who has proposed to himself a great achievement for humanity, and is working with the energy and straightforward- ness of truth to effect it. It is worthy of note that these principles are the principles of Christianity. While it is remarkable that they should be pro- claimed so powerfully, and should become, all at once, the grand topic of discussion to the public mind, it is significant of the power which they have already acquired. The very fact that these are the principles of Christianity is one of the greatest reasons of the powerful impression which Kossuth makes. The people, wearied with the strifes of party warfare and personal ambition, hail with enthusiasm the noble sentiments which ele- vate the soul and cause it to thrill with sublime emotions. Christianity has gained a power in the world which gives to one who boldly proclaims its great sentiments of love, an influence which nothing else can impart. And all history teaches that these are the principles on which the earnest workers in the conflict with despotism and slavery always are compelled to stand. On this basis our fathers laid the massive foundation of our liberty, our constitution and our nation. On this basis the Pilgrims stood and the English Puri- tans; on this stood Knox, Calvin and Luther, and all the mighty wrestlers against that which is the centre and life of all European despotism, the Papacy. And to this basis all must be driven who make determined and desperate stand against des- potism and slavery. When the ploughshare of confusion is driven through the earth and all that is conventional and pre- scriptive is torn up and swept away, this is the only foundation left to stand onthe bare and solid rock, deep and broad as the granite foundations of the earth,the rock of Gods eternal au- thority, giving to mankind rights ineffaceable as the truth of God, and imposing on them obligations unchangeable as His throne. We have, besid~, the unanimous verdict of mankind in favor of these principles. The ancients say that no man can be elo 112 Louis Kossuth. [Feb. quent, unless he is good. This is true, to this extent at least, that no man can by eloquence rouse and control the hearts of man, unless he pours forth great thoughts, true thoughts, which embody sublime principles of action, and electrify the heart to ennobling motives and deeds. L~t the orator avow the princi- ples of selfishness and deny the rights of man; let him avow- edly teach men to honor despotism and hate liberty; let him bid men to forget the brotherhood of man; let him avowedly insult the supplications of wronged and suffering humanity, and repudiate the claims of outraged justicQit is not in the power of genius or learning to produce eloquence out of such materi- als. It is not in the power of man to sway the heart of the world by such appeals. The ethereal fire of eloquence can be lighted only in~heaven. Search history through, the great ef- forts of eloquence have always been in vindication of right against wrong, of liberty against despotism, of principle and duty against selfish policy. And the times of struggles for lib- erty, or reformation or revival of religion, of the vindication of great principles, are always times of eloquence. When the fire comes down from heaven, it always finds hearts in which it kindless. The church has always had its eloquent men; even in times of corruption it has had enough of the fire of heaven s truth to produce Bossuets and Massillons; but where is the elo- quence that ever pleaded for infidelity? The Reformation produced its immortal eloquence; but where is the eloquence that .pleaded for the sale of indulgencies and the supremacy of the Pope? Greece had its Demosthenes; but where is the ora- tor of Philip? The Roman Republic had its Cicero; but where is the orator of the Triumvirate? The American Revolution had its John Adams and its Patrick Henry, and even in the British Parliament, its Chatham, its Burke, and its Barre; but where is the orator of King George? In France, liberty had its Mirabeau; but where was the eloquence of tyranny? The emancipation of negro slaves produced its Willberforce; but when did eloquence ever plead avowedly for slavery? And now Hungary has its Kossuth; but where is the eloquence of Austria? Liberty, with human face of intelligence and love, looks forth and speaks; and the heart of the world is thrilled by her words. Despotism, like a muffled mute of the Inquisition, strikes and is silent. Despotism in the sternness of mere strength frowns like a mute bastile, terrific in its silence. Or, if ever a bad cause is defended by eloquence, it is by disguising its own nature and falsely appealing to noble sentiments. The tongue of man stiffens when it pleads for injustice, %ppression, or self- ishness; and the great heart of the world will not throb in an- 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 113 swer to its appeals. This is a wonderful fact; in it we have the silent but decisive verdict of mankind in favor of the great principles under consideration. We have the same verdict in another way. Daniel Web- ster, speaking on the death of Jeremiah Mason, uttered this true sentiment: that a solemn and religious regard to spiritual and eternal things is an indispensable element of all true great- ness. It is so. Greatness, which commands the universal and abiding homage of the world, is greatness founded in principle and producing the sacrifice of interest to principle. Whenever such a character appearsa Miss Dix, a Howard, a Washing- tonit commands the spontaneous homage of the world. This very preference of principle to interest is an essential ele- ment of true greatness. Louis Napoleon is not great; he was unequal to the emergency, because he could not restrain his per- sonal ambition to save France; could not cast off old ideas, could mark out no new path, could only follow that old common- place route by which hundreds of bloody heroes have marched to power; could not rise to the grandeur of giving liberty to Eu- rope. The Ciesars and Alexanders of the world have not had this element of greatness. No man is great who is less than his own passions and capable of being carried off by his own ambi- tion; And such is the verdict of the world. However great the admiration of such mens talents, however great the wonder they at first excite, the interest of the world in them is contin- ually lessening; and at the best it is only admiration, not hom- age or veneration. But they who identify themselves with principle, they who sacrifice personal aggrandizement to princi- ple, to the welfare of man, have a talisman which opens all hearts and compels the profoundest homage; and this homage abides and grows. Such characters are sometimes crushed by tyranny and consigned to opprobrium for a time; but the world is interested, even ages after, to do them justice; their charac- ters are vindicated; they take their places among the benefac- tors of mankind; and as ages roll on, receive a more profound and universal veneration. This element of true greatness is an element of true religion. That which is the crowning excellence of human greatness, is the first element of piety. Every man, woman and child who enters the kingdom of Christ, must receive in entering this ele- ment of true grandeur; he must learn to renounce self for the good of man; he must learn to bear the cross; and so the cross, taken up by man, becomes the crown of his highest glory. Hence it is that the history of the church, being a history of martyrs, is a continuous history of heroes. While secular his.~ voL. x. 15 114 Louis Kossuth. [Feb. tory is proud to point to scarcely one in a centurya Leonidas, a Washingtonwho at long distances shed on its dark records the lustre of self-sacrifice, such heroes throng every part of the history of the church, like the stars that crowd the evening sky. Even in the rudest nations, as now in Madagascar, even in ages of~ the most general enervation, as in the decline of the Roman Empire, the history of the church reveals clusters of true heroes, submitting even to death for truth and right. The world, then, has given its verdict that none shall stand honored and revered in all hearts till time shall end, except those to whom righteousness and mercy have been dearer than personal aggrandizement; and this is, again, the silent but de- cisive verdict of the world in favor of the principles now under consideration. These are the principles of Kossuth; and we thank God that he has uttered them. We would not imply, indeed, that this is specially an honor to them. They are too glorious to be honored by any mans receiving them; rather it honors him to stand in this position, like the angel standing in the sun; and we cannot restrain the hope that God, in whose hands the kings of earth are but the saw and the axe by which he builds his temple, will use this man to elevate the people to loftier senti- inents and more godlike virtue. It is not unreasonable to hope that his eloquence may contri- bute to a more universal reverence for Christianity itself. Not a few extol these sublime principles when uttered by the elo- quent Kossuth, who are accustomed to slighting thoughts of the Christian religion. But while they honor these sentiments, it is only simple justice that, like the hero whom they admire, they should give honor to Christianity as their source. While they shout for the rights of man, let them, like Kossuth, acknowl- edge the Bible as the Magna Charta of liberty. While they shout for the fraternity of men, let them acknowledge that this is an old principle of religion, always taught in the pulpit, that it lies at the basis of all missionary and Bible societies, and all the enterprises of Christian benevolencesneered at often by worldlings, and yet embodying the very principle for which Kossuth awakens so great enthusiasm and in behalf of which a multitude are ready to take up arms. It would seem that they who see so much sublimity in the principle of universal benev- olence in its application to Hungary, might see an equal sublim- ity at least in the same benevolence, aiming systematically and perseveringly to renovate the whole world. We speak now of the principles themselves on which Kossuth rests his plea; not of the measures which he recommends; and we have believed it reasonable to hope that the utterance of these principles in 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 115 the audience of the nation, by one who has so extraordinary a power over human hearts, may compel men to see that, when great achievements for humanity are to be made, they must al- ways be originated and impelled by the principles of Christian- ity; and thus, while honoring Kossuth, men may learn to honor Christianity, from which he avowedly derives his principles; and to honor the teachings and benevolent enterprises of Christ- ianity, which embody those principles in all their sublimity, and apply them, with tearful earnestness and prayer and self-denial, to the regeneration of all the nations of the earth. Thus we may hope he will contribute some important service in extend- ing a more just appreciation of the Bible as the foundation of all our hopes of human progress. The visit of Kossuth is also fitted to teach politicians the salutary lesson to be frank and honest, and to trust to principle and truth. Accustomed as we have been to hear these princi- ples derided as incompatible with sound statesmanship and prac- tical political wisdom, it is encouraging and refreshing to hear them from the lips of one of earths strong workers, fresh from the strife for liberty; and still more encouraging is the rush of enthusiasm with which the masses have hailed these sentiments. This enthusiasm is not a mere war spirit; it has risen highest in those States where commerce and religion have made the xvar-spirit the most feeble; and in the fiery south, the enthusi- asm has been wanting. It is an enthusiasm for his frank and manly character, and his noble sentiments. It is a significant intimation to politicians to flatter the people less and to trust them more; to depend on truth and not on chicanery. Kossuth trusted but did not flatter; American politicians flatter but do not trust. This enthusiasm teaches emphatically that the people appreciate manliness, honesty and noble principle; that they are wearied with the petty strifes of personal ambition and the selfish arts of party policy; that they hail, like a rising sun, a true man who speaks strong, masculine truth, and propounds eternal, sublime principle. It is a significant prophecy that the days of the demagogue are numbered. It is not strangefar as we are removed by the lapse of years from the strife which secured our liberty, and surrounded by the enervating influences of uninterrupted prosperityit is not strange that we have begun to forget the importance of these foundation principles, and that the life and vigor of liberty should have begun to wither. It is well that one, wrenched and scarred in the strife, with the stain of imprisonment yet upon him, and the mighty storm yet swelling in his soulit is well that such a man has come to reinfuse into the national mind these principles, which are the life-blood of true liberty. We 116 Louis Kossutis. [Feb. say this without endorsing the particular measure of armed in- tervention, though if we believed that liberty and the blessings of religion and education, on which liberty depends, could be most effectually secured by arms, the fact that war would injure our interests, would cost money and blood, we should not con- sider a sufficient argument against it. Here is where he is strong, and all are weak who attempt to answer him merely by the argument that compliance with his request might injure our interest. rhere are considerations higher than interest. Lib- erty, religion, the acquisitions which make mans highest eleva- tion, never were nor can be secured by mere appeals to inter- est. The cause that relies on that plea alone must appear weak and contemptible beneath the scathing and indignant eloquence that springs from eternal truth. There are attainments more to be valued than money, or commercial prosperity, or life. For the attainment of these values for mankind, the sacrifice of millions of money, the sacrifice of life, is cheap. When in any nation this truth ceases to be appreciated, when public senti- ment regards only profit and loss, and, in the very spirit which coins men s hearts and drops their blood for drachmas, estimates the claims of enslaved and suffering humanity by the price of stocks, and the worth of liberty by dollars and cents, and val- ues commercial prosperity above truth and justice, liberty and religion, when in any nation the spirit is gone, which cries, with our fathers, Give us liberty or give us death,that nation is demoralized, the sap and vigor of its life is gone, it waits to be numb~red with the dead.* And this is the very truth, sent down originally from heaven to burn on sordid hearts, which now, in the providence of God, is pressed on the national mind. The present is no time for sluggish inaction or of pleasurable ease. It seems as if it were a crisis in the worlds history. To look on the confusion of the world and grasp no great prin- ciples that contain the power to bless it; to see the workers toiling and bleeding for liberty, men and women going on apos- tolic missions of love to the ends of the earth, to behold the world alive with the energy of beneficence, and yet to catch no * Perhaps the greatest evil caused by negro slavery is just this, that it withers the principles of liberty at the root; that throughout the nation it dims the idea of the inalienable rights of man, and the obligation to relieve the oppressed; that it ac- customs the people to hear these principles ridiculed as mere abstractions and to decide on the question of emancipation by mere commercial considerations, so as, for example, to deem it a convincing argument against the emancipation in the West Indies, that it injured the sugar trade. Throughout the entire nation it has diffused a poison which debilitates the very spirit of liberty. - 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 117 enthusiasm of mercy, to accept no self-denial, to live only to press the pillows of ease and breathe the J)erfumes of luxury; to see the deadly struggle between truth and error, and to feel no zeal for the right, no nobler aim than personal enjoyment is it possible that man, created by the Almighty, capable of being like God and of laboring with him for the worlds renova- tion, is it possible that man or woman, whom God has made7 can fail so utterly of all the noble impulses of humanity, can lead a life so unutterably contemptible? Every act of the patriot Kossuth, every shout which greets his sentiments, re- bukes a life of selfish ease, a life devoted to selfish ends. We cannot but hope that his life and his words may help to elevate the people to loftier motives, to purer, more invigorating and mQre energizing thoughts. We had at first proposed to content ourselves with the fore- going remarks on the moral bearings of the remarkable visit of this remarkable man. But we should fail to do justice even to this part of the subject, if we neglected to consider his claim that the requirements of the Bible should be recognized as prin- ciples of legislation and international law. Shall governmental acts be based on the eternal principles of truth and rectitude, or only on policy? In determining their official actions, shall the administrators of government ask, What do truth and rectitude, what does God require ? or only, What is politic? what does interest require ? Says Jeremy Bentham, What a government ought to do, is a mysterious and searching question, which those may answer who know what it means. The word ought, if it means any thing, must have reference to some kind of interest or motives; and what interest a government has in doing right, when it happens to be interested in doing wrong, is a question for the schoolmen. The fact appears to be that ought is not predica- ble of government. The error here is sufficiently palpable and shocking, and few would venture thus plainly to avow it; yet this very sentiment, a little disguised, is prevalent; and we welcome, with intense delight, the broad principle, whoever proclaims it, that the law of God, and not policy, is the basis of governmental action. There is no need of proving this; for to our mind there is nothing which can be urged in proof plainer than the proposition itself. The burden of proof is on the other side; for since Gods law is universal, it behooves them who believe that some men in some actions are exempted from its authority, to bring from the law itself proof of their exemption. In truth, when the apostle declares, in the 13th chapter of Ro- mans, that government is instituted by God for the benefit of 118 Louis Kossuth. [Feb. the governed, he teaches that government is necessarily subject and responsible to him that instituted it. It is admitted, however, that policy is not to be excluded. The Bible does not forbid the individual to consult his interest; it is even urgent to rouse men to regard it. Prudence has a legitimate place in religion. There are many actions the char- acter of which cannot be determined without regard to circum- stances and consequences. But in all these, the Bible still re- cognizes certain principles of action always and unalterably the same. It does not, then, set principle in opposition to pol- icy, duty in opposition to interest; it harmonizes them by setting principle and duty above policy and interest. A man is to find out his interest by asking what is his duty; not to find out his duty by asking what is his interest. And this is the only way of determining what is interest. As the seaman cannot calculate his safe course by watching the clouds and currents, but only the compass within the ship, so the safe course of life cannot be calculated by studying surrounding circumstances, but only from the conscience within the breast. Conscience, it is true, needs to be enlightened and guided. But as the seaman deter- mines his position by observation, not of the billows around, but of the heavens above him, conscience is to be guided by the light of heaven shining in Gods word. And this we must believe applicable to men acting as officers of government, as well as to men acting in a private capacity, until we can be shown the enactment of Him who instituted government and gave it all its authority, exempting its officers from obedience to His law. Here a new question arises. Admitting that the principles of Christianity are obligatory on government, is our government obliged to accede to Kossuths request respecting Hungary? He asks our government to take this position, that when any people is engaged in a revolutionary war against their op- pressors, if any other government shall interfere to aid in crushing that revolution, the United States will not regard it with indifference, and if this declaration shall not be respected, he ad- mits that this government would be bound to sustain it by arms. Admitting that governments as well as individuals are bound by the Christian law of universal benevolence, is our govern- ment therefore obliged to adopt this proposed measure? We answer, no.* * It is to be observed that this argument is confined to that interference on the part of our government which is made avowedly with the determination to enforce its protest, if disregarded, by a war. It does not decide whether this or that form 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 119 It is to be remarked at the outset, that if this law requires this nation to prevent intervention by armed intervention, it would equally require it to aid the people in revolution against their own government, and equally require it to overthrow despot- ism and liberate the people of those nations where the church- yard quiet of despotism is not yet disturbed by revolution. The law of benevolence is as binding in the latter cases as in the first. Such application of the law of universal benevolence, therefore, in the case of Hungary and in like cases, involves other and far wider applications. It in fact raises this general ques- tion: Is war the proper means to be used by governments for performing those duties towards the people of other countries which are derived from the principle of universal benevolence? And upon this it may be remarked, in the first place, that there is no specific command in the Bible to this effect. God has not laid upon the nations this dreadful necessity. In the second place, the Scriptures place the end of government defi- nitely and specifically in another thing. Inspiration teaches that each particular government is instituted for a single object, the good of the governed. He is a minister of God to thee for good. It would seem, therefore, that the more vigorously government confines itself to the single object for which it was instituted, the more effectually will it promote the general wel- fare of man. In the third place, all history shows that it would be perilous to the rights and interests of man for governments to exercise, on the ground of principle, this tremendous power. It is the very power which establishes inquisitions, refuses the rights of religious belief, silences the press, and carries on the most fearful persecutions. It is the very power which in the hands of the catholic priesthood has deluged Europe in blood for the maintenance of what we hold to be falsehood and despotism. But we will pass from general considerations to our own gov- ernment; and, here, these difficulties are enhanced by the addi- of interference will produce this result, nor does it refer to any action of the gov- ernment with foreign nations for the establishment of free institutions in other countries, which may fall short of this. It is limited to the single case of war merely for the purpose of aiding the cause of freedom in other countries. This of course excludes from consideration a question which may possibly arise hereafter, whether, in case the despotical governments of the old world should combine to de- stroy the free governments of Europe and this country, we should not in self -de- fense unite with England and other free governments to resist it. We limit the question to the case of war with a despotical powerfor no other reason than to aid those who are struggling to found a free government. We ought to add that we do not suppose those Christian ministers and members of our churches, who have sympathized so deeply with Kossuth, intend to take this ground the we should do so, thQugh for want of discriminating the different points of the subject from each other, some of their language has looked that way. 120 Louis Kossuth. [Feb. tional difficulty that the gravest questions are made subservient to party purposes. Already we have had instances of annexa- tion and war under pretence of extending the area of freedom, sufficient to teach us caution. And it should be remembered that the principle, if once established in respect to Hungary, might be pleaded as obliging us to give liberty to Cuba; for the law of love reaches all the oppressed alike. And when once government has taken its position, that it will not regard with indifference intervention to crush nations struggling to be free, the administration must decide under what circumstances the position must be sustained by an appeal to arms. And can we trust the government with this power? If we can trust this administration, are we sure we can trust the next? Would not this very position of the government be mingled at once with party politics, and made to minister to personal ambition? Have we any warrant that the action of the nation in sus- taining this position would not ultimately be determined by mere party-spirit, and not at all by enlightened regard to the interest of Hungary? Have we not, rather, in the history of the past, grounds for assurance that this would be the melan- choly issue? Besides, if appeal should be made to arms, a con- federacy like the United States is, by its very constitution, unfit- ted to sustain such an appeal with vigor; and the very existence of armies and foreign war must tend to change the spirit and nature of our institutions, and, by underming our own institu- tions, impair our moral strength and influence among the nations. We do not believe, indeed, for another reason, that it would be in the power of the United States to bring such a war to a suc- cessful issue. In calculating our resources for such a war, other elements must be considered besides the number of dollars and muskets. A successful war for the liberty of other nations must result from a true love of liberty in our own. That is a true and profound sentiment of Kossuth, that a revolution must be the outgushing of the sentiments of the peoples hearts; otherwise it would be only a revolt, not a revolution. How much more must a war for European liberty be the outgushing from the national heart of the true spirit of liberty and frater- nity? But for a nation relentlessly holding three millions of slaves, systematically shaping its legislation and its executive councils for their safe keeping; for a nation holding, as Kossuth once hinted, some lust of cotton, as a sufficient argument against efforts for human freedom, how is it possible for such a nation to engage in such a war successfully? How is it possi- ble such a war should gush out from the heart of such a people? Would it have any issue but to provoke the more bitter sneers of the world at our inconsistency, bring out in deeper colors 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 121 the great stain of our glory, divide us against ourselves, and weaken our moral strength among the nations? Such a war would be far other than the Mexican war, that brilliant series of victories over an adjacent and feeble nation, which scarcely made itself felt as a burden within our own frontier. And we venture to predict that the enthusiasm of its beginning would issue in a languid prosecution; because there is not in the uni- versal people the sentiment of true liberty and fraternity, out of which such a war, if successful, must flow. Therefore, while we hold that government is bound by the great principles of Christianity, we believe that the very nature of government, and especially of a popular confederacy, in- volves an incapacity for successful action in the way of armed intervention; that the more strictly government confines itself to the simple object for which it was instituted, the more effectual- ly it will promote the welfare of other nations; and that thus this nation is to be the benefactor of the world, by conducting all its international intercourse, even with the weakest powers, in justice and magnanimity, offering an asylum for the oppress- ed, and exhibiting an example of well regulated and prosperous freedom. Perhaps here we might stop. But, at a time when the mar- tial spirit is becoming so strong in the land, we think it not un- befitting to set forth the claims and power of moral influence, and to urge upon the churches to put forth their energies in the cause of the truths of the gospel, with the faith that the effort shall not be in vain. But, here, lest we might be thought to deny the right of oppressed nations to fight for freedom, we would expressly declare that the rights which God has given, which he has re- quired all men to respect, we are, for that very reason, justified in defending. Oppressed nations have the right of revolution. When government, instituted as the minister of good to the people, fails of its end and becomes a minister of evil, when re- versing its divine commission it becomes a terror to good works and a praise to them that do evil, the people have the right to overturn it. When ambitious conquerors invade our territory, or when despots come with giant strength to crush our rights and exterminate the advocates of liberty, then it is right to draw the sword in defense of what is dearer than life. Such words Wordsworth ascribes to the Tyrolese: The land we from our fathers had in trust, And to our children will transmit, or die; This is our maxim, this our piety, And God and Nature say that it is jusC von. x. 18 122 Louis Kossuth. [Feb. True, the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church; true, the blood of one martyr has often a moral power greater than all the blood of an Austerlitz or Waterloo. But persecu- tion may literally exterminate the church in a nation; and where then is the growth of this seed? Protestantism, when likely to become the prevailing religion of the French, was exterminated by blood and banishment, and all continental Europe to day sits in chains and ashes beneath the scourge of despotism in conse- quence of that triumph of tyranny. if arms could have avert- ed that triumph, would it not have been right to use them? History shows that civil and religious liberty has seldom been won without force. Despots are not wont voluntarily to sur- render their power. The spirit of freedom must first be infused into the people; but then they are usually obliged to seize their liberty by arms. When the fruit has grown, violence must shake it off. Therefore, though arms cannot lay the foundation of liberty, there are times when they must be interposed to secure it. In the words of Kossuth, Bayonets may support, but they afford no chair to sit upon. And, yet, war is not an instrumentality to which we ought mainly to look for the ad- vancement of man. Knowledge, science, political truths, and, above all and more than all, the gospel, these are the chief in- strumentalities. The historical demonstration of the power of moral influ- ences is manifold. Truth requires time to prove its strength. Force, like the builders of Babel, begins in the show of strength, but ends in confusion; truth, like the grain of mustard seed, begins small, and imperceptibly grows to greatness. Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again, The eternal years of God are hers. And when history lifts the veil and permits us to look back even a little into the eternal years of God, we see truth vindicating its own power. Time has proved Paul, the prisoner, mightier than the Roman Emperor, who commanded the physical re- sources of the world; and Luther mightier than Charles V. The triumphing of the wicked is short. Though his excel- lency mount up to the heavens, and his head reach unto the clouds, yet he shall fly away as a dream and shall not be found; they who have seen him shall say, Where is he ? But the righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance. It would be risking nothing to predict that in three hundred years the influ- ence of S. J. Mills and his coadjutors, who originated American Missions by their prayers and counsels, will be greater and more manifest than the influence of Napoleon. We are justi 1852,] Louis Kossuth. 123 fled, then, in expecting from the Bible and the moral influences associated with it, a silent efficacy in promoting liberty greater than armies can exert. Beautifully does Isaiah express the con- trast: Every battle of the warrior is with confused noise and garments rolled in blood, and with burning and fuel of fire. But unto us a child is born, and his name shall be the Prince of Peace. So men bound the demoniac with chains and fetters mere outward forceand he broke the chains and fetters in pieces; but Christ spoke the word which went to the heart, and the demoniac sat clothed and in his right mind. We further affirm that the power of the Bible and moral in- fluences has not been fully developed. We are justified in ex- pecting from them greater results and a more undivided efficien- cy in the advancement of mankind. The Bible is continually operating with a self-evidencing power. It has already wrought out for itself convincing proofs of its divine origin. It will work out a demonstration of its truth which will eventually su- percede the usual external evidences. God has said, My thoughts are not your thoughts ;as the heavens are higher than the earth, so are my thoughts higher than your thoughts. The Bible contains these thoughts of God, lofty as the heavens. It is continually incorporating them into the heart and life of man. At first it incorporates these thoughts of God into the heart and life of the individual, and the renewed man, glowing with heav- enly experience and godlike sentiments, becomes an embodied gospel, a living epistle of Gods thoughts written on the heart. From the individual the Bible extends these thoughts of God, till they are incorporated into the usages of societ.y and ulti- mately into the laws and institutions of government; and what was first written with ink on the pages of the blessed book, we next see exemplified in the life of the individual, who, amid sneers and obloquy, toils and perhaps endures persecution and death to utter them to the world; and presently we see them, confessed in their heavenly glory, beam out in the usages of society and the laws of states. Thus the Bible is demonstra- ting its own truth. David in the 19th Psalm compares it, as it thus goes forth showing its own glory in its effects, to the sun and the stars, going forth and revealing their divine origin by their own light. And when all the thoughts of God, lofty as the heavens, which we have already seen dimly in individu- als, fragments of which already shine forth in the usages of so- ciety and the laws of government, when these divine thoughts shall all have incorporated themselves into the lives of individ- uals and of nations, the divine glory of the Bible will shine forth as resplendent and as undeniable as the divine glory of 124 Louis Kossuth. [Feb. the heavens. And we need not make haste to demand that all these glories should be incorporated into society at once. It were more in accordance with Gods methodsfor his ways are as much higher than ours as his thoughtsit were better for the discipline of our faith, that the work be gradual; that these principles come out one by one and take their places as the lights of the world, even as the stars in the evening twilight come out one by one and take their stations in the sky, until the heavens are crowded with the glorious hosts. Religious liberty is one of Gods high thoughts. Struggling through exile, imprisonment and blood, it has already, in a few nations, displaced mans intolerant thought, and is shining forth in heavens own light upon the nations. The principle of civil liberty is another of Gods thoughts. The principle, though not in its application to civil affairs, was long preached in pulpits; it inspired the spirit of many a martyr. But the American Declaration of Independence first embodied it into national institutions and laws. And the whole growth of America, what has it been but the growing up and incorporation into the national life of the prin- ciples of Gods word? The truth of God transfused Into the mighty vision passing there, As in her natural form, swells vast to heaven. And as from the vale where night yet hung in darkness, the poet gazed on Mount Blanc, tinged with the dawn, so may the nations in their darkness gaze on this nations towering grand- eur, already radiant with the dawning glory, and destined to reflect from its massive and ponderous greatness the full and heavenly splendor of the coming day. The very principle under consideration, that the renovation of the world is to be promoted, not by force, but by moral influ- ences, is itself an instance of the ever increasing power of the latter. Mans thought is, force; if anything is to be gained, fight for it. Gods thought is, peace on earth; or, as Paul ex- presses it, The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds. This principle is rapidly displacing the worlds old opinion and embodying itself into the public sentiment of the people and the acts of nations. Daniel Webster has lately said, and said it in a position attracting the attention of nations to his words, We are too much inclined to underrate the power of moral in- fluence and the influence of public opinion and the influence of principles. We think that nothing is powerful enough to stand 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 125 before despotic power. There is something strong enough, quite strong enough, and if properly directed will prove itself so, and that is the power of intelligent public opinion in all the nations of the earth. There is not a monarch on earth whose throne is not liable to be shaken by the sentiment of the just and intelligent part of the people. The rapid course of events has been and is teaching the dullest to hope less from force and more from truth; less from revolutions and more from instruc- tion. Already it is common to read in political newspapers and to hear in legislative halls the sentiment that the Bible is the basis of all human progress. Thus this lofty thought of God is working its way among men, and already we begin to see its heavenly form in society and in the state. Therefore we are justified in expecting more from moral in- fluences in the future than has been realized in the past. For as any principle of the Bible becomes incorporated into public sentiment, into the usages of society, and the laws of states, it gains an authority which may secure its recognition in other nations without force. A new influence for Christianity is rap- idly growing up; the public sentiment and authority of enlight- ened nations. Therefore a few missionaries have just wrought, wholly by peaceful means, religious toleration in Turkey, a change which once would have cost a deluge of blood. There- fore we must expect that force will have less and less to do in the advancement of mankind, and that the peaceful influences of Christianity will continually become more powerful and more prominent; and therefore we are justified in expecting that even the stern necessity of wresting a constitutional govern- ment from oppressors by force will ultimately cease, and the principles of truth, incorporated into the public sentiment of enlightened governments, will have power peacefully to secure their own triumph in the world. Even in those extreme cases where the advocates of liberty and religion have been exterminated, and there seems no possi- bility of repairing the loss, a redeeming power may yet go forth from the very ashes of the martyrs. John saw under the altar the souls of them that had been slain for the word of God, and for the testimony which they held; and they cried with a loud voice, saying, How long, oh Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth ? This is a sublime revelation; and those martyrs will not plead in vain. God may answer them by dashing the wicked in pieces as a potters vessel. It is a most significant fact that the Bible often exhibits God as the judge of the oppressor and the vindicator of the oppressed. Even the 126 Louis Kossuth. [Feb. Saviour is often exhibited in this attitude, as he establishes his kingdom on the earth. God will remember his faithful martyrs, and by his own arm will vindicate them; and if this is done in judgment and desolation, tim~ will discover, and providential events will render inevitable the part that man will take in the fearftil work. But there may be a brighter future, even for nations that have exterminated the church. When the righteous are all destroyed, if God should take of the destroyers themselves and make them preachers of Christ, it would only be according to a common method of his operations. When he has a partic- ular class of adversaries to subdue, it has been usual for God to take one of that very class and make him the leader in their conversion. When the time had come to preach to the self- righteous Pharisees, that their nation was no longer to be ex- clusively the favored of God, and the gospel was to be preached to the Gentiles, God took one who according to the straitest sect had lived a 1~harisee; he took him in the heat of his rage against this very sentiment, and in the very act of persecuting the church, and Paul, the Pharisee, became the apostle to the Gentiles, and suffered the loss of all things, and died in resisting Jewish exclusiveness and spreading the gospel to all nations. When Christendom was all shrouded in papal darkness, and to the eye of man there seemed not one to act as Gods agent in the work of Reformation, God went to the cloister itself, he selected a monk, he led him to the Bible and showed him his own sins; and then at Rome, the very seat of the Papacy, and in the very act of superstition, climbing Pilates stair case to do penance for sin, he caused the truth of Gods word to thunder in his ear, The just shall live by faith, and Luther sprung up the Reformer of Europe. When God desired one to speak the burning words of truth to the illiterate, he went to the illiterate; he took a man whose whole library was, The plain Mans Pathway to Heaven, and The Practice of Piety ; he took a tinker from the roadside, profane and profligate, and made him a preacher to the hearts of the common people till time shall end. When the church of Scotland was sunk in~ formalism, and its ministers, unconverted, were more interested in science and literature than in the gospel, and God was about to work a reformation, he took one of those very ministers, devoted to his chemistry and mathematics, boasting in print that he need- ed but one day in a week for his ministerial preparation,him, with more intellectual pride than they all, God took, and Thom- as Chalmers, subdued by the gospel, became the leader of the Exodus of the Scotch Free Church. When Geneva had be- 1852.] Louis Kossuth. 127 come rationalistic, and its seminary itself was wholly given up to error, God sent an agency from abroad, equally demonstra- ting that no universality of error and corruption precludes God from finding agents of reformation. A pious seaman, after an action on board a British ship of war, reproved his commander for blasphemy. It led to his captains conversion. That captain was instrumental of converting his brother; and that brother, the well known Robert Haldane, was instrumental of a reformation at Geneva, among the subjects of which were Felix Neff, Merle DAubigne, and Frederick Monod. All their influence, with much of the present evangelical movement in France, God originated in a single sentence of a seaman on board the Melville Castle, far away upon the ocean. With such facts before us we are forbidden to believe that moral influ- ences may not yet secure a bright future, even to nations where persecution has once exterminated the church, and where the eye of man can discern no agency to be used for their renova- tion. It would be nothing more wonderful than what God has done, should he presently tame the Russian giant himself, and make him use his rugged strength as the protector of the weak and the liberator of the oppressed. And we earnestly affirm that the power of Christianity is not appreciated; that the church has not put it to the test; that, if fairly put to the test, it would amaze the world by its hidden power. And this we do earnestly urge, this we believe is a thought worthy to go down to the very depths of the Christian heart, that, while the attention of the nation is concentrated on this subject, while politicians are discussing it, and many are ready to go to war for it, the church should put the energies of Christianity to the test, and prove what it can do to regenerate the nations. This the churches have not done. M. Bridell and M. Pilatte have come to our shores and pleaded the cause of evangelical religion in France. They argued and entreated; they told us of the Spirit of God operating there in revivals, and of the church springing up again on the soil drenched with the blood of martyrs; they warned us that the opportunity of aiding them might be short. Did the churches aid them? Did they even begin to appreciate, have they yet begun to appre- ciate the vital importance of sustaining the evangelical church of France? Verily, if we repudiate war, it is not because we fear the cost of money and of life. But we would seize the op- portunity to urge the thought that to rescue the nations by moral means demands an enthusiasm, a self-denying toil equal 4o what war would cost; that in the very earnestness and practical en- ergy with which Kossuth pleads the cause of Hungary, the 128 Louis Kossutli. [Feb. church is to wield the agencies of the Christian religion. This is what is needed, this we desire, that the directing of all minds to the struggle for European liberty may be the occasion of promoting a new baptism of the churches into the very spirit of enthusiastic, operative, self-denying zeal to deliver the nations fiom their ignorance, their irreligion, and their oppressionsa new appreciation of the greatness of the effort demanded, and of its present, practical, immediate urgency. The plea of Kossuth is, that despots are combining to crush liberty out of existence. That plea rests on truth. And it is as powerful for the Christian as for the politician. The papal throne, after the temporary disguise which has concealed its character, is again revealed, the central support of all despot- ism. Papal journals in England, France and America are openly avowing the right of persecution. The leading Romish periodical in England says: It is difficult to say in which of the two popular expressions the rights of civil liberty, or, the rights of religious liberty is embodied the greatest amount of falsehood. These phrases contain about as much truth and good sense as would be found in a cry for the inalienable right to suicide. We have ever avowed our conviction that in certain circumstances what is called persecution is both law- ful and expedient. * * * To persecute Catholicism is to sin against Almighty God; to persecute Protestantism, or Ju- daism, or infidelity, is perfectly right, provided only it be so ju- diciously planned and executed as not to defeat its own ends. And around this central hierarchy, despots are combining to crush both liberty and religion; to re~inact, if they but have the power, the scenes of blood by which in former days the powers of evil have resisted and crushed the defenders of truth and right. Strangely are the churches apathetic to the reality of the fact and to the importance of the emergency. If we are to rely on the peaceful agencies of Christianity, they must be used with the earnestness of men who believe that they wield an agency adequate to the worlds salvation, and that, not only the extension of the church, but its Very existence is staked on their success. The angel of Gods providence is moving be- fore his people in events most rapid and momentous; and Gods language of warning is, Behold I send an angel before thee to keep thee in the way, and to bring thee into the place which I have prepared. Beware of him and obey his voice; provoke him not; for he will not pardon your transgressions; for my name is in him. But if thou shalt indeed obey his voice and do all that I speak, then I will be an enemy to thine enemies and an adversary unto thine adversaries. 1852.] Jzlackett on the Acts. 129 Airr. X.HACKETTS COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. A Commentary on the Original Text of the Acts of the Apos- ties: By II. B. HACKETT, Professor of Biblical Literature in Newton Theological Institute. Boston: John P. Jewett & Co. Cleveland, Ohio: Jewett, Proctor & Worthington. 1852. pp. 407. THE book which we call the Acts of the Apostles, but which probably received no name from its author, forms a kind of out- work of the Gospel. As far as Christian life and faith are con- cerned it falls in importance behind the lives of Christ by the Evangelists, and the letters of the Apostles. And yet its liii- portance to the church, as presenting a model of Christian la- bors in the Apostles, as preserving for future ages a type of pure and primitive Christianity, and as defending the other portions of the New Testament against the objections of infi- dels, render it a work of priceless valuea work which, the more we study it, the more evidently appears to us to emanate from a superintending Providence, and to form by wise design a portion of sacred history. Indeed, so far as we can see, it would have been a hiatus valde defiendus, if no contemporary of the Apostles had been moved to write the story of the spread of the Gospel through the world. It is not, we think, too much to say, that without the Acts, the Catholic traditions with regard to the usages and discipline of the early church would have had an unbroken reign. We should have lost the picture of charac- ters formed in the immediate school of Christ, and devoting themselves even unto death with the earnestness of deep con- viction for the spread of His religion. Having no record that divine power still continued with the followers of Christ, we should have been more exposed to painful doubt respecting its presence with Christ himself. All gaps in history give ris~ to uncertainty, and furnish room for conflicting theories. The want of full and consecutive history of the post-apostolic period in- volves the impossibility of settling a number of minor points. But the unsettled points would have risen in moment, if the darkness had hung over the earlier age of the Apostles life- time. As affording materials for the defense of the Gospel the Acts von. x. 17

1852.] Jzlackett on the Acts. 129 Airr. X.HACKETTS COMMENTARY ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. A Commentary on the Original Text of the Acts of the Apos- ties: By II. B. HACKETT, Professor of Biblical Literature in Newton Theological Institute. Boston: John P. Jewett & Co. Cleveland, Ohio: Jewett, Proctor & Worthington. 1852. pp. 407. THE book which we call the Acts of the Apostles, but which probably received no name from its author, forms a kind of out- work of the Gospel. As far as Christian life and faith are con- cerned it falls in importance behind the lives of Christ by the Evangelists, and the letters of the Apostles. And yet its liii- portance to the church, as presenting a model of Christian la- bors in the Apostles, as preserving for future ages a type of pure and primitive Christianity, and as defending the other portions of the New Testament against the objections of infi- dels, render it a work of priceless valuea work which, the more we study it, the more evidently appears to us to emanate from a superintending Providence, and to form by wise design a portion of sacred history. Indeed, so far as we can see, it would have been a hiatus valde defiendus, if no contemporary of the Apostles had been moved to write the story of the spread of the Gospel through the world. It is not, we think, too much to say, that without the Acts, the Catholic traditions with regard to the usages and discipline of the early church would have had an unbroken reign. We should have lost the picture of charac- ters formed in the immediate school of Christ, and devoting themselves even unto death with the earnestness of deep con- viction for the spread of His religion. Having no record that divine power still continued with the followers of Christ, we should have been more exposed to painful doubt respecting its presence with Christ himself. All gaps in history give ris~ to uncertainty, and furnish room for conflicting theories. The want of full and consecutive history of the post-apostolic period in- volves the impossibility of settling a number of minor points. But the unsettled points would have risen in moment, if the darkness had hung over the earlier age of the Apostles life- time. As affording materials for the defense of the Gospel the Acts von. x. 17 130 Hacketts Commentary on the [Feb. are of the highest value; and this use of them is particularly felt in our own age. If they can be shown to proceed from a com- panion of the Apostles, who was himself eye-witness of a por- tion of the events which he narrates, if within about twenty years after the death of Christ he was familiar with the preach- ing and the life of Apostolic men who must have taught the Gospel history substantially as we have it, and if, what no one dares doubt, the same band wrote the book of Luke and the Acts, then we have a complete refutation of the mythic hy- pothesis of Strauss, as far as such a theory begotten by an Ixion from a cloud needs refutation. It would be not miracu- bus but monstrous for a myth involving the substance of Luke to grow within less than a generation. Or, if the foes of Christ- ianity forsake that theory, as they have done, and impute willful forgery in the second century to the composers of the New Testament, then the Acts enable us to meet their attack at still greater advantage. For besides the evident artlessness of the narrative, and the argument furnished by the style and the his- torical and local allusions testifying in favor of a writer of the Apostolic age, we have in the 5designed coincidence with the epistles of Paul a proof of the genuineness of the Acts as well as of the epistles, which no ingenuity of modern learning can shake. The author of the Acts in several places uses the first person plural, as being himself concernedat least so the reader would naturally sayin the events which he narrates. He joins the Apostles company at Troas and accompanies him to Philippi. There it is quite~probable that he remains for a season, for we find him again with Paul on his last journey through Macedo- nia, and not before. From this time until the Apostles arrival at Jerusalem, he makes himself a partaker and an eye-witness of everything, and introduces himself again for the last time as a companion upon the voyage to Rome. It is moreover evi- dent that the person thus familiar with Paul cannot be Timothy, since Timothy was one of those who going before tarried for us at Troas, (chap. xx. 5,) or Silas, since where he and Paul are alone, the third person, they, is made use of. (Chap. xvi. xvii.) Thus the early tradition which assigns the authorship of this book to Luke, who was afterwards a beloved companion of Paul, has nothing against it, and may have all the authority which is its due. An Apostolical helper, who is neither Paul or Barnabas, wrote theActs, and tradition calls him Luke. Luke was an Apostolical helper at Rome, and if so, must have had the best opportunity for knowing those events of Christian history which he records. 1852.] Acts of 1/sc Apostles. 131 There is no way of evading the force of the passages in the Acts where we is used, unless we suppose that an author, having before him the materials furnished by an eye-witness, was too careless to adapt the style to his own person. Perhaps he had already turned we into they so many times that he grew tired, and servilely copied the very words of the reporter into his own narrative. A hypothesis like this, which turns the careful Luke into a clumsy annalist of the most inferior taste, seems to carry its own condemnation on its face. The decision upon its probability may be safely left to the feelings of the million of readers. As Ebrard says, no one but a study- scholar can find it credible. And yet this is the hypothesis to which they are reduced who wish to deny that a companion of the Apostle Paul was the author of the book. But even this goes not far enough to suit the purpose of those who attack the genuineness of the Acts, since the author of the narratives into which we is introduced saw several miracles of the Apostles working, and puts on record some of the most important doc- trines of the Gospel. We might from even these portions con- struct a compendium of the New Testament, which would be in keeping with those books where the origin and doctrines of Christianity are professedly taught. The principle upon which Luke made his selection of mate- rials deserves consideration. Can it be ascertained from the Acts themselves what that principle was? It was not to furnish the most excellent Theophilus and other Christians through him with an account of Apostolic men. Of nearly all the origin- al twelve he has not said a word, and yet there can be no doubt, if his object had been to illustrate their history, that he could have hunted up some facts in relation to them; not to say that on his journey to Jerusalem with the Apostle Paul he must have been brought into contact with them. Nor can his object have been to furnish an account of the spread of the gospel in gener- al, for he passes over the labors which in all probability some of the Apostles underwent in making it known; and leaves us un- informed, for instance, as to the rise of churches in Rome, Alex- andria and other important cities. Nor will a candid mind come to the conclusion that his aim was to exhibit the life and services of the Apostle Paul at the expense of other distinguish- ed teachers. To this supposition several characteristics of his narrative are opposed. First, the Apostle Peter stands foremost in the early portion of the work; next, many points of interest in the commencement of Pauls Christian life are passed over with extreme brevity, or in silence; and then we can perceive in what is said of Paul no laudatory, we may add, no apolo~ I3~ Hacketts Commentary on the [Feb. getic design. Nor is the subject exhausted by saying with Meyer (Introduction to his Commentary,) that Luke wrote by his own account that Theophilus might know the certainty of the things wherein he had been instructed; or in other words, might through a history of Christianity, be confirmed in the doctrines of Christianity. Theophilus, he goes on to say, being most probably an Italian, would feel an especial interest in the history of Paul previous to his arrival at Rome, while the Apostles subsequent career was too familiar to be narrated. And the earlier life of the Apostle and the particulars touching the other Apostles were selected for insertion into his work because he judged them most interesting and most suited to his design. But the question still returns, why should precisely these events be most interesting to the mind of Luke or Theoph- ilus. Was it because Paul was the object of their special attachment, or because the events were of special importance, or because Luke had a more accurate acquaintance with them, or for some other reason? We find the reason, as many others, we believe, have found it, in the importance which Luke could not fail to assign to the events themselves. First of all, it behoved him to give an account of those fundamental facts, the ascension of Christ, and the Divine Presence with the church at the day of Pentecost. Next in order comes the spread of the gospel at Jerusalem; at the end of which section are insert- ed the preparatives in the divine economy for its spread among the Gentiles,the conversion of Paul, and the divine visions which introduced Cornelius into the church. This is the great point towards which the mind of Luke tends, and Paul is of importance as being the instrument of making known among the Gentiles the unsearchable riches of Christ. Or in other words, that for which Paul regards himself as called by grace, that which he calls the mystery of Christ, once a mystery, but now revealed unto his holy Apostles and prophets by the spirit, is likewise in the view of Luke one of the great events of evan- gelical history. It was an event which had intrinsic import- ance of the highest degree, and was of supreme interest also to the man and the circle of Christians for whom he wrote, if, as is probable, they were gentile Christians. Now the value which the evangelist attaches to the spread of the gospel among the Gentiles appears as if designedly by a number of particulars interspersed through his narrative. He shows by the minute- ness with which he details the story of Cornelius, and the solemn confirmation of Peters conduct in that affair, that it was of high moment in his estimation. He is careful to mention that Paul and Barnabas on their first missionary journey received an 1852.] Acts of the Apostles. 133 especial divine commission, acting under which they always indeed addressed the Jews in the first instance, but being rejected by them turned to the Gentiles, as embraced by the ancient scrip- tures, within the pale of salvation through Christ.(xiii. 46, 47.) The importance of what Paul and his companion had done con- sisted in this: that God had opened the door of faith to the Gentiles.(xiv. 27.) The great council of the fifteenth chapter was called to decide a question pertaining to the Gentile believ- ers. The opposition of the Jews to Paul arose not merely from his preaching salvation by Jesus who died on the cross, but also from his throwing open the gates to the Gentiles who had not submitted to the law of Moses. It was the words of Christ, depart! for I will send thee far hence to the Gentiles, which excited the fury of the fanatical mob below the stairs of the castle Antonia at Jerusalem. In his narrative of his conversion spoken before Agrippa, (xxvi. 17,) the Apostle gives it as the great service to which he was called by Christ to open the eyes of the Gentiles, and to turn them from darkness unto light and from the power of Satan unto God. Finally, the book ends with the solemn assurance made by Paul to the Jews of Rome, that the salvation of God is sent unto the Gentiles and that they will hear it. From these considerations thenfrom the space devoted to preaching among the Gentiles, and from the justifications of this procedure which peep out thus continually through the nar- rativeit seems necessary to conclude that the introduction of the Gentiles into the Christian church was a very great event before the mind of Luke. And as he takes just the same view of this matter which the Apostle Paul inculcates throughout his epistles, we may argue that he was one whose mind had been trained in its religious views under the Apostles influence. It can easily happen that narratives which have more the biographical character than the historical, and which stand in little connection with the events of national history, contain few chronological data. Such is the case with the Acts. Mr. Hackett in his introduction has stated with succinctness the schem& according to which he has synchronized the narrative of this book with profane history. in general his results will be received with confidence by those who take the pains to sub- ject them to a new examination. Yet some uncertainty will ever rest upon the chronology of this earliest period of church history, as may be gathered from the wide differences of opin- ion, which a table, like that at the end of Meyers Commentary, p~resents to the eye. Dr. Davidson remarks that the death of Herod Agrippa is the only event which may be determined with 134 Hacketts Commentary on the [Feb. certainty, and that from this we are to reckon both back and forward. If, however, we could find no standing point except this, we should gain hut little. What, for instance, would the death of Herod contribute towards ascertaining the time of Pauls conversion or of the council at Jerusalem, or the Apostles journey to Rome? It is disconnected from all these other events, and stands almost alone in history. No other fact men- tioned in the Acts, it is true, can be considered absolutely fixed in time, but several very important ones can have a date assign- ed to them with considerable probability. And the conclusion from the examination of the dates must be that the narrative was written by one, who, without having any concern with chronology, or bestowing the slightest thought upon the year of Rome when the events occurred, records, substantially in the order of time, a real history, which, if we knew all, would be perfectly consistent with another known and real history. With the vagueness and uncertainty arising from the authors not keeping chronology in his eye, we have the certainty that what is told us happened within certain years in the Roman world. The conversion of Paul, Mr. Hackett assigns to the year 36. Opinions have fluctuated between 33 and 41, but the years be- tween 34 and 37 have had a great majority of voices in their favor. The materials for forming a judgment are briefly these: At the time when Paul fled from Damascus, an officer of king Aretas was in command at that city. In the second year of Caligula, or between March 16 of the year 38 and the same day of 39, the difficulties in Arabia were adjusted, and in all proba- bility Aretas must have been dispossessed of so important a place as Damascus. The army which Vitellius collected against him did not begin to march until the spring after the death of Tiberius. Before that time there is no evidence of his occupa- tion of Damascus, but as the Roman commander went to Rome, and the army was inactive, it is obvious that this was a fair opportunity for Aretas .to secure the possession of important posts. To these facts we are to add that three years plapsed between the Apostle Pauls conversion and his return to Jeru- salem. It may not be unprofitable to look at the uncertainties which are involved in these data. 1. It is somewhat uncertain wheth- er the long domination of Aretas above referred to be the epoch of his occupation of Damascus, or whether Paul may not have arrived there during some temporary possession of the city by that king, of which history does not even give us a hint. 2. It is uncertain whether the Apostle was absent three 1852.] Acts of the Apostles. 135 whole years from Jerusalem or returned in the third year. An- cient writers, sacred and profane, are apt to put a full number for a broken one. 3. The Apostles return to Jerusalem may have occurred at any time during the supremacy of Aretas at Damascus. 4. Nay, Paul may have fled from Damascus into Arabia soon after his arrival at that city, or have fled to Jeru- salem after his residence in Arabia. It must be confessed how- ever that the last of these suppositions seems to be stamped with high probability by the words of Luke, after many days were fulfilled, the Jews took counsel to kill him. Admitting then that his flight was just before his journey to Jerusalem, it could have happened at any time between the latter half of the year 37 and third month of the year 39. His conversion then is to be assigned to some time between the middle of 34 and the middle or end of 36. Mr. Hackett decides on 36, and takes what we conceive to be the correct view of the point of time during the Apostles absence from Jerusalem at which he fled from Damascus. The death of ilerod Agrippa, as we have already seen, can be shown to have happened in the year 44. About the same time occurred the death of James, the imprisonment of Pe- ter, and the journey of Paul and Barnabas into Judea, as the bearers of the charities of the Syrian church. The latter event stands also in connection, as Mr. Hackett shows in his Commentary, with a famine in Judea, which happened late in 44 or soon afterward. There was good reason why the evangelist should mention it a little out of the order of time, before the death of James, because it is introduced in connection with the prophecy which led the Christians of Syria to prepare their contributions to meet the coming distress. The meeting of the council at Jerusalem, assembled to con- sider the question whether Gentile Christians should be required to keep the law of Moses, is assigned by Mr. Hackett and oth- ers to the year 50. In regard to this date everything depends upon the interpretation which we give to Galatians ii. 1. Was the visit which Paul there mentions the same with that described in Acts. xv. or was it an earlier or a later one? And from what point of time are we to reckon the fourteen years spoken of by the Apostle? From his conversion or from his first visit to Je- rusalem three years after his conversion? Mr. Hackett and nearly all interpreters with whom we are acquainted, identify the visit spoken of in Galatians with what is commonly called the third visit of the Apostle at the time of the council. This we regard as the only tenable opinion, al- though we are aware that some eminent Biblical scholars have 136 Hacketts Commentary on the [Feb. not received it. The Apostles visit, mentioned in chapter xviii. 22, was apparently a flying one; and it is almost impossible to identify the visit spoken of in the Galatians with the visit of which we have an account in Acts xi. 30, and xii. 25. But it is evident that if ever Paul made ~ long and important visit to Jerusalem, like that which he himself describes, it must have been that of which Luke speaks in chapter xv. But if we decide to regard the visit of Acts xi. 30 as prior to that mentioned in Galatians, a difficulty arises. The Apostle is showing that he received the Gospel by revelation from Christ, not by instruction from those who were Apostles before him. For this reason he declares that for three years after his conversion he had no communication with any of the believers at Jerusalem whatever, but remained at Damascus and in Ara- bia; that at the end of three years he spent a fortnight in Je- rusalem, where the only Apostle he became acquainted with was Peter, besides whom he saw James, a leading elder of the church but not an Apostle; and that fourteen years after, when he was preaching the Gospel to the Gentiles on the plan which he had since pursued, he again visited Jerusalem, exposed to the lead- ing men and others his system of evangelization, and received full confirmation and support. Now if in this interval of four- teen years he had made a visit to Jerusalem and to the Apos- tles, would not that circumstance have weakened the force of his statement? Might not the Galatian opposition have said that he had suppressed one of his visits, and would he not him- self have felt bound to give some account of it? What are we then to think of what is called the Apostles second visit to Jerusalem in company with Barnabas for the purpose of carry- ing alms? Two suppositions only can be made in consistency with the good faith of the Apostle and the correctness of Luke. The first is, that he went into Judea but not to Jerusalem; that Barnabas and he divided the distribution of alms between them; he taking a part to the congregations of believers in the smaller towns, and Barnabas having the capital for his prov- ince. This is the opinion of Ebrard and some others, but it seems to be contradicted by the words in Acts xii. 25: Bar~ nabas and Saul returned from Jerusalem when they had ful- filled their ministry. If Paul had visited only the environs of the city, it might perhaps with a certain degree of looseness be said that he and his companion who had actually entered it made it their, point of departure, but we feel unwilling to admit such a supposition in the case of an accurate and well-informed historian like Luke. Brevity of statement would not suffi- ciently account for the words under the circumstances. Another 1852.] Acts of the Apostles. 187 supposition commends itself more by its consistency with all the facts recorded. It is that while Paul may have taken upon himself the distribution of charities out of the capital, he made that his rendezvous with Barnabas; that his visit was short and flying, owing perhaps to apprehension of personal danger; and that at this time the Apostles were dispersed, on account of the recent persecutions. Peter, we know, went a little while before this to another place. And although after Herod Agrippas death the government would not be likely to lend its aid in vex- ing the church, yet Jewish fanaticism might be inclined to fol- low up, against the law as in the case of Stephen, the measures already begun. In these circumstances Paul might naturally join Barnabas at Jerusalem without making any stay there, and as the visit had no bearing on his relations to the other Apos- tles, might omit the mention of it altogether. Here we add the reid-ark, that we see no reason for understanding, with Mr. Hackett, the elders to whom Paul and Barnabas conveyed the charities of the brethren to be only the elders of the church at Jerusalem. The famine afflicted Judea. The relief was pro- vided from the brethren in Judea. Why then should the pro- cess of distribution be complicated by conveying all the money to the elders at Jerusalem? We must suppose the elders throughout Judea to be intended, as at Ca,sarea, Lydda, Saron, Joppa and wherever else the Gospel had penetrated. Another inquiry relating to the date of the council is from what point of time does the Apostle in the epistle to the Gala- tians reckon the fourteen years of which he makes mention? Does he count from his conversion, thus including the three years which expired before his first visit to Jerusalem, or does he count from that visit itself? Was there an interval of four- teen or of seventeen years between his conversion and the council? Mr. Hackett decides for the former, without stating his reasons, but in company with interpreters of the highest reputation. It may be said in favor of this opinion, that the Apostles conversion being an epoch at which religious knowl- edge was divinely imparted to him, he would naturally calcu- late from it, when he was making a comparison between what he had derived from a supernatural and what from a human source. But we cannot help feeling~ after all, that his mind ran on in its computations from his first visit, and not from his con- version. This may be argued from the fact that before speak- ing of this interval of fourteen years, he had made his first visit to Jerusalem his terminus a quo. Afterwar4s, says he, I came into the regions of Syria and Cilicia; and was unknown by face unto the churches of Judea which were in Christ. voL. x. 18 138 Hacketts Commentary on the [Feb. After what event? Clearly after his first visit and his inter- view with Peter and James. Now it does not seem very prob- able that he would change his starting point four verses below and revert to a time from which he had already ceased to cal- culate. This, then, which the great majority of interpreters and nearly all the old ones have received, commends itself as most natural. If, indeed, chronology required us to reckon the fourteen years from an earlier epoch, we should abandon this position; but this does not appear to be necessary. The Apos- tles second missionary tour is of uncertain length; they who assign the council to 52 can, with no violation of probabil- ity, fix on the year 59 as the year of the Apostles last visit to Jerusalem. Mr. Hackett leaves it uncertain whether 58 or 59 is the true year for this event, and by consequence whether 00 or 61 is the year of the voyage to Rome. The date of the accession of Festus to his procuratorship is not precise eno~igh to determine anything certainly; it only affords a general con- firmation of the accuracy of Lukes history. Having dwelt longer on topics suggested by Mr. Hacketts Introduction to the Acts than we had intended, we now turn to the Commentary itself. This appears to have been undertaken not as a task but in the love of it. The author says that he can recall no happier hours than those which he has spent in giving instruction on this book of the New Testament to suc- cessive classes of theological students. We should expect that a Commentary would be a successful one which embodied the instruction of a scholar of Mr. Hacketts reputation through a series of years, and contained the results of long continued researches, aided by such helps as he knows how to use; and which never ceased to awaken its authors deepest interest, as well as contribute to his enjoyment. The expectations which have been excited by the specimens of this work, published in the Bibliotheca Sacra, will not be disappointed. In examining a great variety of passages we have uniformly found Mr. Hack- ett familiar with the best and newest authorities in Biblical lit- erature, independent in the exercise of his own judgment, fair in the view which he takes of difficult places and inclined to look at all sides, judicious and worthy of confidence in the re- sults to which he conducts his readers. There is a due propor- tion observed between the several parts of which interpretation is made up. Grammatical peculiarities are briefly explained whenever it is necessary; but the interest of the reader is al- ways thrown upon the record itself rather than upon the form of words in which it is clothed. On the whole, we do not be- lieve that a Commentary in which the rule ne quid nimis is 1S52.] Acts of the Ap6stles. 139 more observed, while nothing important is withheld, has ever proceeded from the American press. We propose to make a few remarks upon passages of the Commentary or of the Acts themselves, partly with the view of showing forth Mr. Hacketts style as a commentator, and partly with that of making additions or qualifications in the few places where they seem to be demanded. Acts 1. 18. Now this man purchased a field with the re- ward of iniquity. That is, caused to be purchased, other- wise there is a contradiction between Luke and Matthew. Mr. Hackett shows at length and most satisfactorily that this inter- pretation, so far from being resorted to from the necessity of the case, is supported by analogies in the New Testament and in every language. Our own language is full of expressions where indirect agency is not distinguished from direct, where the distinction between the remoter and nearer cause, which the French usually make, is not observed. So in Greek, Thucydides says that a king of Thrace made his son an Athenian citizen, that is, procured the Athenians by vote to make him such.* Mr. Hackett regards verses 18, 19, containing the account of the fate of Judas, as a parenthesis of the author, and his reasons are convincing. We may add, that a part of verse 19 is cer- tainly parenthetical, since it takes the historical form: it was knoun to all the dwellers at Jerusalem, in so much as that field was called in their proper tongue Aceldama. Here was called, and not is called, seems to be the true version. 1. 24. The question here is whether the prayer containing the words, thou, Lord, which knowest the hearts of all, is offered to Christ or to the Father. Mr. Hackett has given the argu- ments on both sides and inclines towards regarding Christ as the being addressed; but with a wise and most commendable moderation does not lay this before his readers as at all certain. The commentators now most in vogue are against this view. We believe that Mr. Hackett has put the passage just on the ground which it ought to take: when we consider how full the Apostles were of Christ, that they pray to him elsewhere, and that it was his part to select his Apostles, we are led to conclude that he is addressed here, notwithstanding the term which knowest the hearts of all, most naturally points at the Father. The passage has then no independent force, as a proof that prayers were offered to the risen Saviour, but admitting that fact we may explain it accordingly. *2 29. 4. 140 Hacketts Commentary on the [Feb 2. 4. We are glad to see Mr. Hackett come out so decidedly against Neanders view of the gift of tongues, as not involving the power to use foreign and before unknown language. That great and good man was not guided by exegetical principles, as it seems to us, when he departed from the old and established view of this miracle. In verse 6, Mr. Hackett, with many later interpreters, differs from our version, when this was noised abroad, and explains the words as referring to the sound or noise mentioned in the second verse. When this sound occurred. We think this the most probable meaning, but would make the relation of causality prominent rather than that of time, thus: In consequence of this noise having occurred. Not that the devout men themselves all heard the roar of the rushing wind; but it was heard by some, and from them the report reached others. Thus, practically, the sense does not much vary from that which our translators have expressed. 6. 15. All that sat in the councilsaw his face as it had been the face of an angel. We are not prepared here to recognize with Mr. Hackett a preternatural lustre on the face of Stephen. The strength of the words, as the face of an angel, does not imply a miracle, but only the presence of the Holy Spirit, enhancing the beauty and dignity of a countenance naturally noble. Chapter 7. There is great difficulty in discovering the purport of Stephens speech; and the more so, as he was compelled to leave it unfinished. Mr. Hackett feeling this diffi- culty has, together with his own view of the discourse, given those of several other writers. We are rather more disposed than Mr. Hackett seems to be, to find in it an apologetic element. To the charge of speaking blasphemous words against the temple and the law, he replies by professing his faith in the history and institutions of his nation. Moses and the temple he did not blaspheme. But intermingled with this element and to this form of the discourse Mr. Hackett calls attention lie rebukes of the Jews for rejecting Moses, giving themselves up to idolatry, persecuting the prophets down to the time of Jesus, and indirectly of over-estimating the formal worship of the temple to the disparagement of spiritual worship. Mr. Hackett well observes in regard to the character of this discourse, that it impresses upon the speech a seal of authen- ticitv, for no one would think of framing a discourse of this kind for such an occasion. Had it been composed ideally, or after some vague tradition, it would have been thrown into a differ- ent form; its relevancy to the charge which called it forth would have been made more obvious. Here it may be asked 1852.] Acts of the Apostles. 141 whether we find the same distinctive character in other dis- courses contained in the Acts? Are the speeches, for instance, of the Apostles Peter and Paul dissiinilar, or could they have been spoken by the same person? And is there any ground for the assertion made by De Wette and others, that the style in all parts of the Acts is alike, as well in the speeches as in the authors narrative? There must of necessity be some difficulty in answering these questions, as we cannot know whether the speeches of Peter and that of Paul before the Sanhedrim in chapter 22, came to Luke in an Aramaean form, and were translated by him, or in a Greek form, which he may have more or less altered as to single expressions. But we think that a candid person, who will attend to the differences of character in the speeches which Ebrard, although injuring his cause by some weak arguments, has pointed out,* will be obliged to con- clude, that there are important differences in style and thought between the speeches of Paul and Peter; that there are striking resemblances between passages in Pauls epistles and in his speeches in the Acts, and resemblances, although less striking, between Peters speeches and his first epistle; and finally, that the speeches could not all come from the same hand with the narrative itself. The principal evidence for this must be derived from exa[nining a collection of numerous particulars, which would be foreign to our present purpose; but, besides this, we may safely appeal to the aesthetical sense of our read- ers, and ask whether they do not perceive an evident difference between Pauls discourse at Athens and anything which Peter is recorded as saying, and between the treatment of Jewish history by Paul in chapter 13, and by Stephen in chapter 7? Nay, it seems to us that Luke could not have fabricated the speech at Athens, if he had been willing to do such a thing. But if the genuineness of some of the speeches is established, the others need cause us no trouble, for although an author may certainly intermix the false and the true, that he has inserted a genuine document in one place is presumption that he has done so also in another, which ought to satisfy us until the contrary be shown. The two Apostles approach the nearest to one another in chapters 2 and 13, where both explain the 16th Psalm of the Messiah; but even there, not to mention other differences, Paul makes use of the term justification, which is peculiarly his own, and imputes ignorance as a fault to the Jews who slew the Saviour, while Peter mentions it as an extenuation. We think, then, that the result of an investigation into these * W.issenschaftl. Critik, pp. 685687. Second edition. 142 Hacketts Commentary on the [Feb. portions of the Acts will show the evangelist to be as honest, as he appears to be throughout the narrative parts. 8. 26. The way which goeth down from Jerusalem to Gaza, which is desert ; or more Jiterally, this is desert. These last words are in all probability to be regarded as added by the evangelist for the purpose of explanation, and not as a part of the angels words. But what do they explain? Some would refer this to the immediate antecedent, the city of Gaza; and others, with Mr. Hackett, to the road as passing through a desert region. There are serious difficulties on both sides. On grammatical grounds merely, it is easiest and most natural to understand the clause of the city of Gaza, which was ruined about the year 69, A. D. It must be confessed, however, that no good reason appears why Luke should mention this subse- quent event, touching a place which was of no importance to his narrative, and was merely named as at the end of a certain road. On the other hand, if Luke inserted the clause for the purpose of informing the reader to which of the different roads Philip was to proceed, he would not have used the words, the way that goeth down from Jerusalem to Gaza: this is des- ert; but the way, namely, the desert one, or words to that effect. There is no evidence, as the text now stands, that more than one road was thought of: the way is the ordinary route with which Philip would be well acquainted. Can it bewe make the suggestion with some hesitationthat the words in question are inserted by Luke to explain the circumstances under which the interview of Philip with the Eunuch took place. Not that the road to Gaza was that particular one which passed through a wild tract; the evangelist had no definite road in his mind, but he makes prominent the simple fact that it lay in a solitary region, and was therefore the more adapted for the spiritual communications which Philip was sent to make. A certain conclusion here, if it could be reached, would be the more interesting, because these words when explained of Gaza fix the earliest limit for the composition of the Acts. There is no other indication except it he found in the last verses of the book. If Luke had delayed finishing the Acts five or six years after Pauls residence at Rome, we should expect instead of the present abrupt conclusion some close more in keeping with his style and method. It may be said that as the most excellent Theophilus must have been well informed of the Apostle Pauls subsequei~it career, it was unnecessary for Luke to proceed further with his narrative. The possibility of this cannot be denied, but we believe the natural impression of the end of the book on the mind, to be that it closely followed the two years during which Paul dwelt in his own hired house at Rome. 1852.] Acts of the Apostles. 143 13. 7. The deputy (or proconsul) of the country & rgius Paulus. There is a trifling inaccuracy in Mr. Hacketts account of the government of the Roman provinces under the emperors. The officers sent into the emperors provinces were not all styled propraetors or legates, but were either praeto- nan or consular legates, and had different rank accordingly. We say nothing of the procurators of a few provinces or of the praefect of A~gypt. The peoples provinces were governed by propraetors with the title of proconsuls, or by proconsuls in the strictest sense of that word, that is by persons of consular dignity. Of the proconsuls mentioned in Acts, the governors of Cyprus and Achaia were of praetorian dignity, and the gov- ernor of provincial Asia, of consular. This Strabo informs us of at the end of his seventeenth book, in entire consistency with Dion Cassius; while inscriptions show that these provincial governors were all titular proconsuls. Luke, then, is as accu- rate as he can be. If he had named Sergius Paulus or Gallio a propraetor, it would have been a name by which neither of them was known, ahhough it represented their official standing. We may add that, if Luke had confounded the two titles, it would be no more than even Livy does, who calls a Roman officer in one place by the inferior title, and just afterwards by the other.* 13. 9. The older interpreters conceive that Paul took his second name from Sergius Paulus. Mr. Hackett discards this opinion, in company with Neander and others; supposing that, like many Jews, Paul had another name before, by which he may have been known among the heathen, and which he as- sumed now that he began to extend his preaching beyond his own countrymen. This is quite probable, but the occurrence of the proconsuls name, although it may have no connection with the name Paul, must have suggested to Luke to use that name here for the first time. 16. 35. Mr. Hackett regards the Greek word here translated sergeants in our version, as equivalent to the Roman Lictors, and adds, it deserves notice that Luke introduces this term just here. It would have been out of place had he applied it to the attendants of Greek or Jewish magistrates. But the poet Aristophanes uses the same word of Athenian tipstaves; and we believe that it cannot be shown that inferior magistrates, like the head men of a municipal town, were attended by lic- tors properly so called. The word is more general. 17. 6 and 8. The rulers of the city, or politarchs. A * Ciceros brother calls himself proconsul of Asia, although only of praetorian dignitythat province then being assigned to such officers. Tacitus calls a praetorian legate by the name of praetor. 144 Hacketts Commentary on the [Feb. confirmation of the accuracy of Luke in thus naming the mag- istrates of Thessalonica is furnished by an inscription of that place.# The inscription, which is of the Roman times, gives a list of seven magistrates bearing this title. This is the more worthy of remark because the title is a very rare one, and might easily be confounded with that of poliarchs, which is another ap- pellation of magistrates in Greek cities. 19. 31. Those [of the Asiarchs] who had filled the offices once retained the title for the rest of life. If this were so, then these chiefs of Asia may have been Christians and friends of Paul on that account. But so far as we can ascertain, this is a mere conjecture of learned men. The number of Asiarchs annually chosen is also uncertain.t 19. 35. The town-clerk or grammateus. In the cities of Asia Minor, says Winer in Mr. hacketts Commentary, this was the title of the heads or chiefs of the municipal govern- ment. This is far too generally stated by Winer. The names of the chief magistrates in the cities referred to are quite nu- inerous. Tittmann in his constitutions of Greek states, observes of the town-clerk that he is a very important officer. This title is found on coins of no town governed by archons. But on a number of coins where strategi are the highest office, a grammateus is found. He performed even the part of the strategus, if the latter was absent or deceased. Akerrnans assertion, cited by Mr. Hackett, that Tiberius Caesar is called the grammateus of Nysa in Caria is grounded upon the false reading of a coin of that city.~ The existence of a town-clerk at Ephesus and his functions are illustrated by inscriptions, which show most conclusively that he was just in his place amid this tumult of the people. He was not, we imagine, a ju- dicial officer, or even an executive one, except so far as he pre- sided or aided in presiding over the popular assemblies and put the question when necessary. In that capacity the names of several clerks of the people (so called to distinguish them from clerks of the town senate) occur on marbles, but the magistrate from whom the year is named is called, at different periods ap- parently, a prytanis, a strategus or an archon. The town-clerk and probably the senate would officially be present in the assem- bly, but the magistrates, as at Athens, might have nothing to do with preserving order, even if they were present. Same verse. A worshiper (or temple sweeper) of the great goddess Diana. Mr. Hackett remarks that this was an * Boeckhs Corpus, vol. 2, p. 53, No. 196l. ~ See Eckhel Doctr. num. vol. 4, 20l, seq. ~ Eckhel Doctr. num. vol. 2, 588. 1852.] Acts of the Apostles. 145 honorary title, granted to certain Asiatic cities, in recognition of the care and expense bestowed by them on the temple and worship of their favorite deities. More precisely we may say that this, originally the name of a temple-servant, was after- wards an honorable title bestowed on persons of rank, and finally on communities as protectors and guardians of temples. With the exception of a few European and Syrian cities these communities all appertained to Asia Minor. They assumed the name with reference to temples dedicated not only to their old deities, but also to the Roman emperors.* 20. 28. Feed the church of God. Mr. Hackett, without de- ciding positively here as to the true reading, presents a brief abstract of the arguments on both sides. They are so nearly equal that a person would be quite pardonable for remaining in suspense or for changing his mind from the one side to the other. 27. 17. They used helps, undergirding the ship, that is, they used additional means of strengthening the vessel by undergird- ing it. Mr. Hackett has given all the necessary information respecting this ancient custom. As a question of archaeology it is debated whether the ropes ran under the bottom, or around the ship in a horizontal direction. The eminent Hellenist of Berlin, Mr. Boeckh, was the first to clear up this matter. He shows in his dissertations on the inscriptions relating to the Athenian navy, which were dug up a few years since, that these ropes were applied horizontally; nor is there any possible way, as we can conceive, of explaining the passages of ancient wri- ters otherwise. 28. 7. There can be no doubt that Publius is called the first (or chief) of the island, because he was the Roman gov- ernor. The best information which we can obtain respecting the situation of Malta at the time of Pauls visit, renders it doubtful, to say the least, whether the interpreters, including Mr. Hackett, are in the right as it regards the station of Pub- lius. In a Greek inscription of an earlier date we find mention made of two persons holding the office of archon or magistrate in the island. A later inscription of the times of the Emperors may be translated as follows: Lucius Pudens, son of Claudius, of the tribe Quirina, a Roman eques, first [~rpc3ro~, as in Acts] and patron of the Melitaeans, after being magistrate and having held the post of flamen to Augustus, erected this. Here it ap- pears that the person named was still chief man of the island, although his magistracy had expired. From this inscription * See especially Eckhel Dcictr. num. 4, 288 seq. 19 voL. X. 146 Hackett on the Acts. [Feb. and others in Latin found at Gozzo, it is probable that the inhab- itants of both islands had received the privilege of Roman citi- zenship, and were enrolled in the tribe Quirina. The magistracy was, no doubt, that of the Duumvirs, the usual municipal chief officers. The other titles correspond with titles to be met with on marbles relating to towns in Italy. Thus the title of chief corresponds to that of princeps in the colony of Pisa, and is probably no more a name of office than the title of patron. For no such officer is known to have existed in the colonies or in the municipia, and the princeps colonke of Pisa is mentioned at a time when it is said that owing to a contention between candidates there were no magistrates.* 28. 11. Whose sign was Castor and Pollux. Mr. Hack- ett adds that the vessel was named after these figure-heads. So said the older archaeologists. But the fact is somewhat doubt- ful. In the inscriptions relating to the Athenian navy, before referred to, we have nearly two hundred and fifty names of ves- sels, all of them in the feminine gender, and many of such a description that the figure-head can scarcely have represented the name. But it is time to bring our remarks to a close, and we do it with expressing our high respect for Mr. Hacketts scholarship, and our satisfaction at the results of his labors. Rarely has a Commentary appeared, which exhibits throughout such uniform excellence as this. May Mr. Hacketts wish be gratified, of con- tributing by it to a more diligent study and a more perfect knowledge of Gods word. And may a good Providence ena- ble him to recover his health, and permit him to return to the duties of his office. 0 * See Boeckhs Corp. inscr. voL 3, Nos. 5752, 5754, Orellis inscr. Nos. 512, 643, and Beckers Rom. Antiq., continued by Marquardt, 3, 1, p. 77. 1852.] Joseph Story. 147 ART. XLJOSEPII STORY. Life and Letters of JOSEPH STORY, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and Dane Professor of Law at Harvard University. Edited by his Son, WILLIAM W. STORY. Two Vols. Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1851. New Haven: A. H. Maitby, Chapel street. THESE memoirs have a peculiar value for the lawyer and the jurist; they possess, also, no inconsiderable interest for a much larger class of the community. Judge Story was no common man. He takes rank among the great men of our country and the great jurists of the world. In the following remarks, there- fore, we shall have in view that wider circle of readers who, without any particular interest in the life of a mere lawyer, will still be interested in the biography of such a man. Joseph Story was born at Marblehead, in the county of Essex, Mass., on the 18th of September, 1779. His ancestors in both lines of descent belonged to the ancient families of the country. His father, who was a physician, took an active part in the revolution. His mother was a woman of great force of char- acter, and, being early left with a large family and a small in- come, she was called upon to put forth all her energies, and as a consequence impressed her own character upon her children. Young Story entered Harvard College in January, 179~, and soon placed himself among the foremost scholars of his class. He here formed friendships, as does every generous-minded young man in college, which he cherished till death, and which were to him the source of some of the best and purest joys of his life; among these friends we may mention the well known preacher to the poor, the Rev. Dr. Tuckerman, and his own successful competitor for the highest honors of the college, Dr. Channing. On leaving college he commenced the study of the law in the office of Mr. Samuel Sewall of Marblehead, and, upon this gentleman being raised to the bench of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, in the office of Mr. Samuel Putnam of Salem, who was also afterwards one of the justices of the same court. He was admitted to the Essex bar in 1801, and com- menced the practice of. his pr~fession in Salem. Ten years from this time, and at thirty.two years of age, he was appointed one of the justices of the Supreme Court of the United States. In this intermediate period he had raised himself in competition with

1852.] Joseph Story. 147 ART. XLJOSEPII STORY. Life and Letters of JOSEPH STORY, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and Dane Professor of Law at Harvard University. Edited by his Son, WILLIAM W. STORY. Two Vols. Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1851. New Haven: A. H. Maitby, Chapel street. THESE memoirs have a peculiar value for the lawyer and the jurist; they possess, also, no inconsiderable interest for a much larger class of the community. Judge Story was no common man. He takes rank among the great men of our country and the great jurists of the world. In the following remarks, there- fore, we shall have in view that wider circle of readers who, without any particular interest in the life of a mere lawyer, will still be interested in the biography of such a man. Joseph Story was born at Marblehead, in the county of Essex, Mass., on the 18th of September, 1779. His ancestors in both lines of descent belonged to the ancient families of the country. His father, who was a physician, took an active part in the revolution. His mother was a woman of great force of char- acter, and, being early left with a large family and a small in- come, she was called upon to put forth all her energies, and as a consequence impressed her own character upon her children. Young Story entered Harvard College in January, 179~, and soon placed himself among the foremost scholars of his class. He here formed friendships, as does every generous-minded young man in college, which he cherished till death, and which were to him the source of some of the best and purest joys of his life; among these friends we may mention the well known preacher to the poor, the Rev. Dr. Tuckerman, and his own successful competitor for the highest honors of the college, Dr. Channing. On leaving college he commenced the study of the law in the office of Mr. Samuel Sewall of Marblehead, and, upon this gentleman being raised to the bench of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, in the office of Mr. Samuel Putnam of Salem, who was also afterwards one of the justices of the same court. He was admitted to the Essex bar in 1801, and com- menced the practice of. his pr~fession in Salem. Ten years from this time, and at thirty.two years of age, he was appointed one of the justices of the Supreme Court of the United States. In this intermediate period he had raised himself in competition with 148 Joseph Story. [Feb. the ablest lawyers of the country to a very high rank as a law- yer, and was distinguished as one of the leaders of the republican party in Massachusetts. He was elected to the legislature in 1805, and at once took the leadership of his party in the house. He was twice re~lected, and in 1808 was chosen a member of congress, which office he held during the session of 18081809. On declining a re~lection, he was again chosen a member of the Massachusetts legislature, and continued to be chosen until his appointment as judge, when he withdrew entirely from political life. Judge Story, as we have seen, belonged to the republican party. He, however, was never a partisan. He openly defended the ad- ministration of Washington, and in several important measures opposed his own party. One of his political acts deserves to be particularly mentioned. In opposition to the narrow views of a large portion of his own party, and some of the federalists, he ad- vocated and triumphantly carried, even after it had been voted down by a large majority, a proposition to increase the salaries of the judges of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, by which means and which alone the state at that time secured the services of that great lawyer, Chief Justice Parsons, and subsequently of the many distinguished jurists who have adorned the, bench of the commonwealth. Judge Story, although in congress but one ses- sion, was there long enough to incur the animosity of Jefferson; for he opposed the embargo and advocated the building of a navy, composed of vessels of war, and not of gun-boats. This led Jefferson to gibbet him in his chosen place of execution, his confidential letters. Writing to Gen. Dearborn, Jefferson says: The federalists, during their short-lived ascendancy, have, nevertheless, by forcing from us the embargo, inflicted a wound on our interests which can never be cured, and on our affections, which it will require time to cicatrize. I ascribe all this to one pseudo-republican, Story. Judge Story, in some autobiograph- ical memoranda, after stating the causes of his opposition to the embargo, goes on to say: Pseudo-republican, of course I must be, as every one was in Mr. Jeffersons opinion, who dared to venture upon a doubt of his infallibility. But Mr. Jefferson has forgotten the reiterated attempts made by him through a com- mittee of his particular adherents (Mr. Cues, & c.) to detach me from my object. In the course of these consultations, I learned the whole policy of Mr. Jefferson; and was surprised as well as grieved to find, that j,n the face of the clearest proofs of the failure of his plan, he continued to hope against facts. It is not a little remarkable, that many years afterwards, Mr. Jefferson took great credit to himself for yielding up, sua sponte, 1852.] Joseph Story. 149 this favorite measure, to preserve, as he intimates, New Eng- land from open rebellion. What in me was almost a crime, became, it seems, in him an extraordinary virtue. Judge Story received his appointment as one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States in 1811, as we have already sajd, the office having been offered by President Madi- son first to the Hon. Levi Lincoln and then to John QuincyAd- ams, and by them declined. He continued on the Bench till his death, without having ever been absent from the term at Wash- ington or fr6m his circuit but once (in 1842) during the whole period. In 1829, Judge Story was appointed Dane Professor of Law at Harvard University, an appointment of great impor- tance to the University, to himself, to the legal profession and to the country, and the duties of which he performed almost to the day of his death. From the time of his leaving the arena of politics, his life moved on in a very even course, the years marked only by some important decision, by the publication of some valuable work, by the advent of a new and larger class to his favorite law school, or, what is peculiar to no man, by the afflictive dispensations of Providence. Such was his uneventful life. But this quiet life was a life of incessaiti labor and of extensive and ever extending influence. The decision from the bench, pronounced, it may have been, but in the ears of a few listening lawyers, without pomp or cere- mony, is wrought into the jurisprudence of the country, and thus made to touch ten thousand springs of action in all parts of the land, controlling the transactions of commerce, and en- tering with silent influence more or less into all the affairs of life, restraining from wrong and dispensing justice; or, passing beyond the boundaries of municipal law, it becomes a portion of those laws which regulate the intercourse of nations, and thus exerts a benign but still silent influence ovei a far broader field, both diminishing the causes of war and abating its horrors, and strengthening the bonds of peace; and that too, in both cases, not only for the present but for coming and far remote ages. The systematic exposition of the law in learned treatises, drawn from the deep fountains of jurisprudence and supported by the authority of high judicial eminence and of long protracted ex- perience in the administration of justice, enters the office of the lawyer and finds its way to the bench of the judge, and through repeated study and oft reiterated reference as authority, at length moulds the form of jurisprudence itself and makes the practical rules of justice conform more and more to the perfect pattern of rectitude. And who shall estimate the influence of elevated principle, generous sentiment, and ardent enthusiasm, 150 Joseph Story. ilFeb. when urged by profound learning, varied experience, high posi- tion, and above all, intimate sympathy with youthful feeJings and aspirations, upon large bodies of educated young men, many of whom are to be the prominent men of the country in all the higher departments of law and statemanship ? It sometimes happens that an individual seems to be born for the station he fills, and the station, in the time and circumstan- ces of it, to be made for the individual. It was pre~iminently so in the case of Judge Story. Never was there a more fortunate appointment, so to speak, to the bench. Though the youngest judge that ever sat upon the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States, and, with the single exception of Mr. Justice Buller, who at about the same age was called to a seat on the Kings Bench at the side of Lord Mansfield, younger than any whoever received the highest honors of the judiciary in Eng~ land; still, Judge Story had precisely that character of mind which made such an appointment safe, and for the full develop- ment of which in the judicial office, an early appointment, be- fore he should have become absorbed in other pursuits, was necessary. On the other hand, never did a judge enter upon his judicial life, under circumstances which were better calcula- ted to call forth his powers, or which opened more inviting fields of labor for one who aspired after lasting fame. The large amount of capital invested in shipping necessarily gener- ated many and curious questions of Admiralty law: at the same time the embargo and non-intercourse acts gave rise to many cases of seizure for a violation of their provisions; while the war of 1812, setting afloat the merchant ships which had been rotting at the wharves and converting them into armed cruisers, also gave rise to still more numerous cases involving the princi- ples of Prize Law. Most of the cases came in the circuit of Judge Story. But at that time the principles of Admiralty and Prize Law were unsettled and imperfectly understood. It is not a little remarkable that Sir William Scott in England and Judge Story in this country, should have been simultaneously em- ployed in building up this system of law, though by reason of the war, cut off from enjoying the benefits of the labors of each other. Judge Story also early in his judicial life directed his attention to another still more important department of the law, which promised a rich harvest to the judicious laborer, we mean to Equity. Here, too, he had a fellow laborer, of equal powers of mind, of equally enlarged views, sound logic and varied learn- ing. Under the auspices of Chancellor Kent and Judge Story and by their joint labor, the system of Equity Law arose in its fair proportions; and it is interesting to observe with what free- 1852.] Joseph Story. 151 dom from envy and with what generous appreciation of each others labors, these great jurists wrought in the same field of jurisprudence. The Law of Patents was indebted almost en- tirely to Judge Story alone for its early development. Chief Justice Marshall was of course the great chieftain in Constitu- tional law. No little curiosity was felt to know whether as a Republican, Judge Story would carry out the principles of Jef- ferson or side with Marshall. It is well known that he became, next to Marshall, the ablest expounder of those liberal views of the Constitution which regard the United States as forming one people, and not as a confederation of states. The judgments of Judge Story, delivered by him in his circuits, fill thirteen volumes, and of the judgments of the Supreme Court during his judicial life, contained in thirty-five volumes, he wrote his full share. These judgments are of chief value to the legal profession, but there are some of his judicial labors which had at the time and still have an interest for every intel- ligent man. In 1819, Judge Story delivered a very able charge before the grand jury of the Circuit Court, first at Boston and afterwards at Providence, against the slave trade, which was secretly carried on in the ports of New England, and with re- spect to which he says, American citizensunder which generic term was to be included, we fear, not a small number of New England men are steeped up to their very mouths (I scarcely use too bold a figure) in this stream of iniquity. It may serve to show that we have made some progress in the right direction to say, that this charge was very extensively condemned, and that the newspapers of the day publicly de- nounced Judge Story for it, and one among them in Boston declared that any judge who should deliver such a charge, ought to be hurled from the bench. He however shrunk not from his duty. His biographer says, He delivered and re-deliv- ered this charge. He printed and circulated it, and steadily bore his testimony against the slave trade, as repugnant to law, religion and humanity. So strong was his influence, that mainly owing to the change wrought by his efforts in public opinion, the last remnant of the slave trade was rooted from the New Englan1d States. In 1822, in the case of the La Jeune Eugenie, which was tried in the Circuit Court, he pronounced the slave trade a violation of the law of nations, against the authority, too, of Sir William Scott and the Court of Kings Bench. This doctrine, however, was overruled in the Supreme Court, though it has received the sanction of some of the ablest lawyers. The case of the Amistad negroes, in which he pro- nounced the judgment declaring them free, is too recent to need 152 [Feb. Joseph Story. any particular notice. Judge Story also declared the judgment of the court in the famous case of Prigg against the Common- wealth of Pennsylvania. His biographer enters into a long defense of this decision. It needs none. It is the duty of the judge to declare the law, not to make it; and it is difficult to see how in accordance with the previous decisions of Chief Justice Marshall and his own decisions as to the powers of the general government, he could have come to any other conclusion. It is known that he himself considered it as a triumph of free- dom. For our own part we are not unwilling the United States government and the United States officers alone should engage in the dreadful trade of re-delivering into slavery the escaped captiveif it must be done. We might here refer to the Cherokee case and the Girard Will case, but we have not room, and they are well known. In this connection we may say, that Judge Story rendered valuable service to the legislation of the country, by drafting important laws, and through his influence with members of congress, procuring them to be passed. His labors in this way, though silent and generally unknown, have been and will long continue to be widely felt for good. We have spoken highly of Judge Story in his judicial capaci- ty.; we must speak still higher of him as a teacher of jurispru- dence. He was a great judge; but he was a great teacher and something more,he was the warm-hearted, sympathetic friend, or perhaps we should rather say, father of the young men under his instruction. But we will use the language of his biographer upon this topic. He had the rarest of all gifts, the faculty of communicating knowledge. To smooth the way of the law for beginners, to help the weak through its doubtful and intricate passes, to stimulate the uninterested, and to partake in the zeal of the ardent, was to him an endless joy. His own enthusiasm imparted itself magnetically to his hearers. He clothed his teaching with such fascinating formsinvesting naked principles with the drapery and color of actual illustrationsustaining the attention by continual allusion to interesting incidents and anec- dotes, which he interwove with his lecturesstimulating the ambitious by eloquent appeals and exhortations, as well as by holding up as examples the lives of distinguished men with whom he had come in contactand arousing the timid by recounting the victories won by diligence over difficulties and discouragementsthat he who felt no quickening of the pulse, no blazing of his ambition, must have been dull and hopeless in- deed. ~ * * In a word, he loved his position; and his never-failing vivacity; his winning smile that played lambent 1852.] Joseph Story. 153 as heat-lightning around his varying countenance; his frank manner; his contagious, joyous and irresistible laugh; and the fertility, unconsciousness and simplicity of his nature, endeared him to every one within the circle of his influence and made him as delightful in his lecture room as in his home. Judge Story entered. upon his duties as professor in 1829. The law-school soon became popular, and increased till the num- ber of the pupils was over one hundred and fifty. His salary during the whole time of his connection with the school, was, by his own wish, only one thousand dollars; but it was the express understanding that the difference between it and the sum proposed to be paid by the corporation of the University~ and declined by him, should be considered as an annual dona- tion to the law school. The sum thus given by him during the sixteen years of his professorship, could not have been less, on a moderate computation, than thirty-two thousand dollars. We have thought that such self-denial and generosity in one, who was far from wealthy, ought to be recorded. We next come to speak of Judge Story as an author. We shall not need to dwell upon his miscellaneous writings, for they are well known. His solid fame as an author, however, must rest on his legal treatises. His first work, Selections of Plead- ings in Civil Actions, was published anonymously, in 1804. Between this and his appointment as judge, he had edited sever- al important works with valuable annotations. While on the bench and before his appointment as professor, he had written many elaborate notes for Mr. Wheatons Reports, and had edited an edition of the laws of the United States. But it was not until he became professor of law that he wrote his principal works. And his labors in this line are almost incredible. In 1832, he published Commentaries on the Law of Bailments; in 1833, ~Commentaries on the Constitution, in 3 volumes, and an Abridgement of the same; in 1834, Commentaries on the Conflict of Laws; in 1836, Commentaries on Equity Jurisprudence, in 2 volumes; in 1838, a Treatise on Equity Pleadings, and a Treatise on the Law of Agency ; in 1841, Commentaries on Partnership ; in 1843, Commentaries on Bills of Exchange ; in 1845, a Treatise on Promissory Notes ; in all thirteen volumes, together with new editions of some of these works, in which they were rewritten and enlarged. Nor were these works of inferior value. On the contrary, they take rank with the standard treatises of the profession. They received the well considered praise of Marshall and Kent, and of the leading jurists of the country; they were favorably review~ -ed in the journals of England, France and Germany; they have voL. x. 20 154 Joseph Story. [Feb. been cited as authorities in all the courts of Westminster Hall; and one of the ablest and most learned jurists of the age, Lord Campbell, characterized the author, in the House of Lords, as the first of living writers on the law. It must be noticed, too, that these works were written amidst duties as judge and professor, which of themselves would be all that most men could perform with success. But Judge Story never neglected these duties. How was it that so much was accomplished? The literary habits of so able and laborious a writer, it is not only interesting but it may be useful to know. He did not, like Sir Walter Scott, labor in the early hours of the morning before eating; unlike Humboldt, who, though over eighty years of age, is said to write all his works literally in the night between the hours of ten in the evening and four in the morning, he never studied after tea, but spent the whole of the evening with his family. What, then, were his literary habits? We quote from the Memoirs: The secrets by which he was enabled to accomplish so much, were systematic industry, variation of labor, and concentration of mind. He was never idle. He knew the value of those odds and ends of time, which are so often thrown away as useless, and he turned them all to good account. His time and his work were apportioned, so that there was always something for the waste time to be expended upon. He varied his labor; never overworking himself on one subject, never straining his faculties too long in one direction, hut recreating himself by change of occupation. He never suffered himself to become nervous or excited in his studies. But the moment that one employment began to irritate him, he abandoned it for another wbich should exercise different faculties. When he worked, it was with his whole mind, and with the concentration of all his powers upon the suhject in hand. Listlessness and half-attention bring little to pass. What was worth doing at all he thought worth doing welL We here bring this brief sketch to an end. Judge Story was twice married. His first wife died in a few months after her marriage. His second wife survives him. But of a large family of children, some of whom died in early life, none remain but the son, who in these Memoirs has raised a monument of filial affection to the memory of his distinguished father. In the bosom of his family, Judge Story was the most delightful of men. The manner in which his son speaks of him in this rela- tion is equally to the praise of both. He was, he says, the sunshine of our family circle. Forgetful of himself, yet mind- ful of the least interest or pleasure of others; self-denying when the sacrifice was unknown and unappreciated; thoroughly un- selfish even in the details of life; generous of kind acts and expressions; satisfied with any portion of the good of daily life which might fall to him; the first to surrender his own wishes to the most careless whim of anotherjoyous, lively, beaming. So was he every day and all day. Judge Story was a firm be-. liever in Revelation; in his doctrinal views of that revelation, he was a Unitarian. He died on the 10th of September, 1845. 1852.] Literary Notices. 155 LITERARY NOTICES. The Quadrature of the Circle. By JOHN A. P& zaxu. New York: S. W. Benedict. This book, we are told, is not published for sale, but only printed for the exarni- nation of the curious. And a curiosity it is; as much so, we are sure, as any of the thousand and one treatises on the same subject to which mistaken ingenuity, or ambitious sciolism has in times past ~iven birth. The most prominent characteristics of this work are, a contempt of Algebra, a grudge against Professors, and a truly soldier-like way of cutting the Gordian knots of Geometry and Physics. It aims at a lofty mark; and did it possess but a tithe of the merits it claims for itself, its author should take rank as much above Newton and Laplace, as those notable men are now commonly supposed to do above the makers of such books as the one before us. For what does our author not accomplish? He proves (or tries to do so) that all Geometers, from Euclid to Seba Smith, have been but blockheads in the very A, B, Cs of their science; that a line has breadth; that the circumference of a circle i~ not the circumference, but something wholly outside of the circle. He shows half a dozen different ways of demonstrating the Quadrature, all equally conclusive; and assigns in whole numbers a definite ratio of diameter to circumference. Further- more, he solves in a twinkling the vexed problem of Three Bodies, and armed with power derived from these two achievements, he stands ready to do up the as- tronomical work of the whole world and of all time, single handed and nothing ter- rified. Yea, what have we in the book before us but a part of the work already accomplished? A priori, simply from his solution of the Quadrature, without a single observation, he determines the moons periods and the length of the year to the fraction of a second; also the exact precession of the equinoxes; the moon s diameter, so accurately that it is neither one mile, or one tenth of a mile, more nor less ; and with equal accuracy the precise distance of the earth from the sun. But the powers of this new engine of discovery by no means stop here. The au- thor says, I have already applied it extensively and with success, to others of the most important problems in astronomical science, and my present judgment is sat- isfied, that it is capable of being applied ad infinitum, to new discoveries of the laws and combinations which enter into the system of the universe, even (if the mind of man could embrace so much,) to determining the time, distance, magnitude and motion of every revolving body within the range of telescopic observation. How stupid governments are, and all others who spend thousands and hundreds of thousands of hard money on observatories, and wear out valuable lives in long nightly vigils, and tedious computations, when by going to Mr. John A. Parker they might have all their hard-wrought results figured out, a priori, and with per- fect accuracy, by a few easy dashes of his magic pen! Nay, our author gives us to understand that he thinks the United States Astronomical Expedition to Chili a use- less waste of labor and money, not because the results will be unimportant, but be- cause the same results may be determined, as he affirms, with much greater precision by his principles of reasoning than by any other method, and without the help of observations of any kind. But with all his extravagances, we must give the author credit for great industry, and in the construction of some of his propositions, for a large share of ingenuity. Indeed, in his management of the astronomical circles, he evinces singular adroit- ness in the use of numbers; for these periods, as he has determined them, could only have been arrived at by repeated trials, working backwards from the known periods to his assumed data. The only thing remarkable is, that be should have connected the two by a computation involving so few steps. Our surprise ceaseM

1852.] Literary Notices. 155 LITERARY NOTICES. The Quadrature of the Circle. By JOHN A. P& zaxu. New York: S. W. Benedict. This book, we are told, is not published for sale, but only printed for the exarni- nation of the curious. And a curiosity it is; as much so, we are sure, as any of the thousand and one treatises on the same subject to which mistaken ingenuity, or ambitious sciolism has in times past ~iven birth. The most prominent characteristics of this work are, a contempt of Algebra, a grudge against Professors, and a truly soldier-like way of cutting the Gordian knots of Geometry and Physics. It aims at a lofty mark; and did it possess but a tithe of the merits it claims for itself, its author should take rank as much above Newton and Laplace, as those notable men are now commonly supposed to do above the makers of such books as the one before us. For what does our author not accomplish? He proves (or tries to do so) that all Geometers, from Euclid to Seba Smith, have been but blockheads in the very A, B, Cs of their science; that a line has breadth; that the circumference of a circle i~ not the circumference, but something wholly outside of the circle. He shows half a dozen different ways of demonstrating the Quadrature, all equally conclusive; and assigns in whole numbers a definite ratio of diameter to circumference. Further- more, he solves in a twinkling the vexed problem of Three Bodies, and armed with power derived from these two achievements, he stands ready to do up the as- tronomical work of the whole world and of all time, single handed and nothing ter- rified. Yea, what have we in the book before us but a part of the work already accomplished? A priori, simply from his solution of the Quadrature, without a single observation, he determines the moons periods and the length of the year to the fraction of a second; also the exact precession of the equinoxes; the moon s diameter, so accurately that it is neither one mile, or one tenth of a mile, more nor less ; and with equal accuracy the precise distance of the earth from the sun. But the powers of this new engine of discovery by no means stop here. The au- thor says, I have already applied it extensively and with success, to others of the most important problems in astronomical science, and my present judgment is sat- isfied, that it is capable of being applied ad infinitum, to new discoveries of the laws and combinations which enter into the system of the universe, even (if the mind of man could embrace so much,) to determining the time, distance, magnitude and motion of every revolving body within the range of telescopic observation. How stupid governments are, and all others who spend thousands and hundreds of thousands of hard money on observatories, and wear out valuable lives in long nightly vigils, and tedious computations, when by going to Mr. John A. Parker they might have all their hard-wrought results figured out, a priori, and with per- fect accuracy, by a few easy dashes of his magic pen! Nay, our author gives us to understand that he thinks the United States Astronomical Expedition to Chili a use- less waste of labor and money, not because the results will be unimportant, but be- cause the same results may be determined, as he affirms, with much greater precision by his principles of reasoning than by any other method, and without the help of observations of any kind. But with all his extravagances, we must give the author credit for great industry, and in the construction of some of his propositions, for a large share of ingenuity. Indeed, in his management of the astronomical circles, he evinces singular adroit- ness in the use of numbers; for these periods, as he has determined them, could only have been arrived at by repeated trials, working backwards from the known periods to his assumed data. The only thing remarkable is, that be should have connected the two by a computation involving so few steps. Our surprise ceaseM

1852.] Literary Notices. 155 LITERARY NOTICES. The Quadrature of the Circle. By JOHN A. P& zaxu. New York: S. W. Benedict. This book, we are told, is not published for sale, but only printed for the exarni- nation of the curious. And a curiosity it is; as much so, we are sure, as any of the thousand and one treatises on the same subject to which mistaken ingenuity, or ambitious sciolism has in times past ~iven birth. The most prominent characteristics of this work are, a contempt of Algebra, a grudge against Professors, and a truly soldier-like way of cutting the Gordian knots of Geometry and Physics. It aims at a lofty mark; and did it possess but a tithe of the merits it claims for itself, its author should take rank as much above Newton and Laplace, as those notable men are now commonly supposed to do above the makers of such books as the one before us. For what does our author not accomplish? He proves (or tries to do so) that all Geometers, from Euclid to Seba Smith, have been but blockheads in the very A, B, Cs of their science; that a line has breadth; that the circumference of a circle i~ not the circumference, but something wholly outside of the circle. He shows half a dozen different ways of demonstrating the Quadrature, all equally conclusive; and assigns in whole numbers a definite ratio of diameter to circumference. Further- more, he solves in a twinkling the vexed problem of Three Bodies, and armed with power derived from these two achievements, he stands ready to do up the as- tronomical work of the whole world and of all time, single handed and nothing ter- rified. Yea, what have we in the book before us but a part of the work already accomplished? A priori, simply from his solution of the Quadrature, without a single observation, he determines the moons periods and the length of the year to the fraction of a second; also the exact precession of the equinoxes; the moon s diameter, so accurately that it is neither one mile, or one tenth of a mile, more nor less ; and with equal accuracy the precise distance of the earth from the sun. But the powers of this new engine of discovery by no means stop here. The au- thor says, I have already applied it extensively and with success, to others of the most important problems in astronomical science, and my present judgment is sat- isfied, that it is capable of being applied ad infinitum, to new discoveries of the laws and combinations which enter into the system of the universe, even (if the mind of man could embrace so much,) to determining the time, distance, magnitude and motion of every revolving body within the range of telescopic observation. How stupid governments are, and all others who spend thousands and hundreds of thousands of hard money on observatories, and wear out valuable lives in long nightly vigils, and tedious computations, when by going to Mr. John A. Parker they might have all their hard-wrought results figured out, a priori, and with per- fect accuracy, by a few easy dashes of his magic pen! Nay, our author gives us to understand that he thinks the United States Astronomical Expedition to Chili a use- less waste of labor and money, not because the results will be unimportant, but be- cause the same results may be determined, as he affirms, with much greater precision by his principles of reasoning than by any other method, and without the help of observations of any kind. But with all his extravagances, we must give the author credit for great industry, and in the construction of some of his propositions, for a large share of ingenuity. Indeed, in his management of the astronomical circles, he evinces singular adroit- ness in the use of numbers; for these periods, as he has determined them, could only have been arrived at by repeated trials, working backwards from the known periods to his assumed data. The only thing remarkable is, that be should have connected the two by a computation involving so few steps. Our surprise ceaseM 156 Literary Notices. [Feb. however, in a measure, when we notice that his processes are perfectly arbitrary, blending oftentimes like and unlike quantities, and regulated by no principle that can be applied to any other case than the one in hand. The whole reasoning of the book consists rather in a plentiful sprinkling of logical connectives than in any log- ical connection, a show of demonstration rather than the reality. But this notice is already longer than the real merits of the book will warrant, and we have neither room nor inclination to examine in detail its fallacies and in- congruities. They must be sufficiently obvious to any tyro in Geometry; and al- though the author seems reluctant to be convinced of them, they will scarcely mis- lead any mind of tolerable acuteness, and the thinking world will doubtless, as heretofore, cling pertinaciously to the belief, that Euclid and Newton were some- thing more than ignoramuses, and that the stupendous system of modern mechan- ics and astronomy, with all its wonderful simplicity and exactness of results, has not been built altogether on a foundation of sand. The great forerunner of the present treatise was Seba Smiths New Elements of Geometry. Mr. Parker, however, seems ashamed of his usher, and takes Mr. Smith to task for stealing his thunder, a contest, in our view of the subject, for a marrowless bone, and one in which the mastiff that beats gets the worst of the battle. A Wonder-Book for Girls and Boys: By NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE. With Engra- vings by BAKER, from Designs by BILLINGs. Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields, 1862. New Haven: T. H. Pease. We know not but it may be thought derogatory to the genius of Mr. Hawthorne to place this childs book among the best works which he has written, yet we have read nothing of his which either more displays the easy and graceful workings of genius, or more captivates every faculty of the mind of the reader. We had not thought there was so much life left in those old classical myths; we have here the Gorgons Head, Midas Golden Touch, Pandoras Box, The Golden Apples, The Miraculois Pitcher, The Chimalra, done into living realities of the present day. It was a fortunate thought, which, however, might have occurred to many; but per- fectly to execute the conception is the gift of genius. The myths are connected by a slight story, in which Eistace Bright, a student of Williams College, (and if that College has many such students, it is uncommonly favored,) recounts to a group of children the results of his reading in the classic fields. As Eustace Bright could be away from College probably only in vacations, the Author has been obliged, nothing reluctant however, to vary the scenes, and hence Cousin Eustace tells his stories now while on an Autumn nutting expedition, now at the Winter holydays shut up within door by a mighty snow-storm, and now on the hill-side in the merry month of May. Such a happy group of children and so charming a story-teller, we verily believe, cannot be found in the country outside of Old Berkshire. Sir RQqer De Coverly. By THE SPECTATOR. With Notes and illustrations; by W. H. WILLs. Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields, 1862. New Haven: T. H. Pease. 8vo. pp. 233. The reader has here the De Coverly papers selected from the Spectator, arranged as a continuous work, illustrated with notes, and printed in the old style, every noun beginning with a capital letter. We notice the last particular, because it gives an antique appearance to the page, and helps to bring before the mind the pages of some good old English edition of the Spectator, with which one may chance to be fa- ruiliar. We know not but that these papers may have been published in this form before; we have, however, never met with any such publication, and we think the plan an eminently good one. It introduces the reader in an easy way to one of the most distinctive and delightful characters in English literature; for we hold that Sir Roger is as marked a character as Macbeth or Hamlet.

156 Literary Notices. [Feb. however, in a measure, when we notice that his processes are perfectly arbitrary, blending oftentimes like and unlike quantities, and regulated by no principle that can be applied to any other case than the one in hand. The whole reasoning of the book consists rather in a plentiful sprinkling of logical connectives than in any log- ical connection, a show of demonstration rather than the reality. But this notice is already longer than the real merits of the book will warrant, and we have neither room nor inclination to examine in detail its fallacies and in- congruities. They must be sufficiently obvious to any tyro in Geometry; and al- though the author seems reluctant to be convinced of them, they will scarcely mis- lead any mind of tolerable acuteness, and the thinking world will doubtless, as heretofore, cling pertinaciously to the belief, that Euclid and Newton were some- thing more than ignoramuses, and that the stupendous system of modern mechan- ics and astronomy, with all its wonderful simplicity and exactness of results, has not been built altogether on a foundation of sand. The great forerunner of the present treatise was Seba Smiths New Elements of Geometry. Mr. Parker, however, seems ashamed of his usher, and takes Mr. Smith to task for stealing his thunder, a contest, in our view of the subject, for a marrowless bone, and one in which the mastiff that beats gets the worst of the battle. A Wonder-Book for Girls and Boys: By NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE. With Engra- vings by BAKER, from Designs by BILLINGs. Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields, 1862. New Haven: T. H. Pease. We know not but it may be thought derogatory to the genius of Mr. Hawthorne to place this childs book among the best works which he has written, yet we have read nothing of his which either more displays the easy and graceful workings of genius, or more captivates every faculty of the mind of the reader. We had not thought there was so much life left in those old classical myths; we have here the Gorgons Head, Midas Golden Touch, Pandoras Box, The Golden Apples, The Miraculois Pitcher, The Chimalra, done into living realities of the present day. It was a fortunate thought, which, however, might have occurred to many; but per- fectly to execute the conception is the gift of genius. The myths are connected by a slight story, in which Eistace Bright, a student of Williams College, (and if that College has many such students, it is uncommonly favored,) recounts to a group of children the results of his reading in the classic fields. As Eustace Bright could be away from College probably only in vacations, the Author has been obliged, nothing reluctant however, to vary the scenes, and hence Cousin Eustace tells his stories now while on an Autumn nutting expedition, now at the Winter holydays shut up within door by a mighty snow-storm, and now on the hill-side in the merry month of May. Such a happy group of children and so charming a story-teller, we verily believe, cannot be found in the country outside of Old Berkshire. Sir RQqer De Coverly. By THE SPECTATOR. With Notes and illustrations; by W. H. WILLs. Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields, 1862. New Haven: T. H. Pease. 8vo. pp. 233. The reader has here the De Coverly papers selected from the Spectator, arranged as a continuous work, illustrated with notes, and printed in the old style, every noun beginning with a capital letter. We notice the last particular, because it gives an antique appearance to the page, and helps to bring before the mind the pages of some good old English edition of the Spectator, with which one may chance to be fa- ruiliar. We know not but that these papers may have been published in this form before; we have, however, never met with any such publication, and we think the plan an eminently good one. It introduces the reader in an easy way to one of the most distinctive and delightful characters in English literature; for we hold that Sir Roger is as marked a character as Macbeth or Hamlet.

156 Literary Notices. [Feb. however, in a measure, when we notice that his processes are perfectly arbitrary, blending oftentimes like and unlike quantities, and regulated by no principle that can be applied to any other case than the one in hand. The whole reasoning of the book consists rather in a plentiful sprinkling of logical connectives than in any log- ical connection, a show of demonstration rather than the reality. But this notice is already longer than the real merits of the book will warrant, and we have neither room nor inclination to examine in detail its fallacies and in- congruities. They must be sufficiently obvious to any tyro in Geometry; and al- though the author seems reluctant to be convinced of them, they will scarcely mis- lead any mind of tolerable acuteness, and the thinking world will doubtless, as heretofore, cling pertinaciously to the belief, that Euclid and Newton were some- thing more than ignoramuses, and that the stupendous system of modern mechan- ics and astronomy, with all its wonderful simplicity and exactness of results, has not been built altogether on a foundation of sand. The great forerunner of the present treatise was Seba Smiths New Elements of Geometry. Mr. Parker, however, seems ashamed of his usher, and takes Mr. Smith to task for stealing his thunder, a contest, in our view of the subject, for a marrowless bone, and one in which the mastiff that beats gets the worst of the battle. A Wonder-Book for Girls and Boys: By NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE. With Engra- vings by BAKER, from Designs by BILLINGs. Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields, 1862. New Haven: T. H. Pease. We know not but it may be thought derogatory to the genius of Mr. Hawthorne to place this childs book among the best works which he has written, yet we have read nothing of his which either more displays the easy and graceful workings of genius, or more captivates every faculty of the mind of the reader. We had not thought there was so much life left in those old classical myths; we have here the Gorgons Head, Midas Golden Touch, Pandoras Box, The Golden Apples, The Miraculois Pitcher, The Chimalra, done into living realities of the present day. It was a fortunate thought, which, however, might have occurred to many; but per- fectly to execute the conception is the gift of genius. The myths are connected by a slight story, in which Eistace Bright, a student of Williams College, (and if that College has many such students, it is uncommonly favored,) recounts to a group of children the results of his reading in the classic fields. As Eustace Bright could be away from College probably only in vacations, the Author has been obliged, nothing reluctant however, to vary the scenes, and hence Cousin Eustace tells his stories now while on an Autumn nutting expedition, now at the Winter holydays shut up within door by a mighty snow-storm, and now on the hill-side in the merry month of May. Such a happy group of children and so charming a story-teller, we verily believe, cannot be found in the country outside of Old Berkshire. Sir RQqer De Coverly. By THE SPECTATOR. With Notes and illustrations; by W. H. WILLs. Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields, 1862. New Haven: T. H. Pease. 8vo. pp. 233. The reader has here the De Coverly papers selected from the Spectator, arranged as a continuous work, illustrated with notes, and printed in the old style, every noun beginning with a capital letter. We notice the last particular, because it gives an antique appearance to the page, and helps to bring before the mind the pages of some good old English edition of the Spectator, with which one may chance to be fa- ruiliar. We know not but that these papers may have been published in this form before; we have, however, never met with any such publication, and we think the plan an eminently good one. It introduces the reader in an easy way to one of the most distinctive and delightful characters in English literature; for we hold that Sir Roger is as marked a character as Macbeth or Hamlet. 1852.] Literary Notices. 157 First Impressions of England and its People. By HUGH MILLER, Author of The Foot-Prints of 0 reation, The Old Red Sand Stone, & c. Boston: Gould & Lin- coIn, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. In our May number, 1850, (pp. 23l250,) we published a review of this work of Mr. Miller, from a stray copy which fell in our way. We then expressed the opin- ion that Mr. Miller was to be ranked among the most accomplished writers of the age, and we have seen no reason to change that opinion. Indeed, every subse- quent work of his has raised him higher in our estimation. We are, of course, glad to see an American edition of The First Impressions, and doubt not it will re- ceive, as it deserves, a wide circulation. Hints to Employers; a Plea for Apprentices and Clerks. By JosEPH P. THOMP- SON, PastQr of the Broadway Tabernacle Church. New York: M. W. Dodd, 1851. The Moral Unity of the Human Race; A Sermon preached at the Ordination of LUTHER HALsEY GUL~CK, M. D., as a Missionary to the Micronesian Islands. With an Appendix. By the same. New York: M. W. Dodd. Christianity Essential to Liberty. A Sermon in aid of Hungary; preached on Thanksgiving, November 27, 1851. By the same. New York: Printed by S. W. Benedict, 16 Spruce Street, 1851. Mr. Thompson is pastor of one of the most important churches in New York city, has been, at least for the last year, the principal editor of the Independent, occasionallygives his aid to the New 1~nglander, and here we have three valuable printed discourses in addition to his other labors. The first of the above publica- tions was originally delivered as sermons in the usual course of ministerial services, and they bear marks of having been prepared from personal observation and with wise adaptation to the ~necessities of a commercial community. We have no doubt the work is equally adapted to other communities. The Sermon on The Moral Unity of the Human Race, is much more elaborate and learned. It dwells inci- dentally, though at some length, on the question of the descent of the race from one original pair, but is mainly devoted to a consideration of their moral unity, by which the author means the essential and universal likeness of man to man in moral character, in their conduct as social beings, and in their relations to right and wrong, to the law of their Creator, and to the future state. The topic is very well handled. The last sermon treats of a subject in our judgment of vast impor- tance. The great struggle of the civilized world is yet, we fear, to be carried on the struggle between a pure Christianity and free institutions on the one hand, and priestly hierarchies and political despotism on the other. This sermon is timely; it is well written and animated throughout with the right feeling. The Christians Daily Treasury: A religious exercise for every day in the yenr. By EBENEZER TEMPLE. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. The topics handled in this volume are almost entirely of a devotional cast; every thing of a controversial or sectarian character appears to have been studi- ously avoided. The thoughtful Christian will find in it much to elevate and guide his meditations on the inspired word. For the mass of readers, however, we doubt whether the style is not too formal and homiletic to be generally attractive. In fact, each exercise is a sort of skeleton or abstract of a sermon, with a formal enunciation of heads. Owing to this feature of the book, which was intentional on the part of the author, it differs but little from ordinary volumes of Skeletons, Preach- er s Manuals, and the like, except in the chronological arrangement of each topic under a separate day of the year. This method of treatment, however, may ren- der it specially acceptable to those celerical or lay preachers, who for want of time

1852.] Literary Notices. 157 First Impressions of England and its People. By HUGH MILLER, Author of The Foot-Prints of 0 reation, The Old Red Sand Stone, & c. Boston: Gould & Lin- coIn, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. In our May number, 1850, (pp. 23l250,) we published a review of this work of Mr. Miller, from a stray copy which fell in our way. We then expressed the opin- ion that Mr. Miller was to be ranked among the most accomplished writers of the age, and we have seen no reason to change that opinion. Indeed, every subse- quent work of his has raised him higher in our estimation. We are, of course, glad to see an American edition of The First Impressions, and doubt not it will re- ceive, as it deserves, a wide circulation. Hints to Employers; a Plea for Apprentices and Clerks. By JosEPH P. THOMP- SON, PastQr of the Broadway Tabernacle Church. New York: M. W. Dodd, 1851. The Moral Unity of the Human Race; A Sermon preached at the Ordination of LUTHER HALsEY GUL~CK, M. D., as a Missionary to the Micronesian Islands. With an Appendix. By the same. New York: M. W. Dodd. Christianity Essential to Liberty. A Sermon in aid of Hungary; preached on Thanksgiving, November 27, 1851. By the same. New York: Printed by S. W. Benedict, 16 Spruce Street, 1851. Mr. Thompson is pastor of one of the most important churches in New York city, has been, at least for the last year, the principal editor of the Independent, occasionallygives his aid to the New 1~nglander, and here we have three valuable printed discourses in addition to his other labors. The first of the above publica- tions was originally delivered as sermons in the usual course of ministerial services, and they bear marks of having been prepared from personal observation and with wise adaptation to the ~necessities of a commercial community. We have no doubt the work is equally adapted to other communities. The Sermon on The Moral Unity of the Human Race, is much more elaborate and learned. It dwells inci- dentally, though at some length, on the question of the descent of the race from one original pair, but is mainly devoted to a consideration of their moral unity, by which the author means the essential and universal likeness of man to man in moral character, in their conduct as social beings, and in their relations to right and wrong, to the law of their Creator, and to the future state. The topic is very well handled. The last sermon treats of a subject in our judgment of vast impor- tance. The great struggle of the civilized world is yet, we fear, to be carried on the struggle between a pure Christianity and free institutions on the one hand, and priestly hierarchies and political despotism on the other. This sermon is timely; it is well written and animated throughout with the right feeling. The Christians Daily Treasury: A religious exercise for every day in the yenr. By EBENEZER TEMPLE. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. The topics handled in this volume are almost entirely of a devotional cast; every thing of a controversial or sectarian character appears to have been studi- ously avoided. The thoughtful Christian will find in it much to elevate and guide his meditations on the inspired word. For the mass of readers, however, we doubt whether the style is not too formal and homiletic to be generally attractive. In fact, each exercise is a sort of skeleton or abstract of a sermon, with a formal enunciation of heads. Owing to this feature of the book, which was intentional on the part of the author, it differs but little from ordinary volumes of Skeletons, Preach- er s Manuals, and the like, except in the chronological arrangement of each topic under a separate day of the year. This method of treatment, however, may ren- der it specially acceptable to those celerical or lay preachers, who for want of time

1852.] Literary Notices. 157 First Impressions of England and its People. By HUGH MILLER, Author of The Foot-Prints of 0 reation, The Old Red Sand Stone, & c. Boston: Gould & Lin- coIn, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. In our May number, 1850, (pp. 23l250,) we published a review of this work of Mr. Miller, from a stray copy which fell in our way. We then expressed the opin- ion that Mr. Miller was to be ranked among the most accomplished writers of the age, and we have seen no reason to change that opinion. Indeed, every subse- quent work of his has raised him higher in our estimation. We are, of course, glad to see an American edition of The First Impressions, and doubt not it will re- ceive, as it deserves, a wide circulation. Hints to Employers; a Plea for Apprentices and Clerks. By JosEPH P. THOMP- SON, PastQr of the Broadway Tabernacle Church. New York: M. W. Dodd, 1851. The Moral Unity of the Human Race; A Sermon preached at the Ordination of LUTHER HALsEY GUL~CK, M. D., as a Missionary to the Micronesian Islands. With an Appendix. By the same. New York: M. W. Dodd. Christianity Essential to Liberty. A Sermon in aid of Hungary; preached on Thanksgiving, November 27, 1851. By the same. New York: Printed by S. W. Benedict, 16 Spruce Street, 1851. Mr. Thompson is pastor of one of the most important churches in New York city, has been, at least for the last year, the principal editor of the Independent, occasionallygives his aid to the New 1~nglander, and here we have three valuable printed discourses in addition to his other labors. The first of the above publica- tions was originally delivered as sermons in the usual course of ministerial services, and they bear marks of having been prepared from personal observation and with wise adaptation to the ~necessities of a commercial community. We have no doubt the work is equally adapted to other communities. The Sermon on The Moral Unity of the Human Race, is much more elaborate and learned. It dwells inci- dentally, though at some length, on the question of the descent of the race from one original pair, but is mainly devoted to a consideration of their moral unity, by which the author means the essential and universal likeness of man to man in moral character, in their conduct as social beings, and in their relations to right and wrong, to the law of their Creator, and to the future state. The topic is very well handled. The last sermon treats of a subject in our judgment of vast impor- tance. The great struggle of the civilized world is yet, we fear, to be carried on the struggle between a pure Christianity and free institutions on the one hand, and priestly hierarchies and political despotism on the other. This sermon is timely; it is well written and animated throughout with the right feeling. The Christians Daily Treasury: A religious exercise for every day in the yenr. By EBENEZER TEMPLE. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. The topics handled in this volume are almost entirely of a devotional cast; every thing of a controversial or sectarian character appears to have been studi- ously avoided. The thoughtful Christian will find in it much to elevate and guide his meditations on the inspired word. For the mass of readers, however, we doubt whether the style is not too formal and homiletic to be generally attractive. In fact, each exercise is a sort of skeleton or abstract of a sermon, with a formal enunciation of heads. Owing to this feature of the book, which was intentional on the part of the author, it differs but little from ordinary volumes of Skeletons, Preach- er s Manuals, and the like, except in the chronological arrangement of each topic under a separate day of the year. This method of treatment, however, may ren- der it specially acceptable to those celerical or lay preachers, who for want of time

1852.] Literary Notices. 157 First Impressions of England and its People. By HUGH MILLER, Author of The Foot-Prints of 0 reation, The Old Red Sand Stone, & c. Boston: Gould & Lin- coIn, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. In our May number, 1850, (pp. 23l250,) we published a review of this work of Mr. Miller, from a stray copy which fell in our way. We then expressed the opin- ion that Mr. Miller was to be ranked among the most accomplished writers of the age, and we have seen no reason to change that opinion. Indeed, every subse- quent work of his has raised him higher in our estimation. We are, of course, glad to see an American edition of The First Impressions, and doubt not it will re- ceive, as it deserves, a wide circulation. Hints to Employers; a Plea for Apprentices and Clerks. By JosEPH P. THOMP- SON, PastQr of the Broadway Tabernacle Church. New York: M. W. Dodd, 1851. The Moral Unity of the Human Race; A Sermon preached at the Ordination of LUTHER HALsEY GUL~CK, M. D., as a Missionary to the Micronesian Islands. With an Appendix. By the same. New York: M. W. Dodd. Christianity Essential to Liberty. A Sermon in aid of Hungary; preached on Thanksgiving, November 27, 1851. By the same. New York: Printed by S. W. Benedict, 16 Spruce Street, 1851. Mr. Thompson is pastor of one of the most important churches in New York city, has been, at least for the last year, the principal editor of the Independent, occasionallygives his aid to the New 1~nglander, and here we have three valuable printed discourses in addition to his other labors. The first of the above publica- tions was originally delivered as sermons in the usual course of ministerial services, and they bear marks of having been prepared from personal observation and with wise adaptation to the ~necessities of a commercial community. We have no doubt the work is equally adapted to other communities. The Sermon on The Moral Unity of the Human Race, is much more elaborate and learned. It dwells inci- dentally, though at some length, on the question of the descent of the race from one original pair, but is mainly devoted to a consideration of their moral unity, by which the author means the essential and universal likeness of man to man in moral character, in their conduct as social beings, and in their relations to right and wrong, to the law of their Creator, and to the future state. The topic is very well handled. The last sermon treats of a subject in our judgment of vast impor- tance. The great struggle of the civilized world is yet, we fear, to be carried on the struggle between a pure Christianity and free institutions on the one hand, and priestly hierarchies and political despotism on the other. This sermon is timely; it is well written and animated throughout with the right feeling. The Christians Daily Treasury: A religious exercise for every day in the yenr. By EBENEZER TEMPLE. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. The topics handled in this volume are almost entirely of a devotional cast; every thing of a controversial or sectarian character appears to have been studi- ously avoided. The thoughtful Christian will find in it much to elevate and guide his meditations on the inspired word. For the mass of readers, however, we doubt whether the style is not too formal and homiletic to be generally attractive. In fact, each exercise is a sort of skeleton or abstract of a sermon, with a formal enunciation of heads. Owing to this feature of the book, which was intentional on the part of the author, it differs but little from ordinary volumes of Skeletons, Preach- er s Manuals, and the like, except in the chronological arrangement of each topic under a separate day of the year. This method of treatment, however, may ren- der it specially acceptable to those celerical or lay preachers, who for want of time

1852.] Literary Notices. 157 First Impressions of England and its People. By HUGH MILLER, Author of The Foot-Prints of 0 reation, The Old Red Sand Stone, & c. Boston: Gould & Lin- coIn, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. In our May number, 1850, (pp. 23l250,) we published a review of this work of Mr. Miller, from a stray copy which fell in our way. We then expressed the opin- ion that Mr. Miller was to be ranked among the most accomplished writers of the age, and we have seen no reason to change that opinion. Indeed, every subse- quent work of his has raised him higher in our estimation. We are, of course, glad to see an American edition of The First Impressions, and doubt not it will re- ceive, as it deserves, a wide circulation. Hints to Employers; a Plea for Apprentices and Clerks. By JosEPH P. THOMP- SON, PastQr of the Broadway Tabernacle Church. New York: M. W. Dodd, 1851. The Moral Unity of the Human Race; A Sermon preached at the Ordination of LUTHER HALsEY GUL~CK, M. D., as a Missionary to the Micronesian Islands. With an Appendix. By the same. New York: M. W. Dodd. Christianity Essential to Liberty. A Sermon in aid of Hungary; preached on Thanksgiving, November 27, 1851. By the same. New York: Printed by S. W. Benedict, 16 Spruce Street, 1851. Mr. Thompson is pastor of one of the most important churches in New York city, has been, at least for the last year, the principal editor of the Independent, occasionallygives his aid to the New 1~nglander, and here we have three valuable printed discourses in addition to his other labors. The first of the above publica- tions was originally delivered as sermons in the usual course of ministerial services, and they bear marks of having been prepared from personal observation and with wise adaptation to the ~necessities of a commercial community. We have no doubt the work is equally adapted to other communities. The Sermon on The Moral Unity of the Human Race, is much more elaborate and learned. It dwells inci- dentally, though at some length, on the question of the descent of the race from one original pair, but is mainly devoted to a consideration of their moral unity, by which the author means the essential and universal likeness of man to man in moral character, in their conduct as social beings, and in their relations to right and wrong, to the law of their Creator, and to the future state. The topic is very well handled. The last sermon treats of a subject in our judgment of vast impor- tance. The great struggle of the civilized world is yet, we fear, to be carried on the struggle between a pure Christianity and free institutions on the one hand, and priestly hierarchies and political despotism on the other. This sermon is timely; it is well written and animated throughout with the right feeling. The Christians Daily Treasury: A religious exercise for every day in the yenr. By EBENEZER TEMPLE. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. The topics handled in this volume are almost entirely of a devotional cast; every thing of a controversial or sectarian character appears to have been studi- ously avoided. The thoughtful Christian will find in it much to elevate and guide his meditations on the inspired word. For the mass of readers, however, we doubt whether the style is not too formal and homiletic to be generally attractive. In fact, each exercise is a sort of skeleton or abstract of a sermon, with a formal enunciation of heads. Owing to this feature of the book, which was intentional on the part of the author, it differs but little from ordinary volumes of Skeletons, Preach- er s Manuals, and the like, except in the chronological arrangement of each topic under a separate day of the year. This method of treatment, however, may ren- der it specially acceptable to those celerical or lay preachers, who for want of time

1852.] Literary Notices. 157 First Impressions of England and its People. By HUGH MILLER, Author of The Foot-Prints of 0 reation, The Old Red Sand Stone, & c. Boston: Gould & Lin- coIn, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. In our May number, 1850, (pp. 23l250,) we published a review of this work of Mr. Miller, from a stray copy which fell in our way. We then expressed the opin- ion that Mr. Miller was to be ranked among the most accomplished writers of the age, and we have seen no reason to change that opinion. Indeed, every subse- quent work of his has raised him higher in our estimation. We are, of course, glad to see an American edition of The First Impressions, and doubt not it will re- ceive, as it deserves, a wide circulation. Hints to Employers; a Plea for Apprentices and Clerks. By JosEPH P. THOMP- SON, PastQr of the Broadway Tabernacle Church. New York: M. W. Dodd, 1851. The Moral Unity of the Human Race; A Sermon preached at the Ordination of LUTHER HALsEY GUL~CK, M. D., as a Missionary to the Micronesian Islands. With an Appendix. By the same. New York: M. W. Dodd. Christianity Essential to Liberty. A Sermon in aid of Hungary; preached on Thanksgiving, November 27, 1851. By the same. New York: Printed by S. W. Benedict, 16 Spruce Street, 1851. Mr. Thompson is pastor of one of the most important churches in New York city, has been, at least for the last year, the principal editor of the Independent, occasionallygives his aid to the New 1~nglander, and here we have three valuable printed discourses in addition to his other labors. The first of the above publica- tions was originally delivered as sermons in the usual course of ministerial services, and they bear marks of having been prepared from personal observation and with wise adaptation to the ~necessities of a commercial community. We have no doubt the work is equally adapted to other communities. The Sermon on The Moral Unity of the Human Race, is much more elaborate and learned. It dwells inci- dentally, though at some length, on the question of the descent of the race from one original pair, but is mainly devoted to a consideration of their moral unity, by which the author means the essential and universal likeness of man to man in moral character, in their conduct as social beings, and in their relations to right and wrong, to the law of their Creator, and to the future state. The topic is very well handled. The last sermon treats of a subject in our judgment of vast impor- tance. The great struggle of the civilized world is yet, we fear, to be carried on the struggle between a pure Christianity and free institutions on the one hand, and priestly hierarchies and political despotism on the other. This sermon is timely; it is well written and animated throughout with the right feeling. The Christians Daily Treasury: A religious exercise for every day in the yenr. By EBENEZER TEMPLE. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington Street, 1851. New Haven: T. H. Pease. The topics handled in this volume are almost entirely of a devotional cast; every thing of a controversial or sectarian character appears to have been studi- ously avoided. The thoughtful Christian will find in it much to elevate and guide his meditations on the inspired word. For the mass of readers, however, we doubt whether the style is not too formal and homiletic to be generally attractive. In fact, each exercise is a sort of skeleton or abstract of a sermon, with a formal enunciation of heads. Owing to this feature of the book, which was intentional on the part of the author, it differs but little from ordinary volumes of Skeletons, Preach- er s Manuals, and the like, except in the chronological arrangement of each topic under a separate day of the year. This method of treatment, however, may ren- der it specially acceptable to those celerical or lay preachers, who for want of time 158 Literary Notices. [Feb. or any other reason, find it not always convenient to plan their own discourses, particularly when they have at hand a copious manual of ready-made skeletons. It was for this class that the work was partly designed by its author. Nevertheless, its perusal will be far from unprofitable to Christians in generaL The fact that it has reached a second edition, shows that its merits have not been overlooked by the public. Christian Duty: Pastoral Addresses chiefly on the subject of Christian Duty. By Joins ANGEL JAMES. New York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 288 Broadway, 1852. Mr. James is well known throughout the churches of England and America. His publications, which have been numerous, are characterized by good sense and sound judgment, and are written in a pleasing and perspicuous style; but what has given to them their hold upon the religious community is the tone of piety and the Biblical style of the doctrines which pervade them. The present volume is made up of special addresses to the people of his charge. They are on such subjects as the duty of meditation, prayer and practice, attendance on week-day servi- ces, Satanic temptation, & c., and the whole number is twenty-four. The exten- sive circulation of this volume would be of great advantage to the churches. A Wreath around the Cross: Or, Scripture Truths fllustrated. By Rev. A. MORTON BaowN, Author of The Leader of the Lollards, etc., with a Recommendatory Preface. By JOHN ANGEL JAMES. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington St., 1851. New Haven: T.H.Pease. The public are here presented with a number of charming little readings on topics of deepest interest. These topics are such as the following: The Cross needed ; the way to the Cross; the Cross set up; the sufferings of the Cross; med- itation by it; life from it; faith in it, & c. Under each of these, are several sub- ordinate particulars expanded each into a short chapter, apparently designed to be read in connection with closet prayer. Each reading is spirited and spiritual, tasteful, affectionate, earnest and hortatory. Together the series constitutes what may well be termed a Wreath around the Cross, a beautiful chaplet of religious truths. Like the Anxious Inquirer of James, the work is well suited to a class of minds, se- riously inclined, yet professing no experimental piety. By such, and by Christians generally, we apprehend, it will be found highly instructive and devotionaL It is issued by Messrs. Gould & Lincoln, in an attractive style, and will find, we hope, many an interested and quickened reader. Christian Aspects of Faith and Duty. Discourses by JOHN JAMES TAyLoR, B. A. From the London Edition, with an Introduction. New York: C. S. Francis & Co., 252 Broadway, 1851. l2mo. pp. 349. This is a well-written and interesting volume. Its theology is sometimes erro- neous and oftener shadowy and defective, like that of the best writers of the better Unitarian school, while its practical tendency is elevating and healthful. There are few books which present views of Christian duty so enlarged and yet so search- ing and thorough. It speaks the thoughts and feelings of many inquirers after truth, as well as to the thoughts and feelings of such inquirers, and as far as it goes it speaks the words of sympathy and faithful counsel. it is also eminently adapted to the times, as the writer concerns himself with many of the local questions of the day, and with the special relation of Christian duty to these great problems. He deals faithfully with the prevailing worldliness of the times, and applies more searching and spiritual rules and tests in relation to these tendencies than is common in writers who pretend to greater vigor of faith and life. We wish that such books as these could be read more extensively by our clergy and educated laity. It is

158 Literary Notices. [Feb. or any other reason, find it not always convenient to plan their own discourses, particularly when they have at hand a copious manual of ready-made skeletons. It was for this class that the work was partly designed by its author. Nevertheless, its perusal will be far from unprofitable to Christians in generaL The fact that it has reached a second edition, shows that its merits have not been overlooked by the public. Christian Duty: Pastoral Addresses chiefly on the subject of Christian Duty. By Joins ANGEL JAMES. New York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 288 Broadway, 1852. Mr. James is well known throughout the churches of England and America. His publications, which have been numerous, are characterized by good sense and sound judgment, and are written in a pleasing and perspicuous style; but what has given to them their hold upon the religious community is the tone of piety and the Biblical style of the doctrines which pervade them. The present volume is made up of special addresses to the people of his charge. They are on such subjects as the duty of meditation, prayer and practice, attendance on week-day servi- ces, Satanic temptation, & c., and the whole number is twenty-four. The exten- sive circulation of this volume would be of great advantage to the churches. A Wreath around the Cross: Or, Scripture Truths fllustrated. By Rev. A. MORTON BaowN, Author of The Leader of the Lollards, etc., with a Recommendatory Preface. By JOHN ANGEL JAMES. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington St., 1851. New Haven: T.H.Pease. The public are here presented with a number of charming little readings on topics of deepest interest. These topics are such as the following: The Cross needed ; the way to the Cross; the Cross set up; the sufferings of the Cross; med- itation by it; life from it; faith in it, & c. Under each of these, are several sub- ordinate particulars expanded each into a short chapter, apparently designed to be read in connection with closet prayer. Each reading is spirited and spiritual, tasteful, affectionate, earnest and hortatory. Together the series constitutes what may well be termed a Wreath around the Cross, a beautiful chaplet of religious truths. Like the Anxious Inquirer of James, the work is well suited to a class of minds, se- riously inclined, yet professing no experimental piety. By such, and by Christians generally, we apprehend, it will be found highly instructive and devotionaL It is issued by Messrs. Gould & Lincoln, in an attractive style, and will find, we hope, many an interested and quickened reader. Christian Aspects of Faith and Duty. Discourses by JOHN JAMES TAyLoR, B. A. From the London Edition, with an Introduction. New York: C. S. Francis & Co., 252 Broadway, 1851. l2mo. pp. 349. This is a well-written and interesting volume. Its theology is sometimes erro- neous and oftener shadowy and defective, like that of the best writers of the better Unitarian school, while its practical tendency is elevating and healthful. There are few books which present views of Christian duty so enlarged and yet so search- ing and thorough. It speaks the thoughts and feelings of many inquirers after truth, as well as to the thoughts and feelings of such inquirers, and as far as it goes it speaks the words of sympathy and faithful counsel. it is also eminently adapted to the times, as the writer concerns himself with many of the local questions of the day, and with the special relation of Christian duty to these great problems. He deals faithfully with the prevailing worldliness of the times, and applies more searching and spiritual rules and tests in relation to these tendencies than is common in writers who pretend to greater vigor of faith and life. We wish that such books as these could be read more extensively by our clergy and educated laity. It is

158 Literary Notices. [Feb. or any other reason, find it not always convenient to plan their own discourses, particularly when they have at hand a copious manual of ready-made skeletons. It was for this class that the work was partly designed by its author. Nevertheless, its perusal will be far from unprofitable to Christians in generaL The fact that it has reached a second edition, shows that its merits have not been overlooked by the public. Christian Duty: Pastoral Addresses chiefly on the subject of Christian Duty. By Joins ANGEL JAMES. New York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 288 Broadway, 1852. Mr. James is well known throughout the churches of England and America. His publications, which have been numerous, are characterized by good sense and sound judgment, and are written in a pleasing and perspicuous style; but what has given to them their hold upon the religious community is the tone of piety and the Biblical style of the doctrines which pervade them. The present volume is made up of special addresses to the people of his charge. They are on such subjects as the duty of meditation, prayer and practice, attendance on week-day servi- ces, Satanic temptation, & c., and the whole number is twenty-four. The exten- sive circulation of this volume would be of great advantage to the churches. A Wreath around the Cross: Or, Scripture Truths fllustrated. By Rev. A. MORTON BaowN, Author of The Leader of the Lollards, etc., with a Recommendatory Preface. By JOHN ANGEL JAMES. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 59 Washington St., 1851. New Haven: T.H.Pease. The public are here presented with a number of charming little readings on topics of deepest interest. These topics are such as the following: The Cross needed ; the way to the Cross; the Cross set up; the sufferings of the Cross; med- itation by it; life from it; faith in it, & c. Under each of these, are several sub- ordinate particulars expanded each into a short chapter, apparently designed to be read in connection with closet prayer. Each reading is spirited and spiritual, tasteful, affectionate, earnest and hortatory. Together the series constitutes what may well be termed a Wreath around the Cross, a beautiful chaplet of religious truths. Like the Anxious Inquirer of James, the work is well suited to a class of minds, se- riously inclined, yet professing no experimental piety. By such, and by Christians generally, we apprehend, it will be f