/ / ) NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. No. CCCCXCJV. JANUARY, 1898. WHY HONJICIDE hAS INCREASED IN THE UNITED STATES.H. BY PROFESSOR CESARE LOMBROSO. BARBARISM AND CIVILIZATION. THE special conditions under which North American civiliza- tion has been developed are such that the results, even with respect to the white race, present an intermingling of the effects and dangers of the maximum of civilization and the maximum of barbarism. The types developed by Aryan civilization are two- fold ; the first is a type of violence, where the struggle for exis- tence is met by force, political power, and wealth, which unite and maintain themselves by arms to the detriment of the weak; and as competition between ancient communities was supported by armed forces, so at the present time litigation is frequently an- ticipated and solved by violent means. Brigandage may be re- garded as a species of natural adaptation to the conditions arising from bad government. When the police fail to provide protec- tion against oppression and crime, when the ministers of the law tyrannize over the weak and are blind to the wrongdoing of the strong, then brigandage, like the cctmorra, steps in and opposes cunning and force to the evil conditions existing. In other words, it becomes a sort of wild justice, substituting its own say- VOL. OLXVT.NO. 494. 1 Copyright. iSIIT, by Tirs NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW PrrnLrsrnNe COMPANY. All rights reserved. 2 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. age methods for the civil justice which is lacking. Thus, during the time of serfdom in Russia, the mujik had no defence save homicide against the intolerable tyranny of his master, the con- sequence being that there was hardly a great family in the coun- try but could count a number of assassinations among its mem- bers. The Cafoni, testified Govone before a commission of inquiry in Southern Italy, consider brigandage as the avenger of the wrongs they suffer at the hands of society. We have, wrote Franchetti, a class of peasants who are almost agricultural slaves, and, on the other hand, a group of persons who appear to hold themselves superior to the law; so that the former, finding that the law affords them no protection, have acquired the habit of taking justice into their own hands. Add to this the savage prejudice, widely inculcated, that he who would not avenge an insult is no man, and, therefore, that manly dignity demands that he should execute justice himself and not through the medium of the law, and it becomes evident how violence comes to be considered a virtue. So rooted was this idea that up to a very recent period a Roman woman of the people would have re- fused~ to marry a man who had never used his dagger, and no husband would ever assist the authorities to place their hands upon a robber or an assassin. The other and more modern type of civilization shows a ten- dency; with the growth of government offices, universities, chari- table institutions, hospitals, etc., to desert the small centres and to establish itself in more active communities where the criminally inclined find greater inducements and greater im- punity, and where the mere fact of agglomeration frequently acts as a spur to crime and immorality. In such a state of civilization the struggle for existence is carried on with craft and deceit; the cavilling of lawyers takes the place of the duel; political power is acquired, not by force of arms, but with money extracted from the pockets of others by official fraud or by tricks of the exchanges; while commercial war is carried on not only by perfecting the means of production, but also by deceit and by adulterations, which furnish the illusion of cheapness. Each of these types of civilization has its corresponding special type of criminality. The one accompanied by violence has within WHY HOMICIDE HAS INCREASED IN AMERICA. 3 it a spirit of atavic criminality. Jt shows a tendency to return to primitive conditions, to a state of barbarism, which blunts the moral sense. Far from shuddering at homicide, it frequently considers that crime as heroic, and revenge as a duty. Crimes of blood are thus multiplied and the formation ~of criminal associations encouraged. In an advanced state of civilization excessive culture intro- duces new forms of crime; such, for instance, as homicide for the purpose of collecting insurance, or murder by means of arsenic acid in times of cholera. * Civilization, by weakening family ties, not only tends to in- crease the number of foundlings (to become future criminals) but also to the abandonment of the aged, and to an increase of rape and infanticide. Liberal political laws, new forms of popular government, and a free press widely diffused, all favor the formation of cor- porations, either commercial or for mutual aid. A semblance of politics being infiltered into these, they are sometimes enabled to enjoy immunity foi acts which, if committed by an individual, would bring the latter within reach of the law. These two types of criminality, like the two types of civiliza- tion, are to be found in the United States. In some of the newer States where civilization has only recently penetrated, and to which has been attracted the least cultured class of immigrants, the population is sparse and the meaus of social defence are few. In some parts of those sections, acquired as they were by methods all too primitivethat is, by violently expeiJing the red-man homicide may be said to be the only defence in case the settlers rights are transgressed. Those who invaded the terri- tory of the Indian and who based their rights upon conquest, thought no more of killing a red-man than a hunter would of killing a monkey, and the consequence was they became so accustomed to homicide that the instinct has not yet become eradicated. The same may be said of- the former slave holders, who were so used to disposing cf the lives of their slaves that no * In Vienna there was found to exist an association of mendicants who had their passports, false declarations, and a corps of travelling agents. the latter receiving 30 per cent. for information furnished by them. Armand had conceived the crime of feigning to have been bound andnearly strangled by his employer from whom he would subsequenty demand hush-money. The knowledge that the sym- toms of cholera are similar to those produced by arsenic acid poison suggested to two doctors, during a cholera epidemic, the idea of insuring their patients and then poisoning them with that drug. 4 THE NORTH AiWERIGAN REVIEW. more importance was attached to the life of a negro than to that of a domestic animal in Europe. The barbarons condition still continues in those States which have been but recently admitted to the Union, and is rampant in those where gold is sought for in vast solitudes where man re- turns to almost the primitive state, and where his own individual energy or that of a small groupI might almost say clanis the surest gnarantee of defence and of the accomplishment of his aim. Under circumstances like these, violence frequently becomes legitimate and homicide an act of defence. Even when the cause has ceased, and when the law, with that rapidity which is only witnessed in the Northern States, steps in and asserts itself, as in California, even then respect for human life is not deeply rooted. Homicides continue frequent, authority is de fled, whether it be for the purpose of destroying industrial competi- tion or putting an end to private strifes, or for the purpose of revenge. Frequently a criminal society is seen dominating a wide extent of country by instituting a reign of terror in the community. Such were the Molly Maguires and the White Caps, so powerful a few years ago in the Central States. No less numerous are the crimes provoked by what may be termed the excessive civilization and too rapid progress of the United States. The vast extent of the country, containing un- mense tracts of virgin soil, and the long lines of railroad, great stretches of which are hundreds of miles distant from any civilized centre, furnish opportunities for a special crime, train wrecking for the purpose of robbery, resulting frequently in the killing of the passengers. In addition to this,owing to the vast de- velopment of the railroad system and the great speed at which trains are run in obedience to the demands of feverish Atnerican life, railroad accidants, with their attendant casualties, are so frequent that from 1888 to 1892 30,000 people are said to have been killed and 50,000 wounded in such disasters. Even some of the greatest and most important of the econo- mical associations of America, as for example that of life insurance, furnish to heartless speculators in human life incentives for as- sassination; and again progress in chemical and toxicological science is brought into the service of crime, as witness the case of Holmes, to whom poison served as the means and life insurance the motive for the commission of his nefarious deeds. So true WHY HOMICIDE HAS I1VCREASED IN AMERICA. 5 it seems to be that no great benefit is introduced but it is ac- companied in its train by some deplorable evil. In fact, not only chemical and toxicological science, but all the other facilities of modern times are brought into play for the commission of crime, notably the telegraph, the telephone and the advertising columns of the newspapers, the latter being employed even in Australia, where not-a few crimes have been occasioned by life insurance and facilitated by advertisements in the press. Even progress in libertythat progress which has placed America in the van- guard of civilizationhas at times been made the occasion of sanguinary crimes, as witness the cases of presidential assassina- tion at the hands of political fanatics. To the same cause may be attributed the woundings and killings during electoral and especially during Presidential campaigns, which are not infre- quent occurrences in the United States. It is precisely this great American liberty which, by con- founding politics with justice, particularly at the time of elec- tions, occasionally renders the judges partial to criminals of their own party, thus weakening the law and the police, and convert- ing these into mere instruments of a political faction. These forces become still more inadequate by reason of the limited number of officials and by the fact that their term of office lasts for but a brief period. To this must be added the further fact that, as the action of the law and the police is confined within the limits of the State, it would seem that there must be a tendency toward insufficiency and tardiness in the repression of crime. This explains, if it does not justify, public executions, which may, for the public welfare, serve as a counterpoise to judicial subtility and the insufficiency of the police, but are often the cause of a new kind of homicide perhaps graver in its effects, since it accustoms the most civilized and humane people in the world to scenes of violenceto the terrible spectacle of collective homicide, a spectacle which at times seems to produce the very crime it is supposed t6 repress. Hence it is that, with a view to preventing this tendency and to debar the public from witnessing the spectacle of capital pun- ishment, several of the States have provided for the infliction of the death penalty within the confines of the prison. But one might ask, what do these rare cases of humane precaution avail, when impunity is accorded to the parties engaged in those un 6 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. merous public executions which are the result of lynch law, and in which otherwise honest men are not only spectators but will- ing participants; executions where frequently the solemnity (at least apparent) of legal capital punishment is superseded by ribaldry and brutal laughter, where not only is the supposed cul- prit put to death, presumably for the public welfare, but the crowd enjoys the sight of his frequently prolonged suffering, thus reviving medkeval torture for the sake of the diversion and en- joyment of the mob. Further, as I have before observed, a high state of civilization seems to lead to the abuse of stimulating and exciting substances such as alcohol, cocaine, and hashish; for, the nervous centres being more keenly developed, there ensues a greater necessity for nervous excitement. Hence the statistics showing 20 per cent. of purely alcoholic homicides, a figure which would probatly be greatly increased if we were able to give the number, certainly not insignificant, of morphiomaniacs, the victims of cocaine and ether, etc., who are led to crime by these intoxicants. I think I should add as an additional cause of crime that stimulus to imitation, the publication by the press of minute de- tails of criminal incidents, reports of the police courts, accom- panied by portraits, autographs, and biographies of criminals, all of which becomes more harmful when we consider that it is furnished to a community where but 22 per cent. of the native criminals are illiterate, Some people, as La Place has well said, inherit from nature an organism prone to evil, but they do not indulge in evil acts until they are incited thereto by hearing of or witnessing the crimes of others. Some years ago a package of checks was found wrapped in a piece of paper upon which the thief had written these unhappy lines taken from a romance by Bourrasque: Conscience is a word invented to scare the ignorant and to con- strain them to drag out their lives in misery. Thrones and mil- lions are acquired only by fraud and violence. The page con- taining these sentiments had been fatal to him. Imitation, especially when it arises from newspaper reading, is a fruitful source of homicide. It was observed that barely had the news of the murder of Bishop Sibour been published, when two other bishops were assassinated, and the report of the trial of Philippe, the strangler of servant girls, brought forth imitators in WHY HOMICIDE HAS INCREASED IN AMERICA. 7 the shape of Billoir and Moyan; while Grimaud first of all at- tempted incendiarism, then killed his wife and threw nitric acid into the face of a friend, simply because he had read about simi- lar crimes in the newspapers and he wished to achieve a like notoriety. In 1851 a woman in New York murdered her hus- band, and it was only a few days later that several others perpe- trated the same crime. The crime of Troppmann produced such. a sensation that for several days the circulation of the Petit Journal rose to 500,000 and that of Figaro to 250,000 per day; and it is a fact that, very shortly afterwards, this wretch found an imitator in Belgium by the name of Monster. Another curious proof of the force of example in such cases was seen in Turin. It was found one morning that the bank of Signor R had been broken into. The police arrested the secretary, in whose house was discovered the stolen money, which he declared he had taken without any intention of using it; in fact, he could readily have stolen it without breaking in, but he desired to put in prac- tice a crime similar to one of which he had read in the papers a few days before. His employer declared his confidence in the truth of the secretarys story, for he knew him to be an inveter- ate newspaper reader, and as soon as the culprit was released from jail he was reinstated in his old position. Finally, there is that perpetual quota (which I have calcu- lated to form 26 per cent.) of born criminals, almost all of them epileptics or morally insanepersons whom no civilization could cure, and who are to be found in all countries, including Eng- land, which has the lowest minimum of homicide. Train robbers are, for the most part, probably of this class; they are attracted to that very dangerous crime after having committed highway robbery and murder, simply because they are born criminals, and they become such preys to the vanity of crime that the most obtuse of police might recognize them at a glance. Thus, Bosco tells us of a certain working mechanic, who, after leading a criminal career in Texas, engaged in a certain train robbery, and was wounded in the act. The day after the crime he made his appearance at a resort in St. Louis, and accounted for his wound by saying that he received it while hunting; but shortly afterwards, upon reading in the newspaper the account of his crime, he could not restrain himself from exclaiming, as he showed the paper, that he himself had participated in the affair, thus illustrat THE NORTH AMERICAN REITIEW. 8 ing the singular fact that men, otherwise intelligent and enterpris- ing, are driven by a desire to gratify a criminal vanity to expose themselves to arrest and punishment. The Remedy. As the physician never permits himself to expose a disease without suggesting the remedy, the reader is justified in asking what remedy I would suggest to check this prevalence of homicide in the United States. To this inquiry I would reply that there will always be a cer- tain number of homicides; for, as before shown, there is to be found in all coun tries a number of born criminals whose evil propensities no degree of civilization can suppress. So true is this that even in Englahd, where it may be said every expedient has been tried to reclaim the occasional criminal, it has been demonstrated that there are certain individuals and, in fact, en- tire families who constantly and inevitably return to crime. The same thing has beeii said o1 another central European country which has done most to seek and to find remedies against such criminality and where religion has devoted itself to the task. refer to Switzerland. Geneva has its quota of habitual criminals, but this has been reduced by means suggested by the anthropo- logical criminalist, such for instance as the establishment of colonies for the incorrigible and selection schools, which the United States, ever on the alert for new improvements, is about to adopt. By so doing, it will succeed in minimizing homicide long before European nations, which are opposed to changes and prefer to be killed rather than leave the old and beaten judiciary track laid out by the Roman code. All those causes due in the United States to the opening up of new territories and the founding of new cities in sections con- quered from the Indians, are fast disappearing. There will soon be no more reservations left to appropriate, and when not an acre of land will be left to the poor red man. The example of Massachusetts will eventually be followed by other States, and civilization, extending itself over the country like a torrent, will level all distinctions arising from race and climate. Even the excessive increase of homicide will cease and the quota furnished by this crime will be similar to that furnished by any Anglo- Saxon community, that race which is absorbing and assimilating all those who emigrate to its midst. But, in order to hasten this trans- formation as far as it affects crime, such legislation should be under- WHY HOMICIDE HAS INCREASED IN AMERICA. 9 taken as will result in a speedier suppression of the criminal by abolishing certain judicial formulas, doing away with the delays interposed by the wiles of lawyers, giving more independence to the police, divorcing the administration of the law from politics, and limiting the practice of liberating, nuder bail, those charged with the commission of crime; for it is these abuses which have led to the adoption of lynch law. It is not to be expected that a country so jealous of its liber- ties as the United States will consent to any restriction of free- dom of the press, even for the purpose of circumventing crime; but it would at least seem that societies similar to the Temper- ance Society might try to modify public opinion so as to im- plant in it that same laudable reticence and pudicity in treating of sanguinary crimes as is observed in cases of offences against good morals, and that the homicide should inspire the same horror and detestation as is aroused by the criminal who gives rein to his carnal and brutal instincts. By this means homicide would diminish, since one of the strongest of modern motives for this crime, namely imitation and love of notoriety, would be removed. When we think of the enormous interest Holmes succeeded in arousing, the hundreds of letters he re- ceived in jail, his autographs scattered far and wide, his portrait and his every act published in thousands of newspaperswhen we think of all this, we can understand what must have been its effect on the born criminal, possessed as he is of a profound sense of criminal and personal vanity, and what a powerful incentive was furnished him by this wide notoriety, an incentive which will grow stronger with time and culture as the press proceeds to invade the most remote and isolated spots in the country. In view of the relatively large proportion of homicides among miners~, namely 3.2 per cent., while in the community at large it is but 1.6 per cent., and knowing.as we do how laborious is their toil, how they are addicted to the use of alcoholic liquors and in what light esteem they hold human life, we can readily under- stand that if their conditions were ameliorated by protecting them against the oppression of the mining companies and facili- tating their means of raising a family, there would be fewer homicides among them, just as there are already fewer among me- chanics. These latter, while furnishing a high percentage of hom- icides in Europe, contribute but a small one in the United States. 10 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. Some measures have already been adopted and applied for correcting immigration evils, such as requiring the immigrant to possess a certain grade of intelligence and a certain amount of capital; not unreasonable when it is considered that 35 per cent. of the homicides in the United States are committed by for- eigners of no education. The immigration rules referred to will, likewise, serve to pre- vent many of the violent assaults and homicides provoked by bad economic conditions and by ill-treatment at the hands of some of the immigrants own countrymen who cruelly speculate in the newcomers labor. If there were a group of government officials whose duty it was to examine the newly-arrived immigrants and to distribute them throughout the country by explaining to them what sections and what industries offer the greatest advantages, the latter would be freed from the heartless cruelty of the boss or padrone and from specnla~!ors, whose swindling practices fre- quently provoke a frenzied reaction. As regards the negroes, while we cannot say that they are irredeemable, since they have already made considerable progress, it will probably take a long time to infuse among them such a degree of intellectual culture as will refine them and develop their moral sense, for the impulsive and lower instincts are the last to disappear. These, in fact, have not been entirely eradi- cated even from the white race, as mobs frequently demonstrate. Societies have been formed for the promotion of negro emigra- tion to Africa, and others for the purpose of relieving the con- gestion of the cities and spreading the surplus urban population over the country and away from the large centers, all of which, if feasible, will tend to modify the evil I have referred to. Those laws, institutions, and societies directed against alcohol- ism, and which makeAmerica a model for the world, have al- ready produced a powerful effect, for, as I have shown, the per- centage of alcoholic homicide now is but 20 per cent., while in other countries it is as high as 70 per cent. It is to be hoped that with an increased propaganda and energy this satisfactory showing will become still more favorable; for a decreased con- sumption of alcohol means less insanity, less misery, fewer sui- cides, less epilepsy and sterility, and at the same time tends to a decrease in such crimes as assaults, brawls, and thefts, which are largely due to alcohol. WHY HOMICiDE HAS INCREASED iN AMERICA. 11 Finally, when institutions similar to the one at Elmira come to be multiplied, we may confidently hope that the occasional criminal will be almost a thing of the past, and besides the glory of such an initiative, America would thus enjoy the direct ad- vantage of a decrease in her criminal population, especially if, to the admirable instititious referred to, she should add a penal colony for the incorrigible where the latter might pro- cure the means of subsistence by their labor, or perish if they re- fused to toil. This would be simply to place them in the same conditions as the honest man has to confront, instead of leaving them as now to prey on the community. With respect to the final cause of crime which I have before referred to, that is, the coexistence of the two types of barbarism and civilizatiop, of violence and fraud, every day that passes is tending to decrease and suppress the barbarous type by reason of constantly increasing culture among all classes, accompanied by a horror of war and a desire for the abolition of standing armies which, after all, are nothing but the official representatives of barbarismand also by a diminished sphere of conquest. Another evil which the future isKlikely to cure is the tendency of the agricultnral population to crowd into the lar ~ cities ; for the United States more than any other country is introducing reforms intended to make life in the small towns and agricul- tural centres more attractive, that is, by giving them parks, squares, theatres, and other city adjuncts. Furthermore, the saloon influence is being combated by temperance and religious societies. Coffee houses and places of popular entertainment are being provided for the masses, and these tend to draw men away from bar-rooms which, being frequented by the criminal element, constitute a fruitful source of crime. All this will, without doubt, result in a diminution of homicide which, while suffi~Aent]y frequent, as shown by statistics, is in reality no more so than among other civilized people, when we deduct that proportion which is chargeable to the negroes. CEsARE LoMBRoSo. TUE PASSING OF THE PEOPLES PARTY. BY THE HON. W. A. FEFFER, LATE U. S. SENATOR FOR KANSAS. THAT the Peoples party is passing mnst be evident to all ob- servers. Why it is going and where, are obviously questions ot present public concern. The party has a good and sufficient excuse for its existence. With our great war old issues were overshadowed and new forces came into play. The suspension of specie payments forced the government to adopt a new monetary policy, and the ignorance and prejudices of lawmakers afforded bankers a tempting oppor- tunity, of which they prorhptly availed themselves, to use the public credit for purposes of speculation. Our currency was con- verted into coin interest-paying bonds, the word coin was con- strued to mean gold, and the minting of silver dollars was discori- tinned. The general level of prices fell to the cost line or below it, and the people were paying seven to ten per cent. annual in- terest on an enormous private debt. Personal property in towns and cities was rapidly passing beyond the view of the tax- gatherer. Agriculture was prostrate. Farmers were at the mercy of speculators; the earth had come under the dominion of land- lords; forests and mines were owned by syndicates; railway com- panies were in combination; wealth and social influence had usurped power, and the seat of government was transferred to Wall Street. These abuses were fruits of our legislation. Congress had forgotten the people and turned their business over to the money- changers. Both of the great political parties then active were wedded to these vicious policies which were despoiling the farmers and impoverishing the working classes generally. Gold was king and a new party was needed to shorten its reign. And hence it was that the Peoples party was born. It came

TUE PASSING OF THE PEOPLES PARTY. BY THE HON. W. A. FEFFER, LATE U. S. SENATOR FOR KANSAS. THAT the Peoples party is passing mnst be evident to all ob- servers. Why it is going and where, are obviously questions ot present public concern. The party has a good and sufficient excuse for its existence. With our great war old issues were overshadowed and new forces came into play. The suspension of specie payments forced the government to adopt a new monetary policy, and the ignorance and prejudices of lawmakers afforded bankers a tempting oppor- tunity, of which they prorhptly availed themselves, to use the public credit for purposes of speculation. Our currency was con- verted into coin interest-paying bonds, the word coin was con- strued to mean gold, and the minting of silver dollars was discori- tinned. The general level of prices fell to the cost line or below it, and the people were paying seven to ten per cent. annual in- terest on an enormous private debt. Personal property in towns and cities was rapidly passing beyond the view of the tax- gatherer. Agriculture was prostrate. Farmers were at the mercy of speculators; the earth had come under the dominion of land- lords; forests and mines were owned by syndicates; railway com- panies were in combination; wealth and social influence had usurped power, and the seat of government was transferred to Wall Street. These abuses were fruits of our legislation. Congress had forgotten the people and turned their business over to the money- changers. Both of the great political parties then active were wedded to these vicious policies which were despoiling the farmers and impoverishing the working classes generally. Gold was king and a new party was needed to shorten its reign. And hence it was that the Peoples party was born. It came THE PASSING OF THE PEOPLES PARTY 13 into being that government by the people might not perish from the earth. It planted itself on the broad gronnd of equality of human rights. It believed the earth is the peoples heritage and that wealth belongs to him who creates it; that the work of dis- tributing the products and profits of labor ought to be performed by public agencies; that money should be provided by the gov- ernment and distributed through government instrumentalities so that borrowers might secure its use at an annual charge not exceeding two per cent., which is equal to two-thirds of the net average savings of the whole people. Charges for services rendered by private persons or corpora- tions entrusted with public functionssuch as railroading and bankinghad never before attracted much attention among the common people ; and as to interest for the use of money and rent for the use of land, they had been looked upon as things in the natural order, and therefore, being unavoidable, had to be en- dured. But the gold standard regime had driven the people to thinking. They saw that while they were paying from ten to a hundred per cent., according to the pressure of their necessities, fc~r the use of money, the annual increase of the countrys tax- able wealth had but little exceeded three per cent., including the advance of values by reason of settlement and labor. And rent, they saw, was the same thing as interest on the estimated value of the property. If all the people working together as one can- not save more than three per cent. a year, when in possession of a vast area that did not cost them more than two cents an acre, is it cause for wonder that they did not thrive when paying three or four times that rate for the use of money? And was there not something radically wrong in conditions when, in a country so great in extent as this, so rich and varied in resources and populated by freemen under a government of their own choos- ing, more than half the people were compelled to pay money or other property for the use of land to live on? Why should any man or woman be required to hire space to live in? Forests are diminished and coal is used for fuel. But the coal is found in great beds under the earths surface, and these sources of fuel are monopolized by a few men, and the rest of us are forced to pay them not only a price for the coal, but for rent of the land and interest on a fictitious capitalization of corporate franchises. By what authority is one man allowed to take and 14 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. possess more of the resources of nature than are sufficient for his own use and then demand tribute from others who are equally with him entitled to share them? And why shall one man or a company of men be permitted to dictate to other men what wages they shall receive for the labor they perform? And why should an employer be favored by the law rather than the person whom he employs? And by what rule of law or justice are the working masses required to use non- legal tender money in their daily business affairs, while the primary money is kept in reserve for the special use of the speculating classes? Why have one kind of money for the rich and another kind for the poor? Why should a stringency in New York City be treated more tenderly than a stringency in any other part of the country ? - Why pay a premium of 26 per cent. in gold on bonds that have many years yet to run? And why pay interest nine to twelve months before it is due? Why leave *18,000,000 or more without interest for years and years in national banks to be lent by them to their customers at six per cent. and upwards? Questions like these were suggested by conditions present when the Peoples party was formed. It was the first great body of men, organized for political purposes, that took up these mat- ters and put them in issue before the country with the view of ultimately securing relief through legislation. Its principles were essentially different from those of the other great parties on every fundamental proposition. Republicans and Democrats were given to old ideas in politics and law. Formed for alto- gether different purposes, they did not take kindly to any of the proposed reforms that would change established policies. Hence they were attached to the national banking system; they believed that the precious metals only are fit for use as money, and that all other forms of currency and all debts and pecuniary liabilities must be ultimately paid in coin. They believed that only private corporations should be intrusted with the function of issuing paper to be used as currency, and that the peoples fiscal affairs ought to be conducted through the agency of private banks. They believed in private ownership of everything not absolutely necessary for the goverumonts use in conducting its operations. They believed the coal mines might properly be owned and oper- ated by corporations with the accompanying privilege of charging THE PASSING OF THE PEOPLES PARTY. 15 what they please for the output. They believed in unlimited private ownership of land and in private means of transporta- tion on public highways. The believed that railway and express companies might rightfully tax their patrons enough to pay divi- dends on a capitalization equal to two or three times the actual value of the property used. They believed that employers might justly dictate the rate of wages to. be paid, and that, in case of resistance on the part of the employees, this right may be enforced by the use of military power, if need be. On the other hand, Populists do not believe these things. They believe that every child has exactly equal rights with those persons who were here when he came; that he is entitled to a - place to live, and that, equally with his fellow-men, he is entitled to the use of natural resources of subsistence, including a parcel of vacant land where he may earn a livelihood. Populists believe that the interests of all the people are superior to the interests of a few of them or of one, and that no man or company of men should ever be permitted to monopolize land or franchises to the exclusion of the common rights of all the people or to the detri- ment of society. They believe that what a man honestly earns is his, and that the workman and his employer ought to have fair play and an equal showing in all disputes about wages. They believe that railways and canals, like the lakes and navigable rivers, ought to belong to the people. They believe that money, like the highway, is made to serve a public use; that dollars, like ships, are instruments of commerce, and that citizens ought not to be subjected to inconvenience or loss from a scarcity of money any more than they should be hindercd in their work or their business by reason of a shortage in the supply of wagons, cars or boats. They believe that the people themselves, acting for themselves through their own agencies, should supply all the money required for the prompt and easy transaction of business; that in addition to silver and gdld coin, government paper, and only that, ought to be issued and used, that it should be full legal tender and that there should be no discrimination in favor of or against anything which is allowed to circulate as money. It will be seen that every proposition in this code is intended to be in the interest of the great body of the people and in oppo- sition to class distinctions. The monetary scheme proposed. 16 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. gold, silver, and government paperis not a new departure; but it provides for unlimited coinage of both metals and an imme- diate increase of paper money to a limit sufficient for the peoples use in their daily business. It opposes land monopoly, which is giving us a class of landlords and pauperizing a million people that are dependent on those who work in coal mines. This new party proposes to get the people in the saddle. Summarized, its party platform was this Equal rights apd opportunities to all: let the people rule. On that it went to the country and received more than a million votes. A more earnest, enthusiastic, sincere, and disinterested cam- paign was never entered upon or waged than that of the Popu- lists in 1892, and although the work was done under a continuing fire of ridicule on the part of Republicans and Demc3rats alike not before equalled in the history of American politics, the new party made a profound impression on the voters. But early in 1896 it was agreed among the men in lead that an alliance should be formed with the Democrats for the cam- paign of that year, and now the Peoples party is afflicted with political anmemia. It took too much Democracy. Shall the alliance of 1896 be continued? That is the question at issue. Fusionists answer yes, conditionally; Anti-fusionists answer no, unconditionally; and every day the question remains open these parties appear to get farther apart rather than closer together. Fusionists aver that they have not yet determined in favor of perpetual union with another party. That, they say, can be settled laterwhen they know what the other parties are going to do. Right there is the seat of trouble. If they would only declare against any and every formr~ of alliance or fusion with any of the old parties, that declaration alone would settle the ques- tion and bring the party together again, while their failure to do so leaves the matter still in issue, and the breach widens. This claim of the Fusionists that they are simply waiting to see what course the other parties will take, that Populists may avail them- selves of whatever strategy there is then in the situation, cannot, ir~ the opinion of the Anti-fusionists, be safely accepted or allowed. It lacks evidence of party loyalty in the first place, they say; it lacks good faith in the second place; and in the third place it is want- ing in truth. They are not waiting. On the contrary they are actively at work forming local alliances preparatory to the con- THE PASSING OF THE PEOPLES PARTY. 17 gressional campaign in 1898 and the presidential contest in 1900. In every part of the country where they are comparatively strong, as in Iowa, Nebraska, and Kansas, they are in hearty accord with the fusion Democrats. In Iowa, at the late election, the regular State convention of the Peoples party refused to put out a ticket of its own, and personally the fusion members united in support of the Democratic nominees from Governor down. In Nebraska, where the Populists are largely in majority over Democrats, they united in support of a ticket headed by a Democrat. In Kansas, the patronage of the State administration (Populist) is divided among the parties to the triple alliance of 1896. These things indicate the direction of political wind currents. They are signs full of meaning, and none but the blind can fail to comprehend their significance. Mr. Bryan, on his part, has already contributed fifteen hundred dollars to the ~Peoples party campaign fund, and Senator Allen has invested the money in interest-bearing securities that it may increase unto the day of its use in promoting the cause of bimetallism. On the other hand, the Anti-fusionists wish to maintain their party relations, and they do not see how they can do that by supporting some other party, more especially one whose princi- ples do not accord with their own; and the division growing out of this difference is fatal. It is drawn on the dead line. These Anti-fusionists are like Cubans in this respect. They demand the independence of their party; they do not desire to be merely an attachment to another body, and particularly one from which they have once separated on account of unsatisfactory rela- tions. They are affirmatively against fusion or alliance or feder- ation of any sort with either the Republican or the Democratic party in any national election. They are Populists because they believe in the principles of the Peoples party, and they intend and expect to remain such, at any rate until a greater and better party is formed out of other existing political bodies that are aiming at higher ideals in government. Nor can it be said that the Anti-f usionists have been wanting in attentions to their fusion brethren, for they have warned them from time to time of attempts of their national committee to extend an nnwarrantable jurisdiction over them. They have repeatedly asked for a conference of the disagreeing factions, with the view of a friendly adjustment of their differences, but VOL. CLXVI.NO. 494. 2 18 THE NORTH AMERICAN Rig VIE W. no attention is paid to these requests. And that their number and temper might not be under-estimated or their motives and wishes misunderstood, they called a conference themselves, held at Nashville, Teun., July 4, 1897, and on that occasion it was unanimously resolved by them to have no further union or alli- ance with other parties, and a committee was appointed to reor- ganize the Anti-fusion Populists of the country. Several independent suggestions have been submitted by mdi- vidual Anti-fusionists on their own responsibility, proposing plans to bring the members of the party together on new lines. One of these is to call a conference of delegates representing all political bodies that are opposcd to the present gold-standard regime to consider whether it be not practicable, out of many, to form one great party with a single creed embodying everything regarded as essential by~ each of the parties represented. Such a confer- ence, it is urged, would bring together the strongest and best men among the members of all parties. If, upon full and free con- ference, such a body should agree upon a common declaration of principles and a new name for the new body, the trouble which is now so threatening among Populists would be disposed of. Such a movement, if successful, would bring into being the most splendid body of men ever organized for any purpose, and they could gain possession of the government by the use of a freemans safeguardthe ballot. This proposition, however, wise and patriotic as it is, brings no response from the other side. Two things may be taken as facts: First; That as long as Mr. Bryan is in the field as the Democratic candidate for the presi- dency, Fusion Populists will co-operate with the Democracy. Sec- ond; That the Anti-fusion, or Middle-of-the-road, Populists will not again ally themselves either individually or as a body with the Democratic party, no matter who is its candidate. These facts show why the Peoples party is passing. It now remains to consider where it is going. It will not go to the Republicans, because its leading doc- trines are diametrically opposed to the principles and policies of the present Republican party. Everything of importance favored by Populists is opposed by Republicans and everything cardinal in the Republican creed is opposed by Populists; hence the latter are not headed for the Republican camp. This is enough on that part of the subject. THE PASSING OF THE PEOPLES PARTY. 19 If the Peoples party be merged, it will be in a new body that shall include advanced Democrats, like Altgeld and Bryan, Silver Republicans, and men of reform views in every other body that has been organized to promote political reforms. And that would be a wise and altogether practicable ending of these dis- astrons party antagonisms. But old party names would have to be dropped and a new name and creed adopted for the new party. If they could agree on doctrines, surely they would not fail to agree on a name by which they should wish to be known. This course would bring into one army all the forces that are now marching in the same directionvoters who ought to be together and who must be together before final victory is achieved over class rule. United in one party nnder a new name, with one creed and one leader, every member would feel the warmth of new friendships and be enconraged by the stimulus of a large companionship; for, together they would be able soon to re-. establish popular government in the United States and the people would be in power again. Such a party could be easily formed if Democrats were not opposed to it. And they would not be opposed if the Populists, united, should declare against fusion and merging and all sorts of co-operation with any existing party. And that is just what they ought to do. Let Populists but rise to the level of the oc- casion, shake off the hypnotic stupor of Democracy and assert themselves as party men, announcing the end of all unions and alliances with other parties, except snch as shall relate to the formation of one great new party made up of voters opposed to the present Republican regime, and Democratic leaders, seeing that alone they are lost, would take counsel of their fears and hasten to the newer and securer fold. It is the readiness of Fusion Populists to train with their Democratic brethren that encourages them and turns their heads upward. If Mr. Bryan could not win for his party when he had virtually the united Populist support, how can he succeed with half that vote? The candidate of the Democratic party in 1~OO will not get the vote of the Anti-fusion Populists, and without this support the chances for that partys success will be greatly lessened. But a uniou of all reformers in one body would be invincible. It is no answer to these suggestions to question the loyalty or patriotism of the Anti-fusionists, for they will retort by saying 20 THE NORTH AMERIcAN REVIEW. that if Democrats are in sympathy with Populism, their disin- terestedness would be more apparent if they would come over and help the Peoples party, seeing that it had occupied and ap- propriated this reform ground long before it was discovered by the followers of Mr. Bryan. Unless some new alignment of voters is effected soon, the Peo- ples party will permanently separate into two parts. One fac- tion will go backward to the Democrats, and it will not have to go far, as the distance between the rear of the Peoples party and the vanguard of Democracy is so short that they readily mingle in the same camp and one countersign answers for both. The other faction will go forward to still higher ground. These men have nothing in common with Democracy except their views on the income tax and silver coinage, and these, even if they be taken as leading issues, are Populist doctrines, announced long before they appeared in the Chicago platform. If it be inquired why they are opposed to Democracy, let the record answer. They believe the people of the United States constitute a nation; they believe the government is an agency created by the people for their use and benefit, and hence that all great national instrumentalities and franchises ought to be owned and operated by the government. This principle they hold to be vital. The Democratic party is and always has been opposed to this theory. It has uniformly opposed internal improve- ment by the general government except for military or naval purposes. That party believes in metallic money as the only real money; it is a hard money party, and it favors State bank notes for currency. And while from the Populist doctrine on silver coinage, six- teen to one was made the Bryan battle-cry in 18i~6, there is no evidence that his party had then or has since changed front on the theory of Senate bill No. 2,64~, introduced by Senator Jones, of Arkansas, on the 23d day of January, 1895, of which the ninth section is as follows: ~From and after the passage of this act the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized and directed to receive at any United States mint, from any citizen of the United States, silver bullion of standard fineness, andoola the same into silver dollars of four hundred and twelve and one-half grains each. The seiguorage on the said bullion shall belong to the United States, and shall be the difference between the coinage value thereof and the price of the bullion in London on the day the deposit is made, etc. THE PASSING OF THE PEOPLES PARTY. 21 The Democrats are now everywhere trying to get together on the silver question, and they can readily effect a union by agree- ing to a law which shall have this section nine as one of its pro- visions. It is proverbially a party of compromise. A party with Bryan and Oroker working harmoniously together in it need not struggle hard or long over so trifling a matter as the ratio be- tween silver and gold. There is nothing in any of the public utterances of Mr. Bryan to indicate that, after securing the Populist vote, he would not consent to any ratio that would save to his party its conservative silver element. Our coin debts were all contracted when the coin of the coun- try consisted of silver and gold at the sixteen-to-one ratio, and every United States bond now out expressly declares on its face that it is redeemable, principal and interest, in coin of the standard value of July 14, 1870, and the ratio was sixteen-to-one at that time. Besides, the greenbacks and Treasury notes are all redeemable in that kind of coin, and for these reasons Populists are not willing to change the ratio. Nor can they agree with the Democrats on the subject of government paper money. The Chicago platform says: We demand that all paper which is made legal tender for public and private debts, or which is receivable for duties to the United States, shall be issued by the government of the United States and shall be redeemable in coin. That is to say, not that we demand or favor that kind of paper; but that, if any of it is issued, it shall be redeemable in coin. The truth is, the Democratic party is now, as it has always been, opposed to government legal tender paper money. Otherwise, it would not demand redemption in coin. The Populist platform puts it this way: We demand a na- tional currency, safe, sound, and flexible, issued by the general government only, a full legal tender for all debts a de- mand quite different from that of the Democrats. As a further matter of difference, attention is called to the fact that there is no evidence tending to show that the Demo- cratic party has changed its position on the subject of retiring government paper money. Section one of Senator Joness bill, above cited, provides as follows: That authority Is hereby given to the Secretary of the Treasury to Issue bonds of the United States to the amount of five hundred million dol 22 THE NORTH AAIERIGAN REVIEW. lars, coupon or registered, at the option of the buyer, payable, principal and interest, in coin of the present standard value, and bearing interest at the rate of three per cent. per annum, payable quarterly, and not to be sold at less than par, the bonds to mature thirty years from date, and be redeem~ able at the option of the government after twenty years; and that the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby authorized to use the pro- ceeds of the sale of said bonds to defray current expenses of the govern- ment, and for the redemption of United States legal-tender notes and of Treasury notes issued under the Act of July fourteenth, eighteen hun- dred and ninety, as hereinafter provided. Seven sections following this section provide details, in- cluding authority to national banks to enlarge their circulation to the full limit of their bonds deposited. No Populist could endorse a measure like that, yet when the bill was reported favor- ably to the Senate by Mr. Jones every Democrat in Congress at the time, with the possible exception of a few monometallists, stood ready to support it. There are still other matters of difference. Populists regard the land question as of supreme importance. The peoples homes are slipping away from them. We are fast becoming a nation of renters. We have a million or more unemployed men and women all the time, some of whom, at least, could earn a living on the public lands if they could only get to them with means to start. Populists think the national and State governments ought to take hold of the labor problem and get the people at work again. Strikes and lock-outs, and consequent disturbances in trade, can be prevented by keeping people employed at fair remuneration. There is nothing in the Democratic platform or in that partys history which is in any way responsive to these advances of Pop. ulism. So, too, Populists believe that the present capitalization of our great railway system is a standing menace to the commer- cial peace of the country, and that final government ownership and management is the only safe and certain cure for the accumu- lating embarrassments attending present methods of handling the business of these powerful corporations. Democracy is opposed to such a policy. And if there is anything on which the Populist heart is chiefly set, it is the right of the people to propose legisla- tion and to pass on important measures before they take effect as laws. But this doctrine has not found favor in any body of ortho- dox Democrats. Finally, as to all matters which Populists regard as funda- mental and of surpassing importance, the two parties are not only THE PASSING OF TIlE PEOPLES PARTY. 23 not in accord, but are positively opposed to each other. The Peoples party was formed for present duties, while that of the Democracy came from divisions among the founders of the Re- public. The doct~ines of this young party are, in brief, the equal rights of men; its creed is the golden rule; its idea of law is justice, and its theory of government is the rule of the people. If the scheme to organize a new body is left untried, or, if tried, it is found to be impracticable and the Peoples party is finally separated into two wings, the Fusionists will have no dif- ficulty in finding a resting place; but the work for which the party was born and which it bravely commenced will be left for their old associates and new co-workers who shall be found in other bodiesmen and women who believe good government can be maintained only through social order and just laws, citizens who believe in doing good because they love their fellow-men, reformers whose faces have always been to the front, veterans who draw the enemys fire and who fight better in the field than in the camp. There will be plenty of work for them to do. Conditions will not improve nuder the present regime. Times will get no better. Stringency and panic will be here on time again and again as of old, for neither Republicans nor Democrats offer a preventive. They do not seem to know what ails the country and the world. High tariff is but heavy taxation, and free silver alone will not give work to the idle nor bread to the poor. The case needs heroic treatmentjust such as the Peoples party proposed. Yes, the work will be delayed, but it will be done. Justice will be re-established in the land and the peoples rights will be restored to them. The law of progress will not be suspended any more than the law of gravitation. While the factors are being arranged in equations of the next century, and during the sift- ings and winnowings of the time, these devoted Populists will gravitate to their proper places among the leaders of thought and action in the work of the trying days to come. To them, and to such as they, will be given truths of the future to reveal to others~ as they can bear them, and they shall have at least the reward of the faithful. W. A. PEFFER. THE SPEAKER AND TIlE COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. BY GEN. A. W. GREELY, U S. A. A REVIEW of the history of the first century of the United States shows that this republic has been most fortnnat3 in the selection of the official chiefs of its co-ordinate branches of gov- ernmentthe executive, judicial, and legislative. Rarely has it occurred That a man filling any of these exalted offices has fallen short of the high standard that America demands, and of a few it may he even said that the man has been, if anything, greater than his office. Notwithstanding the detraction of enemies and adulation of friends, it is evident that no inconsiderable number of thinking men consider Thomas B. Reed, the present Speaker of the House of Representatives, as one who overshadows the office; whether rightly or wrongly, it is for future generations to decide. The power of the Speaker of the House of Representatives has steadily increased from the first Congress to the present, and in its influence on national legislation is believed by many even to exceed that exerted by the President. Samuel J. Randall, through whom the influence of the Speaker was increased more largely than by any other man in this country, once said: I came to con- sider that (the Speakership) . . . was the highest office within the reach of American citizens; that it was a grand official station, great in the honors which it conferred and still greater in the ability it gave to impress on our history and legislation the stamp of truth, fairness, justice, and right. In view of the recent political struggle in-the House of Rep- resentatives over the dominating factor of national legislation the appointment of committeesit seems of timely interest to

THE SPEAKER AND TIlE COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. BY GEN. A. W. GREELY, U S. A. A REVIEW of the history of the first century of the United States shows that this republic has been most fortnnat3 in the selection of the official chiefs of its co-ordinate branches of gov- ernmentthe executive, judicial, and legislative. Rarely has it occurred That a man filling any of these exalted offices has fallen short of the high standard that America demands, and of a few it may he even said that the man has been, if anything, greater than his office. Notwithstanding the detraction of enemies and adulation of friends, it is evident that no inconsiderable number of thinking men consider Thomas B. Reed, the present Speaker of the House of Representatives, as one who overshadows the office; whether rightly or wrongly, it is for future generations to decide. The power of the Speaker of the House of Representatives has steadily increased from the first Congress to the present, and in its influence on national legislation is believed by many even to exceed that exerted by the President. Samuel J. Randall, through whom the influence of the Speaker was increased more largely than by any other man in this country, once said: I came to con- sider that (the Speakership) . . . was the highest office within the reach of American citizens; that it was a grand official station, great in the honors which it conferred and still greater in the ability it gave to impress on our history and legislation the stamp of truth, fairness, justice, and right. In view of the recent political struggle in-the House of Rep- resentatives over the dominating factor of national legislation the appointment of committeesit seems of timely interest to THE SPEAKER AND THE COMMITTEES. 25 trace the growth of the Speakership from an office scarcely above that of moderator to its present autocratic position as a repre- sentative exponent of the policy of the dominant party. It is interesting to note that if the House of Representatives at its first session in 1789 did not clothe the Speaker with auto- cratic powers, yet it invested the office with an external dignity of a somewhat Turveydrop character. The House, indeed, saved the dignity of the country by disagreeing to the proposition of the Senate to address the President as His Highness the Protector of their Liberties, but when it came to its pre- siding officer, the earliest rules ordered that when the House adjourns, the members shall keep their seats until the Speaker go forth; iLud then the members shall follow, a procedure that was in force for nearly six years, until November 13, 1794. The House, however, kept its legislative powers in the hands of its members. Business was often done on the motion of a member.~ The Speaker appointed only the minor committees, while the important committees were elected by ballot, a fact that is generally unkiiown. Committeeships were limited both in power and in tenure of office, service being as a rule for a few days only, and never beyond one session. The first rules for the House of Representatives, April 7, 1789, were reported by Elias Boudinot on behalf of his fellow- committeemen, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, Thomas Hartley, Richard Bland Lee, James Madison, Roger Sherman, William Smith, Thomas T. Tucker, and Jeremiah Wadsworth. Among the most important rules were those setting forth the Speakers relation to the committees, as follows The Speaker shall appoint committees unless it be deter- mined by the House that the committee shall consist of more than three members, in which case the appointment shall be by ballot of the House. Committees consisting of more than three members shall be balloted for by the House; if upon such ballot the number required shall not be elected by a majority of the votes given, the House shall proceed to a second ballot, in which a plurality of votes shall prevail; and in case a greater number than are required to compose or complete the committee shall have an equal number of votes, the House shall proceed to a further ballot or ballots. 26 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. It is to be noticed that all the important committees were named by the House, which in its first session elected nine corn- inittees by ballot. While the rules were silent on the subject, yet the tenure was brief, the committee on elections only serving through the session. The policy of the House in 1789 was in- dicated by the discharge of the Committee on Ways and Means, after less than two months service, and by the entrusting of all matters to special committees whose tenure expired with brief re- ports speedily rendered. Even the fourth Congress in 1796 had but two standing committees, and the number in 1805 and in 1815 were but seven and twelve respectively. The fifty-fourth Congress in 1896, on the other hand, had, including three joint committees, no less than fifty-seven standing committees. The chief officials of the two Houses of Congress evidently viewed with disfavor their restricted powers, and efforts were speedily made to enlarge their scope. Both attempts were along the same lines, to empower the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate to appoint all committees. The Senate, October 31, 1791, on a motion to alter the Senate rule, which provided for the election of committes by ballot, so that the Yice~ President should be empowered to nominate committees in future, declined to surrender its powers and to this day elects its committees. In the House the Speaker was more successful. The last committee elected by ballot, if indeed it was elected, was that of January 11, 1790, which was constituted to bring in a bill for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States. Under the standing rules of the House, this committee, consisting of one mem4her from each State, should have been elected by ballot. The Annals of Congress, compiled nearly thirty years later, state that this course was pursued, but the official journal of the House states that the committee was appointed. How- ever this may be, the House immediately thereafter reversed its original action and initiated a policy of strengthening the powers of the Speakership, which has been followed to the present day. The House Journal of January 13, 1790, contains the fol- lowing record: On motion, Ordered, That so much of the standing rules and orders of this House as directs the modes of appointing committees be rescinded; and that hereafter it be a standing rule of the House, that all committees shall be THE SPEAKER AND THE COMMITTEES. 27 appointed by the Speaker, unless otherwise especially directed by the House, in which case they shall be appointed by ballot ; and if upon such ballot the number required shall not be elected by a majority of the votes given, the House shall proceed to a sec- ond ballot, in which a plurality of votes shall prevail; and in case a greater number than are required to compose or complete the committee shall have an equal number of votes, the House shall proceed to a further ballot or ballots. The House Journal and the Annals of Congress are silent as to reasons advanced by Richard Bland Lee, who assisted in for- mulating the original rules, in moving this change and also as to the vote on the subject. It was undeniably a thin House as no less than fourteen out of its sixty-one members had not quali- fied. It would hardly seem that the change was dictated by the difficulty of elections, for the House consisted of only sixty-one members and the occasions for electiot~s were infrequent. It may be added that this was the only rule changed by the House dur- ing that Congress. The importance of the committees was obvious at the opening of the second Congress, when immediately after the qualification of the Speaker, Clerk, and members, the House Ordered, That the Speaker shall appoint committees - until the House shall otherwise determine. The next change of rules, November 13, 1794, affected the chairman of the Committee of the Whole, who under rules of April 7, 1789, was to be appointed. The new rule put the intention of the House beyond doubt by a proviso that the chair- man shall be appointed by the Speaker. The increased power of the Speaker proved displeasing to many members, especially those in the political minority, but no open attack was made upon the Speakers absolute control of committees until the second session of the eighth Congress, when Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina, was Speaker. It may be added that the persistent and determined attack then made af- fords the only instance in the history of the Hou~e where the power of the Speaker has been even ostensibly diminished. I say ostensibly diminished, for the limitation then placed on the Speaker and the power then granted to committees of electing a member to a vacant chairmanship has never again been exer- cised. 28 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. On November 6, 1804, the House excused Mr. J. C. Smith, chairman of the Committee on (Jjaims, from serving thereon, and S. W. Dan being appointed on the committee in Smiths place, was regarded by a majority of the committee as being its chairman, thus excluding from promotion Mr. Holmes, who was the second person on the original list.~ Thereupon a new stand- ing rule was submitted as follows: That each of the committees of this House be empowered to appoint a chairman by plurality of votes in all cases where the first-named member of the committee shall be absent, or excused by the House. The committee to whom this motion was referred reported in favor of the motion except that the election should be by a ma- jority of the committee. The House after debate refused to agree to the resolution by a vote of fifty yeas and sixty-nine nays. Immediately a motion was made that all committees should choose their own chairman, but this with another similar motion failed. But the question would not down, and finally the following stand- ing rule was adopted, November 23, 1804: That the first-named member of any committee appointed by the Speaker of the house shall be the chairman, and, in case of his absence, or being excused by the Ifouse, the next named member, and so on, as often as the case shall happen, unless the committee shall, by a majority of their number, elect a chair- man. It does not appear that any chairman has been so elected save in the original case, where the committee was carrying out the wishes of the Speaker. One contingency, however, that of death, was not taken into consideration, bat in providing for it in the amendment of the rules, 1888, the power of the Speaker was again enhanced by add- ing the following addition to the rule: And in the case of the death of a chairman, it shall be the duty of the Speaker to appoint another. On April 21, 1803, Mr. James Sloan, after a bitter attack on John Randolph, moved, for the purpose hereafter of keeping the business of the House of Representatives within its own power, that all standing committees shall be appointed by ballot and choose their own chairman. This motion was tabled, and being renewed by Mr. Sloan in the next session was defeated by THE SPEAKER AND THE COMMITTEES. 29 the very close vote of forty-two ayes to forty-four noes. The question was revived at the beginning of the next eongress, Oc- tober 28, 1807, by Thomas Blount, but without success. The attempt was renewed in the following Congress by Matthew Lyons, who moved May 23, 1809, that the standing committees be appointed by ballot for the reason that the course proposed would be more respectful to the nation; and that the person so appointed would feel a greater responsibility to the House. Mr. Gardiner supported the motion as consistent with the republi- can mode of proceeding and thinking proper for this country, - - - where the many were as competent as the few or as the one. The motion was defeated by sixty-seven nays to forty- one yeas.~, For forty years, until the election of a Speaker by a plurality vote in 1849, there were no further efforts to effect a radical re- form in the selection of the standing committees, the interven- ing attempts being confined to single or to special committees. However, not infrequent charges of partisanship were made against the Committee of Elections, and in 181~ the effort to set aside as illegal the election of Mr. Hungerford, of Virginia, on a report of the Committee of Elections to that effect, caused mnch debate. Finally the committees report was rejected and Hungerford was confirmed in his seat. Rufus King, of Massa- chusetts, who voted against the report of the committee, moved Jane 14, 1813, that the Committee of Elections shall in future be designated by lot, etc.; but the motion was defeated. Simi- lar and unsuccessful attempts were made to change the method of electing this comrnittee in 1838 and 1839. As regards special committees, Mr. Pitkins efforts failed, April 4. 1810, to have the committee to inquire into the conduct of General Wilkinson appointed by ballot, the votebeing fifty- three ayes to sixty-four noes. In one case only has the Speaker barely escaped from the election of a special committee by the ballots of the members of the House, March 13, 1832, in connection with the appointment of a special committee on the Bank of the United States, Mr. Stevenson being Speaker. The House, after a long debate, voted by 101 yeas to 99 nays on a motion by Erastus Root that the committee shall be appointed by ballot. Before the result was announced Mr. Pluinmer, of Mississippi, who had voted yea, 30 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. changed his vote, thus making a tie, whereupon the Speaker gave the casting vote in the negative. In the prolonged contest over the election of the Speaker in 1849, when for the first time in the history of the House he was elected by a plurality vote contrary to the standing rules, the general question of the appointment of the committees by the Speaker was again raised. This was natural, as the complexion of the committees was a political factor of primary importance. Mr. Sackett, of New York, then moved that the committees of this House he appointed by the House under a viva voce vote of the members thereof, and that it shall require a majority of those voting to elect. The Speaker ruled the resolution out of order. In recent years Mr. Gillettes proposition in 1880, to restrict the power of the Speaker to appoint until especially authorized by the House, was unsuccessful. Mr. Orths mot~on of January 11, 1882, to change the methods of appointing committees, was referred to the Committee on Rules, of which the Speaker was chairman. Mr. Orth claimed that in the present method the responsibility was too great for any single individual, and that a one-man power is always dangerous and in conflict with repub- lican principles of government. Several similar but unsuccess- ful efforts were made later, which need not be dwelt upon. It may be added that with the increasing power of the Speaker the powers of the committees have been likewise angmented. A brief statement indicating wherein lies the power of the Speaker and the committees may not be inappropriate. There is no rule requiring committees to report to the House any bills except general appropriations. Seven committees only have the right to report at any time, and then only on matters especially designated. One committee only, that on Rules; of which the Speaker is chairman, has a right to have its report considered at any time; to this committee must go all proposed action touch- ing order of business. No proposition, except by unanimous con- sent, can be considered unless reported by committee. No mem- ber can address the House without being recognized by the Speaker, who decides which of several members rising together shall speak first. The Speaker, without laying them before the House, refers bills, executive reports, etc., to committees, and reports of committees to appropriate calendars, and on such references often depends the fate of a measure. THE SPEAKER AND THE COMMITTEES. Until 1861 committeeships expired with each session, but now as regards standing committees the terms are coexistent with the organized life of each Congress. Speaker Colfax, when the power of the Hotise was questioned, decided that the House of Repre- sentatives has the power to instruct any committee which it is anthorized to appoint. It is a judicial check upon the power of the Speaker in appointing committees. Such instructions are extremely rare, and the power of each committee over legislation in its particular branch is almost unlimited. It was frequently possible in the early Congresses for individuals to secure at times legislation that had not passed the scrutiny of a committee, but such legislative action is now almost unknown. Inasmuch as the present system of appointments and the scope of power of committees have been the gradual and uninterrupted growth of a centurys experience on the part of the House, it is not probable that any radical changes will be made therein in the near future. Such changes, if made at all, would naturally occur under conditions similar to those which caused the election of coalition Speakers in 1795 and 1839, or of plurality Speakers in 1849 and 1855. Any change would doubtless result in the adop. tion of strictly American methods, such as those in vogue in the Senate, where committees have always been elected. THE NORTH AMEMTCA1~T REVIEW for August described the French, German, and Italian methods, where committees are elected by ballot through the medium of sections into which their legislative bodies are divided, but Congress would scarcely import these foreign methods. Great as are the powers of the Speaker of the House of Rep- resentatives, and potent for good or evil as are the committees ap- pointed by him, it is pessimistic to attribute to either or to both a measure of power detrimental to the future weal of the nation. In continual contact with the people, and observant of the glar- ing publicity that causes frequent reversals of public opinion, it is safe to say that future Congresses, if they should initiate legis. lation of an objectionable character, would ultimately enact such laws as will harmonize with the intelligent wishes of the people, and tend to the highest development of the Republic. A. W. GREELY, AMERICAS OPPORTUNITY IN ASIA. BY CHARLES DENBY, JR., SECRETARY OF THE UI~ITED STATES LEGATIO~ TN CHINA. IT was the opinion of Mr. Lowell that the Pacific Coast of the United States would remain the back door of the Republic while her face would always be turned toward the Atlantic. This was the opinion which Mr. Bryce also came to after his latest visit to the United States. Great as these authorities are, the writer, familiar with the East, its industries, its peoples, and its re- sources, positively refuses to accept their opinion. The world has moved too fast for their prophccy. The Pacific of the date when Mr. Lowell spoke is not the Pacific of to-day; the America of which Mr. Bryce wrote so well and pleasantly has changed with changes of her own and must change further because the East has changed. It is a familiar statement that Asia is the greatest hive of human beings in the world, the greatest storehouse of treas- ures, the greatest unexploited field, the last prize to conquer for the commerce of the West. For many centuries it was~ the end of the navigators voyage, whence he returned again to the port from which he sailed. Beyond rolled the Pacific, a vast, forbid- ding barrier, which, five thousand miles further on, beat against the rocks of North America, the back doors of a new conti- nent, whose people had their faces turned the other way. Now this new continent is conquered. The Anglo-American stands on the shores of the Pacific. He cannot face back to Europe across three thousand miles of continent. The great barrier has become a highway. Let us not be misled by historic parallels. Asia is more ac- cessible to-day than Europe thirty years ago. In 1885 there was but one line of steamers from America to Japan, now there are

AMERICAS OPPORTUNITY IN ASIA. BY CHARLES DENBY, JR., SECRETARY OF THE UI~ITED STATES LEGATIO~ TN CHINA. IT was the opinion of Mr. Lowell that the Pacific Coast of the United States would remain the back door of the Republic while her face would always be turned toward the Atlantic. This was the opinion which Mr. Bryce also came to after his latest visit to the United States. Great as these authorities are, the writer, familiar with the East, its industries, its peoples, and its re- sources, positively refuses to accept their opinion. The world has moved too fast for their prophccy. The Pacific of the date when Mr. Lowell spoke is not the Pacific of to-day; the America of which Mr. Bryce wrote so well and pleasantly has changed with changes of her own and must change further because the East has changed. It is a familiar statement that Asia is the greatest hive of human beings in the world, the greatest storehouse of treas- ures, the greatest unexploited field, the last prize to conquer for the commerce of the West. For many centuries it was~ the end of the navigators voyage, whence he returned again to the port from which he sailed. Beyond rolled the Pacific, a vast, forbid- ding barrier, which, five thousand miles further on, beat against the rocks of North America, the back doors of a new conti- nent, whose people had their faces turned the other way. Now this new continent is conquered. The Anglo-American stands on the shores of the Pacific. He cannot face back to Europe across three thousand miles of continent. The great barrier has become a highway. Let us not be misled by historic parallels. Asia is more ac- cessible to-day than Europe thirty years ago. In 1885 there was but one line of steamers from America to Japan, now there are AMERICAS OPPORTUNITY IN ASIA. 33 six, crowded with passengers and weighted down with freight. Twelve years ago the writer made the voyage from San Francisco to Yokohama in twenty-two days; this year he has crossed the same ocean in less than twelve. The East is no longer the East for Americans. If these new aspirants for oriental trade awake to their opportunities they may still make their triumphant motto Westward Ho! A few years ago the exporters of the United States took little interest in China or Japan. From there we imported teas and silks and other fabrics, which found their way to us under foreign flags and by the way of foreign ports. But our exports were insignificant. Not only were American manufacturers occupied at home and satisfied with a market which a high tariff secured to them free from competition, and which they could scarcely supply, but the East itself continued on its monotonous way, disappointing all hope of progress, the same from year to year. iNow two changes have taken place. The prodactiven?ss of American industry has outstripped the demand of the Ameri- can market, and the manufacturer begins to look abroad. American locomotives whistle on the plains of Russia and of Argentina. American typewriters click in the offices of Europe. American rails are laid in the mountain passes of India. Ameri- can cotton goods are the standard of the world. For the manu- facturer of the United States the export trade has become a necessity, and it should be fostered with a jealous care. The other change that has taken place is a change in China and Japan. The war of 189495 between these two powers was the most momentous event in the history of the East. It did more to startle, more to develop, China than any experience in her past. No victory of a European power could have had such an effect upon her. It required the triumph of an insignificant and detested rival to bring to the knowledge of Chinese states- men the mortal weakness of their conservatism. This war has done more to open this vast field to Western commerce and civil- ization than five hundred years of foreign trade and one hundred years of missionary teaching. The effect has been instantly felt. The country seems to have sprung into life. Railroad lines are under construction, the beginnings of vast contemplated sys- tems. Mines are being opened, new ports established, new lines of commerce developed. Schools for the teaching of English and VOL. CLXVI.1{O. 494. 3 34 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. of Western sciences are being founded and attended by an earnest crowd of intelligent young men who, a few years ago, would have blushed to count a foreigner among their friends. China looks to the West to learn the sources of a strength which she has long affected to despise. This attention is reciprocated, but in a different spirit. The eyes of Europe are turned toward China and the Europcan powers are arranging far-reaching plans dictated by territorial ambition. Their journals already openly discuss the respective spheres of influence which they hope some day to make exclusively tributary to their commerce. France is annexing territory on her Ton- quin frontier, and is building railroads into Yunnan. Russia has laid her hand ~n Manchuria, and six hundred miles of Russian railroad in Chinese territory will shortly connect the trans-Siberian system with the port of Viadivostock on the Pacific. Germany is obtaining concessions~~ from Chinasmall areas of ground at the treaty ports, which will be placed under the German flag and where, under their own laws, German merchants may establish houses and conduct their business. Japan, baffled in the North, has annexed Formosa and founded there a lasting basis for her commerce. Nor has she stopped here, but she is daily adding to her military and naval strength, preparing to take her part in the coming struggle for supremacy on the mainland. England has opened new territories for her commerce by asserting the right of British merchants to navigate the West River, the key to the southwest of China. British trade was never so flourishing in China as to-day and the supremacy of Englands naval power in Asiastic waters sears testimony to her intention to defend it. All these powers recognize the fact that trade follows the flag. Where their ships go and where they make their national i~nfluence felt, there trade springs up to meet them. They recognize that the present is a critical period in the history of China ; that when the breaking up and the inevitable partition come, those who have established themselves will obtain recognition of their interests, those who have failed to do so must see their trade go to the masters of the soil. The government of the United States is strangely apathetic to these changes in the E,st, though it needs but little know- ledge to assert that our interests there are of the first import~ ance. The present crisis cannot be accurately judged from any AMERICAS OPPORTUNITY IN ASIA. 35 notions of the past, though the past affords some analogy to what is taking place to-day. As the Mediterranoan was once the centre of the ambitions of Europe, and as it ceded its importance to the wider fields of the Atlantic, so in the future must the Atlantic cede its importance to a wider field. There is a greater commerce growing up to oul West, and its possession must be contested upon a greater stage. The statesmen of Europe reason that great size in nations is now becoming a matter of the first importance, and great size is possible only to those who have broad continents to grow in or widespread colonies. The relations of the great powers are changing, and the Pacific is becoming the centre of their striving. The powers that adjoin this ocean are destined to be the actors in the next drama of the world and the Pacific the stage thereof. England is the greatest of these powers. This she owes to Canada and to her possessions in the East. Russia is destined to a future greater than Englands present. France is making des- perate efforts to build up for herself an Asiatic foothold in this company. Chinas vast population and wide territory make her another factor in the problem. She may ba conquered and enslaved for years, but the great vitality, the great individuality, the exclusive cohesiveness of her reople, seem to destine her to an ultimately independent national existence. She must eventu- ally emerge from her position of subjection and inferiority and become one of the great nations of the earth. Japans r4le will be a smaller one, but the inherent identity of her interests with Chinas must make them allies against Europe in working out their common destiny. In the hands of these powers lies the future of the Pacific, and the future of the Pacific is the future of the world. Our country cannot shut its eyes to this condition. The people of America, with a rapidly increasing population produc- ing more than they can consume, with an aggressive character that brooks no opposition, with a coast line greater than that of any power of Europe, dotted with flourishing cities, constitute a factor in the future of the Orient that no apathy, no neglect, can belittle. Whatever policy we may have inherited as to entangle- ments with European powers must be discarded here. The people of the United States must not be content to see their neighbors to the West, with their boundless potentialities of trade, handed over, an uncontested prize, to the ambitions of 36 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. Europe. America may attempt to evade the responsibility thrust upon her. She may, with shortsighted resolution, turn her face away from her great future, but she will not succeed. The markets of the Orient are the heritage of her merchants, and the time will inevitably come when the voice of the Republic will be heard in oriental courts with the same accent of authority as in the commonwealths of South America. ~1t would be well if the certainty of this destiny could he recognized before European statesmanship has barred the way with vested interests. Leaving aside, however, these future complications, which no present thought can evade, we find that the actual commer- cial interests of the United States in Asia are worthy of the most careful consideration. Though its trade is in its infancy, China to-day is a great market, unable to supply itself with the very manufactured goods we have to sell. To this market we are the nearest; neighbors. Some of the energy and intelligence which our manufacturers are devoting to South America would find ample compensation here. In Western America, when railroads were built they took the population with them and built up the business on which they hoped to thrive. In China the population, the business, the prosperity are there waiting for the railroads to come to them. The commercial activity which good communicatiolis will create is inconceivable. If to the Empire of China, with its vast population, its vast territory, its limitless resources, the electric spark of American enterprise could be communicated, the trade that would spring into existence would surpass all the records of history. Already on the short lines in the north we have some indication of the future. The cars are crowded with passengers and freight, trade is springing up, and Chinese merchants, with ready intelligence, are planning the exten- sion of their business. New industries are coming into existence. Certain cities are pointed out as railroad centres, and real estate is advancing in price as in the booms cities of America. The station of Fengtai, eight miles southwest of Peking, now a rude building in a field of cabbages, is confidently expected by railroad experts to become the busiest railroad station in the world. There is no doubt that the general import and export trade of China will enormously increase. Internal taxation barriers will be broken down, and not only will new markets of great importance be reanhed, but old ones will become more accessible. The peo AMERICAS OPPORTUNITY IN ASIA. 87 pie will become more familiar with foreign products and inven- tions and will use them more freely. Increased opportunities of employment will give the lower classes more money to spend and there will be a greater demand for foreign oil, cloth, machinery, and the thousand things of foreign origin which the Chinese are only beginning to appreciate. It is a market which the writer candidly believes to be, for the American manufacturer, the most important in the world. The present trade of the United States with China is difficult to accurately estimate. The Chinese returns of trade indicate as going to or coming from the United States such goods only as are carried directly between an American and a Chinese port. If Chinese goods are reshipped at an English port their further progress is not traced, but they appear as having been exported to England only. Similarly, American goods appear as imports from Great Britain and her colonies. In the year 1896 the for- eign trade of China was 333,600,000 ilaikuan taels,* of which imports were 202,589,994 taels, and the exports 131,081,421 taels. Of these totals, 201,263,026 taels was trade with Great Britain and Hongkong, and 23,053,452 taels trade with the United States. As above stated, however, these figures repre- sent only the direct trade from American ports to Chinese ports and conversely, and are far from giving an accurate account of the export of American goods to China and of Chinese goods to the United States. A large part of American cotton goods, oil, flour, machinery, iron, lumber, etc., etc., in all of which there is considerable trade, appears credited in the Chinese returns to England and llongkong. The totals should probably be nearer 40,000,000 than 2.3,000,000 taels. The trade of Japan, though not of the same magnitude nor destined to the same development as that of China, is worthy of consideration. The total foreign trade of Japan for 1896 was about $145,000,000, United States currency, of which about *35,000,000 was trade with Great Britain and $25,OuO,000 with the United States. Japans imports from the United States ag- gregated about $8,000,000, and consisted chiefly of kerosene, raw cotton, flour, locomotives, rails, cigarettes, watches, and timber. It i~ noticeable that 3,6~0,000 tons of shipping under the British * The Halkuan tael was worth 51 cents United States currency at average vain. of sight bills of exchange on New York from ~hanghal for the year 1~96. 38 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. flag entered and cleared in Japan during 1896, while the total tonnage of American shipping for the pcriod was only 284,000 tons. It is interesting to look for a moment at the trade of Yladi- vostock, the port of Sibcria, and a market of the greatest promise. In 1885 only eighty-six ships called at this port; in 1895 this number had increased to 191, and in 1896 to 2~0. The trade of Viadivostock and Nikolaevsk is chiefly import. It grew from 3,000,000 pud in 1892 to 11,358,891 pnd in 1895. In this latter year the import at these two ports was valued at 22,418,524 silver roubles. Small as these figures are, the increase is strik- ing, and there is no question that the opening of the Russian railroads in Manchuria and Siberia will give a great impetus to the trade of the Pacific. Already the Russians are talking of trans-Pacific lines, with the Eastern terminus at an American port, so as to form a new line of transportation around the world, which shall touch no British soil. It has not been the purpose of this article merely to direct attention to the possibilities of the Orient and to arouse an inter- est in it, but chiefly to point out certain measuros which would im- mediately benefit the exporters of the United States. The first and most important step should be the manifestation of a greater interest by the American government in the political and com- mercial affairs of the Orient. As to China in particular, the powers of Europe should be assured that whatever disposition they make of the land, the trade must be open to all; that no future tariffs, whether by conventions or as the result of annex- ation, shall be allowed to discriminate against the United States. The American merchant should be assured that his government is supporting him, and the Chinese government should be made to understand that the commercial interest of every American citizen is jealously watched at Washington. The official support which European merchants receive from their governments should be offset by an equally determined support of our merchants from our government. Means of transportation between the ports of America and those of Asia should be put upon a better basis. Direct lines of cheap freight steamers nuder the American flag should be estab- lished from the Atlantic ports to Shanghai and Yokohama. Direct communication is the surest creator of trade. Private AMERICAS OPPORTUNITY IN ASIA. enterprise must grapple with this problem. Arrangements can easily be made through American agents in China by which ves- sels sailing regularly with cargo from Philadelphia, Baltimore, or New York can be assured of cargo on their homeward journey. The steamer lines between the Pacific coast and the Orient should receive such financial support as to be able to maintain frequent communication by American-built ships of the highest class. Canadian competition should be surpassed in all particulars. The profits on the carrying and insuring of American goods should be diverted to American companies. Our people should no longer endure the humiliating necessity of sending our merchandise, our mails, and our telegrams under the protection of a foreign, perhaps a hostile, flag. American merchants and manufacturers should insist on American representation of their interests in China. A German or an English agent of an American firm will sell German or English goods first, then American if he can. The methods with which American manufacturers have hitherto been content in China are in marked contrast to the methods they have used to push their business in other quarters. Nothing is so badly needed as aggressive American business methods. On the 23d of September last the writer called upon the great statesman of China, Li Hung Chang, in the privacy of his home in Peking. Grand Sccretary, I said, I am going to America to try to interest the merchants of my country more in the trade with China. What do you think of the idea ? Go, said the venerable statesman, and count on my assistance. Your idea ir an excellent one; the trade between China and the United States is an unmixed blessing to both. American manufacturers have shown that they need fear no rivalry. Their goods are sold in open competition with the world. On the shores of the Pacific lies their brightest hope. Russia, now bending her energies to the opening of Siberia, is our constant friend. China and Japan have no reason to be aught but cordial to us. We have all the advantages of position, all the advantages of goodwill. It is only necessary to realize our situation and to act upon it. CHARLES DEi~Y, JR. THE INTELLECTUAIJ POWERS OF WOMAN. BY PROFESSOR FABIAI~ FRA~KLW. THE NORTH AMERTOA~T REVIEW for September contains a spirited discussion by Mrs. G. 0-. Buckler of several aspects of the woman question. Of these it is the object of the present paper to consider one only that which Mrs. Buckler presents in the form of the inquiry, Has woman ever produced, or is she likely to produce, anything first-rate in the higher branches of litera- ture, science, or art? After a rapid survey of the field Mrs. Buckler answers the first half of this question with a decided negative; on the second half, in the only formal statement she makes concerning it, she holds to a position of judicial doubt. Women have never yet attained, she says, the highest rank in science, literature, or art. Whether they ever will do so is, of course, a mere matter of opinion, and here it is well carefully to discriminate facts from theories. And she proceeds to reject with something ap- proaching contempt the a priori arguments which have been advanced to show that women are of necessity precluded from high intellectual achievements. Did this passage represent the whole drift of the article, the present writer would have no quarrel with it. It is true that woman has never yet attained the highest rank in science, liter- ature, or art. It is also true that the question whether she ever will or not is a mere matter of opinionor rather of purely speculative conjecture. But the formal disclaimer thus made of any decision as to the possibilities of the future is not in agreement with the judgments expressed with emphasis at various points in the article. No reader can lay it down without the feeling that the author holds the facts of history to be conclusive as to the

THE INTELLECTUAIJ POWERS OF WOMAN. BY PROFESSOR FABIAI~ FRA~KLW. THE NORTH AMERTOA~T REVIEW for September contains a spirited discussion by Mrs. G. 0-. Buckler of several aspects of the woman question. Of these it is the object of the present paper to consider one only that which Mrs. Buckler presents in the form of the inquiry, Has woman ever produced, or is she likely to produce, anything first-rate in the higher branches of litera- ture, science, or art? After a rapid survey of the field Mrs. Buckler answers the first half of this question with a decided negative; on the second half, in the only formal statement she makes concerning it, she holds to a position of judicial doubt. Women have never yet attained, she says, the highest rank in science, literature, or art. Whether they ever will do so is, of course, a mere matter of opinion, and here it is well carefully to discriminate facts from theories. And she proceeds to reject with something ap- proaching contempt the a priori arguments which have been advanced to show that women are of necessity precluded from high intellectual achievements. Did this passage represent the whole drift of the article, the present writer would have no quarrel with it. It is true that woman has never yet attained the highest rank in science, liter- ature, or art. It is also true that the question whether she ever will or not is a mere matter of opinionor rather of purely speculative conjecture. But the formal disclaimer thus made of any decision as to the possibilities of the future is not in agreement with the judgments expressed with emphasis at various points in the article. No reader can lay it down without the feeling that the author holds the facts of history to be conclusive as to the THE INTELLECTUAL POWERS OF WOMAN. 41 limitations of womans intellectual powers. Thus, after speak- ing of women mathematicians, Mrs. Buckler says: Yet, taken all in all, these few individual instances of female achievement in science serve only to proVe the rule that women as discoverers are inferior to men. So far as literature is concerned she is even more explicit when she says Probably womans kind in literature will always be found to be the humbler species, the lyric and especially the hymn,. letter-writing and domestic nov- els. But what is more to the purpose is the general drift of the whole article, which is clearly and emphatically to the effect that, in literature at least, women have had ample opportunity to show their powers, and that the result of the test has been a demonstration of hopeless inferiority ; and that a similar testy not quite so conclusive, yet practically sufficient, has established the same result in the other two great departments of intel- lectual activity. That the facts of history are not only not conclusive, but can- not properly be regarded as establishing even a presumption con- cerning the limitations of the intellectual powers of woman, it is the object of the present paper to show. Strange as the assertion may at first blush appear, it is nevertheless true That the pre- sum ption that women are incapable of the highest intellectual achievement may far more reasonably be based upon mere ordi- nary impressions than upon anything which historical experience has thus far been able to furnish. If a man feels it in his bones that no woman could possibly write a poem as great as Para- dise Lost or evolve a body of mathematical doctrine like that of the Disquisitiones Arithrneticce, his state of mind is the result of a vast array of experiences, for the most part absorbed uncon- scionsly, but not the less valuable on that account. A convic- tion arrived at in this way it is difficult to dislodge or weaken. But when the position is taken, as it has been taken by so many previons writers, as well as by Mrs. Buckler, that women have historically demonstrated their incapacity for such triumphs by not yet having achieved them, it is not difficult to show that the argument is thoroughly unsound. The first and most vital defect in all these discussions is their total neglect of the question of numbers. No woman has at- tained the highest rank in science, literature, or art granted. But in all the ages of the world there have been but a handful of 42 THE NORTH A?*IERLOAN REVIEW. men who have attained this rank; and only an utterly insignifi- cant fraction of the female sex can be regarded as having been in any sense in the running for these high honors. Among the writers who hold Mrs. Bucklers view, one never finds the slight- est attempt to take into account the relation of these numbers. With all but an insignificant fraction of the sex ruled out, would not women have contributed more than their quota if they had furnished even one name to the list of immortals? The force of this inquiry will become much more apparent if we turn aside for a moment from the woman question. Take our own great country, and ask whether any American has attained the highest rank in science, literature, or art. We have had no Newton, no Darwin, no Gauss; there has not only been no American Shakespeare or Dante, but no American Goethe or Burns; and neither Beethoven nor Michel Angelo has even a distant relative on the roll of American glory. Does it enter any ones mind to infer, hence, that Americans are intrinsically inca- pable of the greatest triumphs in science, in literature, or in art? And yet the number of American men who have in the past hun- dred years been placed in circumstances conducive to the accom- plishment of great work is incomparably larger than that of all the women who have ever been so placed. - Other examples will point the moral quite as strikingly. Take the history of German literature. Between the romances and songs of chivalry which were produced in the twelfth and thir- teenth centuries, and the revival of German literature in the eighteenth century, there lies a dreary interval of five hundred years during which Germany produced not a single literary figure of importance, to say nothng of the highest rank. And all this time her universities were keeping up the love of learning ; she had ancient capitals and historic courts ; she ~vent through the stimulating experience of the Protestant Reforma~- tion, and it was within her bounds and during this period that the art of printing was invented. Or, again, take Scotland. An Englishman writing in the year 1750 could far more justly have said of Scotchmen than any one can to-day say of women, that historical experience had proved that we could not expect from them writings capable of attracting the attention or influencing the thought of the world. Yet the next half-century found Scot- land furnishing to philosophy the pre-eminent name of Hume, THK INTELLECTUAL POWERS OF WOMAN~ 48 to political economy the illustrious Adam Smith, to poetry Burns, and to prose Walter Scott. One is tempted here to introduce examples in which the course of history has been the reverse of thiscases where a period of glory has been followed by ages of utter insignificance. Of these, incomparably the most striking is that of Greece, or, let us say, of Athens. But the phenomenon presented by the magnifi- cent flowering of Greek genius in a single century, followed by two millenia of obscurity, illustrates much more than this lesson of numbers, and may well serve to introduce the second great defect of the historical argument against the capabilities of women. For not only has almost the entire mass of womankind, in all historic ages up to the last two or three decades, been prac- tically placed completely out of the running, but the extremely small minority from whom high achievement might possibly be expected have been wholly cut off from those influences which have, in the case of men, so great a share in the stimulation of ambition and the development of genius. Men who have had the spark of genius or even of talent in them have been spurred to effort by all their surroundings, by the traditions of the race, by rivalry with their comrades, by the admiration which the opposite sex accords to brilliant achievements, by the dread of disappointing the high expectations of relatives and friends, by the thousand nameless forces which impel and animate to exer- tion. What of all this has there been for women? How many have been so placed as to even think of an intellectual career as a possibility? Of these few, how many have been otherwise than solitary in their youthful aspirations and efforts? None has had the goad of the humiliation of failure to urge her on, for from none was anything great expected or looked for. And the very absorption in a high intellectual interest, which in the case of a boy would be hailed with delight even by the humblest parents as an earnest of future greatness, was, in the case of girls, up to the last two or three decades, universally condemned and repressed and thwarted even in the most cultivated families. r~ here is, of course, a very easy ausw3r to all this. Genius, it will be said, rises superior to all obstacles, and will manifest itself in spite of all disadvantages. The widespread acceptance of this comfortable doctrine is an interesting example of the way in which opinions, which when examined are seen to be mutually 44 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. contradictory, may jog along together in the same mind without inconvenience. The same persons who hold this view of the infinite resources of genius will accept without hesitation the current explanation of the brilliant periods in the intellectual history of the world, or of a particular nation. But if the great- ness of English literature in the time of Elizabeth is to be ex- plained by reference to the glories of her reign in arms and ad- venture and statesmanship; if it is not to be considered an acci- dent that Italys pre-eminence in art and literature was coinci- dent with the period when her rival states were at their highest point of wealth and political importance and civic pride; if Augustus had something to do with the Augustan age, and we~ find it quite natural that Virgil and Horace wrote then, and not in the reign of Augustulus; if we find a line of succession like Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, or like Aeschylu~, Soph- ocles, and Euripides, and recognize in it something most impressive, indeed, but nothing abnormal or miraculous; if we see nothing strange in the failure of the Greek race to produce a single world-name in two thousand years, after having, within the compass of a century and a half, furnished a consider- able fraction of all the names on the brief list of the worlds greatest menif all these things are so, what becomes of the notion that inborn genius will triumph over all adversity of cir- cumstance ? In one breath we recognize that intellectual glory can be looked for only when the spirit of the ~time and the con- ditions of the national life are favorable to it; shall we say, the next moment, that genius is sure to assert itself under all cir- cumstances ? Evidently the two positions are incompatible. So much for the inconsistency of the notion that genius will out with the all but universally accepted view that great things are, as a rule, done only in times somehow favorable to greatness. That it is the first, anti not the second, of these doctrines which is at fault may easily be shown almost to demonstration; one has only to run over any list of the worlds intellectual heroes, and strike out those who belonged to some great period. Leave only the solitary giants who arose unheralded and alone, who wrote noble verse in an ignoble time or made immortal works of art for a down-trodden or mean-spirited people, or extended the bounds of human knowledge at a time when learning was held in contempt. Is it necessary actually to go through the task ? THE INTELLECTUAL POWERS OF WOMAN. 45 Is it not plain at once that, if it were performed, the splendid roll of immortals would shrink almost to nothing ? And yet, if this be so, it is clear that, far from being sure to triumph over all the obstacles of circumstance, native genius depends almost in- variably for its fruitful development upon influences to which it, along with meaner endowments, is subjected. By this is not to be understood any approval of the evolutionary cant which at one time was so prevalent and which asserted that works of gen- ins were a mere product of the environment. The environ- ment cannot make a genius, and cannot evolve his work. On the other hand, however, genius is not endowed with omnipo- tence, but, as common sense would indicate, and as historic ex- perience amply demonstrates, it may be powerfullyhelped or fatally hindered by the atmosphere which it finds itself compelled to breathe. But the ordinary differences of atmosphere between one age and another, which we thus readily recognize to have an influence so powerful upon literature and art, are insignificant in compari- son with the difference between the atmosphere which has sur- rounded women and the atmosphere which has surrounded men in all times. To suppose that absolute exclusion from the oppor- tunities of culture is the only important factor that has to be taken into account would be to overlook in this question what all acknowledge as of predominant importance when we are consid- ering the history of civilization at large. Most vital of all the ad- verse influences, except such absolute exclusion, has been the prev- alent sentiment as to what is fitting and commendable, as well as the prevalent estimate of what is possible, to women. The ef- fect of such influences has been well expressed by Colonel Rig- ginson: Systematically discourage any individual, from birth to death, and they learn, in nine cases out of ten, to acquiesce in their degradation, if not to claim it as a crown of glory. If the Abbe Ohoisy praised the Duchesse de Fontanges for being beau- tiful as an angel and silly as a goose, it was natural that all the young ladies of the court should resolve to make up in folly what they wanted in charms. Only those of us who are very young have any need of his- torical research to assure ourselves that up to an extremely recent date therewas not one person in a hundred, of either sex, who did not look upon a really learned woman as a monstrosity. And 46 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. yet it is instructive to take an occasional glance farther back and find, for instance, that when, in the sixteenth century, Francoise de Saintanges wished to establish girls schools in France, she was hooted at in the streets arid her father called together four doctors learned in the law to deeide whether she was not pos- sessed by the devil to think of educating women (pour sassurer quinstruire des ,femmes n~tait pas un oeuvre du demon); or that F6nelon held virgin delicacy to be almost as incompatible with learning as with vice; or that Dr. Gregory, in his book A Legacy to Bits Daughters, which seems to have been regarded as a standard work on female propriety at the end of the eight- eenth century, utters such warnings as this Be cautious even in displaying your good sense; it will be thought you as- sume a superiority over the rest of the company. But, if you have any learning, keep it a profound secret, especially from the men, who generally look with a jealous and malignant eye on a woman of great parts and a cultivated understaudino Every one knows that the two women who in our century have won most distinction by their mathematical work had to acquire the elements of the science surreptitiously and in the face of unyielding parental opposition, though both belonged to families of culture and high social standing. No one fails to see that this was getting knowledge under difficulties; but few realize the more important lesson that it teaches. For who shall say how many girls may have had mathematical powers greater than Mrs. Somervilles or Madame Kovalewskis, without possessing those other qualities which braced these two to fly in the face of what they had been steadily taught from infancy to regard as right and becoming in a woman? One might go on almost indefinitely, pointing out the vast differences between the motives and ideals of the two sexes. But these considerations will easily occur to every one. The yeuthful dreams and aspirations of a gifted boy cluster around high achievement and resounding fame, because all that he hears and reads tends to arouse in him such ambitions; from earliest childhood, a girl learns to look forward to quite other things as her ideal. Beginning with the fairy tale and going on through poetry and romance and the talk of real life, the only thing which is held up to her as praiseworthy is the tender ministering to the needs of those around her; and it is the conquest of men THE INTELLECTUAL POWERS OF WOMAN. 47 by beauty and charm which is presented to her imagination as the one triumph that a woman prizes. The very girls who are most capable of great work, those possessing an abounding vital- ity, high spirits, the pride of life, are sure to go in for the greaf prize of happiness, and they cannot unite the winning of that prize with intellectual work so long as intellectual work is re- garded as unfeminine. But it is not my purpose to make an exhaustive list of the hindrances to womans intellectual achievements. I have wished merely to fasten attention upon them, and to show their bearing upon that matter of numbers, which, while it is the vital ele- ment of the whole question, is so strangely ignored by the sup- porters of the view maintained in the article under discussion. Let us quote one or two passages from it. Taking literature as our first topic, we find women from the earliest days express- ing their thoughts in verse and prose. Yet as real poets we can only mention the half mythical Sappho, and possibly, in our own day, Mrs. Browning and Christina Rossetti. Women from the earliest days; yes, but how many; and nuder what circum- stances ? In physics and mathematics we find feminine en- thusiasts at quite an early date. . . . Yet, taken all in all, these few individual instances of female achievement in science serve only to prove the rule that women as discoverers are in- ferior to men. In such a dictum the fact is entirely lost sight of that the whole number of women who acquired the elements of the infinitesimal calculus, in the two centuries from its creation by Newton and Leibnitz, to the opening of Vassar College in 1866, was probably less than the number of mathe- matical honor men the single University of Cambridge turns out in a single year. Yet of the ten thousand meii or so whom the University of Cambridge has, within the past hundred years, stamped with her certificate of honor, after a course of training upon which that stronghold of English mathematics concen- trates all her powers, only two, or at most three, have achieved high rank as discoverers in pure mathematics. In drawing conclusions like those just cited writers continu- ally forget that great distinction is, ex vi termini, an extremely rare thing. The truth is, that they are impelled to their con- clusion, not so much by the facts which they cite in support of it, as by a predisposition to believe it. Of this predisposition 48 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. they may themselves be entirely unconscious; but that it exists is shown by their failure to draw like inferences from similar and indeed much stronger premises, where there is no foregone conclusion to point the way. Almost every word, for instance, that is said of the failure of women to achieve the very highest distinction in science, literature, and art, may be said with equal truth of Americans, and with vastly greater emphasis of the in- habitants of almost any of our great States, say Pennsylvania; yet no one thinks of inferring from this that Amerir~ans or Penn- sylvanians are utterly barred by inherent defect from ever attain- ing the highest intellectual glory. It will be a long time before women may be truthfully said to have had a test in comparison with men anything like as fair as that which Americans have had, or perhaps even that which Pennsylvanians have had, in comparison with the world at large; but because America has produced no Dante, no Newton, no Beethoven, it does not enter any ones mind to conclude that the middle heights of fame must be the limit of an Americans ambition. But this is not the only way in which the predisposition to a foregone conclusion manifests itself. I have freely granted the literal correctness of the assertion that women have not in any department achieved the very highest distinction; but when it comes to drawing a much lower line than this, and asserting that women have never come up to it, the case is very different. Writers adopting the view which Mrs. Buckler holds are very apt to betray the kind of bias that shows itself in the famous jeit desprit about German scholarship written before the days of Germanys pre-eminence in philology: The Germans in Greek Are sadly to seek; All save only Flermann And Hermanns a German. Work which, if done by a man, would be regarded as falling little short of the highest, takes on in the minds of these writers a feminine littleness or limitation, for no discoverable reason ex- cept that the anthor of it was a woman. Why, for instance, does Mrs. Buckler repeatedly speak of the domestic novel as marking the limits of womans possibilities in the art of fiction ? Oould anything be more gratuitous? Is I?ornolct a domestic novel? I take Brocichaus Encyclojuedia, which happens to be THE INTELLECTUAL POWERS OF WOMAN. 49 at my side, and find that this German authority describes it as a picture of the Italian Renaissance of the last half of the fif- teenth century, drawn with a master hand. We all know that it is this and much more; and evidently the writer omitted to men- tion specifically, in so condensed an account, its other high quali- ties only because he had just given the following characterization of the earlier novel, Adam Bede Its excellences are a develop- ment of character as profonnd as it is brilliant, true epic force and richness, a style of extraordinary individuality and purity, and a highly original representation of English provincial life. Does one speak in this way of a mere domestic novel? In what derogatory sense can any of George Eliots novels be so designated ? And yet the belittlement implied in the words is heightened by the context; for we find hymn-making, letter- writing, and the composing of domestic novels put together as constituting that humbler species in literature which woman~s kind~~ not only has always been, but probably will always be found to be. This underestimation of womans achievement in a direction in which many women have been distinguished and a few have been truly great is so remarkable, and is so instructive as show- ing how large a part unconscious bias may play in these judg- ments, that I shall dwell upon it a moment longer, and forego all criticism of estimates of feminine performance in other fields, which, though not open to so strong an objection, are yet vitiated in the same manner. In a passage other than that just quoted we again find letter-writing and novels of domestic life coupled together on an apparently equal feoting; and here we find womens excellence in these departments ascribed to their special demand for the feminine qualities of quick emotions and ready observation. Let me place alongside of this unfavorable estimate some words about George Sand written by the greatest of English critics Whether or not the number of George Sands worksalways fresh, always attractive, but poured out too lavishly and rapidlyis likely to prove a hindrance to her fame, I do not care to consider. Posterity, alarmed at the way in which its literary baggage grows upon it, always seeks to leave be- hind it as much as it can, as much as it dareseverything but masterpieces. But the immense vibration of George Sands voice upon the ear of Europe will not soon die away. Her passions and her errors have beenabundantly talked of. She left them behind her, and mens memory of her will leave VOL. cLXVI.I~fO. 494. 4 ~Io THE NORTH AMERIUAIV REVIEW. them bebiud also. There will remain of her to maukind thz sense of benefit and stimulus from the passage upon earth of that large and frank nature, of that large and pure utterancethe large utterance of the early gods.~~* The object of this article was statcd at the outset to be a neg- ative one. Its purpose was to show that the facts of history are not only not conclusive, but cannot properly be regarded as establishing even a presumption concerning the limitations of the intellectual powers of woman. The positive proposition that women are capable of doing such work as has been done by a few score only of all the thousands of millions of men in the worlds history, I have made no attempt to establish. But that the absence, np to the present time, of supreme pro-eminence on the part of any woman cannot he allowed any logical weight in support of the conclusion that the sex is incapable of such dis- tinction, I thinli the foregoing considerations sufficiently show. I have pointed out, in the first place, that those who draw such an inference entirely fail to pay regard to the all-important question of numbers; they forget for the time being how very rare the kind of achievement is upon the absence of which they base their conclusion. Great nations have gone on for hundreds of years without producing a single important lit- erary figure; and it must be plain to any fair-mined person that the whole number of women in all nations and all times who may be said to have been so placed as justly to be con- sidered in the comparison is far less than that of the men so placed in any great nation in a single century. It is only within the last few decades that any considerable number of girls have grown up with any other notion than thet serious intellectual work in their sex is a monstrosity; and only in England and America has a different view of the matter been widely enter- tained even in our time, the woman movement having attained an important character in Germany only within the past five or ten years. In the second place, I have endeavored to emphasize the fact that even this numerical exclusion of all but an extremely small fraction of the sex does not begin to measure the disadvantage of women in the comparison. . Every one must recognize that the minute fraction which may properly be considered at all has not been surrounded by the atmoaphere, affected by the agencies, im- Matthew Arnold: Mixed Rsecws. THE INTELLECTUAL POWERS OF WOMAN. 51 polled by the stimuli, which exercise so incalculable an influence upon human achievement; but there is a not unnatural tendency to think that after all there ought to have been some women who had risen superior to all these things. It is for this reason that I have dwelt on the utter absence of intellectual greatness in periods of national decadence, and on the universally acknowledged in- fluence of general conditions upon the flourishing of literature, art, and science, But surely the ordinary differences in these conditions which have been uniformly found sufficient wholly to prevent the emergence of g8nius among men are insignificant in comparison with the unfavorable difference which has always ex- isted in the conditions surrounding women, in every direction of intellectual effort. A final word as to the importance or unimportance of the whole discussion. There would be no harm in leaving the question entirely open; what is to be deplored is an erroneous belief that it has been settled. In a matter of keen human interesthow- ever unsubstantial or speculative that interest may beany error is to be deplored, simply as error. But in this case there is an- other and more special reason for regret. It is that the conclu- sion which I have been engaged in controverting is sure to be un- derstood by the generality of people as meaning vastly more than in its exact terms it professes to convey. Even those who are not tim generality slide imperceptibly into this exaggeration of its purport. The most that could be claimed as shown by history, even were the considerations adduced in the present article wholly ignored, would be that women cannot reach the highest heights; yet we see the very able and gifted writer of the article to which this is a reply belittling achievements of members of her own sex which are of undeniable greatness, a thing which can hardly be ascribed to anything else than the bias due to a preconceived theory. Whether or not any woman can be as great as the greatest men, it is quite certain that some women can be as great as very great men ; for some women have been. The capacity for doing excellent work in the most difficult departments of university study, positive experience has now shown to be~no more abnormal among women than among men. Yet we see surviving to our own dayand probably, if the truth were known, still very widely entertained the notion that, leav- ing out a possible lusus naimra~ here and there, women are in- 52 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. capable of doing high university work. In a recent number of a prominent Review, I find a Lecturer on History in the Uni- versity of Cambridge making the utterly ridiculous statement that he had never seen .a womans papers equal to a mans; which, if understood literally, would mean that the ablest of the women whose papers had ever come under his eye was not eqnal to the most stupid of the men. This doubtless is not what he meant to say, but the expression shows the persistence in his mind of an utterly baseless belief in womans essen- tial inferiority. Any one whose memory extends back twenty-five years will remember the time when the belief was practically universal that women were incapable of master- ing the higher mathematics. Go back a little farther, and we find a schoolmaster in one of the principal towns of Massa- chusetts set down as a visionary because he proposed to under- take to teach girls fractions. A century ago no less a man than Kant declared the unfitness of women for the study of geometry. It is generally believed in Germany, writes Professor Klein,* one of the greatest of living mathematicians, that inathemat- ical studies are beyond the capacity of women; but he assures us that the women who have attended the mathematical courses at G6ttingen have constantly shown themselves from every point of view as able as their male competitors. And it may be remarked that the mathematical work here referred to is as far beyond anything that was taught in America before the open- ing of the Johns Hopkins University as the work in our best col- leges in those days was beyond that of a country school. It is because the view combated in this article not only is lacking in foundation, but tends to strengthen the hold of beliefs which still cling to the majority of persons, though they have been amply proved to be erroneous, that I feel it to be important that it should be opposed. It is impossible to determine the relative powers of men and women; it will be long before experience can show, even with a moderate degree of probability, what limits there may be to the possibilities of woman in the realm of intel- lect. Let us not, in the meanwhile, belittle the actual work of women, in pursuance of a baseless dogma of essential inferiority. Let us refrain, for instance, from saying, with Mr. Gosse, that women cannot write poetry requiring art because they lack the Les Femme8 dans la Science. By A. Rebl~re. Paris, 1897. (Page 318.) THE INTELLECTUAL POWERS OF WOMAN. artistic impulse, when we know not oniy that they have written such poetry, but that paintings like those of Miss Mary Cassatt or Mine. Demont-Breton, not to speak of older names, show the pos- session of an extremely high artistic impulse. Let Americans, at least, not talk glibly of womens power in scientific discovery being essentially inferior to mens, until such time as some American mathemath~ian receives as high recognition as that bestowed by the French Academy on the work of Sonia Kovalewski, the judgment being pronounced with- out knowledge of the writers sex. Let us not regard the results of womens attempts in poetry and music as utterly fatal to aspirations however high, when we remember that our country has thus far produced neither a great composer nor, in the high sense of the word, a great poet. Let us not lay too great stress on the fact that in dramatic literature no woman has ever gained for herself any lasting fame, when it is remem- bered that America has never produced a drama of even moderate excellence ; while, on the other hand, I find Prof. Kuno Fraucke, of Harvard, saying in The Nation a few weeks ago, of a drama recently written by a German woman, Giesela von Arnim, the wife of Hermaun Grimm, that its chief scene is one of the most affecting in dramatic literature, that the personages of the play are characters of genuine grandeur, and that in it the long- ings and aspirations of the author have found a supreme poetic expression. In a word, as to what woman may do in the future, let us frankly acknowledge that the future alone can decide, the experience of the past being far too slight to furnish the materials for a forecast; and as to what women have done in the past, or are doing in the present, let us recognize it as what it is, and not as what, in accordance with an unproven generalization, we imagine it must of necessity be. FABIAN FRANKLIN. INDUSTRIAL ADVANCE OF GERMANY. BY MICHAEL G. MULHALL, F. S. S. TUB formation of the new German Empire in 1871 was the signal for industrial development in all the States of Germany, under a variety of forms. Nor is this the first instance where great political epochs in European kingdoms have been followed by a kind of Renaissance in the arts of industry and peace. Eng- land, for example, after Waterloo made unprecedented strides in manufactures. Belgium was no sooner emancipated from the Dutch yoke in 1830 than she commenced a brilliant career of progress. Hungary threw off the Austrian supremacy in 1867, to take her proper rank among nations, and the advancement which she has made in 30 years is nothing short of marvellous. Even Ireland may one day become a country of some importance, if ever the government be autonomous. Meantime, as regards Germany, if we consider her development in the last 20 years we find that in every particular it exceeds relatively that of any other country in Europe, which is the more surprising in view of the burden of an immense military establishment and a geographical position inferior to that of England, France, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, Holland, Italy, or Turkey. Population~.The natural increase of the German people in twenty years was close on 12,500,000 souls, or about 30 per cent. on the population of 1875, and about one-fourth of the increase emigrated, leaving a net gain of 9~ millions, viz. 1875. 1895. Increase. Prussia 25,70O,0~0 31.80,000 8,10000 Bavaria 5,020,000 5,800,000 780,000 Other States 12.010,000 14,650,COO 2,640 000 Total 42,730,000 52,250,000 9,5~0,000 The tendency to an iner~ass of urban population has b..~

INDUSTRIAL ADVANCE OF GERMANY. BY MICHAEL G. MULHALL, F. S. S. TUB formation of the new German Empire in 1871 was the signal for industrial development in all the States of Germany, under a variety of forms. Nor is this the first instance where great political epochs in European kingdoms have been followed by a kind of Renaissance in the arts of industry and peace. Eng- land, for example, after Waterloo made unprecedented strides in manufactures. Belgium was no sooner emancipated from the Dutch yoke in 1830 than she commenced a brilliant career of progress. Hungary threw off the Austrian supremacy in 1867, to take her proper rank among nations, and the advancement which she has made in 30 years is nothing short of marvellous. Even Ireland may one day become a country of some importance, if ever the government be autonomous. Meantime, as regards Germany, if we consider her development in the last 20 years we find that in every particular it exceeds relatively that of any other country in Europe, which is the more surprising in view of the burden of an immense military establishment and a geographical position inferior to that of England, France, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, Holland, Italy, or Turkey. Population~.The natural increase of the German people in twenty years was close on 12,500,000 souls, or about 30 per cent. on the population of 1875, and about one-fourth of the increase emigrated, leaving a net gain of 9~ millions, viz. 1875. 1895. Increase. Prussia 25,70O,0~0 31.80,000 8,10000 Bavaria 5,020,000 5,800,000 780,000 Other States 12.010,000 14,650,COO 2,640 000 Total 42,730,000 52,250,000 9,5~0,000 The tendency to an iner~ass of urban population has b..~ INDUSTRIAL ADVANCE OF GERMANY. 1875. Urban population 4,670,000 Rural 38,060,000 Total .... 42,780,000 1895. 9,180,000 43,07() 000 52,250,000 55 even more marked in Germany than in other European countri@8, for we find that oitie~ have doutbied, viz.: Increase. Per cent. 96 18 22 It appears that urban population has grown seven times as fast as rural, and that the large cities have grown much more than the small ones, viz.: Increase. 1875. 1895. Per cent. Berlin 880,000 1,680,000 102 Hamburg 240,000 630.000 162 Munich 170,000 410.1400 140 Leipzig . .. . 110.uOO 400,000 268 Fifty six other cities 3,320,000 6,060,000 80 Urban population 4,670,000 9,180,000 96 The material development of Germany could not have been so great but for the rapid growth of population, and this has been by no means uniform, reaching 35 per cent. in Saxony, while it h~s not exceeded 10 per cent. in Wurtemberg. Energy.The working-power of the empire has grown 80 per cent., or almost four times as fast as population, viz. Millions of foottons daily. Year. HandHorse.St~~. 1575 8,490 10,100 18,110 25.7)0 1893 4,260 11,540 80,600 46,400 At present the working-power is equal to 900 foot-tons daily per inhabitant, as compared with 600 foot-tons in 1875, 50 that it may be said two men can now doas much work as three could do twenty years ago. Agricultural. Detailed returns are not available earlier than 1880 ; the annual averages for 1893-96 compare with those of 1880-82 as follows: Grain. .. . Potat~es Beetroot Sundries Hay. Total Acres. -~ -- 188082 18C3...95 33,940.000 37.95,000 6,~30.000 7,500,000 1,250,000 2,120,000 1,281,000 2,980.000 14,600,000 14,600,000 57,900,000 65,150,000 Crop, tons. 188t1-82 189395 14,800,000 18.600,000 21,100,000 31 .000,000 12,600,000 20.300,000 3,100,000 9.500.000.. 18,200,000 17,200,000 69,800,000 96,600,000 Th. area. under crops has risen 12 per cent. in 15 years. The THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. average weight of crop (excluding hay) is now 31 hundred-weight per acre, against 24 hundred-weight in 1880-82, being an im- provement of 30 per cent. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that agriculture is by no means at so high a level as the necessities of the empire demand, or as might be expected from so industrious and enlightened a people as the Germans. The area of land under cultivation is only 48 per cent. of the whole, the produc- tion of food is insufficient for the population, and yet the num- ber of hands employed in farming is nearly the same as in the United States. The production of grain averages two tons to each agricultural hand, against 2j in France, 3 in Great Britain and 9 in the United States. The annual food-supply, exclusive of imports, is as follows Tons. Grain. Potatoes. Meat. Prussia 10,600,000 20,000,000 920,000 Bavaria 2,300000 4,300,000 220,000 Other States 5,700,000 6,700,000 380,000 Total 18,600,000 31,000,000 1,520,000 The consumption of potatoes reaches almost 4 pounds daily per inhabitant, being the highest ratio on the European Conti- neuL The production of grain and meat is short of requirements, net imports of grain in the last three years averaging 3)~ mil- lion tons yearly, from which it appears that Germany subsists on imported grain during two months of the year. As regards pastoral industry there has been an increase of live-stock, exc~pt sheep, viz.: Year Horses. Cattle. Sheep. Pigs. 1873 3,350,000 15,780,000 25,000.000 7,120000 1893 3,840,000 17,560,000 13,600,000 12,170,000 The production of meat has not kept pace with population, having risen only 13 per cent. in 20 years, viz. Tons. Year Beef. Autton. Pork. Total. 1873 790000 280,000 280,000 1,350,000 1893 880,000 150,000 490,000 1,520,000 This gives an actual average of 66 pounds of meat per inhab- itant, against 73 pounds in 1873, the supply being now supple- mented by 200,000 tons of imported meat, which brings up the consumption to 75 pounds per head. The quantity imported suffices to feed Germany during six weeks of the year. There is, INDUSTRIAL ADVANCE OF GERMANY. 57 moreover, a deficiency of dairy products, for whereas the number of much cows in 1873 was five per cent. more than requisite for the population, it is now six per cent. below par, and although Germany exports yearly 8,000 tons of butter, she is obliged to im- port margarine to meet the deficit. The value of rural products was estimated 40 years ago by Block and Viebahn at 1,540 million thalers, or 1,150 million dol- lars, In 1895 it reached nearly double that sum, viz.: Million dollars. Prussi . BavarIa. Other States. Total. Grain 312 60 151 523 Potatoes 202 41 62 305 Other crops 280 57 91 428 Meat P2 45 75 302 173 43 72 288 DalrXprodUCts:....:: 91 24 41 156 Total 1,240 270 492 2,002 The sum total is fiftV million dollars less than the value of farm products of the twenty-three Western States of the Union, but the number of hands in Germany is two and a half times as great, while the improved area of the Western States is three times that of German farms. In Germany the productive area is equal to no more than eight acres per farming hand; in the Western States it is sixty-two acres. The value of product per acre is, of course, higher in Germany, namely $31, as compared with $10 in the Western States; but the product per farming hand is $620 in the latter, against $250 in Germany. The back- ward condition of German agriculture arises from a variety of ci~uses, two of which are self-evident. In the first place, eighty per cent. of the farms are so small that much labor is wasted, since it is impossible to use improved machinery, the tenure of land being as follows: Estates Number. Acres. Average do. Large 680,000 85,500,000 125 Small 2,275,000 27,000,000 12 With a 12-acre farm a man can hardly do more than feed his family and pay taxes, whereas the average farm in the Western States of America comprises 140 acres. In the second place, the military system of Germany takes from agriculture the flower of the peasantry. According to the census of 1896, no less than 35 per cent. of the population is agricultural; the actual number of farming hands is 8,200,000, each of the latter hardly raising THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. enough food to support six persons. Thus it comes to pass that the German people subsist on imported food during two months in the year, while 5t per cent. of the area of the empire is uncul- tivated. Forestry.There is no country of Europe where the forests constitute a more important or better regulated industry than in Germany. Their extent and gross annual product are approxi mately as follows: Acres. Yield, dollars. Dollars, per acre. Prussia 20,400,000 47600,000 2.35 Bavaria 5.900,000 15.100,000 2.55 Other States 8,2u0,000 45,300.000 5.52 Germany 34,500,000 108,000,000 3.13 In the last ten years the average cutting was 38 million tons yearly, of which one-fourth was lumber, the rest firewood, fences, etc. The value of lumber ranges from 4 to 7 dollars per ton (400 feet of board measure); the cost of felling and conveying to high- road averages 33 cents per ton. State forests cover 9,400,000 acres, or more than one-fourth of the forest area. In 1894 there were altogether 380,000 wood-cutters, who felled on an average 100 tons each, the value being 285 dollars per man, and the cut- ting averaged rather more than a ton (22 cwt.) per acre. Textile Manufactures.The weight of fibre consumed in the mills has more than doubled in twenty years; the following table shows the averages for two years at the beginning and at the end of that interval: Tons yearly. Years Cotton. Wool. Flax, etc. Total. 1874-75 120,000 80,000 80,000 28o.000 1894-95 290,000 185,000 115,000 590,000 Germany consumes 30,000 tons more fibre than France, whereas the latter country was very much ahead before the Franco-German war. The consumption as compared with that in Great Britain is as three to seven. Neamly all the fibre used in German mills is imported, home production consisting only of 25,000 tons wool and 55,000 flax. Germany has distanced all other Continental nations in cotton manufactures, and counts at present 4,700,000 spindles, of which one-third belong to Alsace- Lorraine and were formerly French. She comes next after France in silk manufactures, and as regards woollens the two countries are about equal. The growth of textile manufactures in Germauy INDUSTRIAL ADVANCE OF GERMANY. may be, in a manner, measured by the increase of ppulation in the principal seats of this class of industry, viz.: Year. Krefeld. Barmen. Elberfeld. Chemnitz. Dusseldorf. Total. 1875. .... 60.000 70,000 72,000 68.000 70.0w 0 340,000 1895 110,000 130,000 140,000 160,000 180,000 720,000 These five towns, where textile industries flourish, have in the aggregate more than doubled their population, and we have seen that the consumption of fibre has likewise more than doubled. The value of textile goods exported has almost trebled, rising from 42 million dollars in 1875 to 113 millions in 1895. The approxi- mate value of textile manufactures produced in I 89~ was ~40 million dollars, of which there remained for home consumption 427 millions worth, equal to 8 dollars per inhabitant, against 15 dollars per head in Great Britain and 13 in the United States. Hardware.While textile industry rose 110 per cent. in 20 years, the increase of hardware has been much greater, namely 180 per cent., the production of metals having been as follows: Tons. Year: Iron. Lead. Zinc, etc. Total. 1875 2.020,000 70,000 90,(00 2,180.000 1895 5,790,000 100,000 170,000 6,060,000 Germany holds third place among the nations of the world as a producer of steel, the output in the above period having risen from 35,000 to 2,500,000 tons. The annual output of iron and steel goods is of the approximate value of 430 million dollars, of which nearly one-fifth is exported. The value of all hardware manufactures is about 525 million dollars, home consumption standing for 440 millions, equal to 84 dollars per inhabitant, against 6 dollars in France, 12 in Great Britain and 16 in the United States. The weight of metal consumed annually* aver- ages 206 pounds per inhabitant in Germany, as compared with 280 pounds in Great Britain and 320 in the United States. Tbere are 750 first-class machine factories in Germany, of which Prus- sia has ~00, turning out everything requisite for railways, agri- culture, mining, etc. Krupps covers one thousand acres, em- ploying 310 steam engines and 20,000 workmen, and consuming one million tons of steel yearly. The rapidity with which the manufacture of hardware has grown in Germany may be judged The consuxiption of metal In some countries is almost equal to the coniump. tAmo bra4. 60 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. from the fact that it compared with that of France in 18Th as four to three, and in 1895 as five to two. Its present position as compared with that of Great Britain is as three to four. Sugar.This is another important branch of manufacture, shown briefly thus: Tons. ______-~-~ Bounty, Year Beetroot. Sugar. Do., exported. dollars. 1876 4,160,000 350,000 55,000 2,200,000 1886 7,070.000 810,000 500,000 22,500,000 1896 12,300,000 1,620,000 960,000 4,600,000 The quantity of beetroot consumed in the mills has trebled, the production of sugar quadrupled, and the exportation multi- plied eighteen fold. Whether owing to improved machinery or to a better description of beetroot the yield per ton of roots has risen from less than 9 per cent. to more than 13 per cent. To make the difference clearer let it be understood that if the per- centage yield were the same as 20 years ago, the product in 1896 would have been only 1,060,000 tons of sugar; therefore, a ton of beetroot now produces 53 per cent. more sugar than in 1875. The ordinary crop of beet to the acre is the same now (10 tons) as it was then, but the yield of sugar is now 3,000 pounds to the acre, against *1,900 pounds in 1875. The superior yield has fully compensated for the fall of price, otherwise the industry would perhaps have gone to ruin. It is evidently in a thriving position, as the increase d exports shows: Tons yearly 188890. 189193. 189496 Sugar made .. 1,020,000 1,190,000 1,570,000 consumed 400,000 470,000 710,000 exported 620,000 720,000 860,000 The average consumption of sugar in 188890 was 18 pounds yearly per inhabitant, and is at present 30 pounds, which is evi- dence that the people are better fed than they were seven years ago. At the same time the industry is so thriving that the bounty on exportation has been reduced from *45 to $5 per ton. Germany now produces 40 per cent. of the beet sugar made in Europe, as compared with 30 per cent. in 1876. Mining .In this industry Germany is surpassed only by the United States and Great Britain, the weight of minerals having risen 120 per cent. in 20 years Tons raised. Year Coal. Iron ore. Zinc, etc., do. Total. 1875 49,500000 3,700,000 1,700,000 54,900,000 1895 104 000,0~0 12,800,000 8,900,000 120,200,000 iNDUSTRIAL ADVANCE OF GERMANY. 61 The number of miners is 400,000, and the average weight of mineral raised per man is 287 tons, against 190 in 1875, which signifies that two miners raise as much as three could twenty years ago. The value of minerals raised in 1895 was 172 million dollars, equal to ~430 per miner, against ~810 in the United States. The annual consumption of coal is 2 tons in Germany, 4 in the United States, and 4 in Great Britain per head of the population. Shipping.No country except Great Britain has made such progress in merchant shipping in the last twenty years as Ger- many, viz. Tons register. Carrying Steamer. Sailing. Total. power 1875 180,000 900,000 1,080,000 1S~20,000 1895 880,000 620,000 1,500,009 4,140 009 Nominal tonnage has increased only forty per cent., but steamers have so far taken the place of sailing vessels that the carrying power has risen 156 per cent. The German merchant navy has one-seventh of the carrying power of the British, one- third of that of the United States. Oomrnerce.If we count the value of imports and exports the ii~crease since 1876 has not been remarkable, the fall of prices having greatly reduced the nominal amount from what it would have been. The value of imports and exports (including goods in transit) was as follows Millions, dollars. Year imports. Exports. Total. 1876 950 640 1,590 1886 740 770 1,510 1896 1,140 940 2,080 One-fifth of the trade is with Great Britain and her colonies; the next in the rank of customers are Austria and the United States, the transactions with the latter country reaching 170 million dollars yearly. The weight of merchandise exchanged between Germany and other countries has almost trebled, viz.: Tons. Year Imports. Exports. Total. 1876 $11,500,000 ~l0,7O0,000 $22,200,000 16.900,000 l8,900,~ 85,800 000 1898 36,400,000 25,700,000 62,100,000 THE NORTH AMERIGAN REVIEW. According to the tonnage entries it appears that 42 per cent. of the carrying-trade of German ports is done on German bottoms, as compared with 38 per cent. twenty years ago, which shows that although the German flag is gaining ground the merchant shipping of the empire is wholly insufficient, more than half of the trade of Germany being still done on foreign bottoms. Railwct~,s.Germauy has more railways than any other country in the world, except the United States, having increasbd her mileage 62 per cent. since 1875, viz. 1875. 1885. 1895. Prussia 9,870 13,490 18.090 B~var1a 2,440 3,160 8,800 Other States 5,070 5,990 6,350 Total 17,880 22,640 28,240 In the last 20 years the State has purchased or built 20,000 miles of railway, and at present it owns 25,400 miles, or 90 per cent. of all lines in the empire. This has powerfully aided the development of all industries by adopting low rates of tariff. The ordinary freight charge is *1.50 for carrying one ton 100 miles, as compared with *3.60 in Great Britain, while it is only 72 cents in the United States. The cost of the State railways of Germany has been 2,550 million dollars, and the net profit in the years 189495 averaged 127 million dollars, equal to 5 per cent. on the cost. As the government borrowed the money to buy the railways at 4 per cent., the Treasury makes a net gain of 25 million dollars, besides rendering an incalculable service to the empire by the reduction of freight charges. Banking. The amount of paper money in circulation has risen 40 per cent., that of bullion-reserve 100 per cent. in twenty years, official returns showing thus: MillIon dollars. Year Paper money1 Bullion reserve. 1877 230 136 1895 318 273 The sum total of banknotes and coin in use in 1895 was 1,150 million dollars, against 760 millions in 1875. This is an increase of only 50 per cent., whereas the industries of the empire had a mean increase of 116 per cent., which shows that it is by no means necessary that money and industry should Increase in ilk. INDUSTRIAL ADVANCE OF GERMANY. 433 degree, as bimetallists pretend. The coinage of hard money in the last twenty years has been as follows: Million dollars. Period Gold. Silver. Totd. Per Rnnum. 1876 85 164 72 236 23.8 1886-95 269 11 280 28.0 Twenty years 433 83 516 258 The amount of money in Germany, notes and coin, is equal to $~2 per inhabitant, against $18 in Great Britain, $60 in France, and $35 in the United States. Savings banks have made wonderful progress all over Ger- many. We find, for example, that in Prussia the number of depositors has treblod, and the amount of deposits risen 500 per cent., viz.: Average, Year Depositors. Dollars. dollars. 1872 1,706.000 145,000,000 85 189$ 5,773,000 850,000,000 147 It may be said that every family in Prussia has a savings bank account. There are, moreover, in Germany 9,950 popular banks on the Raffeiser and Schulze-D~litzsch systems, first invented in ibSO; they count 510,000 members, and their outstanding loans in 1893 reached 360 million dollars. Wealth.Official tables of income tax for Prussia show the number of persons having incomes over 750 dollars yearly as fol- lows: Per thousand Year. Number. inhabi Lants. 1875 . 139.510 5.3 173.000 6.4 1893 . 319,000 10.3 It would appear that wealth has increased twice as fast as pop- ulation, the affluent class having risen from five per thousand to double that ratio in 18 years. In 1890 Soetbeer estimated the tggregate earnings of persons subject to income tax in Prussia at 2,500 million dollars yearly, which is equivalent to 4,200 millions for the whole empire, exclusive of persons not liable to income- tax. The earnings of the nation in 1894 were approximately as follows : . Million dollars. From Prussia. Bavaria. Other States. Germany. Agriculture 760 170 280 1,210 Manufacture~ 950 165 545 1.6110 Trade 790 150 410 1,850 Other occupations.... ..... 1,190 205 545 1,940 Total 3,690 690 1,780 6,160 64 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. This gives an average income of $117 per inhabitant in Prussia, and $119 for all Germany in general; average expendi- ture is about $109, the accumulation of wealth in recent years having averaged annually $10 per head. The total wealth of the empire in 1895 was almost equal to that of the Western States of the Union (39,400 millions of dol- lars), and was made up thus: Million dollars. I.. Farms. Houses. Railways. Sundries. Total. Prussia 7,610 5,040 1,740 9,810 23,700 Bavaria 1,630 365 330 1,735 4,560 Saxony 350 630 180 1,030 2,190 Wurtemberg 6i0 370 100 690 1,780 Other States 1,890 1,495 420 2,615 6,420 Germany 12,100 8,400 2,770 15,380 38,650 This gives an average of $755 per head of the population in Prussia, and $750 for all Germany, as compared with $1,120 per head in the United States. * Finances.The revenue of the States of Germany, including the proportionate shares of imperial taxation, has been as follows: Million Dollars dollars. per inhabitant. 1875. 1895. 1875. 1895. Prussia 244 614 9.40 19.40 Bavaria... - 70 109 40.40 18.80 Saxony 17 25 6.20 7.50 Wartemberg 17 23 9.00 1100 Other States 62 131 8.50 14.80 Total 410 902 9.50 17.10 From this it would appear at first sight as if taxation had doubled in twenty years, but this is by no means the case. Much of the incfease arises from the receipts of government railways, as the following table shows: Revenue, million Dollars dollars. per inhabitant. 1875. 1895. 1875. 1895. Railways 62 307 1.50 5.90 General revenues ... . 348 595 8.00 11.20 Total 410 902 9.50 17.10 If we exclude railway receipts the general revenue shows an average of $11.20 per inhabitant, an increase of $3.20 or 40 per cent. in 20 years, which is by no means excessive, seeing that the mean progress of 8 principal industries has been 110 per cent. * The census of 1890 gave an average of $1,049; subsequent accumulations would bring It up to $1,120. INDUSTRIAL ADVANCE OF GERMANY. 65 in the same interval, If all nations enjoyed an equal ratio of wealth per inhabitant we should find Germany to be very lightly taxed, the sum total of general and local taxes giving the follow- ing averages per inhabitant~: $9.60 in Germany, $18 in France, and $12 in the United States. But when we come to compare taxation with wealth it appears that the incidence is heavier in Germany than in the United States, viz.: Dollars per inhabitant. Tax per Wealth. Taxation. 100 of wealth. Germany 750 9 60 1.28 United States 1,120 12.00 1.07 In view of the foregoing comparisons it is permitted to say that Germany is lightly taxed in relation to Europe in general, but not so lightly as the United States. As regards public debt that of Germany is now nominally five times as much as it was before the Fran co-German war, viz: Million dollars. Year Prussia. Bavaria. Small States. Total. 1867 2~5 150 235 620 1896 1,825 385 690 2,900 No less than 88 per cent. of the present debt is represented by State railways, purchased by means of scrip bearing 3~ to 4 per cent. interest. The ordinary net earnings of these railways average 5 per cent., and hence the investment leaves a large annual profit to the Treasury. If we deduct the sum paid for State railways, the real debt of Germany will be found not to ex- ceed 350 million dollars, which is less than 7 dollars per inhabi- tant, as compared with $30 per head in the United States, *105 in Great Britain, and $175. in France, between national and local debts in these countries. Hence it is evident that in this respect Germany enjoys an enviable advantage over other countries. There is no necessity to recapitulate the items of German progress in the last 20 years : they are (except in agriculture) so striking as to command admiration, however we may deplore the military system and the autocratic tendency of the present re- gime. The increase of wealth is the natural result of the mar- vellous development of industry, and the latter must in great measure be ascribed to the advanced state of instruction in every part of the empire and among all classes of the people. MICHAEL G. MULHALL. * Excluding all revenue not raised by taxation, viz, Crown forests, State railways, Post-office, etc. VOL. CLXVI.NO. 494. 5 A PARADISE OF GOOD GOVERNMENT. BY MAX OBELL. THE inhabitants of the pretty little island of Jersey are the richest, the happiest, the freest, and the best governed people on the earth. The assertior~ is not an audacions one and can be proved point by point. Let us proceed in order. Jersey belongs to the Englishnominally, yes; in reality, no. Jersey belongs to the Jerseyans. But, you will say, the Jersey people do homage to the Queen of England. True enough, and yet no. It is as Duchess of Normandy, and not as Queen of England, that her Britannic Majesty claims recognition as the sovereign by the people of Jersey. Let us reason this out. It was a Duke of Normandy who in 1066 made the conquest of England, and it is the descendants of the Normans who still inhabit Jersey. In doing homage to the Duchess of Normandy the Jersey people remind england that she was long ago con- quered by their ancestors. Conclusion arrived at by every true- born Jerseyan: It is not Jersey that belongs to England, it is England that belongs to Jersey. This being admitted in all corners of the little island, the English and the Jerseyans get on very well together. John Bull takes good care not to wound the feelings of the people whose countries are marked in red on all the maps of the world published in England. He is the prince of diplomatists. The independence of Jersey is perfect. Its people make their own laws, levy their own taxes, and pay none whatever to the English. The governor of the island opens the Parliament in the name of the Duchess of Normandy and passes the rest of his time in giving soirees and garden parties and granting to priv

A PARADISE OF GOOD GOVERNMENT. BY MAX OBELL. THE inhabitants of the pretty little island of Jersey are the richest, the happiest, the freest, and the best governed people on the earth. The assertior~ is not an audacions one and can be proved point by point. Let us proceed in order. Jersey belongs to the Englishnominally, yes; in reality, no. Jersey belongs to the Jerseyans. But, you will say, the Jersey people do homage to the Queen of England. True enough, and yet no. It is as Duchess of Normandy, and not as Queen of England, that her Britannic Majesty claims recognition as the sovereign by the people of Jersey. Let us reason this out. It was a Duke of Normandy who in 1066 made the conquest of England, and it is the descendants of the Normans who still inhabit Jersey. In doing homage to the Duchess of Normandy the Jersey people remind england that she was long ago con- quered by their ancestors. Conclusion arrived at by every true- born Jerseyan: It is not Jersey that belongs to England, it is England that belongs to Jersey. This being admitted in all corners of the little island, the English and the Jerseyans get on very well together. John Bull takes good care not to wound the feelings of the people whose countries are marked in red on all the maps of the world published in England. He is the prince of diplomatists. The independence of Jersey is perfect. Its people make their own laws, levy their own taxes, and pay none whatever to the English. The governor of the island opens the Parliament in the name of the Duchess of Normandy and passes the rest of his time in giving soirees and garden parties and granting to priv A PARADISE OF GOOD GOVERNMENT. 67 ileged tradesmen permission to announce that it is at their shops he gets hatted, booted, or furnished with various necessaries. Just as in the colonies, the governor is the leader of good so- ciety, a kind of good King Log, who could perfectly well be re- placed by a portrait of himself painted on the gate of Govern- ment House, the possessor of one of the best sinecures in the world. Gouvernement facile et beau, A qui suffit pour toute garde, Un Suisse avec sa hallebarde Peint cur la porte dii cbO~teau. The Jersey people all speak French. In good society it is Eng- lish that one hears; commerce is conducted in French and Eng- lish. Away from the towns, among the peasant proprietors, nothing but French is heard. The official language of Jersey is French. All the debates in the Island Parliament, called the States, are carried on in French, and only candidates who can speak French are eligible. I might also say here that only a respectable life, an untarnished repu- tation, allows a man to stand as a successful candidate for public life. What a lesson to the world this is ! In all the courts of justice magistrates and lawyers use the French lan- guage. All official documents are written in French, and to show how perfectly the Jerseyans are masters in their own island, I will give you an amusing little incident that occurred, so to speak, yesterday. John Bull one day took it into his head to suggest to the Jerseyans, not that the English language should officially take the place of the French (his presumption would never go so far as that), but that the use of the English idiom should be, if not obligatory, at least op- tional. The good Jersey folk did not see the matter with John Bulls eyes. For centuries past, they replied, we have spoken French, and we intend to continue to do so. We shall never allow the English language to penetrate into our public life. You see, J ohn Bull is not much at home in Jersey, since he is not allowed officially to speak his own language there. But he is a philosopher. He came home to England, and said to his councIllors: The Jersey people wish to go on speaking French. It does me no harm, so we will let them go on speaking French as much as they like, and say no more about it. And this is 68 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. how the English behave towards all their colonies, that is how it comes to pass that if they know well how to found colonies they know still better how to keep them. They keep such a light hand on the reins that they scarcely seem to be driving the coach at all. Yet the driving is of the best. The Jersey people are so proud of their French origin (or to be more exact, their Norman origin) that they choose none but their own countrymen to make their laws and govern their towns and villages. An Englishman, no matter how rich or how clever, who went and set up in Jersey, would not have the least chance of being elected member of the Island Parliament, still less of being made constable or Mayor. At the Town Hall of St. Helier I saw the list of constables. This list dates from 1529. There was only one name upon it which was not French. The following incident will show how well Jersey knows how to make herself respected by England, and also how England treats the countries which form part of the British Empire. The English Crown having, on Jnne 23, 1891, decided to change the composition of the Council of Prisons in Jersey, the parliament of the island sent delegates to England to plead their cause be- fore the Privy Council against the Crown. They declared that they had decided for themselves the composition of the Council of Prisons in 183~; that they meant to be masters in their island; that the act of the Crown was illegal, tyrannical, and threatened the liberties of the Jersey people. The Privy Council decided the case entirely in their favor against the Crown of England, and the composition of the Council of Prisons there- fore remained unchanged. The whole case was related to me by M. P. Bandins, the kind and popular constable of St. Holier. uno parvo d~8ce omne8. The Jersey Parliament is only composed of one legislative chamber, called Les Elals. In this parliament you find a happy combination of ancien r~girne and modern democracy. The members of parliament are the twelve judges, representing the nobility; the rectors of the twelve parishes of the island, who represent the clergy; the twelve constables or mayors, and three gentlemen of St. Helier, who represent the~Third Estate. Jersey satisfies the traditions of the past in seeing that the nobility, the clergy, and the representatives of the people sit in parliement; she satisfies the claims of modern democracy in seeing that A PARADISE OF GOOD GOVERNMKNT. 69. judges, rectors, constables, and representatives of the people are all chosen by the people. The Parliament can only pass laws that are to last three years. For a law to become permanent it must receive the sanction of the Privy Council, but the Privy Council has never refused this sanction, and if ever it should take it into its head to do so the Parliament would have but to re-make the law in question every three years, and things would go on as before. This is nothing short of perfect autonomy, nay, independence; impossible to imagine a more perfect home rule. No upper house, as you see, dangerous when it does not agree with the lower house, useless when it does. Does it not seem as if a second house must always be a danger or a useless encumbrance? There is a little episode in the history of the France of our own times which has, I think, been too quickly forgotten. This episode might enlighten many nations on the uselessness of a second house. It hap- pened under the Second Empire. The French Senate at that time was composed of a set of superior menI say superior be- cause they were picked men, chosen by the Emperor, it is true, but chosen neverthelessall men of im ortance, having achieved their position, not by birth, like the members of the English House of Lords, but by their talents: cardinals, archbishops, marshals, generals, savant8, men of letters, princes of corn- merce, etc., and all, with one or two exceptions, partisans of the Empire. The duty of the Senate was to watch over the con- stitution, and to throw out any bill passed by the Chamber of Deputies which might threaten the existence of the actual form of government. Well! and what happened ? In the month of July, 1870, war broke out between France and Prussia, and on the 4th of September following the Lower House deposed the Emperor and proclaimed a republic. Now was the time for the Senate to uphold the constitution. What did these Senators at 6,000 dollars a year do? They bolted, and even forgot to call at the counting-house for their months salary. They did not go to glory or death; they made straight for the station. They had been clean forgotten. In face of the will of the people, clearly expressed, they had nothing to do but pack up. These good gentlemen proved that in a great decisive hour an upper house is absolutely useless. In Eng. land, when the Liberals are in power, the House of Lords can at 70 THE NORTH AMERIGAN REVIEW. any moment hinder the wheels ~f the governmental machinery from working. When the Conservatives are in office, the House of Lords, whose support of the government may be counted on in advance, can take a holiday. If ever any one should say to me that a nation could not govern itself with a single legislative House, I should reply: Look at Jersey;2 that which succeeds on a small scale would surely succeed on a large. The Jersey people have advanced little by little, without shocks, without violence, without revolutions, and have suc- ceeded, while holding on firmly to their past, in establishing a government which might well be the envy of the whole world. The Jerseyans hold such and such a custom sacred, because it is ancient; but, ravenous after justice and liberty, they would shed their blood to the last drop rather than submit to despotism. Nothing is more curious than to hear mentioned in this well- orderedlittle republic such things as seigneurial rights and the bon plaisir of the Duchess of Normandy. Here you might believe yourself living in the Middle Ages ; you ask yourself if Fate has not pitched you down in one of those happy countries described in books which treat of the world as it is to be in the year of grace two thousand and something. In England, too, Her Majesty Queen Victoria, Duchess of Normandy, speaks of her bon plaisir. As you read certain royal proclamations you ask yourself whether the present Queen of England does not really still enjoy the same prerogatives as William the Conqueror. The words are a form, nothing more. The English do not break with their traditions as we do; they live on souvenirs, prej- udices even, and a long chain of events which constantly re- minds them of a glorious past. The Queen, then, can afford to speak of her bon plaisir in the proclamations which her ministers, that is to say, the servants of the people, polish for her. It is a mere formula. As a matter of fact, if the Queen of Eng- land, or any member of her family, ventured on, I do not say an act, but a word, bearing upon politics outside the family circle, the days of the English monarchy would be numbered. I am told that the on do Haro may still be heard in the island. This is an institution dating from 912, and brought there by Rollo, first Duke of Normandy, when he annexed them to his duchy. If a Jersey or Guernsey man is attacked or mo- lested in any way, and he can in the presence of two witnesses A PARADISE OF GOOD GOV1L~RNMENT. 71 fall on his knees, calling on his aggressor to respect him, while he invokes the name of Rollo, crying Haro! Haro! A laide, mon prince! the aggressor is bound to forthwith abstain from further act of violence or menacing speech; he is arrested on the spot and the matter is decided before a tribunal. Nay, more, any person who is a witness to such a scene and allows the offender to escape is himself liable to a fine. The island of Jersey is about ten miles long and about six miles wide. It has a population of about 55,000. Four drives, which you will never forget as long as you live, will make you acquainted with every corner of this little terrestrial paradise. It is not so much the mild, temperate climate, the fertile soil, the shady lanes, the wild cliffs, the sheltered beaches, a hilly landscape fall of changing beauty; it is not this that you will be most struck with. It is the atmosphere of happiness and con- tentment that you breathe on every side which will delight you and make you feel that no corner of the earth can offer to the traveller a spot more favored by nature, that no community is better administered. It is not politically alone that Jersey belongs to the Jer~eyans. These happy islanders are not only masters in their isle, but of their isle. The Irish, in their wildest dreams, have never dreamed of possessing Ireland more completely than the Jer- seyans possess Jersey, and yet John Bull declares that if ever he grants home rule to Ireland the British Empire will crumble to piecesbut do not let us be drawn on to the slippery and treacherous ground of modern English politics, nor, above all, the Irish question3 Reslons avec nos mosttlons. The land of Jersey is in the hands of a frugal and industrious people, worthy descendants of the rural populations of Normandy and Brittany. Not a square inch of ground that does not pro- duce a potato or a cabbage. Prosperity reigns on all sides. Not one dilapidated house. In this bee-hive of an island everything speaks aloud of cleanliness, comfort, and even of riches, to those who can understand that real wealth does not consist in the quan- tity of things we possess, but in those that we can do without, if need be. Jersey is a kitchen garden of about seventy square miles, picturesque, healthy, fertile, strewn with cottages that are wrapped in roses, and when I have told you that the cultivation of the potato alone brings in from twelve to fourteen millions of 72 TIlE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. francs annually, that is to say about three millions of dollars, I shall have no trouble in convincing you that poverty is practically unknown in Jersey. Happy Jersey! Add to this that, with the exception of wine and liqueurs, which pay a light duty, all kinds of merchandise enter Jersey untaxed; that living is consequently very cheap; that the income tax collector is unknown; that a crowd of tourists visit the isle during four months of the year; that activity reigns everywhere, not th~ feverish activity of the Americans, but the regular, uniform, intelligent activity of the French; that the soil is so fertile that flowers and fruits seem to spring from it as by enchantment; that the landscape is most picturesque and varied; that the cli- mate is delicious; and you will conclude that Jersey is probably the Eldorado of the world, and the Jersey folk, as I said before, the richest and happiest people on the surface of the globe. Nor is this all. The social element adds yet one more charm to a sojourn in the island. Jersey society is charming, and if you have the good fortune to arrive there armed with a few let- ters of introduction you will be feted and made much of by the most hospitable people that you can ever dream of meeting any- where. If you love contrasts, Jersey has an endless supply to offer. The manners of the Fanhourg St. Germain of to-day flourish in one place, and a miles travelling brings you to a peasantry who, by their speech and their manners, might make you believe your- self in the depths of old Brittany as it was centuries ago. Go, for instance, to a garden party in one of the dainty villas of St. Helier, from thence drive to the pretty beach of Pl6mont, on the north of the island, and draw rein in the village of Saint-Onen, about four miles from St. ilelier. There you will find yourself in the Brittany or Normandy of the Crusaders times. Ask your way of any peasant you may pass, and the good fellow will re- ply, Oui, Msieu, tout dret. No diphthongs, as in the old Nor- man dialect of the Jiangue dOil! It is not a mere question of speech, for if you hold a sustained conversation with him, you will find that he thinks as did the peasant of five hundred years ago. Here is a little incident told to me by one of the foremost doctors of St. Helier. It will make you forget for a moment that we are so near the twentieth century. A peasant of the village A PARADISE OF GOOD GOVERNMENT. 73 of Saint-Oueu caine to St. ilelier to seek a doctor, bringing with him his daughter, who was ill. What is your daughter suffer- ing from? asks the doctor. Upon my word, replied the son of the soil, I cannot tell you, and that is why we are here. The doctor put a few questions to the girl and examined her. Your daughter appears to be aniemic, said he, I will give her some medicine, which must be taken very regularly. No, no, put in the father, write down the name of the disease for me on a piece of paper. In Jersey it is the custom for doctors to supply pa- tients with the medicines which they need, and, moreover, a Jersey doctor can make no claim for payment unless he has supplied drugs. No physic, no bill; and the wily Saint Onen peasants are not so ignorant but that they are awake to this fact: their Nor- man origin must be borne in mind. The doctor, having written the name of the girls complaint, the father has obtained what he cam~for, and straightway makes for his village home. There, he, his wife, and all the other members of the family having gathered together, incantations are begun. All the saints are addressed in turn, and as they may not guess the disease from which the poor girl suffers, the little bit of paper will prove use- ful. St. Peter, the family cry in chorus, cure Marie Maillard of atrophy; St. Paul! cure Marie Maillard of atrophy; St. Anne! cure ~ arie Maillard of atrophy ! and so on to the end of the calendar. Alongside these superstitutions and methods of the Middle Ages you find modern British puritanism flourishing and rampant. If you make an excursion in the island on a Sunday, you cannot procure the slightest refreshment, not even a glass of milk or a cup of tea, that sanctified beverage which Britons drink in modest sips, with the subdued and innocent air of a child taking the first communion. A few days before I reached Jersey, the hotel-keepers had besought the Royal Court to allow them to open their doors on Sunday afternoons from two to five. They promised not to sell any alcoholic drinks, but to limit their Sabbath trade to such harmless refreshments as lemonade, tea, milk, etc. The request was refused. Among the expressions of opinions set forth in support of continuing the Sunday closing, I culled the following: I consider that besides the terrestrial law there is a celestial law to re- spect. I have sworn to do everything in my power to advance 74 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. the cause of God, and in voting for the opening of hotels on Snudays I should be breaking my vow and should be putting my soul in peril. You might think that this is part of the speech of a member of the Raad in the Transvaal. The superstition of Saint Onen peasants proves how little the Breton character is capable of assimilation, even in a restricted island like Jersey. The puritanism of the witness, whose deposition I have just quoted, proves that if the Jersey folks have succeeded in keeping British fingers out of their political pie, they have allowed an entrance to middle-class British cant. It must be admitted that these are only insignificant flaws in a picture almost perfect. In fact, these little blemishes are rather interesting to the traveller who likes taking notes and car- rying home souvenirs of manners and customs, as well as sketches of landscape. I have been ronnd the world. I know America, Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and have a passable knowledge of Europe. I do not remember ever to have passed a fortnight more pleas- antly and more interestingly than in the pretty, picturesque, and interesting little island of Jersey. MAX OILZLL. COMMERCIAL SUPERIORITY OF THE UNITE1i~ STATES. BY WORTHII~TGTOX C. FORD, CHIEF OF THE BUREAU OF STATISTICS AT WASHINGTON. THE ability to use statistics with point and intelligence is a rare one, and it is no uncommon experience to find even an expert drawing conclusions from a set of figures (statistics) that are in reality neither applicable to the subject treated, nor capable of a general interpretation. Any compilation of returns, commercial, industrial, or financial, is reduced to a per capita basis, and on that basis is reared a superstructure that becomes unstable, incomplete, and subject to condemnation, when exam- ined in the light of related facts. To gauge a peoples welfare by production or consumption per capita of any one article, or a few articles, is an enticing and really simple method. To draw proper conclusions is difficult, and in the majority of instances is out of the question. Bananas constitute an important and nutritious article of food; a West Judian consumes more bananas than an inhabitant of the United States; therefore, a West Indian is better fed, and is, in conse- quence, better off than his neighbor in the States. It would not require much thought or attention to point out the fallacy of such estimate and reasoning. Again, in Germany, the consump~ tion of spirits, in 1896, was 4.7 quarts per capita; in the African colonies of Germany the returns showed a per capita consump- tion of 17 quarts. As a luxury, a large consumption of spirits proves a prosperous people. Therefore, the Cameroon is nearly four times more prosperous than the German. The bare figures prove nothing, and yet every writer on social questions feels that he clinches his argument by a per capita cal- culation, rarely stopping to question how his calculation has been

COMMERCIAL SUPERIORITY OF THE UNITE1i~ STATES. BY WORTHII~TGTOX C. FORD, CHIEF OF THE BUREAU OF STATISTICS AT WASHINGTON. THE ability to use statistics with point and intelligence is a rare one, and it is no uncommon experience to find even an expert drawing conclusions from a set of figures (statistics) that are in reality neither applicable to the subject treated, nor capable of a general interpretation. Any compilation of returns, commercial, industrial, or financial, is reduced to a per capita basis, and on that basis is reared a superstructure that becomes unstable, incomplete, and subject to condemnation, when exam- ined in the light of related facts. To gauge a peoples welfare by production or consumption per capita of any one article, or a few articles, is an enticing and really simple method. To draw proper conclusions is difficult, and in the majority of instances is out of the question. Bananas constitute an important and nutritious article of food; a West Judian consumes more bananas than an inhabitant of the United States; therefore, a West Indian is better fed, and is, in conse- quence, better off than his neighbor in the States. It would not require much thought or attention to point out the fallacy of such estimate and reasoning. Again, in Germany, the consump~ tion of spirits, in 1896, was 4.7 quarts per capita; in the African colonies of Germany the returns showed a per capita consump- tion of 17 quarts. As a luxury, a large consumption of spirits proves a prosperous people. Therefore, the Cameroon is nearly four times more prosperous than the German. The bare figures prove nothing, and yet every writer on social questions feels that he clinches his argument by a per capita cal- culation, rarely stopping to question how his calculation has been 76 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. obtained. For this method, when correctly applied, is highly scientific, and only in the hands of a skilled worker, possessed of wide and accurate knowledge, and eliminating all possible sources of error as carefully as an analyzing chemist, can it prove accept- able. If it is attempted to franie a generalization on the con- sumption of quinine and of opium, hardly two investigators would agree in their results. For some regard opium as a curse, and would use it to gauge a peoples indulgences, not its so- briety and welfare. Yet most of the opium brought into the United States is used in medicinal preparations, and stands, therefore, ahnost on the same ground in general utility as quinine. Some protest is called for against the loose application of this per capita method to commercial statistics, even where the foun- dation is made to rest upon a series of years. Agriculture makes little progress outside of the application, more or less limited, of chemical knowledge to the treatment of soils, and of mechanical appliances to planting and gathering the crops. These improve- ments are akin to the improvements in instruments of carriage. They have enabled more land to be put in cultivation, and the crops to be more readily prepared for market. But there has been no such producing revolution in agriculture as there has been in manufactures. In 1869 the average yield of wheat per acre was 13.6 bushels; in only five years since has this average been attained, and in some years it was lower than 11 bnshels. The other cereals will give the same difference in results from year to year. Does this show that agriculture has actually retro- graded since 186I~, or would a per capita production be a true guide in determining that question? The foreign commerce of the United States has always rested upon agriculture, and until the last five years three-fourths of the exports was represented by agricultural products. To meas- ure its power or influence in foreign markets would require a study of the conditions governing the production of and demand for each leading article, in foreign as well as domestic markets. To confine the attention to the aggregate returns of the United States is the very way not to discover the truth; o r it is more often the demand from a foreign source that counts than the home condition. The market of to-day is not supplied by goods bronght to it for a market; the seller does not take the initi COMMERCIAL SUPERIORITY OF TUE UNITED STATES. 77 ative, except in a few lines. The wool market of London does attract consignments, because it is known that demand centres there, and a sale is more readily made than elsewhere. But for the larger share of commercial transactions goods are shipped on orders; the buyer determines the movement and destination. In the few cases of true monopolies the condition is much the same. Chili deserves as little credit for her exports of nitrates as Italy deserves for brimstone, for each is possessed of the only deposits of these natural products commercially practicable. It was not many years ago when the copper of the United States was regarded as worthy of careful protection; now the product controls the markets of Europe. Twenty years ago the produc~ tion of cane sugar in the world far exceeded that of beet root; ten years ago the beet root product equalled the cane, and in this last year the quantity of beet produced was double that of cane. In 1879 more than one-half of the value of the import trade of British India was represented by yarn and manufactures of cot- ton. In 1896 India had excluded English low-grade cottonsfrom the local markets, and was exporting largely raw cotton, yarns, and cloth to Asiatic countries, and building up a large trade in cloth with Africa. In no one of these instances would mere com- mercial returns have given a satisfactory answer to a question in- volving the cause of the movement or of the revolution accom- plished in production or direction of trade. Commercial returns, more or less imperfect as they must be, are only surface indica- tions of the deep-lying undercurrents which carry along the eco- nomic development of a people. The present year offers an instance of the danger of general- izing from commercial returns. The largest exports of wheat and wheat flour, from the United States, were made in 1892 and 1893. incident to the famine in Russia and the moderate yield in France, which led to heavy demands on outside holdings of grain. The graIn supply of the world was deficient in 1894 and 1895; in 1896 the famine and plague in British India, a partial failure of crop in Europe, and the almost complete destruction of the Argentine wheat cxport came as a climax to a series of misfort- unes. So that the situation in 1897 was of so unusual a char- acter as to stand alone, and to require an explanation which the returns of no single country could give in any but a most mis- leading form. It is a world movement, and with every step for- 78 THE NORTH AMERICAN RE VIE W~ ward in production or exchange, the elements of such a movement become multiplied and more complex. In the twelve months of 1896, the United States exported 83,756,000 bushels of wheat and 131,960,500 bushels of corn. In the first seven months of 1897, the exports of wheat were 6,200,000 bushels less than in the same period of 1896, but the exports of corn were 51,000,000 bushels greater. To have based upon these returns any estimate of the ability of the United States to encounter a sudden demand for Lreadstuffs would have been misleading. In August a great change occurred, and continued through September. A sudden flurry in the price of wheat was reflected iu an enormous export, so that at the end of October the returns gave a movement in wheat of 15,600,000 bushels more in the ten mouths of 1897 than in 1896, and of corn an increase of 54,000,000 bushels. The movement of corn was checked, and that of wheat was much stimulated. The two months of August and September would have destroyed any average export based upon the years move- ment, and introduced a disturbing factor in an average for five years. Standing by themselves they were inexplicable; but when the prices in foreign markets, notably in France, and the estimated visible supply of wheat are examined, the export is no longer freakish and abnormal, but just what might have been expected. The ex~ceptional character of the wheat movement may be il- lustrated by a few incidents. Mr. OConor, the able head of the Statistics of the Government of India, writing on the trade of that empire in 18~697, says: Wheat was imported from the United States into Calcutta to the extent of 24,400 tonsan un- precedented event not again to happen, it may be hoped, after the present year which will record a further importationa gift from the charitable in the States. . . . Of the total impor- tations of food-grains more than half caine from the United States, and most of the other half from Turkish ports in the Per- sian Gulf. In Europe, Austria-Hungary, which usually may be counted upon to give from four to eight million bushels of wheat for export, for the first time is enrolled among the import- ing countries. Even America has its similar surprises. For in August and September New York was actually exporting wheat to Argentina, less than 300,000 bushels to be COMMERCIAL SUPERIORITY OF THE UNITED STATES. 79 sure, but a quantity large enough to emphasize the unusual conditions of th~ wheat situation throughout the world. San Francisco in July exported to Brazil 253,085 bushels of wheat, a transaction quite as unusual as that with Argentina. The pre- eminence now held by the United States in the wheat markets of Europe cannot continue without a continuance of the conditions giving rise to it. It is estimated that the present home wheat crop is one of the largest ever gathered in our history; but mere prod- uct will not give command of market. It is true the wheat of Argentina does not come into Europe before February, and in large quantities not before April or May. Australian ~rheat can- not be counted upon before midsummer, and the Indian grain is not available before June, or even later. Until these new crops are gathered the American supply must be the mainstay of the markets of Europe for what is required above home products. * Even that resource is not unlimited and a high authority recently wrote: We come again to the one fact, namely, that all depends upon the out- turn of the crop now struggling for existence on the hard-baked plains of Argentina. Should it succumb, there seems as if nothing stood between the hungryconsumer, and actual want, but some substitute such as rye or maize. The immense economic advantage thus possessed by the United States over every other nation, by reason of its agricul- ture, is thus manifest. It is to-day the only great industrial power which produces sufficient cereal food to maintain its labor and sell a surplus to foreigners. It is this that makes the United States so full of promise for the future development of its re~ sources and of its power and influence in foreign markets. Another point cannot be too strongly urged, that the com- mercial power of the United States in foreign markets is due to the fact that its high-priced labor produces a lower priced article of equal or better quality than could be obtained elsewhere. After passing through spasms of apprehension through the com- petition of Europe, British India, and Asia in wheat and cotton, the American producers awake to the fact that there has not only been no diminution of market for his products, but his rivals From November 1 to November 10 exporters purchased at New York 5,730,000 bushels of wheat and 5,451,009 bushels of corn for export. Mr C. A. Pillsbury esti- mates that by November 1 the farmers had marketed 62 per cent. of their crop of wheat. 80 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. have been beaten in the face of being favored by low-priced goods and propinquity to market. Indian raw cotton came to Manchester and was offered at a fraction less per pound than the American, a fraction large enough to have made it an objcct to the manufacturer to take the Indian fibre. But this was not the result, and the Indian cotton was driven to the continent of Europe, where the -manufacturers were less fastidious in their choice; arid it is now being driven out of Europe by the Ameri- can cotton, though there is still a difference in price in favor of the Asiatic product. Quality has conquered, and in point of quality and price the cotton raiser of the United States controls the markets. It was much the same in petroleum. For many years the United States held a natural monopoly in the supply of this im- portant oil. An immense export trade was fed by the products of the oil wells, and seemed to be limited only by the ability of the oil-fields to yield. Russia entered the markets with the Baku oil, and, favored by discriminating duties on imports, or by near- ness of markets, succeeded in crowding out the American oil from many countries. Later the Sumatran, or Langkat, oil came for- ward, and has still further restricted the sale of the American oil, and in some parts of China even of the Russian oil. Yet the exports of both crude and refined oil from the United States were larger in 1897 than in any previous year of its commercial experience. What a per capita comparison would not develop is the fact that every additional gallon of export has been made in spite of a severe and constantly increasing competition from other countries; and further, a competition that has been so effectual in certain regions as to have changed the direction of the exports from the United States. The interest attaching to a rise in the exports from this country of crude mineral oil from 76,000,000 gallons in 1887 to 131,726,- 000 gallons in 1897, and of refined or illuminating oil, from 480.- 800,000 gallons in 1887 to 772,OoO,000 gallons in 1897, does not rest in the mere weight of figures, but in the conquest of diffi- culties arising from distance, discriminating duties, and cheap- ness of a competing article. The export to Asia, where this com- petition has been most severe, was 99,578,000 gallons in 1887, and 174,000,000 gallons in 1897. That increase really speaks more for commercial power in this article than do the 25~,000,000 ~IOMMERCIAL SUPERIORITY OF THE UNITED STATES. 81 gallons which were gained in the same period in the exports to Enrope. Against this gain may be placed the fact that Russian oil has now permanently gained the lead in the Indian market, being importe~l in bulk, while the American oil is imported exclusively in cans. Xor is this prime factor of low labor cost confined to crude materials. The export of manufactured articles bears testimony to the increasing ability of the American product to meet com- petitors in foreign markets. In 11890 the value of manufactures of iron and steel exported first touched $25,000,000; in 1897 the exports were $57,497,000, of which more than one-half was in machinery. Before 1890 a total export of the articles classed in the trade returns as manufactures never touched $150,000,000. In 1897 this total was more than $276,000,000. Large as were the exports of these manufactures in 1897, they will show a good further increase in 1898. In the three months of the fiscal year 1898 already passed they show an increase of $5,000,000 on the returns for the corresponding period of 1897. Another fair test of economic progress is to be found in the introduction of new methods or appliances for utilizing waste or by-products. Here the per capita gauge would be out of place, for an enormous trade is often built up in a few years by such discovery or applications. Before 1871 cottonseed oil was of so little importance in the foreign trade of the United States as to be unenumerated among the exports. It required twenty years to give an export of more than 6,400,000 gallons in a year, but after 1890 the movement became very heavy, and in 1897 amounted to nearly 27,200,000 gallons. The meal, or what remains of the cotton seed after the hull has been removed and the oil pressed out, has become an even larger item of export, and with the meal of fiaxseed gave an export of more than a billion pounds in 1897a figure surpassed only by the weight of cotton and flour sent to foreign countries. If a comparison of the exports per capita in 1867 and 1897 were to be made it would not begin to express so much commercial progress and command of a market as is im- plied in the mere announcement of so extensive a utilization of what was regarded as a waste product, fit only to be used as a fertilizer. Sweden in a few years has almost ceased to import sugar, raw or refiQed, although five years ago her population depended upon VOL. CLXvi.No. 494. 6 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 82 foreign supplies. By imposing a high customs duty on foreign sugars a domestic beet sugar interest has been built up sufficient to supply the home market, and, it is believed, will soon be suf- ficient to afford a surplus for export. The commercial returns, showing a large annual decrease in the importation of sugar, and no exportation, would be interpreted by our cut and dried statis- tician as an indication of trade weakness; by the protectionist as an element of strength, making Sweden more independent of foreign markets; by the free trader as a wrong policy, in that the consumer must pay more for supporting a home industry than he need pay for importing from the excessive supplies thrown upon the market by Germany. This difference in opinion is irrecon- cilable, and least of all by compiling per capita imports or ex- ports. But in the case of wood pulp the situation is different. In 1884 Sweden exported 23,400,000 pounds of wood pulp; in 1894 the exports were more than 220,000,000 pounds, an increase of nearly tenfold in ten years. Every reader of this would at once see that there is no room for questioning the advantage to Sweden of this export. It is a splendid development of a domes- tic industry that has created without the aid of government a great market for its products, and means industrial as well as commercial power, founded upon natural laws of trade. The utility of wood pulp in the manufacture of paper has become recognized. The pulp is a uniform and cleanly article, and more easily handled than rags, esparto or similar raw materials more difficult to manipulate. It is in such conquests that the United States proves its expanding strength in competition. Germany is continually cited as a remarkable example of a moderti progressive nation. Almost within the present genera- tion it has grown from a number of lesser principalities into an empire, still far from homogeneous or of single purpose. From a collection of separate states and free cities, independent rivals in commerce and industry, it has become a great industrial nation, an aggressive and successful competitor for neutral mar- kets, and the would-be possessor of colonies into which a part of the teeming production of soil and factory, and a part of the redundant population of the fatherland, may be poured with profit. The emigrant to these colonies is reuarded in Lhe light of the colonist of the eighteenth century. He relieves the pressure of competition at home he becomes a planter to raise COIVIMERGIAL SUPERIORITY OF THE UNITED STATES. 83 the raw materials for the home factory ; and lie is to be a con- sumer of the finished products sent out from Germany. The theory of this colonial enterprise is perfect; the circle of pro- duction, manufacture, and consumption is complete, so far as the home interests are concerned. With principalities in Africa, the home of a future and greater Germany, there is hardly au argument to be urged against the beautiful scheme for a general, but always German, prosperity. The activity proved by the protective, commercial and colonial system has raised German influence until it is the arbiter of European policy, and is as active among its colonial neighbors as it is at home. Tested by results this scheme proves to be little worthy of imi- tation. It is only on the colonial side that it need be examined to measure its success or failure. In 1896 the total value of the trade between the Empire and its African colonies was $~,83 7,000, and the cost of maintaining the administration of these colonies will be about $~,010,000. The exports from Germany exceeded the imports from the colonies by *~34.500. The white popula- tion was about 3,600, of whom 1,350 were officials and soldiers, and 1,778 other than Germans. This is in a colony where the late Governor, who has had sixteen years of African experience, declared there was not a foot of East Africa which could be re- garded as healthy. In fact the Germans go elsewhere and in such numbers as to awaken a desire on the part of home authori- ties to more immediately direct the stream into German territory. At present only a very small part of the emigration from Ger- many finds a settlement in the national colonies, for labor is much needed to realize any of the possibilities of these possessions. Few of the native tribes are capable of continuous and intelligently applied labor, and Europeans are soon used up by climate and disease. So long as the exports were confined to ivory, rubber and palm and cocoanuts, the Africans sufficed; but with the in- troduction of the cultivation of coffee, cocoa, tobacco, and rubber tree, some substitute must be found, and Chinese and Japanese are already an article of demand. On what different lines has been the growth of the United States! Its western territory furnished a colonial empire of vast extent and rich possibilities. Labor came in vast quantities, tempted by the promise of cheap and fertile lands, a freedom from feudal survivals, and bringing the habits and skill, together 84 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW with not a little prejudice, fostered under its former conditions. An ever increasing market developed industry, and so great was the premium offered to agriculture and manufactures that sea- power was neglected. At peace with its neighbors, a foreign trade has been gradually built up, and in spite of would-be polit- ical connections, there exists no entangling alliances. At home there has been enough to keep labor and capital employed, and the colonies have gradually been absorbed as States into our po- litical system. The United States is comparatively rich because of its im- mense natural resources, and because it has not had a severe and wasting drain upon its abundance and energies for outside objects. Its capital and labor have been applied to its great natural advan- tages and foreign capital has been borrowed in immense sums to hasten forward the development of these resources. There are no distant principalities to govern, save Alaska, and no region where the possibility of a contest with another power calls for the maintenance of expensive armanents to secure unremunera- tive markets under a plea of colonial enterprise. This position is not measurable in statistics, and no combination of its material facts can make it clear. It is only in studying the situation in its relation to other countries that its true meaning is demon- strated. WORTHIKGTO~T 0. FORD. THE FARCE OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAWS. BY J. THOMAS SCHAUF, LL.D., LATE UNITED STATES CHINESE INSPECTOR AT THE PORT OF NEW YORK. Which I wish to remark.- And my language is plain,.-- That for ways that are dark And for tricks that are vain The heathen Chinee is peculiar. THE history of Chinese immigration in the United States is a somewhat peculiar one. It began as early as 1786, when our ships first visited China, but it was slow until the news of the discovery of gold in fabulous quantities in California reached China. Before 1852 the Chinese immigration into the port of San Francisco amounted to about 10,000, but in that year 20,026 arrived. There being no prejudice or hostility to them, they were welcomed as a unique addition to the society and a valuable ally in the development of the material resources of their new home. Governor John McDougall, in his message to the California Legislature of that year, referred to the Chinese as the most desirable of our adopted citizens. In 1853 only 4,270 arrived at San Francisco, followed in 1854 by 16,084 more. This sudden invasion o.f more than 40,000 strange people in three years caused much dissatisfaction among the laborers of California, who could not compete with the Chinese in the mines, and an effort was made in the legislature to impose a head tax on all aliens working mining claims. There being no provision in the Cushing treaty of 1844, nor the Reed treaty of 1858, that the Chinese should not come to this country, they continued to arrive at San Francisco. The statistics of Chinese immigration into that port from 1854 to the Burlingame treaty of 1869 were as follows: 1855, 3,329; 1856, 4,807; 1857, 5,924; 1858, 5,427; 1859, 3,175; 1860, 7,341; 1861, 843; 1862, 8,175; 1863, 6,432;

THE FARCE OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAWS. BY J. THOMAS SCHAUF, LL.D., LATE UNITED STATES CHINESE INSPECTOR AT THE PORT OF NEW YORK. Which I wish to remark.- And my language is plain,.-- That for ways that are dark And for tricks that are vain The heathen Chinee is peculiar. THE history of Chinese immigration in the United States is a somewhat peculiar one. It began as early as 1786, when our ships first visited China, but it was slow until the news of the discovery of gold in fabulous quantities in California reached China. Before 1852 the Chinese immigration into the port of San Francisco amounted to about 10,000, but in that year 20,026 arrived. There being no prejudice or hostility to them, they were welcomed as a unique addition to the society and a valuable ally in the development of the material resources of their new home. Governor John McDougall, in his message to the California Legislature of that year, referred to the Chinese as the most desirable of our adopted citizens. In 1853 only 4,270 arrived at San Francisco, followed in 1854 by 16,084 more. This sudden invasion o.f more than 40,000 strange people in three years caused much dissatisfaction among the laborers of California, who could not compete with the Chinese in the mines, and an effort was made in the legislature to impose a head tax on all aliens working mining claims. There being no provision in the Cushing treaty of 1844, nor the Reed treaty of 1858, that the Chinese should not come to this country, they continued to arrive at San Francisco. The statistics of Chinese immigration into that port from 1854 to the Burlingame treaty of 1869 were as follows: 1855, 3,329; 1856, 4,807; 1857, 5,924; 1858, 5,427; 1859, 3,175; 1860, 7,341; 1861, 843; 1862, 8,175; 1863, 6,432; 86 THE AORTH AMER1~AN REVIEW. 1864, 2,682; 1866, 3,095; 1866, 2,242; 1867, 4,290; 1868, 11,081; 1869, 14,990; making a total to the last date of 141,800. Notwithstanding this large influx of Chinese, the Legislature of California, as late as March 11, 1862, through a joint select committee, made an elaborate report, congratulating the State upon the presence of the Chinese, urging the adoption of meas- ures to secure as permanent citizens those already there, and offering inducements to others to come. When this report was made the Chinese population in the State was estimated at about 35,000. In a few months after this report was made the favor- able judgment expressed by it was entirely reversed, and the Chinese, by reason of their sordid, selfish, immoral, and non- amalgamating habits, came to be regarded as a standing menace to the institutions of the State. Governor Leland Stanford, in his Message to the California Legislature in 1862, said To my mind, it is clear that the settlement among us of an inferior race is to be discouraged by every legitimate means. Asia, with her num- berless millions, sends to our shores the dregs of her population. Large numbers of this class are already here, and unless we do something to check their immigration the question which of the two tides of im- migration meeting upon the shores of the Pacific shall be turned back will be forced upon our consideration when far more difficult than now of disposal. There can be no doubt but that the presence of numbers among us of a degraded and distinct people must exercise a deleterious in- fluence upon the superior race, and to a certain extent repel desirable im- migration. It will afford me great pleasure to concur with the Legislature in any constitutional action having for its object the repression of the im- migration of the Asiatic races. This was the first official utterance from any public man any- where in favor of Chinese exclusion, and in a short time it be- came a national question. The Burlingame treaty was ratified at Peking November 23, 1869, and the fifth and sixth sections related to the right of the citizens of one country to voluntarily migrate to the other country for the purpose of curiosity, trade, or permanent resi- dence. After providing for the citizens of the United States visiting and residing in China, as in the other treaties, the Chinese came on and for the first time said in this treaty: And reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions in respect to travel or residence as may there be oujoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. iftE FARCE OF THE ORINESE EXOLUSJON LA WS. 87 It was against what was then known as coolie labor that the Burlingame treaty directed its prohibition, which the act of Con- gress of 1862 had failed to prohibit between Chinaand the United States. The declaration concerning voluntary immigration was unfortunate in tying the hands of our Government so that it could not freely legislate against an invasion coming under the guise of a voluntary immigration, but the treaty did not provide for or encourage such immigration. There was, on the con- trary, a significant provision against naturalization, which indi- cated that there was to be a line drawn somewhere between the people of China and the people of the United States. The ratification of this treaty, as we have seen, caused a marked increase in the arrival of Chinese into this country. The evil results of the presence of this great horde in San Francisco, which had already an immense Chinese population, were most conspicuous, and subsequently throughout the whole State the hostility to the Chinese became so great as to threaten constantly a breach of the peace. The public press was almost unanimous in its condemnation. Enthusiastic public meetings were held, presided over by rep- resentative men of the State. Anti-Chinese societies were formed and a war of races seemed imminent. The municipal and State authorities, responding to the overwhelming sentiment, endeavored to remedy the evil by ordinance and legislative enact- ments. Among these may be recalled the queue ordinance, the capitation tax, the basket-ordinance, the landing tax, the cubic air law, all of which were aimed at the Chinese, and all of which were finally adjudged to be unconstitutional by the Su- preme Court of the United States. The hope of reaching and remedying the evil by State or municipal legislation was finally and utterly overthrown by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Chy Lung, plaintiff in error, Vs. Commissioner of Immigration of California et a?, which went to the length of deciding that the State of California had no power to prohibit the landing of passengers of any kind whatever, not even when known to be immoral, criminal, or vagrants. Every other means of relief proving ineffectual, the people of the Pacific Coast determined to appeal to Congress. Accord- ingly, as early as December 22, 1869, at the second session of the Forty-first Congress, an effort was made, but without success, to 88 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. secure restrictive legislation. In the Forty-second and also in the Forty-third and Forty-fourth Congresses numerous memorials, resolutions of public meetings, and petitions, one of which num- bered over 16,000 signatures, were presented to the same effect and with the same results. In the meanwhile the question had assumed dangerous proportions. Chinese immigration was at its flood the arrivals in 1870 being 15,740 ; in 1871, 7,135 ; in 1872, 9,788; 1873, 23,292; 1874, 16,08~ 1875, 18,021; 1876, 22,781; 1877, 10,594; 1878, 8,992; 1879, 9,604; and to No- vember 17, 1880, when a new treaty was concluded between China and the United States. In the meantime the people of the Pacific Coast had become indignant becanse the American Congress was not following the path that had already been trodden by France, by England, and by every country in the world that had ever suffered the disad- vantages, the horrors, and the burdens of Chinese immigration. As far back as 1855 the English colony of Victoria levied a capi- tation tax of $50 upon every Chinese immigrant. In Th61 a similar tax was imposed by the colony of New South Wales, and in 1877 by the colony of Queensland, and also by the French colony of Saigon. The same opposition had been aroused in Java, in Siam, in Singapore, in the Philippine Islands, and in the Australian colonies. Everywhere the Chinese have made them- selves obnoxious; everywhere heavy penalties and restrictive legislation have been found a necessary means of protection. In 1826 Congress sent a committee to the Pacific coast, headed by ex-Governor Morton, of Indiana, for the purpose of ascertain- ing the actual condition of affairs, and in their report they said they believed that the influx of Chinese is a standing menace to repujAican institutions npon the Pacific, and the existence there of Christian civilization, and demanded relief from the terrible scourge by prompt restrictive legislation on the part of Congress, whether approved by the Chinese government or not. When this report was submitted to Congress, the counsel of the Chinese Six Companies and the counsel of the railway and steamship corporations who had represented the Chinese be- fore the committee, attempted to raise false issues and to create an impression that the committee was not in sympathy with the masses of the people. When the citizens of the Pacific coast saw that their views had been misrepresented, they undertook in the THE FARCE OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAWS. 89 most solemn form in which the people of the Pacific coast could do so to speak to the American people by a resort to the ballot. The Legislature of California in 1878 provided for a vote of the people upon the question of Chinese immigration (so-called) to be had at the general election of 1870. The vote was legally taken, without excitement, and the response was general. When the ballots were counted, there were found to be 883 votes for Chinese immigration and 154,638 against it, an anti-Chinese ma- jority of 153,755. A similar vote was taken in Nevada and re- sulted as follows: 183 votes for Chinese immigration and 17,259 votes against it. For ne?txly thirty years this people had wit- nessed the effects of Chinese immigration. For more than a quarter of a century these voters had met face to face, consid- ered, weighed, and discussed the great question upon which they were at last called upon in the most solemn and deliberate man- ner to express an opinion, and their extraordinary vote was a conclusive argument in favor of Chinese restriction. Recogniz- ing the exigency of the occasion, the Legislature of California, on the 13th of August, 1877, also presented an Address to the people of the United States, and a memorial to Congress based upon the testimony of witnesses acquainted with the subject, which ably and graphically set forth the objections to the Chinese. In the meantime the agitation of the question had extended to the Eastern States, who responded to the Pacific slope. The introduction of a number of Chinese to fill the places of striking Crispins at North Adams, Mass., created the most intense excite- ment. Monster meetings of workingmen were held at North Adams, throughout the State, and in all the leadihg citics of the Eastern slope. The press and forum were ablaze with defences and denunciations of the Chinese. The war of races for the time was transferred from the West to the East; passion and prejudice ruled the hour. The Labor Reform party in con- vention at Worcester, Mass., on September 8, 1870, resolved that they were inflexibly opposed to the importation by capitalists of laborers from China and elsewhere for the purpose of degrading and cheapening American labor, and will resist by all legal and constitutional means in our power. The Demo- cratic party at Fitchburg, Mass., on the 12th of October follow- ing, adopted a similar resolution. Hon. Henry Wilson, then II. S. Senator from Massachusetts, and afterwards Vice-Presi 90 THE NORTH AMERIGAN REI7IEIV. dent, Wendell Phillips, John Quincy Adams, Presidents Grant and Garfield and others made an emphatic stand against Chinese immigration. In 1876 the Republican and Democratic National platforms took strong ground against the Chinese, and these formal declarations were discussed and approved by all parties at every political gathering in the country for several years. Finally ministers plenipotentiary were appointed, by whom, on the 17th of November, 1880, a treaty was concluded between China and the United States. The first article of that treaty expressly declares the right of the United States to regulate, limit, or suspend the coming or residence of Chinese laborers. This stipulation was considered a great concession on the part of~ China, but those who are familiar with Chinese affairs know that there never has been a time when China would not prefer abso- lute restriction to the slightest form of contingent emigration to the United States. It is in our own hands. There can be no measure of restriction too comprehensive for China. And Mr. John Russell Young, ex-Minister to China, says that this observa- tion might be made complete by saying that, if a treaty of restriction would return every Chinaman to his own country, and send every alien out of China, it would be hailed with joy throughout the Celestial Empire. Chinese laborers are pre- vented by the Chinese government from emigrating to the United States from a Chinese port. All Chinese emigrants bound for the United States sail from hong Kong, a British colony sepa- rated from China by a narrow strait. China has no more to do with Hong Kong than with Liverpool or New York. The immi- grants mostly sail in British ships and for British gain, and as the traffic has paid well, those who control it oppose Chinese ex- clusion in the United States. The clamor that reaches the United States in regard to Chinese emigration; the ingeniously continued articles in foreign newspapers; cable despatches expressing the indignation of Li Hung Chang, the indignation meetings in Canton, emotion among the Chinese as to their exclusion from America; the vaporings of paid lobbyists in the halls of Congress and elsewhere; all this literature of invective and remonstrance comes mainly from English sources, railroad and steamship cor- porations, comes as an expression of disappointment at the threat- ened suppression of a valuable trade. This is the very root of this vexed question. TUE FARCE OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LA WS. 91 No action was taken toward the execution of the treaty of 1880 until May 6, 1882, when a law was enacted by Congress suspending Chinese immigration for a period of ten years, after- ward extended to twenty. It went into effect August 5th of the same year. This law not proving effective, it war followed by the laws of July 5, 1884, October 1, 1888, the Geary Law of May 5, 1892, the act of November 3, 1d93, the act of August 18, 1894, and the treaty of December 7, 1894. All of these measures sought to execute the will of the people of the United States to exclude Chinese laborers. For a time, each act in turn had been deemed effective, but the immigration has continued in spite of legislation forbidding it. During the period of nearly two years, between the date of the treaty of 1880 and the law of Congress of 188~, the ~Chinese poured into the country from every direction. The steamships from Hong Kong were crowded to their utmost capacity by an eager mob hurrying to get into the United States before the gates should be closed against them. Over six thousand were admitted at San Fran- cisco in two months, and the arrivals in 1881, 1882, and 1883, the three years following the treaty, were 59,500, being an annual average of 19,833, or more than double the former average. This was one of the unfortunate results of the effort to secure an exclusion that did not at once exclude, and for the time being the purpose of the treaty was not only defeated, but its negotia- tion caused a large increase in Chinese immigration. This rapid increase being brought to the attention of Congress, the act of 1884 was passed, and during the next year 9,049 were admitted at San Francisco, as against 6,602 in 1884. This large increase proved that restrictive legislation did not restrict, but rather, nuder its operations, the number-of Chinese in the country were being augmented. The press of San Francisco denounced the workings of the law in the severest terms. The people of the Pacific coast were indignant. It was plain to be seen that the Chinese were coming into the country in utter defiance of the re- striction acts. They came into San Francisco on false testimony as to prior residence. They came into the country across the frontier without any evidence of a right to come. The people became exasperated over the condition of affairs and in some in- stances resorted to effective exclusion measures. In Washington 92 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW.. Territory, where the invasion across the Canada border could be seen and understood, the people rose in self-defence and ordered the invaders out of the country. On September 5, 1885, the unfortunate collision occurred at Rock Springs, Wyoming, for which Congress afterward voted an indemnity of *147,000. The situation was serious and required immediate action, but nothing was done to repair the leak until the passage of the act of 1888. As this law did not suppress the evil, the acts of 1892, 1893, and 1894 followed. In the meantime the Asiatic tramps were forcing their way through the western gate of the coun- try in greater numbers than ever, contrary to the spirit and purposes of our laws. In 1886, 6,714 were admitted into San Francisco, followed in 1887 by 11,572 more, or nearly 3,000 more than the yearly average arrivals before the treaty of 1580. Since the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railroad along the entire distance of our northern frontier, the facilities for celerity of invasion have been vastly multiplied, and this company, with its subsidized line of British steamers running between its western terminus at Vancouver, in British Col- umbia, to Hong Kong, brings into the United States from three to five thousand Chinese immigrants every year. Two other lines of steamships run between Hong Kong and San Fran- cisco, while another line has a terminus at Seattle, and another runs to Tacoma. All of these steamship lines are largely engaged in carrying Chinese immigrants from Hong Kong to the United States and British Columbia, running steamers about every three weeks, and bringing over from one hundred to seven hundred Chinese persons on each trip The head tax of $50 per capita imposed by the Canadian pro- vinces is no real impediment or restriction in the way of Chinese destined to the United States via Canada. To secure this traffic the Canadian Pacific Railroad Company gives bonds, to the Cana- dian government to pay this amount if the Chinese have not de- parted out of Canada in ninety days, and its agents, officers, and employees are instructed to send the Chinese as soon as possible into the United States, anywhere along our 3,740 miles of border. As a consequence, like water from a sieve, the Chinese are showered upon us from every conceivable point on Puget Sound, and all along the line from Victoria to Halifax. So with refer- ence to the Mexican border. They cross the 1,540 miles of our THE FARCE OF TIlE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAWS. 93 Southern boundary line without detection into the United States. Between this conntry and Canada there are about twenty-five railroads crossing from one country into the other, and between this country and Mexico there are about five railroads crossing the line, making abont thirty railroads that cross our boundary. These lines of railroad, and steamship lines running into New Orleans, Tampa, Key West, New York, ahd other ports, from Cuba, Mexico, and Hong Kong, furnish ample facilities for these people to come from one side of the line or the other. The records of the Treasury Department show that many Chinese laborers have been landed in the United States on the claim of being in transit who have not taken their departure, or if they have, their identity has been so completely lost that, with an eye to profit, they have been able to carry off return papers for sale or future nse. In many instances Chinese in transit have re- mained here by substituting others in their places. Again the papers of nearly all returning alleged merchants are fraudulent, and their witnesses in many cases are professional perjurers. Another mode of securing admission is for sons to claim birth in San Francisco, and prove it by the testimony of alleged fathers who perjure themselves for a consideration. From the passage of the first Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 to the present time, there have been in the matter of hearings on habeas corpus in Chinese cases serious and radical conflicts of opinion between the judges of the Federal courts and the execu- tive officers of the government, which have been the cause of a great many admissions. The very fact of the existence of such a wide difference of opinion as to the construction and adminis- tration of existing law is the most effective argument that could possibly be adduced to show the imbecility of the Chinese Exclu- sion Acts, and of the absolute impotency of such measures to meet and cope in an efficient and effective manner with this great evil. Then the careless and absolutely inefficient manner in which the question of Chinese immigration has been treated by Con- gress has been the cause of the admission of thousands. This is clearly demonstrated by the admission of 502 Chinese persons for the Chicago Worlds Exposition, 350 for the San Francisco Mid-Winter Fair, 20~l for the Atlanta Exposition. and about 600 for the Nashville Exposition under joint resolutions of Congress permitting alien laborers to be imported in connection with the 94 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. foreign exhibits. All of the above 1,656 Chinese laborers ob- tained admission into the United States by the payment of about $225 each to the holders of the concession for Chinese exhibits at the above expositions. In most cases the women who were brought in at the same time were sold in San Francisco for immoral pur- poses. The official statistics of the government purporting to show the yearly admission of Chinese into the United States in no way approximate the truth. They fall far short of the actual facts and cannot be relied on. For example, they do not include the 16,000 who crossed the boundary into the United States after their discharge upon the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railroad. In these figures no account whatever is taken of the thousands that have been smuggled across the waters of Pnget Sound and along the Canadian bonudary line, nor the carloads passed in over the Mexican border. No account has been taken of the vessel loads of Chinese smuggled into the country along the Gulf coast. And still another fact must be taken into account, and that is that vessels on the route between San Fran- cisco and Chinese ports are as a rule manned by Chinese crews, many of whom are constantly deserting and remaining in this country. No account has been taken of the 1,500 alleged mer- chants landcd at Portland, Ore., by a corrupt collector of cus- toms at $50 per head; nor the hnudreds who were admitted into Idaho and Montana upon forged certificates with counterfeit seals attached. The census returns of the number of Chinese in the United States are equally defective. The census of 1860 placed it at 34,933, 1870 at 63,199, 1880 at 105,165, and 1890 at 107,475. Any one familiar with the Chinese understands the improba- bility of obtaining exact statistics concerning them. The Chinese Six Companies have always endeavored to prove as small a number of Chinese in this country as possible, and it is well known that when the census takers were taking the census the Chinese avoided them. As evidence of the unre- liability of the census, in 1869 II. C. Bennett, Secretary of the San Francisco Chinese Protective Society, with the aid of the Chinese Six Companies, made a careful estimate of the number of Chinese in the United States, and gave 90,000 as the number. One year later the census only gave 63,199. The testimony of THE FARCE OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAWS. 95 Hon. F. A. Bee, the Chinese Consul at San Francisco, ought to have weight on this qnestion. He was reported in a San Fran- cisco journal in 1888 as having testified in a Chinese investiga- tion in that city that within the last six months more Chinese women had arrived, and been landed by the courts as previous residents, than ever departed between 1849 and 1887, and, furthermore, that all the women brought into this country were brought here for immoral purposes.~~ The folly and inefficiency of the restriction acts are further demonstrated by Special Treasury Employee T. Aubrey Byrne, in his report to the Secretary of the Treasury, dated March 29, 1897. He says: Of the total admissions of Chinese into the United States during the fiscal year 1896, over 35 per cent. were effected through the Vermont district. The Chinese inhabitants in Boston in 1895, compared with 1885, show an increase of 192 per cent. In the State cf Massachusetts the increase in 1895 over the number in 1885 is shown to be 273 per cent. It must be borne in mind that the majority of the Chinese entering Massa- chusetts through the Vermont district do not remain in this State, but pass into other States to take up their laundry work. For arrival of Chinese laborers in this special agency district 1896 was the banner year, and, judging from the inflow during the first two months of 1897, it is quite probable that the current year (1897) will outrank any preceding twelve months. Taking the Custom House record of Chinese coming into the United States through the district of Vermont from June 1, 1895, to February 23, 1897, and adding to them 581 alleged boys, etc., who were admitted into the country by the United States Com- missioner at St. Albans, Mr. Byrne shows that the total admissions for the period in Vermont stood 2,947, or more than were admit- ted into the remainder of the United States. In the State of New York the census of 1890 gave 2,935 Chinese. At the time of the passage of the Geary Act of May 5, 1892, requiring all Chinese laborers to register, Internal Rev- enue Collector Keriom of the Southern District of New York made a canvass of the Chinese in his district and found that there were only 500 Chinese who would have to register. When the amended act was approved November 3, 1893, and before the Chinese registration began, the collector made another canvass and, much to his astonishment, fonnd 1,200 Chinese. When the 96 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW registration was completed it was found that over seven thousand had registered in New York City. According to the best esti- mates there are to-day (1897) all told in New York and Brooklyn and within a radius of ten miles about 12,000 Chinese. There are, it is believed, uotwithstanding reports to the contrary, as many as 700,000 Chinese, perhaps more, in the United State~ It is esti- mated that there are as many as 150,000 in California, 20,000 in Oregon, 10,000 in the State of Washington, 10,000 in Montana and Idaho, 4,000 in Nevada, 3,000 in Arizona, 3,000 in Colo- rado, 3,000 in Wyoming and Utah, to say nothing of those scat- tered over all portions of the country. Gradually, and almost imperceptibly, like the coming of a cold wave or the rising of the tide, the Little Brownies~~ have crossed the Great American Desert, the Rocky Mountains, the Missouri and Mississippi iRiv- ers, and the Alleghany Mountains, and to-day there is scarcely a city, town, or hamlet, either large or small, not excepting the capital of the nation, in which there are not more or less, and in many of them a very considerable number of Chinese persons. That the present Chinese restriction acts, as at present ad- ministered, are worse than a pretence is conceded by all familiar with their operations. Judge ilagar, while Collector of the Port of San Francisco, a few years ago, stated that the restriction act, as now administered, is an utter failure, which assertion has been verified in a thousand ways in the past few years. John II. Seuter, U. S. Attorney in the Vermont District, on Decem- ber 30,1896, said that in his district the Chinese hearings are in a certain sense farcical, and Leigh Chalmers, Examiner of the Attorney-Generals office, in a report dated July 1, 1896, said that nine out of ten of these (Chinese) cases do not amount to the dignity of a farce, and that the U. S. Attorney and Com- missioner both agree to this conclusion, but say there is no rem- edy. Win. A. Poucher, U. S. Attorney at Buffalo, in a letter to the U. S. Attorney-General, dated April 30, 1897, said that his assistant had attended examinations at Malone and at Plattsburg, . . . and has reported that it was absolutely use- less, under the present condition of affairs, to attend any further examinations, as it was a waste of time and money, and that he was powerless. These law officers of the government are charged with the en- forcement of the exclusion laws, but they practically admit that THE FARCE OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAWS. 97 owing to the loose interpretation of the laws by sympathetic U. S. Commissioners, and ~the radical diversity of opinion be- tween the judges of the Federal Courts, the crafty practices and fraudulent devices of the Mongolians themselves, the ready aid of well-paid allies on the border line, perjured witnesses, and the oath-breaking and bribe-taking public officials, the exclusion laws have become more honored in the breach than in the observance. From Tampa Bay at one corner, from Puget Sound at the other, from El Paso at the south, from San Francisco at the west, to New York at the east, to the Vermont, New York, New Hamp- shire, and Meine line on the north comes the same narrative of betrayed trusts on the part of debauched customs and judicial officials, and of hordes of these barred and branded Mongolians pouring into the United States, each with his bribe-money in one hand, his fraudulent papers in the other, and perjury on his lips. With several years experience in attempting to enforce this su- preme law of the land, our faith in effective legislation upon this subject is much impaired. Laws deemed apparently faultless have proven but legislative makeshifts. They do not meet the evil, but rather aggravate it by offering opportunities for their evasion through perjury, chicanery, and frauds. The entire customs service of the country, the Federal judiciary, and those appointed specially to enforce these laws, all admit that the Chinese Exclusion Act is a pretence and fraud in that it as- sumes to be legislation in pursuance of treaty stipulations, when in fact it is in violation of them; that it pretends to correct the evil complained of by offering opportunities for its evasion through the crafty practices, fraudulent devices, and bold per- jury of the criminal Chinese; that it has opened a door to the perjurer, who is too ready to swear himself within the pale of our laws, and thus whole legions of these people are flocking to the United States who are not entitled to come. Thus with every precaution under existing laws, and in the face of every effort, we have f~i1ed so far to arrest the incursions already effected over the border lines of the neighboring territory ; as we have seen, well- known routes are established by trails and by water ways, along which they come. When once here they mingle and merge with ad become an unrecognizable portion of the former resi- dents. VOL. CTaXYI.1i0. 494. 7 J. THOMAS SCHAUF. CONDITIONS GOVERNING TORPEDO-BOAT DESIGN. BY LIEUTEI~A1~T R. C. SMITH, U. 5. ~. IT now seems to be a settled part of our policy to add largely to the number of our torpedo-boats. A recent article in the RE- VIEW described the steps hitherto taken to this end. The present writer submitted to the Naval Institute a study of the questions controlling future design, and from the character of the criti- cisms it is fair to assume that the ideas were generally accepted by the service as reasonable. I propose to review now these governing considerations, which are really of a character to be easily intelligible to persons other than those who make a technical study of the subject. Our guide at the start is the uses and limitations of torpedo- boats. These are best understood by a careful survey of foreign practice and opinion, based on the growth of a quarter of a cen- tury. The results only can be given here. The prime end of a torpedo-boat is to attack and sink the enemys ships, the secondary object to ward off the attacks of the enemys boats. The weapon for the one use is the torpedo, for the oter the gun and the ram. Can these two uses be reconciled in a single type of boat, adapted either for cruising with the fleet or operating independently along the coast, or for hurried raids from protected harbors? Or do we need several distinct types? Or can a boat of any size or type be used advantageously for all the duties? In the attack on ships it is admitted without reserve that a total or partial surprise is the main element of success. In the absence of this feature the b eats would be utterly destroyed by gun fire before they reached torpedo range. Hence attacks will almost invariably be made under cover of darkness or mist,

CONDITIONS GOVERNING TORPEDO-BOAT DESIGN. BY LIEUTEI~A1~T R. C. SMITH, U. 5. ~. IT now seems to be a settled part of our policy to add largely to the number of our torpedo-boats. A recent article in the RE- VIEW described the steps hitherto taken to this end. The present writer submitted to the Naval Institute a study of the questions controlling future design, and from the character of the criti- cisms it is fair to assume that the ideas were generally accepted by the service as reasonable. I propose to review now these governing considerations, which are really of a character to be easily intelligible to persons other than those who make a technical study of the subject. Our guide at the start is the uses and limitations of torpedo- boats. These are best understood by a careful survey of foreign practice and opinion, based on the growth of a quarter of a cen- tury. The results only can be given here. The prime end of a torpedo-boat is to attack and sink the enemys ships, the secondary object to ward off the attacks of the enemys boats. The weapon for the one use is the torpedo, for the oter the gun and the ram. Can these two uses be reconciled in a single type of boat, adapted either for cruising with the fleet or operating independently along the coast, or for hurried raids from protected harbors? Or do we need several distinct types? Or can a boat of any size or type be used advantageously for all the duties? In the attack on ships it is admitted without reserve that a total or partial surprise is the main element of success. In the absence of this feature the b eats would be utterly destroyed by gun fire before they reached torpedo range. Hence attacks will almost invariably be made under cover of darkness or mist, CONDITIONS GOVERNING TORPEDO-BOAT DESIGN. 99 The boat, therefore, should be small to be as little visible and to present as small a target as possible, and should have a high speed to get quickly into action and quickly out. The main weapon is the torpedo, and there should be as many launching tubes as the size of the boat will permit. No guns are required for use against the ship; and were it not that the attacking boat might be headed off and put out of action by boats of her own kind or smaller, but carrying a battcry of gulls, there would be no necessity for any other weapon but the torpedo. In view, how- ever, of the above possibility she must carry as many and as good guns as are usually to be found in the boats of the same size abroad. For the second use, warding off the attacks of other boats, more and heavier guns and a higher speed are required. Other things being equal, this in itself points to an increased size of boat. Add to this that boats of this character should be capa- ble of keeping the sea with the fleet in all weathers and to that end should carry more coal and stores, and also that they should afford a fair degree of comfort and habitability to their crews, and the necessity for greater displacement is manifest. The feature of invisibility must unfortunately be sacrificed to the extent de- manded by these paramount requirements. Withal there will be occasions when surprises can be made, and in the melee of battle when torpedos can be used with effect ; and for such uses launch- ing tubes are provided, though there are not so many in pro- portion as in the torpedo-boat proper, where the torpedo and not the gun predominates. The bows of all these boats can be so strengthened at the ex- pense of a very moderate weight as to make them capable of cut- ting into the side of any similar boat or running through a smaller picket launch without material injury to themselves. Without seeking such occasions, which would involve many failures and consequent loss of time, it is very desirable to take advantage of them when they offer; as the enemy if struck would be quickly and effectually disposed of. In the navigation of our more northerly inland waters in the winter season, boats with bows so strengthened could safely cut through several inches of ice, a feature of decided possible value in time of war. The Cushings bow has been provided with an interior fitting of this nature which has already demonstrated its usefulness by carrying 100 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. the boat totally unharmed through ice that would otherwise have crushed her bow plates out of shape. The two uses enumerated have practically determined two types of boat, the torpedo-boat proper and the torpedo-boat de- stroyer, or briefly, torpedo-boats and destroyers, which terms are used hereafter in this special sense. By limiting the torpedo-boat to operations from a shore base its size can be kept within reasonable requirements as to invisi- bility and inconsiderable extent of target. This is apparent when account is taken of the saving in weight effected by omit- ting the special features constituting a high-sea boat. These are coal endurance, seaworthiness, stowage space, habitability. The smaller boat must, however, sacrifice speed to a certain extent to be able to carry her torpedo and battery weights. The reason is that, to obtain a very high speed in a small boat, nearly all her carrying capacity must be given up to machinery and coal. Here, then, must be studied the value of the required features, and a compromise effected that will give the best result as a whole. There is, of course, great latitude for individual opinion. The only logical way to approach the subject is to take up each feature in succession and fix for it two limits, the higher one such as to offer no inducement to pass beyond it, the lower one such that if not attained the whole object of the boat is defeated. The features and qualities to be striven for are speed, invisi- bility, seaworthiness, carrying capacity for torpedoes and guns, coal endurance, stowage capacity, habitability. Taking these up in order, and with regard first to the torpedo boat, what are the limits of speed that should be established ? The object of speed in a torpedo boat is to pass quickly through zones of fire, to escape from destroyers, and to be able to strike suddenly and un- expectedly from a distance. Generally speaking it should be as high as is compatible with other requirements. Naturally it cannot be expected to equal that of the destroyers, except by an almost complete sacrifice of other essential features, such as en- durance, or carrying capacity. Torpedo boats must gain the ad- vantage of destroyers by numbers, and not by speed. Some must be sacrificed so that others may pass through. But when it comes to the supreme effort of the torpedo-boat, the attack of the ship, is excessive speed after all the main re- ~uireument? It is such a fashion to make speed the sole criterion CONDITIONS GOVERNING TORPEDO.BOAT DESIGN. 101 of excellence in this craft, that a suggestion of anything else is almost startling. Newspaper publicity and the rivalry of build- ers are responsible for the fashion. Besides, speed appeals to the public, and it is something tangible to offer for comparison. ft has been mentioned that the attack should be made under cover of darkness or mist, and must; be in a measure a surprise. Consequently the boats in approaching will avoid anything like noise or commotion or any visible display that might indicate their presence. At any excessive speed the rush of water is audible at a considerable distance under favorable circumstances. There is usually a white crested bow wave and always a white streak of disturbed water in the wake. Then as the fires are forced there will be tongues of flame at the funnels. These are evidently not favorable accompaniments for a surprise attack. The alternative is to proceed at a moderate speed. In the Oush- ing with a maximum speed of 24 knots it was found that it was not advisable greatly to exceed 12 at this stage of the attack. Now, as the resu]t of many exercises at the Newport Torpedo Station, it appeared that the average distance at which the boat could be discovered with the aid of searchlights was 781 yards. These exercises were all beld in good weather on nights of vary- ing darkness, and under conditions generally favorable to the defence. The accepted torpedo range for a number of years has been 600 yards. Hits at this distance should be very probable, and especially now in view of recent improvements in torpedoes and in particular of the adoption of an automatic steering device which holds the torpedo very accurately to its course. When the boat is discovered concealment is at an end, and it is an object to dash in at top speed until the distance intervening from the point of discovery to the limit of torpedo range is passed. At 24 knots, now readily attained in torpedo boats, it would require 21 seconds to pass this interval of 281 yards (781 yards less 500 yards). Something would have to be added to this to allow for the time of working up to full speed after discovery. Now suppose that 30 knots was the maximum speed of the boat. It would mean reducing this interval by a fifth, or something over 4 seconds. But 30 knots in a small boat means the sacrifice of nearly everything else. Is it worth the price? It may be added that the length of time thought to be necessary to put a single boat out of action when in sight and beyond torpedo range 102 THE NORTH AAIER1OAN REVIEW. has varied between 1 and 3 minutes as instanced by the rules in foreign naval manoeuvres. In the English rnancouvres of 1896 it was qnoted as 2 minutes. So much for the question of speed. As mentioned above, 24 knots can be readily obtained. When the other requirements are determined, if a higher speed can still be secured, then so much the better; otherwise, 24 knots will be sufficient. Next as to invisibility. It is evident the smaller the boat, from this point of view, the better. This is the feature of those quoted that is opposed to all the rest. Speed, seaworthiness, capacity, endurance, and habitability all call for increased tonnage. Still, the quality of invisibility is of such vital importance that it is imperative to consider most carefully any feature that tends to impair it by increasing the size of the boat. It is known from our own experience that boats of about the size of our Gushing or Ericsson are very difficult to pick up at night when painted the dark olive color now adopted for torpedo-boats. This color, by the way, was developed as the result of several years experi- ence under the searchlight at Newport. Though called green it really has no green in it. It is made up of white, black, and yellow of proportions in the order given. This size of boat, moreover, conforms to the latest practice abroad in torpedo-boats proper, and it is fair to assume that it is warranted by the experience of foreign nations. When it comes to the question of a larger size, it is a great temptation to say this will give us a little more speed or greater seaworthiness. That is tine, but is the game worth the candle? The first idea occurring to any one who sees the new toi~pedo flotilla together is how very much more conspicuous than the Gushing and Ericsson are the later additions; and yet their topedo arma- ments are all the same. In a surprise attack on a hostile ship I should prefer the Gushing by all odds to any of them, not- withstanding that her maximum speed is three to five knots less than that of the others. Greater speed should mean greater powers of offence as well, and it will he seen that this points to a very much larger boat. There seems to be no reason whatever for adopting any intermediate sizes. Some of the features can be improved on, but to a point which gives no substantial gain, and at the sacrifice of the prime requisite for a surprise attack against ships, namely, invisibility. CONDiTiONS GOVERNING TORPEDO-BOAT DESIGN. 103 The other features may be discussed together. These boats are intended to operate along the coast, to be independent of the squadron and to return to port in bad weather or to replenish stores. For such purposes the Ericsson is perfectly sea- worthy. She could stay out in weather in which a much larger boat could not handle her torpedoes. She carries three torpedo- tubes, which are ample, and she could carry heavier gnus than her present 1-pounders, which an authority as great as M. Nor- mand, in speaking of the French first-class boats, describes as an arm absolutely without value. Her coal endurance is ample, ap- proximately a day at full speed or a week at economical steaming. Of stores of all descriptions she can carry enough to outlast her coal, and she is entirely habitable if advantage is taken of her re- turn to port to assure her crew of a complete rest if they need it. The question of guns for these boats deserves some further remarks. Their main object is for attacking or resisting boats of their own class. Four 3-pounders are the armament of some foreign boats, and it is higher than the average. The auto- matic 3-pounder seems to me the ideal gun for this purpose. The question of reliability, to be determined on trial, will affect the decision. This gun could also be used with effect against destroyers when hard pressed and might by alucky shot bring the boat out safely. A torpedo boat engaged in an attack should pay no attention to picket-boats, except to run over them if they are in the course. By firing she attracts attention to herself from the ship, whereas if she keeps straight on she may still get within torpedo range before she is discovered. There is, of course, the probability that we shall never be at- tacked on our own coast by torpedo boats proper, though it is possible that destroyers might be sent against us. It is, there- fore, sometimes argued that as our torpedo boats cannot hope to contend with destroyers, it would be better to save the weight and not arm them with guns at all. But I think the better view is that they might, as above stated, save themselves by a lucky shot if they carried a few suitable guns, and they could then scarcely be boarded at anchor and captured by a boat expedition, which might conceivably happen if they carried no guns whatever. The small-calibre machine gun is sometimes advocated for these boats, with the idea of using it against the crews of picket or other smaller boats. But as stated above, it does not seem advisable to 104 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. fire at all under these circumstances, and the machine gun would be of no use whatever against destroyers. The destroyers are a type developed by the English and date from 1893. They are in appearance large torpedo boats, but they carry a much heavier gun armament. Their object is to keep the sea in all weathers with the fleet, and to overhaul and destroy torpedo boats. Secondarily, they are to attack ships when occasion favors, and to this end they carry a limited torpedo outfit. When the type first appeared it was contemplated to arm them with guns only. But as they would then have been harm- less against ships, and would have no means of defence except their speed, it was decided to add a few torpedoes. The condi- tions imposed required a decided increase in displacement. Speed, endurance, and carrying capacity were to be enhanced. The feature of invisibility had to be sacrificed ; but as their main object was to ward off and destroy torpedo boats, this was not an insuperable objection. The earliest of these boats, the ilavock and the Hornet, much resembled our Porter and Dupont. They were 5 feet longer and of 40 tons more displacement. Since then the size has materially increased. The latest of them displace nearly 400 tons and the speed is to be 32 knots. The armament is two torpedo tubes for the long 18-inch Whitehead (1QVz feet by 18 inches), one 12-pounder and five 6-pounder rapid fire guns. We see at work in the development of the type the same in- fluences that tended to produce larger and larger torpedo-boats with speeds higher than required and an area of target that at the sacrifice of invisibility almost defeated the object of their creation. This is due to the rivalry of builders, whose success is judged by speed alone. If this growth continues we shall have gunboats instead of destroyers, with a high speed it is true, but with a draught that precludes their following torpedo-boats into shoal waters, and of a size that puts their use as torpedo-boats almost out of the question. With us the requirements of canal navigation should effectually put a stop to this increase. If the feature of invisibility is taken to limit the torpedo boat to about 120 tons, then all the requirements of the destroyer can be satisfied in a boat of less than 300 tons, and it would seem merely fatuous to pass beyond. Bearing this in mind our de- stroyers, if limited to a displacement of from 250 to 300 tons, CONDITIONS GOVERNING TORPEDO-BOAT DESIGN. 105 will still stand a chance when used as torpedo boats proper, though evidently not the equal of the smaller craft for this pur- pose alone. Their displacement will warrant a speed higher than that of any torpedo-boat; they will be seaworthy, and habit- able, and have a coal endurance and capacity enabling them to keep the sea at all times with the fleet. This is the limit of size for our coastwise canals. Their torpedo armament can well be that of the smaller boats, i. e., three tubes for the long 18-inch, and there will still be room for a formidable gun armament. If the 3-pounder is of suf- ficient power for the attack of a similar boat, why go to 6-pound- ers and 12-pounders as the English have done? I think in lieu of the one 12-pounder and five 6-pounders, that eight automatic 3-pounders would prove a more formidable battery and would have the advantage of a saving in weight. Nor are the advan- tages of a single calibre of ammunition to be lost sight of. Thus it seems that keeping well in mind the uses to which torpedo-boats and destroyers are to be put, the limitations in each case will produce two entirely distinct types of boats. There does not seem to be the least object in merging these two types in one by building boats of intermediate sizes. By so doing the objects of the torpedo-boat proper are defeated and those of the destroyer are uot attained. There will also be produced a hetero- geneous flotilla incapable of manceuvring for any common object. This state of affairs will inevitably be produced by permitting builders to set their own dimensions and displacements. I be- lieve it would b~ wise to use the terms destroyer and torpedo-boat in appropriation acts to indicate the character of the boat, and then for the proposals to indicate very nearly the displacement, speed, trial weights, and total coal endurance. The builders would then have an opportunity to display their skill within the settled re- quirements in such directions as design of hull with regard to speed, lightness of construction consistent with strength, and horse. power in proportion to weight of boilers and machinery. Then by requiring all speed trials to be made at normal displace- ment it would be easy to compare the performances of rival boats. A simple definition of normal displacement is the displacement with all torpedo and battery weights aboard, the crew and their effects, all permanent stores, and one half the full amount of coal and perishable stores. 108 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. It is conceivable that nations may be so situated as to make their torpedo-boat policy very variable. The English, for in- stance, predominate over other powers in regard to ships. They are willing to trust their ships to take care of the enemys ships. With regard to torpedo boats they prefer not to have many, but to possess enough destroyers to look after all the enemys boats. In our own case, as before stated, it is not probable that hostile tor- pedo boats will be encountered on our coast, but it is possible that we may meet destroyers. As we are not in the first rank in respect to ships, we can well rely largely on torpedo boats to help us out; and as we shall require destroyers to meet those that may be present in the enemys fleet, it is evident that it is the part of wisdom to build both types; but for the present we would seem to need more of the smaller ones. Nothing has been said here of the means of defence that would be used by ships against these craft. Torpedo nets are out of vogue, and as has been stated, the searchlight cannot be relied on to pick up the boats early enough to ensure their de- struction. A squadron at anchor within striking distance of torpedo-boats would be almost at their mercy if unprovided with other means of defence. The logical defence is a flotilla of de- stroyers. These would cruise about the anchorage within signal distance of each other, and some would be detached to scout for torpedo-boats. Then, nearer the ship wbuld be vedettes and picket-launches to give the alarm. Searchlights are condemned by all the best authorities prior to the actual discovery of the attacking boat. They blind the eyes of the lookouts and they serve as a lighthouse to the enemy. Their only use is to light up the target offered by the approaching boat. At sea the squadron should cruise with lights concealed and with scouts and destroyers surrounding it on all sides. We have the beginning of a fine fleet of vessels, but we are almost entirely helpless in the means of saving them from one of the most de- structive foes they are liable to meet, and one whose importance and power of offence are constantly increasing. Ii. U. SMITH. THE IRISH QUESTION IN A NEW LIGHT. BY THE RT. HON. HORACE PLUNKETT, M. P., CHAIRMAN OF THE RECESS COMMITTEE, AND PRESIDENT OF THE IRISH AGRICULTURAL ORGAIUZATION SOCIETY. A REMARKABLE change has taken place in the Jrish situation. In the first zeal of his conversion to Home Rule, Mr. Gladstone declared that the whole civilized world was on his side; and he could, at any rate, count upon the enthusiastic endorsement of his policy by American public opinion. A week or two ago there~ was widely circulated in the American prcss an obituary notice from the pen of no less distinguished an observer of current events than Professor Goldwin Smith, who has satisfied himself that Home Rule is dead! Be this as it mayand for my part I do not go so far as the eminent historianthe once burning Irish question no longer attracts audiences, or dollars, in the United States. Nevertheless, no greater mistake could be made than to suppose that the American nation has finally cast off its Irish sympathies. There is too much Irish blood flowing through its veins to allow it to forget Ireland while many of her people remain in poverty and discontent. For these Irish sympathizers, even if Home Rule were dead, the Irish question would remain. But it will be approached in a calmer and more helpful spirit. There is no public opinion in the world which learns more surely from experience than that of the American people. The logic of events has forced many who supported the National movement to the conclusion that there must be something un- sound either in the cause itself or in the method of its promo- tion. And now, practical before all things, the American mind will not readily commit itself again to any definite policy for Ireland, unless it sees clearly whither that policy will lead.

THE IRISH QUESTION IN A NEW LIGHT. BY THE RT. HON. HORACE PLUNKETT, M. P., CHAIRMAN OF THE RECESS COMMITTEE, AND PRESIDENT OF THE IRISH AGRICULTURAL ORGAIUZATION SOCIETY. A REMARKABLE change has taken place in the Jrish situation. In the first zeal of his conversion to Home Rule, Mr. Gladstone declared that the whole civilized world was on his side; and he could, at any rate, count upon the enthusiastic endorsement of his policy by American public opinion. A week or two ago there~ was widely circulated in the American prcss an obituary notice from the pen of no less distinguished an observer of current events than Professor Goldwin Smith, who has satisfied himself that Home Rule is dead! Be this as it mayand for my part I do not go so far as the eminent historianthe once burning Irish question no longer attracts audiences, or dollars, in the United States. Nevertheless, no greater mistake could be made than to suppose that the American nation has finally cast off its Irish sympathies. There is too much Irish blood flowing through its veins to allow it to forget Ireland while many of her people remain in poverty and discontent. For these Irish sympathizers, even if Home Rule were dead, the Irish question would remain. But it will be approached in a calmer and more helpful spirit. There is no public opinion in the world which learns more surely from experience than that of the American people. The logic of events has forced many who supported the National movement to the conclusion that there must be something un- sound either in the cause itself or in the method of its promo- tion. And now, practical before all things, the American mind will not readily commit itself again to any definite policy for Ireland, unless it sees clearly whither that policy will lead. 108 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. Nor is it only sympathy for Ireland which will keep alive American interest in the condition of her people. The influence of Irish organizations upon the public life of the United States, whether it be for good or for evil, will at any rate be a powerful influence for many years to come. The bond between the Irish in Ireland and the far larger portion of the race which has found its home in the Western hemisphere may in some respects be temporarily loosened. But, in the main, the policy, tone, and temper of these Irish-American organizations will reflect the poli- tical, social, and economic situation in Ireland. It is equally true that the situation in Ireland is affected by the influence of public opinion in the United States. There exists, then, a common interest between the readers of the NORTH AMERIcAN REvIEW and the Irish politician whom its Editor has invited to address them. I am, therefore, glad to tell, and I believe they will be glad to hear, of certain new developments in Ireland which seem to point to better things. For nearly twenty years I have enjoyed intimate relations with Americans in many Sfates from the Atlantic to the Rockies. In the earlier years of my sojourn among them I found it wiser to avoid the Irish question altogether. Everyone knew so much more about it than I did, and had found a comprehensive and en- tirely satisfactory solution to the problem which baffled my poor understanding. The main facts upon which their conclusions were based seemed to belong to an Ireland of which I have read, but which ceased to exist some years before I was born. Now, however, American public opinion seems itself to be passing through a period of bewilderment and has returned to its characteristic openmindedness, which the Irish con- troversy seemed for a while to have disturbed. I have, therefore, no hesitation in submitting to public criticism in America the new Irish movement with which I am associated. In doing so, I shall try to follow the advice of a learned judge, Sir Edward Fry, now presiding over a commission appointed to enquire into the working of the Irish Land Acts, who, in opening the pro- ceedings, appealed to counsel so to present the case from either side as to generate the maximnm of light and the minimum of heat. The policy to be described depends for its success upon the united action, for the common good, of Irishmen politically op THE IRISH QUESTION IN A NEW LIGHT. 109 posed to each other. This may appear to some to be the pious aspiration of a visionary. But those who really understand the Irish character, and know something of Irish history, are aware that the barriers which divide class from class, party from party, andcreed from. creed, do not exist by virtue of any natural law, and might easily be broken down. The fact isand I speakfrom experiencethat it is not hard to get people to work together in Ireland if you can only get them to come together. But, until the last year or two, it was regarded as a political necessity to keep men apart. I will briefly summarize, from my own stand- point, the circumstances which have so happily altered the sit- nation. Many of my American friends, who, in the heydey of Parnells power, plunged themselves heart and soul into the Irish ques- tion, now confess themselves totally incapable of comprehending how differences of opinion among his followers can be allowed to wreck the policy which he had built up. I am glad that I can honestly avow my own utter inability to throw any light upon the subject, or to give any clear definition of the issues which keep asunder the various sections into which this once formid- able party is now divided. I am convinced, however, that the present state of confusion in Nationalist ranks has a more deeply seated cause than merely personal disputes. These would be effectively dealt with if there were not something rotten in the state of Ireland. The trouble arises from an inherent defect in the Parnell system. During his reign the suffrage was widely extended, and, under other circumstances, the political development of the people would have ensued as a natural conse- quence. But the paramount influence which the Irish leader exercised over an essentially leader-following people enabled him to enter into a simple compact with the Irish electors, the terms of which he dictated. They were to vote for his nominees, and he was to obtain Home Rule. As a question of tactics, this was prob- ably the best course to pursue. Had Parnell lived, and, above all, had the cause not suffered a blow which, among an extremely moral people, was more fatal to his influence than his demise, Home Rule might at least have been tried. In that event, it may be argued that the undoubted statesmanship of the Uncrowned Kings might have found in autonomy the forces necessary for ~he rapid political education of the people. Per- 110 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. haps, too, he might have used his influence to develop their industrial capacitiesa task for which the mere concession of a more democratic franchise did not afford him an opportunity. I consider it fair to state these possibilities, though they do not harmonize with my own ideas of a nationss growth. In any case, speculations of this kind are of mere academic value now. Whatever its merits or defects, the Parnell system was a one-man- system, and as such it carried a risk against which it was impos- sible to insure. What followed the disappearance of Parnell is well known. The political pendulum swung over the home Rule allies. A Home Rule bill passed through the House of Commons, and was summarily rejected by the House of Lords. The agitation against the much-abused aristocrats fell flat, and the Liberal Govern- ment showed no anxiety to place the issue again before the electors. When Lord iRosebery took up the reins from the venerable statesman who then retired, he seemed to regard the one-man system as a permanent principle of Irish politics. In a memora- ble speech he significantly remarked that the next Irish leader was probably being wheeled about in a perambulator. And if our politics really are to blunder along indefinitely in the time- honored rut, I dare say we shall have to wait for any hopeful solution of the Irish question until this infant prodigy has arrived at mans estate. It may be wondered why an opponent of Home Rule in the accepted sense should not contemplate such a prospect at least with equanimity. The explanation is simple. While I consider that the proposed constitutional change would only aggravate the evils from which we suffer, I do not, on that account, think that nothing should be done. England does not owe us Home Rule; but she does owe us, and would give us if we would only agree upon the need of it, remedial legislation of another kind. She is virtually pledged to a reform by which our local government shall be put on a broad and popular basis1, and she will make a great step in that direction in the coming session of Parliament. Private legislation by which purely local Irish busi- ness will be relieved of the expense and inconvenience of trans- acting it at Westminster, is in contemplation. But there re- mains a less popular and showy reform which is in my judgment 111 THE IRISH QUESTION IN A NEW LIGHT. of surpassing importance, as it goes to the root of Irish poverty. The main purpose of this article is to explain and enlist sympathy with the efforts which are being made to obtain the desired re~ lief. The principle upon which, under modern conditions, the sal- vation of Ireland must be sought, becomes more manifest every year. The Irish difficulty has long been rather economic than political, and it is so more than ever to-day. Solve the economic problem, and in the process the Irish people will be so elevated and strengthened that they will be able to solve the political problem for themselves. I am firmly convinced that all future attempts to deal with the Irish question on purely political lines are doomed to share the fate of Irish policies in the past. The space at my command does not permit me to establish the theoretic soundness of the position I take up. I believe it will commend itself to the judgment of the most of those who read this article. In any case, I must now proceed to describe the steps which are being taken to give practical effect to the views I have enunciated. In doing this, I am confronted with a great difficulty. I have to speak of events in which I took a leading part, and I have not the circumlocutor.Y ingenuity which would be required to combine in my narrative the advantages of personal experi- ence with the avoidance of the first person singular. I hope I may disarm the criticism of those who would accuse me of egotism by admitting frankly that my own prominence, in the somewhat novel and unconventional proceedings I am about to describe, was due to the possession of a political reputation with which I could afford to play fast and loose; while the credit for any success which has been or may be achieved by the new movement which I helped to initiate, is due to men of infinitely greater capacity who devoted themselves to its promotion. It was not until the general election of 1895 had, by universal admission, postponed, for some years at any rate, the concession of Home Rule, that the opportunity arose to formulate a definite scheme. In August of that year I promulgated in a letter to the Irish press what, quite sincerely if somewhat grandiloquently, I called A prcposal affecting the general welfare of Ireland. A few extracts from this letter will best explain the general scope and purpose of the scheme, After confessing my continued oppositiom 112 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. to Home Rule because I did not think it would be good for Ireland, I made the admission that if the average Irish elector, who is more intelligent than the average British elector, were also as prosperous, as industrious, and as well educated, his continued demand, in the proper constitutional way, for home rule would very likely result in the experiment being one day tried. On the other hand, I gave it as my opinion that if the material conditions of the great body of our countrymen were advanced, if they were encouraged in industrial enterprise, and were pro- vided with practical education in proportion to their natural intelligence, they would see that a political development on lines similar to those adopted in England was, considering the neces- sary relations between the two countries, best for Ireland; and then they would cease to desire Home Rule. I then thus sug- gested a basis for united action between politicians on both sides of the Irish controversy: We find ourselves still opposed upon the main question, but all anxious to promote the welfare of the country, and confident that, as this is advanced, our respective policies will be confirmed. If, then, it be agreed that it will be good patriotism and good policy alike to work for the material and social advancement of our country, what is to make any of us hesitate to enter at once upon that united action between Irishmen of both parties which alone can produce the desired result ? The letter proceeded to indicate economic legislation sorely needed by Ireland, and yet quite unobtainable unless it could be removed from the region of controversy. The modus co-operandi suggested was as follows : A committee, to sit in the parliamentary recess (whence it came to he known as The Recess Committee), was to be formed, consisting, in the first instance, of Irish Mem- bers of Parliament nominated by their leaders of the different sections. These nominees should invite to join them any Irish- men whose capacity, knowledge or experience might be of ser- vice to the committee, irrespective of the political party or re- ligious persuasion to which they might belong. I desire, in passing, to emphasize the importance which at- taches to this last provision of the scheme. Regarding the Irish question simply from a business point of viewa way of looking at things for which years spent upon the Western plains are ac- countableI have always been struck by one very deplorable THE IRISH QUESTION IN A NEW LIGHT. 113 feature of Irish public life. Not only the representative men of the classes which have the advantage of wealth and leisure, but also the leaders of our commercial and industrial enterprises, have long been excluded from all influence on the thought and action of the great majority of the people. On the other hand, the actual Irish leaders have rarely been men prominent in any walk of life outside the sphere of politics. I do not wish to be understood as reflecting in any way upon the most representative of my Nationalist fellow-countrymen in pointing out this disadvantage, which I could easily prove, if it were relevant to my argument to do so, to have been in many respects greatly to their credit. My purpose is to show that the Recess Committee was designed to bring about what I consider to be an absolutely necessary combination between the two elements of Irish leadershipthe one possessing practical knowledge and commercial experience, the other monopolizing effective influence over the people. I concluded the letter by broadly commending the scheme to Irish politicians all and sundry. The day had come when we Unionists, without abating one jot of our Unionism, and Nation- alists, without abating one jot of their Nationalism, can each show our faith in the cause for which we have fought so bitterly and so long by sinking our party differences for our countrys good, and leaving our respective policies for the justification of time. Needless to say, few besides the author of the proposal were sanguine enough to hope that such a committee would ever be brought together. If that were accomplished some prophesied that its members would but emulate the fame of the Kilkenny cats. A severe blow was dealt to the, project at the outset by the refusal of Mr. Justin McCarthy, who then spoke for the largest section of the Nationalist representatives, to have anything to do with it. However, before this decision was officially announced the idea had caught on. Public bodies throughout the country endorsed the scheme, and Mr. John Redmond and his followers, who acted in the most conciliatory manner through- out, gave it their adhesion. The parliamentarians then invited prominent men from all quarters, and a committee, which, though informal and self-appointed, might fairly claim to be representative in every material respect, was constituted on the lines laid down. VOL. CLXVJ.I~O. 494. 8 114 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. Truly, it was a strange council over which I now had the honor to preside. All shades of politics were thereLords Mayo and Monteagle, Mr. Dane and Sir Thomas Lea (Tories and Liberal Unionists) sittiL; down beside Mr. John Redmond and his parliamentary followers. It was found possible, in fram- ing proposals fraught with moral, social, and educational results, to secure the common agreement of the Rev. Dr. Kane, Grand- Master of the Belfast Orangemen, and of the eminent Jesuit edu- cationalist, Father Thomas Finlay, of the Royal University. The OConnor Don, the able chairman of the Financial Relatioiis Commission, and one of Her Majestys jadges, both Unionists, were fairly balanced by the present and two former Nationalist Lord~Mayors of Dublin. Sir John Arnott fitly represented the commercial enterprise of the South, while such men as Mr. Thomas Sinclair, Sir William Ewart, Sir Daniel Dixon, Sir James Musgrave, and Mr. Thomas Andrews would be universally accepted as the highest authorities upon the needs of the com- munity which has made Ulster famous in the industrial world. The story of our deliberations and ultimate conclusions can- not be set forth here except in the barest outline. We instituted an inquiry into the means by which the government could best promote the development of our agricultural and industrial re- sources. Failing to get the information we required from of- ficial and other publications, we despatched special commission- ers to nine countries of Europe* whose economic conditions and pro.~ress might afford some lessons for Ireland. Our funds did not admit of an inquiry in the United States or the Colonies. How Ter, we obtained invaluable information as to the method by which countries which were our chief rivals in agricul- tural and industrial production, have been enabled suc- ce:sf ally to compete with our pro~lucers even in our own markets. Our commissioners were instructed in each case to collect the facts necessary to enable us to differentiate the parts played respectively by State aid and the efforts of the people themselves in producing these results. With this infor- mation before us, after long and earnest deliberation we came to a unanimous agreement upon the main facts of the situation ~France, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Wurtemberg, Bavaria. Austria, Hun- ~arya nd Switzerland. Mr. Michael Muihall the well-known statistician. andMr~ homas P. Gill who acted as secretdry tc the committee and rendered invaluable service in that capacity, as well, undertook this mission. THE IRISH QUESTION IN A NEW LIGHT. 1145 with which we had to deal, and npon the recommendations for remedial legislation we should make to the government. We have in Ireland, I am quoting from the report, a poor country, practically without manufacturesexcept for the linen and shipbuilding of the north, and the brewing and dis- tilling of Dublindependent upon agriculture, with its soil im- perfectly tilled, its area under cultivation decreasing, and a diminishing population without industrial habits or technical skill. We sought to prove that this melancholy state of things was not due to racial defects or other unalterable conditions, but was largely attributable to misgovernment in the past. It was not our purpose to criticise, in the light of our present knowl- edge, the policies of other days, or to indulge in abuse af the present generation of Englishmen for the misdoings of their ancestors. We merely sought to establish a claim for such special treatment as might, without offending against the accepted principles of political economy, or disturbing the fiscal arrangements of the United Kingdom, place our people on the economic level which they would probably have obtained, if England had governed Ireland as well as she gov- erned herself. I think we couvinced all with whom the doctrine of lai88ez faire is not carried to the verge of idolatry. The substance of our recommendations was thr~ a Depart- ment of Government should be specially created, with a minister directly responsible to Parliament at its head. The central body was to be assisted by a Consultative Council representative of the interests concerned. The department was to be adequately en- dowed from the Imperial Treasury, and was to administer State aid to agriculture and industries in Ireland upon principles which were fully described. Those who desire to know the details of this proposal for legislation, and the facts and arguments upon which it was based, must refer to the report, which can easily be obtaiued.* I need only say here that the scheme, in its main features, was taken from the insti- tutions of the countries to which our investigations were ex- tended, and modified to meet the requirements of our own case. The amalgamation of agriculture and industries under one de- partment was largely due to the opinion expressed by M. Tisserand, late Director General of Agriculture in France, and * Published by Browne & Nolan, Nassau Street, Dublin. 116 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. probably the highest authority in Europe upon the administration of State aid to agriculture. The momorandum which he kindly contributed to the Recess Committee was copied into the annual report of the United States Department of Agriculture for 1896. The creation of a new minister directly responsible to Parliament was a necessary provision. Ireland is at present governed by a number of boards, all, with the one exception of the Board of Works, which is a branch of the Treasury, responsible to the Chief Secretarypractically a whole cabinet in himselfwho is sup- posed to be responsible for them to Parliament. The bearers of this preposterous burden are generally men of great ability, as is the case at the present time. But no Chief Secretary could pos- sibly take under his wing yet another department with the entirely new and important functions now to be discharged. The mem- bers of the department were to be nominated by the Executive, since no process of popular election could be counted upon to secure the best men for such administrative work. The Consulta- tive Council, a device which, from continental experience, we were convinced would keep the department in touch with the in~ terests it was created to subserve, was to be largely elective. The appearance of the report was greeted with a chorus of approval in the press, the perfected scheme meeting with the same public support which had been accorded to the original project. In the last session of Parliament the Chief Secretary introduced a measure, avowedly based, in its main lines, upon the report. The Treasury, however, inserted a provision by which the funds for working the scheme should come out of the Irish instead of the common purse. This made the bill unpopular. But in any case it had little chance of passing into law in the then attitude of a large number of Irish members towards the Recess Com- mittee. Mr. Dillon, who had succeeded Mr. Justin McCarthy in the leadership~ and who has opposed the Recess Committee throughout, publicly characterized the report as idiotic, and accused its author of seeking a salary for himself and jobs for his friends. I can quite understand that, to any one who believes in the sufficiency of political agitation to deal with the Irish problem, such criticism may appear appro- priate. In any case, it is rather helpful than the reverse. Meanwhile, public oliinion in favor of our recommendations is growing rapidly. On November 30 last, a large deputation rep~ THE IRISH QUESTION IN A NEW LIGHT. 117 resenting all the leading agricultural and industrial interests of the country waited upon the Irish government, in order to press upon them the urgent need for the new department. The Chief Secretary, after describing the gathering as one of the most notable deputations which has ever come to lay its case before the Irish government, and noting the remarkable growth of public opinion in favor of the policy embodied in his bill of last session, expressed his heartfelt sympathy with the case which had been presented, and his earnest desirewhich is well knownto proceed with his policy of agricultural and in- dustrial development at the earliest moment. But his hands are tied. The demand made upon the government is, in a qualita- tive sense, already irresistible. But economic agitation of this kind takes time to become numerically powerful. You cannot get backward producers to agitate for the legislation I have de- scribed, any more than you can get schoolboys to clamor for a more advanced curriculum. We are, however, moving along, and whatever delay the exigencies of party politics may prescribe, I claim for those who gave their work and time to its deliberations, that the Recess Committee has already been a powerful influence for good, and has justified its existence. I now pass to the other side of the new movement, which is in no sense political. In seeking reme~iial legislation, the Re- cess Committee did not fall into the error of placing undue reli- ance on the efficacy of State aid. Those who read the report will see that they rely mainly upon self-help, and insist through- out that the government should be careful to intervene in such a manner as to evoke and supplement, but not provide a substitute for, this essential quality. They recognize also that this self-help must be organized in order to fulfil its purpose. This is the teaching alike of coun- tries mainly agricultural, such as Denmark; of t~ose mainly in- dustrial, such as Wtlrtemburg; and of those largely agricultural and industrial, such as France and Belgium. The government always seeks to work with and through local associations. Even in schemes of practical education, local initiation, local contribu- tion, and local control are generally made the condition precedent of monetary and other assistance from the central authority. Undoubtedly this principle must be observed if governmental in- terference is not to degencrate into jobbery and waste. 118 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. It will surprise most of those who read this article to hear that this principle is finding wide acceptance among the farmers of Ireland. During the past eight years a movement which has for its object the uplifting of the rural community, economically first, and then socially and intellectually, has been quietly but actively promoted by a few enthusiasts. The programme of these reformers is based on the principle of voluntary association for industrial purposes, an agency which, in addition to its economic advantages, has proved, wherever it has been tried, to be productive of most beneficial effects upon the character of the individual. Practical effect was to be given to this principle by the estab- lishment of societies of farmers on lines well known in many European countries, notably in Denmark, where such organiza- tions are to be found in every parish. Ireland, of course, needs diversified manufactures, reliance upon a single industry not being a desirable condition. But Irish statistics, which show that the vast majority of the people are dependent, directly or indirectly, upon the land, point clearly to the advancement of agriculture as the first step in economic progress. Moreover, a class possessing the habits and methods of industry is a prime necessity in the successful promotion of manufacturing enter- prise. Such a class can be created in Ireland only out of the agricultural community, and industrially educated in connection with the industry with which it is familiar. Festiuct lente was the motto of these men. The history of this work might be interesting, more espe- cially as the problem with which it deals is very nearly related to a problem now coming to the front in the United States, which I may seek an opportunity to discuss on another occasion. I can now only say that after a period of constant and apparently fruit- less toil the farming societies began to struggle into existence. In the spring of 1894 a considerable amount of public interest in these efforts was aroused, and a society called the Irish Agricul- tural Organization Society, as widely representative as the Recess Committee, was formed to provide funds for carrying on the movement, which had then grown to such proportions that it could no longer be promoted by the original volunteers. Owing to the influence of this philanthropic association we have to-day some 170 of these Mocieties in Ireland scattered throughout thirty- THE IRISH QUESTION IN A NEW LIGHT. 119 one of the thirty-two counties, with an aggregate membership of some 17,000. These societies variously embrace every branch of the farm- ing industry. They cheapen production by the joint purchase of seeds, manures, implements, machinery, and other requirements of their industry. In dairying districts they erect creameries, which they show a capacity to operate for their own profit. They jointly sell what they produce with a view to saving middle profits. They are in many districts applying the principle of co- operation to agricultural finance, and are thus securing a great re- duction of interest upon farm loans. The advantages derived from combination of individuals is enhanced by joint action be- tween societies. The societies are generally prosperous, the per- centage of commercial failures being practically nominal. Such is a rough outline of the purely economic movement which preceded and rendered possible its semi-political comple- ment, the Recess Committee. I believe that the full development of agricultural organization points the only way by which the agricultural industry in Ireland can be saved. The Irish farmers, who formerly had to compete only with their fellow-workers in the United Kingdom, are now brought into competition with the farmers of the whole world. The time has come when they must intelligently apply to their industry those methods of combination which have been resorted to by those engaged in every other indus- trial undertaking, and by farmers of other countries. The system by which we are seeking to attain this result has already proved its economic soundness; and it is only lack of funds sufficient to send organizers qualified ~to educate bodies of farmers, who are ready to listen to them in almost every parish in Ireland, in its principles and procedure, which delays its universal adoption. May I point out that in providing the sinews of war a splendid opportunity is open for some wealthy lover of 3lreland to confer upon her people an incalculable boon? I am quite aware that I throw myself open to adverse criticism on the part of more ardent politicians on both sides ~f the great dividing line. On the one hand, I shall be told that the settle- ment of the land question is immeasurably more important than the attempt to bolster up an industry hopelessly handicapped by landlordism. I cannot now deal with that argument, but mtwt~ ask my readers to withhold judgment until they have 120 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. studied, at least in outline, the drastic land legislation of the last quarter of a century, and have realized the present legal status of the Irish tenant. They will probably come to the conclusion that rent is no longer the chief factor in cost of production, and that the need of the day is a system of or- ganized self-help supplemented by State aid. On the other hand, I may be told that I fail to be duly grateful for the noble workand such it wasof Mr. Arthur Balfour in the west of Ireland, and that I am unreasonable in pressing for further State aid while other Irish affairs are before Parliament. I can only reply that the best way to help Ireland is to aid in developing her resources, and that of these by far the most impor- tant are those which exist in the people themselves. The annual exodus of Irishmen from Ireland still appeals eloquently to the government to develop something besides our politics. One criticism of a more general character remains. I shall be told that those of us who are trying to turn the minds of our countrymen from purely political to economic reforms take no account of Irish sentiment, and show a profane disregard for the national aspirations. Our answer is broadly this. While we do not consider it un-Irish to be practical, we are quite aware that without sentiment on our side we can exercise no influence for good upon our fellow-countrymen. So let us be known by our fruit. I believe our chief offence is that we despise that so-called love for Ireland which is but a thinly disguised hatred for Eng- land. Our hopes for the regeneration of our country do not involve the destruction of an empire which Irishmen have taken a leading part in building up, and are to-day foremost in main- taining.* Such a perverted patriotism is alien to the character of the Irish people, who are neither revengeful nor wanting in in- telligence. It may be that independence of thought upon the Irish ques- tion will still subject a man to a storm of obloquy. I am, how- ever, convinced that nothing but good can come from a frank and unreserved expression in America of opinions upon the Irish question which have not there been heard before. HORACE PLUNIiETT. * The names of Trish empire-builders in the past are too numerous to cite. The services of Lords Wolseley and Roberts on land, of Lord Charles Beresford on water, and of Lord Dufferin in diplomacy, are among the latest instances of the pre5nn- nence of Irishmen in imperial affairs. NOTES AND COMMENTS. THE HEART AND THE WILL IN BELIEF.ROMANES AND MILL. THESE two names I have linked together on account of a similarity in certain phases of thought through which they passed. They were both recognized champions of Agnosticism, a~d yet they came in their later years to mortify their earlier positionsMill, in a tentative manner, Romanes in a frank acknowledgment on his part of a radical change of opinion. The transition from a negative to a positive position in reference to the question of theism is of primary interest in its bearing upon the problems of religion and of life. As the writer of the article on Romanes in the Quarterly Re- view has pointed out, ~The current of his thought may be called the move- mentof the age. This larger view of the subject is alluring, and yet within the scope of the present article I would examine some of the psychological phenomena accompanying such a change of opinion, rather than attempt to assess its value, or interpret its significance. I shall consider, therefore, the experiences of Mill and Romanes as illustrating the influence of certain mental forces which lie outside the processes of reason, and yet are contrib- uting factors in determining the judgment. We find these two men, the logician and the scientist,~absorbed through many years in special pursuits which naturally developed a habit of mind which led to the consideration of all propositions in the dry light of rea- son. They were scrupulously consistent adherents of a purely logical and scientific method. In this atmosphere, a negative criticism of theism natu- rally ensued. Mills position is indicated in various passages of his earlier works, and notably in his essays on religion. These essays were published after his death; w~ fail, however, to estimate them properly if we overlook the fact that the essay on Nature, and the others on the Utility of Re ligion were written in the years 1850-58, and the third eesay, on Theism, was written between 1868 and 1870, just before his death. The interval between the two former and the last will account for the concessions which the final e~say contains, and which are not in harmony with the negative attitude of his earlier position. He acknowledges that the hope, while only a hope, concerning the government of the universe and the destiny of man is nevertheless legitimate and philosophically defensible. Though espousing the Religion of Humanity and Duty, he still confesses that in living consistently in the spirit of its high behests, one may be ~ co- operating with the unseen Being to whom we owe all that is enjoyable in life. Mr. Morley, who can be accused of no bias in his opinion, reluctantly and with evident regret acknowledges this change of attitude, and evidently feels thati Mr. Mill in the eesay on Theism has become almost apostate as

NOTES AND COMMENTS. THE HEART AND THE WILL IN BELIEF.ROMANES AND MILL. THESE two names I have linked together on account of a similarity in certain phases of thought through which they passed. They were both recognized champions of Agnosticism, a~d yet they came in their later years to mortify their earlier positionsMill, in a tentative manner, Romanes in a frank acknowledgment on his part of a radical change of opinion. The transition from a negative to a positive position in reference to the question of theism is of primary interest in its bearing upon the problems of religion and of life. As the writer of the article on Romanes in the Quarterly Re- view has pointed out, ~The current of his thought may be called the move- mentof the age. This larger view of the subject is alluring, and yet within the scope of the present article I would examine some of the psychological phenomena accompanying such a change of opinion, rather than attempt to assess its value, or interpret its significance. I shall consider, therefore, the experiences of Mill and Romanes as illustrating the influence of certain mental forces which lie outside the processes of reason, and yet are contrib- uting factors in determining the judgment. We find these two men, the logician and the scientist,~absorbed through many years in special pursuits which naturally developed a habit of mind which led to the consideration of all propositions in the dry light of rea- son. They were scrupulously consistent adherents of a purely logical and scientific method. In this atmosphere, a negative criticism of theism natu- rally ensued. Mills position is indicated in various passages of his earlier works, and notably in his essays on religion. These essays were published after his death; w~ fail, however, to estimate them properly if we overlook the fact that the essay on Nature, and the others on the Utility of Re ligion were written in the years 1850-58, and the third eesay, on Theism, was written between 1868 and 1870, just before his death. The interval between the two former and the last will account for the concessions which the final e~say contains, and which are not in harmony with the negative attitude of his earlier position. He acknowledges that the hope, while only a hope, concerning the government of the universe and the destiny of man is nevertheless legitimate and philosophically defensible. Though espousing the Religion of Humanity and Duty, he still confesses that in living consistently in the spirit of its high behests, one may be ~ co- operating with the unseen Being to whom we owe all that is enjoyable in life. Mr. Morley, who can be accused of no bias in his opinion, reluctantly and with evident regret acknowledges this change of attitude, and evidently feels thati Mr. Mill in the eesay on Theism has become almost apostate as 122 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. regards the creed of Agnosticism. In this essay Mill concedes the possibil- ity of the sentiments and the imagination determining assent as well as the purely ratiocinative process of the mind, and remarks that In the regula- tion of the imagination literal truth of facts is not the only thing to be con- sidered. Truth Is the province of reason, but when reason is strongly cultivated, the imagination may safely follow its own end, and do its best to make life pleasant and lovely inside the castle in reliance on the fortifi- cations raised and maintained by reason round the outward bounds. This makes life and human nature a far greater thing to the feelings, and gives greater strength as well as greater solemnity to all the sentimentswhichare awakened in us by our fellowcreatures and by mankind at large. In the early years of Mills life there was a conspicuous absence of the elements of feeling. His education was calculated to stifle all sentiment and emotion. The education, he says, which my father gave me was in itself much more fitted for training me to know, than to do, and it might be added, than to feel also. For Mill confesses that his father resembled most Englishmen in being ashamed of the signs of feeling, and by absence of demonstration starving the feelings themselves. As to his own nature in this respect, he says: The habit of analysis has a tendency to wear away the feelings, as indeed it has when no other mental habit is cultivated and the analyzing spirit remains without its natural complements and cor- rectives. I had learned by experience that tbe passive susceptibilities needed to be cultivated as well as the active capacities, and required to be nourished and enriched as well as guided. I never turned recreant to intellectual culture, or ceased to consider the power and practice of analysis as an es- sential condition both of individual and of social improvement. But I thought that it had consequences which required to be corrected by. joining other kinds of cultivation with it. The maintenance of a due balance among the faculties now seemed to me of primary importance. Through Mills knowledge of his own limitations in this respect he was led to put forth special efforts to overcome this conscious deficiency. The cultivation of the feelings became one of the cardinal points in his ethical and philo- sophical creed. There is a deliciously naii.e remark in Mills AutobiQgrafphy upon the occasion of his reading in Marmontels Memoires of the death of the authors father and the distressed position of the family, so vividly de- scribed as to move him to tears. Mill hails this outburst of feeling on his part with positive delight, saying: From this moment my burden grew lighter. The oppression of the thought that all feeling was dead within me was gone. The growth of his emotional nature was no doubt quickened and nurtured by the influence of Coleridge, Sterling, and Maurice. Mr. Courtney, in his excellent biography of Mill, thinks that the influence of Mrs. Taylor, afterward Mills wife, :checked these influences for a time. Feeling and sentiment, however, came slowly to blend more and more with the powers of pure reason as effective moments in the life of the spirit. In his later years Mill sensibly mellowed, so that his last utterances represented the ripe product of heart.as well as of brain. Romanes passed through a similar experience, reaching, however, more definite and pronounced results. The tendency which is evident in Mill, and yet only a tendency, became in Iloinanes a radical change of opinion unmistakably and unreservedly expressed. He had published in 18W his (arniici Examination of Theism under the nom-de-plume of Physicus, NOTES AND COMMENTS. 123 repudiating the possibility of theistic belief. In his Thoughts on Religion, a posthumous work, Romanes frankly disavows the conclusions of his earlier reasoning, and presents positive considerations in defence of a theistic position. There had been evident tendencies toward such a change manifested in his Rede Lecture on Mind and Matter, also in his essay on The World as Eject, as indicated in his interpreting the phenomena of existence upon a unonistic basis which was essentially spiritualistic. The earlier materialistic tendencies of his thought are here repudiated. Not only do we have the fact of this revolution of thought clearly stated, we have also Romanes explanation of the causes operative in effecting it: It does not appear to me that the modifications which my views have under- gone since the publication of my previous Candid Examination are due so much to purely logical processes of the intellect as to t~he sub-conscious (and therefore more or less unanalyzable) influences due to the ripening ex- periences of life. The extent towhich this is true is seldom, if ever, realized, although it is practically exemplified every day in the sobering caution which advancing age exercises upon the mind. Most of all is this the case in those departments of thought which are furthest from the region of our sensuous life, viz, metaphysics and religion. Romanes position in this later work is substantially that reason alone leads to Agnosticism as regards religion, that the question of the being of a God is incapable of proof or disproof by abstract reasoning and scientific evi- dence, but that at this point one has only begun hisinquiry into the grounds and justification of religious belief. For, he adds, reasou is not the only attribute of man, nor is it the only faculty which he habitually em- ploys for the ascertainment of truth. Moral and spiritual faculties are of no less importance in their respective spheres even of everyday life faith, trust, taste, etc., are as needful in asc~zrtatning truth as toicharacter, beauty, etc., as is reason. Romanes very frankly confesses that his chief difficulty had been an undue regard to reason as against heart and will. He dwells upon the complexity of assent throughout the whole range of life, and especially emphasizes the volitional az well asthe emotional factors in those forces of the mind which make for belief. He insists that inasmuch as all first principles even of science are known by intuition, so must certainly the first principles of morality. In the two experiences which I have endeavored to present, we find a consciousness of the limitations of the reasoning powers of the mind, and the conscious need of supplementing their exercise by the results of the intuitive deliverances of the moral and spiritual consciousness. While the latter may be called extra-rational, they must nevertheless not be regarded as irrational, for it is possible that these results may become incorporated in the body of rational doctrine, inasmuch as we have seen in the lives of Romanes and Mill that they can actually find a place in a severely logical and scientific mind, and yet no conscious incongruity be experienced. They do no violence to a rational sensitiveness that is consistently inhospitable to all discordant claimants, however clamorously they may crave recognition. We, therefore, conclude that there is a will to believe that is not solely the result of a reasoned analysis, that there are intimations of~ruth which are not demonstrative, that there are determining factors which are not pre- mises, judgments which are not conclusions, and that the heart has its rea- sons which the heart alone can understand. JOHN Gnxxr~ HIB~EN. TIlE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 124 A CIVIL SERVICE RETIREMENT FUND. DURING the four months of the late special session there were intro- duced in Congress twenty-six bills and joint resolutions bearing on the Civil Service system, besides two Senate resolutions directing investigation of the operations of the Civil Service Commission, and inquiry into the dis- missal of employees in the government printing Office. The Senate assumed a conservative and rather unfriendly attitude toward all measures for the reform and extension of the service, and evinced willingness to listen to wholly frivolous charges of extravagance on the part of the Commission. The House vindicated its theoretical character as the popular body by originating twenty-two of the twenty-six measures referred to ranging in the scope of their provisions from mere administrative changes in the present law to total abolition of the system on the one hand, and on the other to its further extension to all classes of civil employees in all offices, and the crowning of the edifice of reform with a retirement sys- tem, providing pensions for disabled and superannuated employees, to be paid, not from the public purse, like army and navy pensions, but from a fund raised by the employees themselves. The only proposition for unconditionally wiping out the entire system was made, as might have been anticipated, by a Republican and a new member, Representative Dorr, of the Third West Virginia District. Popu- list Senator Allen, of Nebraska, introduced a bill even more sweeping in that it proposes not only to abolish the system but to revoke and annul all executive orders based on the existing law and the legislation supplementary to it His bill offers a sop, however, to the public demand for ascertained fitness in appointees by requiring the head of each executive department to establish reasonable and just rules in writing for the examination of all persons applying for positions. These bills will never be reported from the committees, nor is it likely that anything further will be heard of the several bills and resolutions to revoke or limit the authority of the President to extend the Civil Service to offices and positions not at present included in the system It is held by most of the lawyers in Congress that the Presi- dents authority to extend the Civil Service implies equal authority to revoke previous extensions, and many Republican Congressmen have based on this the hope that Mr. McKinley would presently undo some of Mr Clevelands work, and, especially in the government printing office, open the door for wholesale dismissals and the reinstatement of many discharged Republicans and appointment of others who have never vet been in the service. There is not, and has not been, any indication that the President will take such a step. He is apparently in accord with the general policy of improving the service and at the sug- gestion, if not at the request, of the commissioners made his order severely limiting removals of subordinate officials; and the order was issued on the eve of the judicial decision which, as had~ been anticipated, sustained the general power of removal in the chiefs of government offices and suggested that their responsibility for the exercise of that power is not to the Civil Service Commission but to the heads of the respective departments and so, ultimately, to the President. The extension of the Civil Service to offices nut as yet included is in- evitable and will not be long delayed, but the system will not be logically complete until Congress shall pass a retirement law providing annuities for superannuated and disabled employees. There is a strong and growing NOTES AND COMMENTS. sentiment in the House favoring such a law, and considerable progress in framing a satisfactory bill was made during the last session of the 54th Congress. No one has yet been bold enough to suggest thatthe government should coutribute to the necessary fund; the prudent legislator, evidently be- lieiing that he attains the furthest limit of generosity when he grants the Civil Service clerk permission to insure himself against the needs of age or permanent ill-health. Of several bills for this purpose considered by the House Committee on Reform in the Civil Service in the late Congress that of Representative Tawney, of the First Minnesota District, was the best, and a sub-committee, of which Mr. Tawney was chairman, went into the subject thoroughly and held several public hearings. Much valuable information was elicited, particularly from the Civil Service Coin- missioners, who appeared and gave their views unofficially, and from various department officials and employees. A committee appointed by the employees of the New York custom house carefully went over the bill and forwarded some pertinent and practical sugges~Aons. The widest latitude was permitted in the public inquiry, and it is only fair to say that a rather active and intelligent opposition was manifested by a number of depart- ment employees and a remonstrance, emanating from the Pension Bureau and bearing nearly six hundred signatures, was presented against a retire- ment bill. Nothing in the way of genuine reform was to have been expected in the short last session of the Fifty-fourth Congress, and its bills died with it. On the opening of the special session of the present Congress in March Repre- sentative Brosius, of Pennsylvania, introduced a new retirement bill em- bodying the best suggestions which his committee received last year, and the friends of the reform had the satisfaction later of seeing him again placed at the head of the House Civil Service Committee, with Mr. Tawney next among the Republicans, and Mr. Dockery, of Missouri, heading the Demo- crats on the committee. For the restthe committee is ~rather colorless, but will not be obstructive. There will be a number of public hearings in Congress and much lay and professional opinion will be called for before any bill is reported to the House. The passage of a bill will depend almost wholly on the influence brought to bear by the employees whose interests it will directly affect. Coteries are already forming in all the departments with a view to influencing sentiment in Congress, and the measure will become a law as soon as the interested employees pretty unan- imously demand it. As it now stands the bill provides for the retention and investment by the Secretary of the Treasury of two per cent. of all monthly salaries, and four years after the first payments are made retirements will begin, with life annuities ol seventy-five per cent. of the highest pay at any time re- ceived by the retiring employee while in the Civil Service. Retirement for disability after twenty years service may be either voluntary or compulsory; It is voluntary at sixty years of age after thirty years service, and compul- sory at seventy after thirty-five years service. The Civil Service Commis- sioners are to act as the retiring board and are to be allowed one twelve hundred dollar clerk, and the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to designate a chief of bureau at l,800 and three $1,200 clerks to manage the fund, out of which all expenses are to be paid. When it is remembered that there will be at the start a probable minimum of 100 applications for retirement per month, and 00~l00 contributors 126 TifF NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. to the fund, the crudity of the Congressional view of this form of the protective insurance problem is manifest. The pay in the average grades of our Civil Service is so much more liberal than that given by any other government that it does not seem probable that a two per cent. assessment funded at four per cent. can yield more than a half-pay annuity with the best of management. That phase of the problem has not, however, been attacked, the statistics of pay by classes and individuak in the several departments never having been collated. The House will make a serious and honest effort to frame a workable bill, and the vote on the measure, particularly in the Senate (where Senator Lodge introduced the House bill by request), will depend on the activity and earnestnese with which the friends and prospective beneficiaries of the project make their demands known. E. BREWER. THE SOLUTION OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY CITY PROBLEM. I~ his very able and interesting book, The New Ercs, Dr. Strong, Secretary of the Evangelical Alliance, conclusively proves that the future of society depends for its safety on the general acceptance and practice by the individual members of society of the teachings of Christ. The logic of The New Era in proof of that statement seems incontrovertible. He argues not for doctrine but for the carrying into the daily walk and con- versation of each~ man and woman the great commandment, Love thy neighbor as thyself, and of the divine injunction of the Lord Jesus, Do unto others as ye would that they should do unto you. In his article in the REVIEW for September on The Problem of the Twentieth Century City, after showing the tremendous and almost unavoidable dangers which will confront society in such cities, he states: The problem of the twentieth century city, therefore, demands for Its solution a higher type of citizenship, for which we must look chiefly to those who direct the education of the young. Evidently our public schools must give to the children and youth of to-day such instruction in the duties and principles of good citizenship as earlier generations did not have. Litera- ture dealing with American citizenship, adapted to all ages, from the high school down to the kindergarten, should be absorbed by the scholars until an intelligent civic patriotism becomes a matter of course. Every student must acquiesce in the statement that the problem de- mands for its solution a higher type of citizenship. Also that our public schools should give the children and youth of to-day the best instruction In the principles of patriotism and good citizenship. The inference which must be drawn from his statement that earlier generations did not have such training as makes the best citizens, is scarcely warranted, nor will it be borne out by a study of American life from 1740 to 1840. On the contrary, a study of the home and school life of American children of that century will show that the moral and religious training of the youth was of such a kind as produced the best and safest class of men and women. The inference which must be drawn from Dr. Strongs article, that in the education and training of the youth of the present day there is a lack in the schools of the quality of teaching which is necessary to make the best citizens out of the rising generation, is warranted, I believe, by observation and by study of our educational system. He might even have gone farther and stated that the early home life of a great majority of American children NOTES AND COMMENTS. 127 to-day, especially in t~he cities,is rather more unfavorable than favorable to the development in the young mind of the best ideas of citizenshij and patriot- ism. I feel sure that if Dr. Strong were asked the question: Can you inculcate in the youth of our land the highest ideas of good citizenship without thoroughly imbuing them with the fundamental principles of Bible truth and Christian practices? he would unhesitatingly answer no. The passage which I have quotel from Dr. Strongs article might better have been framed in some such terms as these: The problem of the twen- tieth century city, therefore, demands for its solution the highest type of citizenship, and for it we must look chiefly to those who direct the educa- tion of the young. The children and youth of to-day must be given such instruction in the truths of the Bible and Christian precepts, and in the duties and principles of good citizenship, as will prevent them in mature years from swinging from their moorings and being swept into the mael- strom of social and religious depravity, which threatens to engulf the civil- ization of the future. Literature dealing with American citizenship and pure, religious truths, adapted to all ages, from the high school down to the kindergarten, should be absorbed by the scholars until an intelligent civic patriotism becomes a matter of course.7~ I hope that Dr. Strong will pardon my correction, as I feel sure that there is no disagreement between him and myself as to the necessity of having the youth of our country as thoroughly imbued with Bible teach- ings and truths as possible. Conceded that only the highest type of Christian life can save the civilization of the next century, and that there is a decline in Christian teaching and influence, then that decline must be checked, and that teaching and influence largely increased, or the present form of society and economic organization will be swept away. And what shall we have in its place? The questions we have to solve then are these: How can the present de- cline in religious teaching and influence be checked; and how can such teaching and influence be increased to such a point as will preserve the great cities of the next century from depravity, degradation, and destruction? Christian preachers of all denominations admit that the average church attendance is small and indicates a lack of due religious sentiment among adults. In some religious circles there is almost despair over that fact. There seems to he no prospect that the grown persons of the present genera- tion will be brought under the necessary religious influence. In the minds of our youth, then, must be inculcated the proper principles of religion, citizenship and patriotism. How can our youth best be reached? If the adults of the present age are not as religious as the needs of the hour and of the future require, will the children receive the proper religious training, if they receive none except in the home circle? I do not believe for a moment that any religious teacher will say that at present, in the average home of the land, the child receives that religious training and discipline which takes sufficient lodgment in the mind. The average parent does not take the time, nor has he the inclination, to train the mind of the child in the truths of the Decalogue, the Lords Prayer, Christs great commandment of brotherly love, and ~he Apostles Creed; and unless the truths of these are firmly planted in the mifld in early life their influence on the life in mature years is of necessity very limited. The child whose only home religious training is a scant blessing and a short prayer at family worship is very apt to be but little impressed with 128 THE NORTH AMERIUAN REVIEW religions truths and duties. Howmany hundreds of thousands of them never even hear the scant blessing and the short prayer? Most of the States of the American Union have now compulsory educa- tion laws, and it is very hard for a child to escape a certain amount of edu- cation up to its fourteenth year. If a part of that education were made up of teachings from the Bible, and of the instilling into the mind of the child the true meaning of Christs great Declaration, Do unto others as ye would that they should do unto you, the youth of our country would in a fsw years be grounded in such principles of right living that any threatened collapse of society would be averted, and in a third of a century a spirit of patriotism founded on Eternal Truth, earthly chari~y 2nd justice, would be so diffused throughout the land that the presezvallon of scciety, through the great humanitarian principVs of~ Christsf teachings, would be assured. The principle of religious teaching in the public schools is one that meets with intense opposition on the part of~the public, and is disapproved of by most teachers. I am firmly convinced that one of the greatest blun- ders that have been made in our country in the last half century has been the failure to educate the American youth in Bible truths and teachings, and the result of such failure may bring disaster. The Catholic Church has insisted that it is its duty to educate the chil- dren of parents of the Catholic faith in such a way as to fix religious truths in the youthful mind. For this it has been assailed by the non-Catholic population, and Catholics have even been charged with being enemies of the liberties of the people and of the flag. Any careful observer in the city of New York can see that the only people, as a class, who are teaching the children in the way that will secure the future for the best civilization are the Catholics; and, although a Protestant of the firmest kind, I believe the time has come to recognize this fact, and for us all to lay aside religious prejudices and patriotically meet this question. On every side is heard the statement that there must be a reorganiza- tion of society. Ten years ago the man who made that statement was con- sidered an enemy to the public peace. ToAay the statement is listened to by the people with respect, and accepted by many. Thousands of the best thinkers of the land believe in and predict a change in our economic organi- zation. Hundreds of thousands of workingmen cast their ballots in the last Presidential election for Mr. Bryan because they believed that he stood for such a change. The line between capital and labor is commencing to be drawn at the polls more than at any other place, and if a majority of the ballots are cast in resentment and in a spirit of class hatred, then we shall have reached a situation fraught with the utmost danger to these United States of America, by the grace of God free and independent. I repeat what I said above: The children and youth of to-day must be given such instruction in the truths of the Bible and Christian precepts, an~& in the duties and principles of good citizenship, as will prevent them in mature years from swinging from their moorings-and being swept into the maelstrom of social and religious depravity, which threatens to en- gulf the civilization of the future. Such instruction can only be given successfully by an almost entire change ot policy and practice on the q nes- tion of religious teaching in the public schools, and the encouragement of private schools in which sound religious teaching is given. AMAsA THORNTON.

NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. No. COCOXCY. FEBRUARY, 1898. AMERICAS INTERESTS IN CHINA. BY GE~TERAL JAMES H. WILSOX. hr order that the present crisis in China may be properly un- derstood, and that our real stakethe commercial and diplomatic interests of the United Statesin that far-away region may be properly considered, a glance at the country, the people, and the government seems to be necessary. Fortunately, China has long since ceased to be a land of mys- tery. From the days of Marco Polo and Jbn Batuta its inner- most recesses have been known to the world. In later years it has been more fully explored in all directions by Jesuits, mis- sionaries, and scientific travellers. Its limits, its pbysical confor- mation, and its climate have been described with sufficient accu- racy. Its mineral resources, which are of great variety and vast extent, but almost entirely undeveloped, have aroused the inter- est and excited the cupidity of foreign promoters and finan- ciers. FLu11 details and particulars can be had from the cyclo- p~dias on all these points, but a more specific reference to the area and population of the Empire will perhaps serve better than anything else to arrest the attention of this country and its states- men to the enormous importance of the events which are now taking place in the far East. China proper and Exterior China, including the eighteen VOL. CLXVI.NO. 495. 9 Copyright, 1S98, by THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEw PUBLISHING COMPANY. All rights reserved. 130 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. densely populated provinces and the surrounding desert region, constitute what is known as the Chinese Empire. It extends from the Pacific Ocean, where it has a coast line of about 2,500 miles, to Central Asia, and covers an area of something over 5,000,000 square miles, or nearly one-tenth of the habitable globe. Its popu- lation has never been accurately enumerated, but it has been esti- mated variously from a fifth to a third of all the people in the world! There may be anywhere from three hundred to four hun- dred millions. One guess is as good as another, but the latter has the endorsement of Sir Robert Hart,Commissioner of the Imperial Maritime Customs, and may be considered the more trustworthy. The average condition of these people, as contrasted with those of Western nations, is one of great poverty, though it would be a mistake to assume that they are peculiarly miserable and unhappy, except at times in the region of famine, which, from climatic conditions, frequently prevails, and, owing to great distances and the lack of railroad transportation, can hardly ever be relieved or mitigated. Living almost entirely by agricul- ture and the accessory callings, the Chinese contribute but little per capita to international commerce. They are a remarkably homogeneous, docile, industrious, and robust people, frugal and kindly in their habits, with no indications of ever having been aggressive and warlike in temper. Belonging to the Turanian race, it is becoming the fashion to designate them as the Yellow Peril, and to conjure up harrowing visions of a devastated and ruined world when they shall learn their power and sally forth for rapine and conquest. More than one European writer, and notably Professor Pearson, have predicted that they will yet dom- inate the earth by force of arms or ruin it by competition in commerce. Without recounting the arguments upon which this opinion is based, it is here sufficient to state that, so far as history shows, the Chinese race are about as much of a menace to the rest of the world as the lamb in the fable was to the wolf. Obviously, this Peril, be it great or small, may be dismissed for the present with the suggestion that, if the Chinese cannot defend themselves from a few thousand Japanese wojem (or dwarfs), a still smaller number of Russians, or a couple of German cruisers, they can hardly hope for several generations to be able to menace seriously the rest of the world as conquerors. When it is further considered that they have but little surplus capital and few AMERICAS INTERESTS IN CHINA. 131 if any of the appliances of modern civilization, and have yet to sup- ply themselves altogether with railroads, rolling mills, furnaces and factories, and to develop their mines of coal, iron, copper, lead and precious metals, before they can seriously think of satisfying their own demands for manufactured goods, wares, and merchan- dise, much less of entering into active competition with other nations, practical statesmen may well dismiss these apprehensions for the present. Yet China is awakening from the lethargy of ages, and is joining slowly but certainly in the march of modern progress. It must not be forgotten, however, that while she is moving her great examplars will advance still further. Her ancient and com- plete isolation which has hitherto kept her stagnant in the back- ground, and which was primarily due to the wide expanse of desert, steppe, and mountains separating her from the civilized world on the land side and to an almost illimitable waste of waters on the ocean side, was first broken seriously in upon bythe big ships of modern days. The approach and early completion of the Trans-Siberian railroad to Vladivostok, Port Arthur, and ultimately to Peking, the construction of trunk railway connec- tions along the principal trade routes of the interior, and the multiplication of the great steamship lines which already connect her ports with all parts of the world, will surely at no distant day open her innermost recesses to the trade and influence of the more progressive nations. It cannot be too frequently repeated that the peculiarities of civilization and government and the extraordinary conservatism of the Chinese are mainly due to that isolation which has remained unbroken from the beginning of time to within less than a half century, but fortunately may now be regarded as quite at an end forever. If human experience is of any value, or has any application to this case, nothing can be more certain than that the Chinese must ultimately move as all other races and nations have moved. They have similar wants, similar affections, and similar interests, and must gratify them by means similar to those employed by other peoples. And so it may be safely assumed that when they do seriously set about the task of bettering their condition and improv- ing their civilization and government they will proceed much as other people have proceeded. Their efforts will be followed by success and failures iu~ the usual proportions. They will have the 132 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. usual amount of bright anticipations and bitter disappointments; the usual proportion of great men and small ones, and possibly an unusual proportion of dishonest men and scoundrels ; but withal, they are sure, if left alone, and possibly if not left alone, by outsiders, to progress both in the arts of~peace and in the arts of war, and to grow in wealth and power. Manifestly, the new economic changes which we may count upon with absolute confidence will be such as grow out of the con- struction of railroads, the opening of mines, and the erection of furnaces, rolling mills, factories, and shipyards, and generally the better employment of labor; wages will rise, the scale of liv- ing and expenditure will improve, which in turn will create a demand for better food, better clothing, better furniture, and bet- ter houses. When the extent of the country and the almost in- finite number of the people are considered, together with the enormous amount of work to be done in order to bring them abreast of even the poorest people of Europe and America in re- spect to the facilities and comforts of civilized life and to the means of national defence, it will be apparent that they will not only have all they can do at home for the next half-century at least, and possibly even for the entire century or longer, but also will be compelled to borrow heavily and to buy largely from foreign nations of the things which they cannot yet nor soon pvoduce. Of course if they buy they will have to pay, which they can do only in the precious metals, and in the products which now con- stitute their principal articles of commence. The isolation and conservatism of the Chinese had their coun- terpart with the Japanese, the history of whose extraordinary progress is now fully known to the world, and need not be dwelt upon here. While it is not to be denied that the circumstances which surrounded Japan were different from those which surround China, it may be fairly claimed that the difference was one of extent rather than of character. The awakening must come and progress must follow in one case as surely as it did in the other; but inasmuch as the area of the Chinese Empire is twenty-five times as great, and its population probably ten times that of the Japanese dominions, the aggregate contributions of the former to the progressive forces and movements of the age, when once fully developed, must be many times greater than any that have ever yet made themselves felt in the Asiatic world. Hence it will be AMERICAS INTERESTS IN CHINA. 133 perceived that the territorial possessions and commercial prizes to be struggled for by the great powers are of supreme value, and well calculated not only to arouse their cupidity and stimulate their enterprise, but to dull their consciences as well. When it is remembered that British and Russian conquest in Asia has already resulted in the division of all of that continent, except Turkey in the West, and Chinain the East, between the con- querors; that France has helped herself to Tonquin, Cochin China, and part of Siam, and is now seeking to further extend both her ab- solute sway and commercial influence; that Germany has, under a flimsy pretext, seized Kiao Chou Bay and forced the Chinese gov- ernment to give her a long lease of sovereignty on the mainland and adjacent waters; that the Chinese buffer states and outlying dependencies of vast extent have been seized one after another, and above allthat no conquered territory anywhere in Asia, except that which was held for a while by Russia about Kuidja in the far northwest of Chinese Tartary, has been relinquished to its rightful owner by any European power during this century, the Chinese Boards and ministers may well feel profoundly alarmed at the glaring beasts which now seem to threaten their country with dismemberment and destruction. It is true that their government is a government of conquest and corruption, the history of which is for the most part the history of violence, intrigue and anarchy, with only here and there a great ruler to stay the hand of plunder and to save the country from absolute ruin. The reigning dynasty is effete and incompetent, the boards of government are cumbersome and inefficient, and the leading men generally weak or powerless. But these are misfortunes inherited from a past age. They call for re- form and regeneration, which may be had with the assistance and advice of foreign nations rather than by spoliation and dismem- berment. And yet it must not be forgotten that China has made sub- stantial progress for the last fifty years, especially since the cap- ture of the Taku forts and Peking by the allied French and British armies in 1861, and the termination of the Taiping re- bellion in 1863. The most potential influence in this movement has been the determination of the Powers to open China to the trade of the world, and it is to be noted that in enforcing this determination they have never hesitated to invoke all the resources 134 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. of war as well as those of diplomacy. Up to 1834 the English, through the East India Company, had a virtual monopoly of the China trade, and the individual merchant, no matter what was his nationality, had but a poor chance. Trade was at first closely supervised by government and Company agents, but gradually outgrew their control. Outside merchants, especially Ameri- cans, forced their way into it, and this made trouble, which was followed by treaties and trade regulations. The English insisted upon having better facilities, and upon trading where they pleased, freely and without annoying restrictions, and especially upon the right to engage in the introduction and sale of opium, to the great injury, as the Chinese officials believed, of those who consumed it. The Chinese authorities resisted, and this led to the Opium War, followed soon after by the Lorcha War, in both of which they suffered great loss, humiliation, and defeat, and were finally compelled not only to legalize the opium trade, and pay their assailants a heavy subsidy in money, but in addi- tion to limit themselves to the collection of an ad valorem duty of only five per cent. in silver on all goods imported from foreign countries. A few years later the allied French and English forces captured the Taku forts, and marched by Tientsin and Tuugchow to the imperial capital, drove the Court across the borders, looted and destroyed the Summer Palace, levied tribute sufficient to pay the entire expenses of the war, and again showed the helpless Chinese that it was impossible for them to stand up against the Foreign Devils. During all these operations the diplomatic representatives of the United States, although always claiming their right under the doctrine of co-operation to share in the concessions made to their colleagues, maintained an attitude of neutrality, or sought by an independent show of friendship to gain some special ad- vantages for our own country, while our naval commander looked on with complacency, till overcome by the thought that Blood is thicker than water, when he set to work to rescue the British sailors, whose boats had been sunk by Chinese shot. It must be confessed that the conduct of our representatives throughout that period was rather that of the jackal than of the lion, and must have been extremely puzzling to the Chinese officials. But when it comes to the action of individuals, the story is AMERICAS INTERESTS IN CHINA. 13~5 much more creditable to Americans. Our missionaries, after the earlier Jesuits, were almost the first in that wide field. They were generally men of great piety and learning, like Morrison, Brown, Martin, and Williams, and did all in their power as genuine men of God to show the heathen that the stranger was not necessarily a public enemy, but might be an evangel of a higher and better civilization. These men and their co-laborers have established hospitals, schools, and colleges in various cities and provinces of the Empire, which are everywhere recognized by intelligent Chinamen as centres of unmitigated blessing to the people. Millions of dollars have been spent in this beneficent work, and the result is slowly but surely spreading the conviction that foreign arts and sciences are superior to fung shuey and native superstition. So, too, the Americans have been leaders in commerce, and in fair and honest dealing with the Chinese. One of the oldest and most successful foreign houses ever founded in China was that of Russell & Company, which pJanted agencies in all the chief maritime cities, established steamboat lines on the principal rivers, and for nearly three-quarters of a century was known throughout the world for its enterprise and its widespread commercial trans- actions. Many other American houses of the highest character and scarcely less distinction have been planted in the open cities from Canton to New Chwang, until now it may be said that American products and manufactured goods are known through- out the Empire for their excellent quality, and that the value and extent of the commerce controlled by Americans are second only to that of Great Britain. Americans have exerted extraordinary influence in another field, and at a time of vital importance to the reigning dynasty and its government. The Taiping rebellion, which ended in 1863, after incredible damage and devastation, was started and carried forward against the Manchus upon the idea of China for the Chinese. It was based upon a sort of Mormon Chris- tianity, and seemed in a fair way of overrunning the entire coun- try till it was met by the ever victorious army, organized and commanded by an American sailor named Ward. According to all disinterested accounts, this extraordinary man displayed genius and power of the highest order. Operating under the sanction of the Chinese Generalissimo, Li Hung Chang, he 136 THE IVORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. gathered a force of Chinamen, not exceeding five thousand in all, whom he armed with foreign rifles, placed under foreign officers, and led in person against the rebels for two years of unbroken victory. Death alone at the head of his command put an end to his career. He was succeeded in turn by Burgevine, Forrester, and Gordon, two Americans and one Englishman, but neither of them changed the organization, or added to its invin- cible efficiency. Gordon, who finally laid down his life for Great Britain at Khartoftm, it is true, rendered valuable services; but he was an erratic and uncertain man, and it is now generally admitted that had it not been for the work of Ward the rebellion would have been successful and the Manchu dynasty would have been expelled. The Chinese recognize the ektraordinary char- acter and influence of Wards services at this critical epoch by the posthumous honors bestowed upon his memory, and by the stories of his courageous deeds which have spread broadcast among the people to the remotest corners of the Empire. It was the good fortune of another American to point out the defenceless condition of China, her lack of an adequate army, the absence of a general staff and of a system of military trans- port and administration, nearly ten years before the Japanese invasion which ended in the utter humiliation of the Empire and has become the fruitful source of all the foreign troubles which now encompass it. How much greater the humiliation, and how much heavier the indemnity would haye been, but for the saga- cious counsel of a distinguished American statesman whom the Chinese had called in to assist them in their negotiations for peace, must remain for the present a matter of conjecture, although it is certain that the Japanese greatly moderated their demands in both moucy and territorial concessions after their terms were first submitted. Other Americans in private life, as well as our able minister, charge daffaires, and consuls in China, have done much for the last twelve years, each in his proper sphere, to extend and strengthen the influence of the American name, till now it is safe to say that no power on earth stands so well or, independent of force, is so highly respected by the Chinese. In their aspira- tions for better government, and in their desire for railroads and the other appliances of a better civilization, there is every reason to believe that but for the intrigues and jealousies of the British, AMERICAS INTERESTS IN CHINA. 137 French, German, and Russian diplomatists, promoters, and agents for the last decade, and especially since the close of the war with Japan, Americans would have been selected as experts to conduct and advise in all pnblic works, and to furnish locomotives, rails, cars, machinery, and all sorts of supplies. No one knows better than the Chinese officials that the United States has no desire to despoil their country of its territorial possessions, nor to limit the sovereignty and independence of the Chinese govern- ment in any direction. But, unfortunately, the Chinese are like the rest of mankind, prone to withhold favors from their friends, in order to placate the enemies against whom they cannot defend themselves. It has been suggested that perhaps the great powers have no intention of further dismembering the Chinese Empire, or of permanently occupying its territory and seaports, and this may be true. Nobody not in their confidence can be certain as to what may be their real policy and intentions, but it is an indisputable fact that so far no European power which has ever gained a footing in China has permanently or voluntarily relinquished it. It is certainly fair, therefore, to assume that they intend to hold on to what they have taken, and even to take more as opportunity offers. Russia cannot well help herself, for it seems to be the fate of a higher civilization and a stronger government to encroach upon a lower civiliza- ation and a weaker government whenever they come in close con- tact or have coterminous boundaries. Great Britain asserts author- itatively that she has no purpose of occupying Chinese territory or Chinese seaports, but that she intends merely to see that others do not, and that whatever privileges or extensions one power ob- tains shall be for the equal benefit of all. This is altruism on an imperial scale, and it must be confessed that of later years she has been fairly true to her free-trade principles, even in Asia, in her policy concerning ordinary commerce. But surely the United States would make a serious mistake if they should trust Great Britain or any other power to give their citizens a fair or even chance at any great business, such as assisting in the reorgan- ization of government, or as contracting for railroads or for any other public works or supplies within the limits of conquered or annexed territory. But on the general proposition as laid down by Mr. Balfour 138 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. in his late Manchester speech, and later by Sir Michael Hicks- Beach, it is not to be denied that our interests are with our ancient antagonist, England, and for the first time against those of our ancient allies, France and Russia. How far we should go in an independent effort, or by open co-operation, or by an alliance expressed or implied, for safeguarding or extending these interests, is a matter for careful consideration. As for France, her policy can hardly be in doubt. As before stated, she has seized and now holds the whole of Cochin-China, Tonquin, Anam, and a great part of Siam, and is credited with the purpose of raising her flag over Hainan at the first opportunity, and all this has been without a shadow of - honest title. So far, her acts are simply acts of spoliation. Her statesmen ahd public journals make no disguise of their purpose to participate in what they euphemistically call the exploita- tion of China, and if a writer in a late number of the Revue de Deux Mondes can be credited with speaking the national sentiment, they will seek to draw their alliance closer with Russia for that purpose. The danger is that with the latter dominating at Peking and pressing forward from the north, the Japanese on the eastern coast, and France in the south, each eager to get a share of the spoils, and each distrusting the other, Great Britain, in spite of her benevolent declarations, may be compelled to abandon her good intentions and advance both from the frontier of Burmah in the west and from her base at Hong-Kong in the southeast to protect her vast commercial in- terests as well as to restrain the rapacity of rivals. Nothwithstanding the seizure of Kiao Chon Bay, the declara- tions of the Emperor in his speech at Kiel, the despatch of Prince Henry with reinforcements, and the later intelligence that the Chinese have conceded a lease of sovereignty over the bay and ad- joining district, it is hardly possible that Germany is to be consid- ered as a serious factor in the Chinese question. Jt is true that she is credited with having actively co-operated with Russia and France in breaking the victorious grasp of the Japanese after the close of the late war, and that she has not, up to a late date, received any adequate reward for her services. It is also true that she has been most active for some years in pushing her commercial interests in both Japan and China, but inasmuch as she has no colonial dependencies anywhere in AMERICAS INTERESTS IN CHINA. 139 the Far East, and cannot yet be reckoned as a first-class naval power, it is difficult to perceive how she can hope to play any great part either in the regeneration of China, or in her dismember- ment, if unhappily that should be her fate. In considering Ger~ manys part in the game, it may help to understand her position if it is remembered that after the close of the Franco-Prussian war she succeeded in getting a call to assist in organizing military schools and in drilling the Chinese troops for the Viceroy Li Hung Chang; but the utter ront of the Chinese forces and the collapse of the Chinese military administration, in the effort to re- sist the Japanese invasion, was a great setback to German pre- tensions, and in the eyes of the Chinese an absolute loss of face to them. If it should turn out, however, that there is to be no further dismemberment of China, and no concert of the powers for that purpose, but merely a general scramble for influence, contracts and trade, the base at Kiao Chou may serve the Germans a use- ful purpose, especially after it is connected with Peking and the other interior cities by rail. For the present it is badly situated for anything but a naval depot and rendezvous. In considering the Far-Eastern question great embarrassment has been met with for lack of exact information as to the real pur- poses of the Powers. Collectively it is nearly certain that they have entered into no agreement and have no concerted policy for dismemberment or spoliation. It is known that Japan was permit- ted to go into the war with China without allies. The Powers, one and all, kept their hands off both belligerents. The United States alone tried to keep the peace, to protect Japanese subjects in China, and as opportunity offered to act as an intermediary after war had begun. When it was over and the terms of peace were agreed upon, Russia, supported by France and Germany, in- tervened to limit the Japanese occupation and finally to assist China in raising the money with which to pay the first instalment of the war indemnity, after Great Britain had been asked and declined to do it. But here all certainty ceases. There have been rumors from time to time, more or less circumstantial, of understand- ings between Russia and Japan, Russia and France, and last be- tween Great Britain and Japan. And, strange as it may seem, it has even been reported that Lord Salisbury has instructed the British Ambassador to sound the government at Washington as 140 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. to the feasibility of a mutual understanding for the maintenance of Chinas autonomy. Finally, it is reported that the money for the last instalment of the Japanese war indemnity has been offered by the British government as the best means of restoring her lost prestige and strengthening the Chinese government, that this has brought the Russian government forward with new offers of assistance, and that the government at Peking is again resort- ing to the old game of playing one European power against the other. If all this proves but little as to the real plans and purposes of the Powers, it makes it certain that the Far-Eastern question has reached an acute stage, full of danger for China as well as for all who really desire to see her saved from destruction and made strong enough to maintain her right of national existence against the world. In any aspect of the case the interest of the United States in it cannot be regarded with indifference. Being, as they are, Chinas nearest neighbor across the sea, and the only one of the great powers which has absolutely no plans hostile to the peace, integrity, and general welfare of the Chinese people, they must look with the deepest apprehension upon the events taking place in that quarter. They cannot afford to be mistaken as to the plans of the other powers, nor to depend upon even the most benevolent of them for their proper share of the commerce now in existence, and which is sure to increase rapidly hereafter if China is permitted to work out her own salvation with her posses- sions intact and her autonomy unimpaired. In considering the question of duty to our neighbors, and to our own great interests, it may be fairly assumed that the govern- ment at Washington will not forget that our territory not only atmuts upon the sea abreast of China for two thousand miles, and almost incloses the whole of the North Pacific in the wide sweep of its shores and islands, but that our people having practically oc- cupied the whole of their own vacant land, and exploited all its re- sources except those of its forests and mines, must necessarily turn their attention more and more to the commerce of the Pa- cific islands and of the countries beyond. To this end the annex- ation of Hawaii, which is freely offered to us, as a naval station and a halfway house, would seem to be fully justified. When it is remembered in addition that the extraordinary resources of the AMERICAS INTERESTS IN CHINA. 141 country tributary to Puget Sound and Columbia River in timber, and to Portland and San Francisco in wheat and fruits, are sure to make those regions and their seaports the seat and centre of a great and ever-increasing commerce with the trans-Pacific coun- tries, the importance of maintaining unbroken relations and ex- tending our commerce with the latter can hardly be exaggerated. It is not to be denied that the American people have many ques- tions of national and international importance to consider, and that hitherto scarcely a doubt has arisen as to the wisdom of confining their diplomacy to the cultivation of peaceful relations with all nations, entangling alliances with none; but it is conceivable that circumstances may arise even in Asia, and a time may come when it will be the duty of our government not only to exert its own powers to their utmost, but, if need be, to accept even the co-op- eration of Great Britain if it can be obtained on proper terms, for the maintenance of our common interests beyond the ~ JAMES HARRISOr~ WILso~ * For a fuiJer discussion of Americas Opportunity In Asia, reference is made to the admirable article by CHARLES DERBY. JR.. Secretary of the United States Legation at Peking. in the January number of this REVIEW. A more extended study of Chinese civilization and its p ossibilitles may be found in China, Travels and Investigations in the illiddle in dom, etc., by General JAMES H. WILSON. 1. Appleton & Co., Second Edition, ii9~t. J. H. W, A COMPARATIVE YIEW OF THE WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. BY FRA~OES N. ABBOTT. To argue either for or against woman suffrage would seem out of date at the present time. Everything that can be said theo- retically on the subject has been said in so many ways, by persons of various degrees of culture and fairness of temper, that the topic has almost ceased to be included in the list of interesting debates. And yet the subject has staying qualities, as can be -proved by the numbers of earnest advocates who cheerfully con- tiuue to besiege the State legislatures, and, what is more signi- ficant, the formation of anti-woman-suffrage societies among in- telligent women. I propose to treat the subject from the comparative point of viewthat is, to consider its outcome in the light of the history of other reforms, and especially of those which relate to the status of women. The arguments against woman suffrage, as I recall them, are, that it would be useless, expensive, detrimental to the best inter- ests of women, inimical to marriage and otherwise destructive to the home; that women do not want it, that they are not men- tally fitted for it, that it would impose upon them greater physical burdens than they could endure, that the polls are not fit places for women, that the female sex cannot perform military duty, that women are sufficiently represented as it is, that the ballot would brush the bloom of delicacy from the female temperament, that it would be subversive of the best interests of the Republic, that it is against nature. Incidentally, it has been stated, and these indirect reproaches often have more weight than arguments, that many of the fore- most advocates of the cause are not beautiful, that they are care-

A COMPARATIVE YIEW OF THE WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. BY FRA~OES N. ABBOTT. To argue either for or against woman suffrage would seem out of date at the present time. Everything that can be said theo- retically on the subject has been said in so many ways, by persons of various degrees of culture and fairness of temper, that the topic has almost ceased to be included in the list of interesting debates. And yet the subject has staying qualities, as can be -proved by the numbers of earnest advocates who cheerfully con- tiuue to besiege the State legislatures, and, what is more signi- ficant, the formation of anti-woman-suffrage societies among in- telligent women. I propose to treat the subject from the comparative point of viewthat is, to consider its outcome in the light of the history of other reforms, and especially of those which relate to the status of women. The arguments against woman suffrage, as I recall them, are, that it would be useless, expensive, detrimental to the best inter- ests of women, inimical to marriage and otherwise destructive to the home; that women do not want it, that they are not men- tally fitted for it, that it would impose upon them greater physical burdens than they could endure, that the polls are not fit places for women, that the female sex cannot perform military duty, that women are sufficiently represented as it is, that the ballot would brush the bloom of delicacy from the female temperament, that it would be subversive of the best interests of the Republic, that it is against nature. Incidentally, it has been stated, and these indirect reproaches often have more weight than arguments, that many of the fore- most advocates of the cause are not beautiful, that they are care- TflE WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. 143 less in dress, that they are old maids, that they are not church members, that they do not eat ice-cream with forks, that they are cranks, and, generally speaking, poor, unfashionable and un- popular. I cannot see the permanent value of any of these arguments, because every one of them has been urged with equal force against the entrance of women into medicine and against the admission of women to college. It is the same with the innuen- does. It does not require a very long memory to recall when every one of the reproaches was applied to the first women phy- sicians and to the first women graduates. Even now we occasion- ally hear these reproaches, because people rarely separate the cause from the coincidence. I cannot see why suffrage for woman is not in line with every other change in her opportunities that has occurred during the last half century. I make this statement simply as a historical student. It is difficult to fix the beginnings of movements, be- cause there are always sporadic instances before the general ten- dency becomes marked, but the last fifty years may be said to cover the most striking changes in womans advance as a human being. The first Womans Rights Convention was called in July, 1848. The subject had been occasionally discussed before, but I believe this date marks the beginning of the concerted agita- tion. Associated with the demands for the ballot made by this convention were demands for industrial opportunities for women, changes in the laws relating to the holding of property by wives, admission to the medical and other professions, advanced educa- tion, and general independence of thought and action, These changes have nearly all been made in precisely the order in which they were most needed. Theoretically the ballot ought to have come first, but practically it can wait till the last. The most imperative demand is the bread-and-butter one; hence the industrial opportunities were first opened. Women had been elementary teachers and dressmakers during Colonial times, because these occupations were carried on largely under the protection of the home, and did not greatly differ from tend- ing children and spinning and weaving under the family roof- tree. The establishment of the factory system may be 8aid to mark womans entrance into general industrial life. Driven by the lack of ready money in rural communities to seek sustenance 144 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. elsewhere, the farmers daughters sought employment in factories some years before Mrs. Stanton and Lucretia Mott signed the call for the first convention. But the factories, good as they were, supplied relief only to a small and special class. The majority of adult women were married, and the atrocious pecuniary subjec- tion in which they were held by the old English common law could not fail to secure statutory relief in a time when the whole country was torn by anti-slavery discussion and other demands for individua1l rights. Statutes in relation to property-holding by married women were enacted as early as 1848, and these changes have continued to the present decade till in some States the laws are even more favorable to women than to men. The need for women in the medical profession was so ap- parent that they gained entrance there long before they engaged in journalism, law, the ministry or architecture. I am making a general statement and not considering individual or exceptional cases. The usefulness of the woman physician to the commun- ity seemed rather more direct than the usefulness of the college woman, whose education was presumably gained for self-culture; hence the medical diploma anteceded ths diploma of liberal arts. Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell received her degree in 1849, and the first college for the liberal education of women was opened in 1865. We must remember, however, that only a few hundred women physicians were graduated before 1865, and that the higher education for women was not unknown before Vassar opened its doors. Still I think it may be fair to say that the special professional training as a movement antedated the general culture. During and after the upheaval of the Civil War new avenues rapidly opened. Women entered the government service as clerks. They became bookkeepers in stores where they for- merly had been only saleswomen. And so gradually, until the invention of the typewriter; and then, with a sudden rush, women have become clerks, secretaries, and assistants in every depart- ment of mercantile life, in railroad, newspaper, and professional offices, in banks, post-offices, and state departments. Positions requiring greater general culture, like advanced educational and library work, have been secured at a more recent date. Increased independence in thought and action has heen going on all the while. When women began to speak in the early anti- THE WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. 14~ slavery meetings, they were hooted at, not only because the opin- ions they uttered were considered fanatical, but because it was such an indecent thing for women to speak in public at all. We have changed all that, and the decline of the popular lecture and the rise of the special lecture before small audiences will un- doubtedly make public speaking by women even more common than it is now. The church is the stronghold of conservatism, but there are few religious meetings now where the voice of woman is not heard. The marvellous growth of club life is bringing to the front those who thought they never, never could do such things. It may be well to remind some of the women who are now joining clubs as a fashionable fad that the pioneer clubs, Sorosis of New York, and the Womans Club of Boston, both established thirty years ago, never could have existed, if their founders had not been willing to brave sneers, caricatures, and the cold shoulder of society. We do not hear the epithet strong-minded in these days, but the early club members were nothing else. Alice Cary was put forward as the first President of Sorosis, because, although a suffragist, it was rightly felt that her personality and influence would help to counteract the ridicule which the unfeminine movement was sure to meet. The invention of the electric light has made the streets of our cities safe for women at midnight. The interest in athletics and all kinds of outdoor amusements is evolving a rational dress for women. Except for a few absurdities, for which fashion is responsible, such as the high, starched collar on the shirt waist, and the long skirt worn on the street, which the bicycle bids fair to render obsolete, the dress of women to-day is healthful. I stood not long ago on the campus of a womans college, which has never been considered lacking in conservatism, and saw the girls play basketball in bloomers and sweaters. I could not help thinking of the days of their grandmothers, when loose skirts, pantalets, and slippers were considered the suitable attire for modest maidens, and every kind of physical exercise was denied them. I need not have gone so far for a radical change in pub- lic opinion. The alumuw of only ten years standing were mourning because the college in their day supplied nothing better than boarding-school calisthenics. I cannot conceive of anything that women could do in the future that would shock the public now as the things they actu YOL. CLXVI.~TO. 495. 10 146 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. ally are doing would have shocked the public of thirty, twenty, or even ten years ago. Women attend the business meetings of corporations, and in some cases, notably small manufacturing or business concerns, if they have a large amount of money invested, they serve as directors, even as presidents and treasurers. They vote on school matters in the majority of the States. The have full suffrage in Wyoming, Utah, Colorado, and Jdaho and muni- cipal suffrage in Kansas. Even in States where they do not vote, women are frequently seen at the polls, notably members of the W. C. T. U., who go for the purpose of distributing ballots or providing coffee in the interests of temperance. We see the same changes in social life. Years ago a man~s club was the one spot where a woman could not set her foot. It was generally supposed that the moral tone of the place was such that she would not wish to go there if she could. Customs have changed so much that women not only visit the club on ladies nights, but they are actually invited to the restaurant on ordi- nary days. Almost all the newer clubs, especially those in the country and those connected with athletic interests, make provision for women, and in some cases the club suppers are almost as domestic as family parties. Last winter I attended a meeting of a woman~ s society at a mans club in one of our great cities. The club men were not invited to the meeting, but the courtesy of a portion of their house was extended for the day, be- cause the society was a noted one and the club could offer finer accommodations than any hotel. Some of the ladies, when en- joying the perfect appointments of the dressing and dining rooms, remarked that it was a pity that women should ever undertake housekeeping when men had shown that they could do itso much better. The great obstacle to woman suffrage, acknowledged by its friends and foes, is that the majority of women do not want it; and this majority, with seeming inconsistency, seems to be as large among thinking women as among the unthinking. But I do not regard this obstacle as insuperable, for an illogical state of affairs cannot endure forever. That subtle, elusive force known as public opinion is subject to the most sudden changes, and no one can ever tell how small a thing may start it. Sometimes a mechanical invention puts an entirely new phase upon a subject which has been argued about for years. Gail Hamilton was not THE WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. 14~7 altogether wrong when she said that the man who first made rubber boots for woman had done more for her advancement than all the agitators, male and female, who had ever spoken on the sub- ject. And yet the agitators have their place. They are always extremists, people of one idea, who lash public opinion until it bestirs itself. Garrison was undoubtedly a fanatic, even an anarchist, but his statue stands to-day on the most fashionable avenue of the city through whose streets he was once dragged with a halter about his neck. The advocates of woman suffrage can afford to be dignified at this stage. So much of what they asked, conjointly with the ballot, has been granted that the latter seems only a question of time. The other thiugs came first because the need of them was more apparent. The advantages of the ballot for women have prob- ably been greatly overestimated, just as the advantages of the bal- lot for men have. It is the way with all panaceas. Sidney Smith, ever witty, never said a wiser thing than when speaking of the Great Reform Bill in 1831: There will be mistakes at first, as there are in all changes. Young ladies will imagine, as soon as this bill is carried, that they will be instantly married, school- boys believe that gerunds and supines will be abolished, and that currant tarts must ultimately come down in price; the corporal and sergeant are sure of double pay; bad poets will expect a de- mand for their epics; fools will be disappointed, as they always are; reasonable men, who know what to expect, will find that a very serious good has been obtained. We always expect too startling changes after an innovation, particularly if it is one to which we are opposed. I saw but a few months ago a fling in a magazine because the admission of women to medicine had produced no great specialist who had made the theory or practice very different from what they were before; also a sneer, because no towering genius had appeared among the thousands of college-bred women. But not even the writer of this article would deny that the world is somewhat different to-day because of the women physicians and the women graduates. We do not want the great specialists or the tower- ing geniuses nearly so much as we need the quiet, faithful work of numbersof apparently commonplace people who are insensibly moulding society to better ways. The progress of school suffrage for women is an example of 148 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. what we might reasonably expect from political suffrage. In my own State, women have voted on school matters for about twenty years, and as no tax is required, the system has had a fair chance. If I were asked what great benefits had accrued I could not honestly say that gerunds and supines had been abolished, but in regard to the currant tarts, there might be a question. The tarts may not have come down in price, but their making and other forms of cooking have been introduced into the schools, so that the tarts are more abundant than formerly. All the young women have not got married, but a goodly number of them, whether married or not, vote on the school question. The progress of events was something like this in a represent- ative city. At the first election only one or two women were present, and these were pronounced advocates of womans voting. As time went by, the number slowly increased; many women thought they ought to vote, but did not quite dare, they had been taught from their childhood that it was so improper. Finally, a question came up which seemed to involve a moral principle. The town was can- vassed, and women as well as men appeared in great numbers. The good won. Since then matters have settled down, and women now vote as a matter of course. If you should go to the polls at an election, you would meet precisely the same class of women there that you would see at an afternoon tea. The num- ber of male and female voters is about equal. The total number, when no exciting question is up, is small compared with the total adult population, because most people believe in letting well enough alone; and when there are no complaints, the same members of the board of education are allowed to serve till they die or resign. It is difficult to say just what progress is due to the women voters, because all events are intertwined. The election of women as members of the board, which has been a pronounced good, probably would not have occurred had not women first voted. Rare instances might be found, in the small villages of the State, where women held office before they had school suffrage, but the custom of electing women as members of the school com- mittee, which is now general throughout the State, did not obtain till suffrage was granted. It is interesting to note that it was not the ~o1~es of women that elected the women, for I have THE WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. 149 never known an instance of a womans ticket running in opposi- tion to a mans ticket. The election of women came about be- cause of the gradual change in public opinion after the granting of suffrage. When women could vote, and did vote, it was absurd to say that they should not hold office; and, as fast as suitable candidates were presented, men and women voted for them as a matter of course. This is a point worth noting by the anti-suifragists, for some of them seem to think that in politics a majority of women would be on one side of every question and a majority of men on the other; and, if the women could not de- fend their victories by military force, there would be an end to the Republic. Many changes have come about in the schools since women voted, such as the introduction of cooking, sewing, and manual training beside great improvements in the sanitary arrangements; but these may be partly due to the progress of the times. I am certain that the suffrage of women has had one effect. It would be impossible now to elect a candidate whose character was con- sidered unfit for office, though such candidates have occasionally served in previous times. At present the woman suffrage question seems in a fair way to solve itself without much help from anyone. The fact that suffrage has actually b& en secured in some portions of the West, and that the sun still rises and sets on those domains as of yore, shows that the movement is very likely to spread, especially as other portions of the country have become accustomed to see- ing some form of womans voting. Women at present do not want political suffrage, but some crisis might arise when they would want it very much, and then there would be a land-slide of public opinion. They do not want it now because they were not brought up that way; they do not approve of it; they do not think it nice. Such sentiments form the bulwark of conserva tism in regard to our manners and customs; but people not yet beyond niiddle age have seen changes enough in these very man- ners and customs to make the Sphinx smile. The bicycle is a case in point. A dozen years ago, when the ma- chine had unequal wheels, one the size of a centre table and the other thc size of a dinner plate, only men rode. There were prob- ably many daring misses who wished they could emulate their brothers, and surreptitiously tried to learn. I knew of one girl 150 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. who broke her arm in an attempt of this sort. The matter was hushed up as much as possible on account of the extreme morti- fication of the family, but the result was privately spoken of as an awful example to young girls of conduct unseemly for their sex. We know the result of the invention of the safety bicycle; but even this result was not instantaneous. Only nine years ago I was with a party at a mountain resort, and one of the ladies said that she was in tending to get a bicycle. You mean a tricycle, I suppose, politely said a gentleman. No, a bicycle, was the reply, and the suppressed astonishment of the company could be felt. Even three years ago I knew many ladies who spoke in this wise: Of course, I know there are respectable women who ride, and it is very well for working- girls, who have no other means of recreation, but I never should wish to see my daughter doing anything of the sort. The in- describable aloofness conveyed in the tone of voice was some- thing like that I heard ten years before when a young woman was about to enter college. Going to college? was the un- sympathetic comment, as if the person lived in another world. Oh, fitting yourself for a teacher, I suppose? I have lived to see the woman who never wished her daughter to have a bicycle ride a wheel herself in company with that daughter ; and when I ventured to recall her former opinions she said, with unblushing serenity: Oh, well, everybody rides now; the most fashionable people have taken it up; there is really nothing like it, and she began to chide me be- cause I did not own a wheel. The bishop who thought it was not necessary for women to go to college unless they expected to become teachers has united his sons in marriage to college women. The woman who thought that female physicians might do well enough in simple cases, but that they never could be really successful, because in time of peril you would always call in a man, you know, is now spending her property to graduate her daughter from a medical college. If I should say anything to any of these people about their embracing what they so re- cently despised, they would reply in the language of the bicycle woman: Oh, well, everybody does it now; the most fashionable people have taken it up ; there is really nothing like it. I sometimes think that inconsistency is the most prominent THE WOMAY SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. 151 characteristic of human nature, but the most delightful example I ever knew is the action of the ~nti~woman~suffragists, who are petitioning legislatures, appearing before committees of men, taking part in politics, and, in brief, doing precisely the things that they beg they shall never be allowed to do. The antis are really gaining considerable strength among the better classes in some of the cities, and this is to me the most marked sign that woman suffrage may be nearer than we think. I have not yet attained great age, but the world has turned around many times since I became a passenger on this planet. People who occupied front rows in the seats of the scornful and perked up their noses in disdain at the lowly have gone down on their knees to what they once considered a worm in the dust. I may not live beyond the allotted age of man, but I firmly expect before I die that some of those who now sneer at womans rights, womans suffrage, and the like, will come around to solicit me to subscribe for a statue to Amelia Bloomer or a monument to Susan B. Anthony. FRANCES M. ABBOTT. EUROPEAN EXAMPLE FOR AMERICAN FARMERS. BY A. F. WEBER. WITH the sudden and unexpected prosperity that has come to the agricultural interests of the United States in the last few months, there is a tendency in some quarters to forget the lessons of the presidential campaign of 1896. The farmer was crying for more money. Good crops and equally good prices have brought him more money; ergo, the farmers woes are now past history. Such a course of reasoning, which is very prevalent in the East at this writing, entirely overlooks the real grievance of the farmers of the South and West. However inadequately analyzed and expressed by the farmers themselves, their griev- ance is real and deep-seated, and it behooves the statesmen and economists of the country to find a remedy. The free silver panacea is being abandoned by many Western leaders, although it may reappear with altered conditions in the production of the two money metals. But in giving up the free coinage idea, leading Populists like ex-Senator Peffer have merely changed their allegiance to fiat paper money. They will not cease advo- cating some dangerous remedy like this, until they are provided, not with more money, but with adequate facilities of credit. The Hon. Hoke Smith, ex-Secretary of the Interior, expressed a sub- stantial truth when he said that the people, especially in the rural districts, have a just grievance. It is due, in large part, to the narrowness of our national banking system. With the limita- tions now placed upon this system, no facilities are afforded to the agricultural classes for short loans upon their real estate, so much needed during planting and harvesting seasons each year. In our section they would have willingly accepted even a condi- tional repeal of the tax upon State banks as a substitute for free coinage of silver.

EUROPEAN EXAMPLE FOR AMERICAN FARMERS. BY A. F. WEBER. WITH the sudden and unexpected prosperity that has come to the agricultural interests of the United States in the last few months, there is a tendency in some quarters to forget the lessons of the presidential campaign of 1896. The farmer was crying for more money. Good crops and equally good prices have brought him more money; ergo, the farmers woes are now past history. Such a course of reasoning, which is very prevalent in the East at this writing, entirely overlooks the real grievance of the farmers of the South and West. However inadequately analyzed and expressed by the farmers themselves, their griev- ance is real and deep-seated, and it behooves the statesmen and economists of the country to find a remedy. The free silver panacea is being abandoned by many Western leaders, although it may reappear with altered conditions in the production of the two money metals. But in giving up the free coinage idea, leading Populists like ex-Senator Peffer have merely changed their allegiance to fiat paper money. They will not cease advo- cating some dangerous remedy like this, until they are provided, not with more money, but with adequate facilities of credit. The Hon. Hoke Smith, ex-Secretary of the Interior, expressed a sub- stantial truth when he said that the people, especially in the rural districts, have a just grievance. It is due, in large part, to the narrowness of our national banking system. With the limita- tions now placed upon this system, no facilities are afforded to the agricultural classes for short loans upon their real estate, so much needed during planting and harvesting seasons each year. In our section they would have willingly accepted even a condi- tional repeal of the tax upon State banks as a substitute for free coinage of silver. EUROPEAN EXAMPLE FOR AMERICAN FARMERS. 153 Mr. Smiths remedy for the farmers grievance is banking re- form. That extensive reforms in our national banking system are imperatively needed few economists deny. Whether any change that might be made would provide credit facilities in the localities where it is most needed is one question; whether any changes that will be made will provide such facilities is another question. At any rate, the American people are in an attitude where they will welcome help from other quarters than legisla- tion. Projects of self-help appeal to one of the deepest traits of the American character, and from this point of view a dis- cussion of the agricultural credit system of Germany ought to prove valuable. On what occasions and for what purposes does the farmer need to borrow money? On the answer to this question depends the kind of credit best adapted to his needs. If he wishes to pay. for his farm,which he has inherited with incumbrances or bought with a small cash payment, he needs to borrow money at a com- paratively low rate of interest and for a long term of years. A loan that can be called in at short notice may, in a time of crisis or depression, seriously embarrass or even ruin him. It is also desirable that his payments should not only cover the interest on the loan, but also contribute toward the liquidation of the prin- cipal itself. An addition to the rate of interest of one-half of one per cent. annually will pay off the entire debt in about fifty- six years; an addition of one per cent. in about forty-one years. A mortgage on the property at a valuation of, say, fifty to sixty per cent. should afford the lender ample security. But all experi- ence has shown that the three essential requirements of cheap- ness, long terms, and amortization payments are not adequately secured by a system of free competition among individual capi- talists. The stumbling-block is the security offered. Only the large landowner can obtain money readily on real estate security. For it takes time to investigate titles and go through with other little formalities. Expert knowledge and familiarity with local conditions are also needed to set correct valuations upon the real estate. And if the debtor fails to pay, the process of obtaining redress, or possession of the land, is usually troublesome and expensive. The consequence of all these obstacles is to raise the terms upon which money can be borrowed on mortgage. Some organization of credit is therefore required, and in Germany three 164 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. forms of organization have been developed: (1.) by the State or one of its sub-divisions; (2.) by the lenders; (3.) by the borrowers Let us consider each of these, briefly, in turn. Advances to citizens out of State funds, or by means of gov- ernment banks, may be dismissed with a word as being antago- nistic to the spirit of our government. There exists no good rea- son why, if advances are made to one industry, they should not be made to all, and nobody proposes that the government should adopt such paternalism. The experience of England in borrow- ing money and then loaning it to the Irish peasants to be repaid by an annuity of S per cent. has resulted disastrously. Owing to the fall in prices, the Irish have been unable to keep up their annui- ties, and the government faces the prospect of having to make its debtors a present of the money advanced to assist them in becom- ing proprietors, or else foreclose its mortgages and become the universal landlord. In Germany the public institutions of agri- cultural creditthe Lccndeskreditlcctssenhave been developed chiefly outside of Prussia, in which private institutions have met the needs of the farmers. The earliest Kas8e was the ducal Leihhaus of Brunswick, founded in 1765. There are now about a dozen of these institutions in the smaller states of central and northwestern Germany. Their loans at the end of 1889 amounted to 433,879,540 marks (about $109,OOO,OOO).* Very recently another public credit institution has been devel- oped in Saxony, Bavaria, ilessen, etc., the Landeskullur- rentenlNzfllc, which is designed exclusively to promote agricul- tural improvements, such as drainage and irrigation. In Prussia it has had even less success than the Landeskreditlcasse. Its loans in 1890 amounted to 15,345,939 marks in Saxony,~ and perhaps to 20,000,000 marks ($5,000,000) in all Germany. Of the private credit organizations there are two distinct classes, associations of lenders and those of borrowers. They agree only in this important feature, that they interpose the credit of an association between borrower and lender. The com- pany creates negotiable obligations which find a ready sale among investors, and the proceeds are advanced to farmers on mortgage. Those who buy bonds look for the payment of their interest only to the association, which takes upon itself all questions of tith * Conrads IlarnZw& rterbuc7L der Staatswissenschaften, Vol. IV., p. 922. * Op. cit., IV., 92G. EUROPEAN EXAMPLE FOR AMERIUALY FARMERS. 1~l5 and security. The borrowers deal oniy with the association. The most famous company of lenders is the Credit Foncier of France, founded in 1852, eighty years after the system had been intro- duced in Prussia by the formation of a union of borrowers. As- sociations of lenders are comparatively new in Germany, dating mostly from the p~riod 186273. They are known as Hypothe- icenaictien ban icen, or mortgage corporations, and in 1890 had out mortgage loans amounting to more than $750,000,000,* two- thirds of which is on city real estate. Bat their operations dif- fer little from those of American mortgage and trust companies indeed, there was incorporated in New York only a few months ago a very large financial company whose methods follow very closely those of the Ur~dit Foncier. Of more importance to the farmers than these companies of capitalists are co-operative associations of their own, like the suc- cessful German Landschaften, or provincial societies. They con- sist of the landowners of a single county or Drovince associated for the purpose of borrowing money on their collective credit. When a member declares his wish to borrow a sum of money, the association issues its bonds (Pfandbriefe) for a certain percent- age (usually one-half) of the valuation of the borrowers property, sells the bonds to investors and advances the money to the petitioner, taking as its security a mortgage on the property. The idea of thus substituting the joint guarantee of all the pro~ prietors for that of individuals, and establishing a book in which this land stock should be registered and be transferable, and the dividends paid exactly in the same way as the public funds, orig~ mated with Bttring, a Berlin merchant, and was put into effect by Frederick the Great by the foundatiGn of the Silesian Land- schaft in 1770 (Macleod). Since then a Landschaft has been established in nearly every other province of Prussia and in sev~ eral other German states as well. Indeed, the system has spread to other countries like Austria, Denmark, Russia (Poland), etc., and, as we have already seen, the fundamental idea was embodied in the Cr& iit Foncier by Napoleon III. and Wolowski, both of whom had studied the German Landschaften. The advantages of this system of agricultural credit must be obvious on the slightest reflection. It unites the security of i~ mortgage with the advantages of negotiable paper. It is the only MOp. cit., IV., 509. 156 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. system that identifies in one person both creditor and debtor. As a borrower the individual member secures the advantages of low rates of interest, long terms, and sinking fund contribution men- tioned in a preceding paragraph. But as a member of a com- pany of lenders, the same individual will exercise the strictest caution in evaluating the property which a fellow-member offers as a security for a loan. The smaller the association the better acquaintance will each member have with the value of other mem- bers property. On the other hand, a small association will be less able to withstand unforeseen financial trouble, and its bonds will be held in less esteem on the great exchanges. But by a union of several small associations the advantages of perfect se- curity on the one side, and of financial strength and independ- ence on the other, will be secured. Such a union was effected in 1873 by eight of the Prussian Landschaflen, thus perfecting a system that had existed in parts for over a hundred years, achieved constant success, and continually widened its sphere of influence, Their obligations have maintained through all crisesmonetary, war, and revolutionarya steadiness of value far beyond any other public securities whatever, either govern- mental or commercial. In 1848, when all public securities fell, the Pfand6riefo kept their value better than anything else. The Prussian funds fell to 69, the shares of the Bank of Prussia to 63, and the railway shares to 30 to 90 per cent., whereas the land credit bonds, producing 3~ per cent. interest, in Silesia and Pomerania stood at 93, in West Prussia at 83, and in East Prussia at 96 (Macleod). It is needless to say that the Land- schaften are subject to government supervisionalthough this is probably no stricter than that over our national banks. There seems no good reason why the system should not yield equally good results in the United States, where the union of borrower and lender in one person has been successfully accom- plished already by means of building and loan associations.* The institutions that we have thus far been discussing are de- signed to furnish long-time loans on real estate security. While very excellent in their way, they do not pretend to meet every legitimate need of the farmer. Many farmers have no property to mortgage, being only tenants; yet they need capital to buy * Ten years ago the loans of the seventeen Prussian Lctndschaf ten amounted to over ?100OOO,OOO, practically all being agricultural credit. EUROPEAN EXAMPLE FOR AMERICAN FARMER& 1~7 seed, tools, fertilizers, and pay wages for help during the period between seed time and harvest. Many other farmers own prop- erty already covered with incumbrances. This is particularly the case in the West and South. And in those regions banking facilities are so utterly inadequate that borrowing on personal security is either impossible or possible only at exorbitant rates. The greatest sufferers are probably the cotton growers of the Southern States, whose only form of short-time credit is what is known as crop liens. Since the war the local merchant, who has superseded the large cotton factor of the ports as buyer and shipper of cotton, is the only capitalist from whom the small farmers can obtain the advances necessary to carry on agricultural operations and the means of subsistence during the raising of the crop. This system of credit is thus described by Mr. M. B. Hammond, in an article on the Southern Farmer and Cotton in the Political Sctence Quarterly for September. The credit which he [the merchant] furnishes is seldom given in the form of money loans, and there are nominally no interest charges made for his advances. These usually consist of provisions, especially corn and bacon, tools, farm animals, fertilizers, cotton ties and bagging, household utensils in fact, everything the farmer has to buy. They are almost invariably bought on time, to be paid for when the crop is harvested and sold. As security for his advances the merchant secures from the farmer at the be- ginning of the crop season a crop lien, or chattel mortgage, which is duly attested and recorded at the office of the county recorder, or judge of pro- bate. This bindsthe farmer to deliver to the merchant, as soon as harvested, the crops of cotton, corn, etc., or enough of them to pay the merchant at the ruling market price of this produce for all the advances which the farmer has obtained during the raising of the crop.~ In spite of the control over the debtor which the crop-lien system gives the merchant, the risk which he runs, with the losses which he actu- ally suffers as a result of conducting business on such a basis, necessitates extremely high prices for all merchandise sold in this way. Most advanc- ing merchants have two schedules of pricesone for purchasers who buy for cash, the other for time purchasers. Prices on a credit schedule are usually from 20 to 50 per cent. higher than those on a cash schedule. Thus, flour selling at four dollars per barrel to cash buyers sells for five dollars on a credit basis; bacon selling at ten cents a pound cash, for twelve and a half cents on time; calico selling at five cents a yard cash, for seven cents, etc. As the average length of time which these debts run before payment is not more than six months, the difference between cash and credit prices is equivalent to an annual interest charge of from 40 to 100 per cent. The extent to which this credit system prevails varies, of course, with localities. - . . To say that three-fourths of the cotton-growers are In this sort of dependence on the advancing merchants or factors would not be an extravagant estimate. 1L58 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. With this anthoritative statement before us, it is scarcely pos- sible to exaggerate the importance of making far-reaching re- forms in our credit system. That the demand for free coinage, paper currencyanything that will give more money will continue, cannot be doubted. But the wisest Southern states- men realize that it is not more money so much as better credit facilities that are needed in the South. Certainly no Southern statesman since the war has made upon the Northern people a deeper impression of profound insight and clear reasoning than the late Henry W. Grady, and it was sixteen years ago that Mr. Grady, speaking of the tendency of the plantations of the mer- chant lenders to swallow up the little farms of debtors, maintained that the remedy for this deplorable situation is, first of all, the establishment of a proper system of credit. * Now it was to meet almost precisely similar conditions that the Germans, a half century ago, developed the co-operative credit societies, which have spread all over the continent of Eu- rope. Is it not time that Americans should at least investigate their merits ? These loan associations are of two kinds, the Kreditgenossen- schaften, founded by Schnlze-Delitzsch, and the Darlehnslcczssen- vereine, by Raffeisen. The fundamental idea of both is that of the Iiandschaften, namely, that a body of men, many of whom expect to become borrowers, should furnish the capital and reg- ulate the conditions of its lending and repayment. Small farm- ers find it difficult to obtain money advances, because they seek small amounts and cannot furnish the usual security. But while a single farmer finds it impossible to secure a loan of *100, ten farmers can without trouble secure *1,000, provided each pledges his property for all, and all stand together for each. Co -opera- tive banking has been called the democratizing of credit ; it aims to make every man capable of securing credit who is worthy of credit. In 1850, when the first of these societies was organized at Delitzsch, it had to charge its members 14~ per cent. on loans, which was a low rate in comparison with that which they had been paying. To-day the average rate of interest in the societies is 5~ per cent. ~ Although the main object of both the Schulze and the Raf * Harpers Magazine, LXIII., 719. t Handw5rterbuch der & aat8wissensekaf ten, vol. IV., p. 881. EUROPEAN EXAMPLE FOR AMERICAN FARMERS. 159 feisen associations is the samenamely, by collecting a small capi- tal to secure credit with investors and then make loans to mem- bers after a direct personal examination of the circumstances of the borrowerthere are certain differences in management, method of making loans, etc., that call for attention. The co-operative loan associations founded by Schuize, of Delitzsch, in 1850, are composed of workers in all professions and occupations, industry as well as agriculture. And this feature is regarded by the ad vocates of the system as one essential to its strength. At one time money will be abundant in one industry and tight in another, and a general association equalizes the supply. If the association were composed of farmers alone, it is said that they would all need credit at the same season, and many would have to be disappointed. In the second place, the loans of the Schulze societies are for a short period only, being as a rule for three months. Thirdly, the Schuize system lays stress on regular contributions and the acquirement of shares, much as do the building and loan associations of this country. Both are also alike in distributing profits among the members, or shareholders. Fourthly, the Schuize societies are more or less centralized and are managed by salaried officials. This brief description of the principal features of the Schulze Kreditgenossenschaften will suffice to indicate how closely they approximate to the organization of regular banking establishments. Their business is virtually the same making loans on personal security, discounting bills, and keeping accounts current. In fact, it might be said that the only distinction between the co-operative loan asso- ciati6n and the bank lies in the proportion of borrowers among shareholders. If the loan association cares to utilize its oppor- tunities, it can lend money to large capitalists (non-members) on better terms than it can secure from its own members. In that way it will increase the dividends of its members, and so the temptation is strong to enter into competition with the banks. But the hunt for dividends destroys the co-operative character of credit societies, for it raises the rate of interest to a height which prevents the members themselves from borrowing.~5 * In the American building and loan associations about one-fourth of the mem- bers are borrowers. But the bidding for loans carries the rate so high that the real gainers are the Investors who do not borrow. In this light the associations take on the character of savings rather than credit institutions. 160 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. In favor of the policy of dividing profits is urged its encour- agement of saving among the members. The friends of the Schuize system, moreover, maintain that such societies as have joined the chase for profits are exceptions and that the most important societies, whose business amounts to hundreds of mil- lions, take particular pride in not denying their humble origin and in offering the same facilities to the smallest patron that they grant to a customer whose business is worth thousands of dol- lars. * The power of cooperative associations to transform themselves into purely banking corporations has been greatly curtailed by the enactment of a law in 1889 forbidding them to make loans to non-members. While the Schulze societies have on the whole attained emi- ent success, there has been considerable complaint in Germany that they did not fully meet the needs of agriculturists, and the last quarter-century has seen the rapid development of the Raf- feisen co-operative credit societies (Darlehnslcs8senvereine) among the farmers. The first society founded by Raffeisen in 1849 was not strictly a credit institution and did not become so until 1864. The second society was founded in 1872, and it is since that date that the idea has taken root in Germany. It has been held in favor by the governments, which have granted num- erous subsidies to new societies. In 1890 there were over 1,000 associations. While the objects of the Schulze societies are largely com- mercial, the Raffeisen associations emphasize their ethical pur- pose as well. Not only do they furnish credit to their members, but they encourage the organization of auxiliary co-operative societies for the purchase of fertilizers, tools, cattle, and means of subsistence, for the common use of expensive machinery, and for the sale of farm products. They do not make loans to every one who can furnish security unless they find him morally and intellectually worthy of help. Members must borrow only for a specific purpose, and as they are under the eyes of their col- leagues, if the money is misapplied it can be promptly called in. So close an acquaintance with borrowers and so strict a control over the use made of loans, it is asserted, cannot be accomplished with the large, varied, and fluctuating membership of the Schulze associations. Hence, the first principle laid down by Raffeisen *Hdwbh. cter iS~aatswissen~chafter~, IV., 882. EUROPEAN EXAMPLE FOR AMERI6AN FARMERS. 161 was that the membership must be limited to men following a single pursuit and restricted to as narrow an area as possible. One society to a district containing an average population of 1,500 should be the ideal. The members must as far as possible be persons living under similar conditions, animated by a com- mon spirit in both industrial and social relations, and capable of a fellow-feeling with each others Decessities. The management under these conditions is comparatively simple, being in the hands of a directorate controlled by a cQun- cil. General rules regarding, for example, the maximum credit to be granted, are promuig ated by a general assembly of all mem- bers, which also elects the officers. The officials all serve with- out salary, with the exception of an accountant, who examines the books every four years. It is believed that such an admiliis- tration will be without motives to enlarge the business of the society at the expense of members who wish to borrow at a low rate. A further provision against the danger of transformation into regular banks is the prohibition of dividends; surplus money is added to the reserve fund, which secures the independence of the association from the- money market, and furnishes means to further distributive co-operation in agriculture, and otherwise promote the common welfare of the members. The absence of dividends removes the temptation to secure large returns by catering to outsiders and neglecting members, or by creating within the association an artificial distinction between borrowers and investors (non-borrowers)a distinction that may obliterate the ethical significance of the movement. The Raffeisen sup- porters regard the enactment of the law of 1889 forbidding co- operative societies to lend to non-members as a victory for one of their fundamental principles. Dr. Raffeisen at first repudiated the share system, on the ground that farmers could not easily make regular contributions. Experience proved the difficulty of carrying on the association on any other basis, and the law of co-operation of 1889 prescribed some form of the share system. Every member of the Raffeisen societies must now take one share (about $6), payable by install- ments; but no member may possess more than one share. Thus the shares constitute but a small proportion of the total capi- tal, and remove the temptation to do a banking business. VOL. CLXVI.~O. 495. 11 162 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. The last point ill which the iRaffeisen societies differ from the Schuize societies is the termination of loans. Instead of giving the short three months term with possible renewals, Dr. Raffeisen, feeling that the farmers needed a longer term, provided that loans might be made for a period of from one to ten years (the usual term is one to two years). But in order to provide for sudden emergencies, it is stipulated that the association may withdraw loans on four weeks notice. This is, perhaps, the weakest point in the iRaffeisen system and has been subjected to a good deal of criticism. The principal differences of the two systems have now been de- scribed. In other respects they pursue nearly identical methods. In both, admission is practically free to every man without re- gard to financial standing. In both the principle of unlimited liability generally prevails, although since 1889 it is no longer nuiversal.* The associations of von Broich, with limited liabil- ity, have been anything but successful, not being able to procure the necessary capital. Dr. Crilger, a leading authority, regards it as probable that in the future loan associations not possessing any very large capital will be organized on the basis of unlimited liability, unless local circumstances dete~rmine them to adopt the contrary principle. t Both- associations have a central organization. Many of the Schulze societies belong to the General Association of German Co-operative Societies (Ailgerneine Verband Deutscher Erwerbs- und Wirthsc1& ~ftsgenossen8c1tc~tten~) which in 1890 consisted of 1,072 credit societics, 262 distribution societies (Konsum- vereine), and 56 other co-operative societies. Yearly reports are published by the secretary, and yearly meetings are attended by representatives from all parts of the country. The Raffeisen societies are bound together by three distinct central organizations. First, there is the Central Agricultural Bank, designed to equalize the surpluses and deficiencies of the money supply in the local societies, which are the shareholders of the bank. Secondly, there is a General Agency of the Agricul- tural Co-operative Societies of Germany,~J intended to represent * May 31, 1891. out of the 3,910 credIt and loan associations reported. only 146 were based on the principle of limited liability. See Hdwbl& . der Staat8wis8en8ck~tten, IV., 884. t Op. cit., IV., 881. I Op. cit., III., 316. ~ Of. op. cit.. II.. 907. II GeneratctnwaU8chaftsverbamd lUndUcher Geaosaen8ckaften fur Deutachiand. EUROPEAN EXAMPLE FOR AMERICAN FARMERS. 163 the societies in parliament and before the courts; to support the local societies and extend the system by founding new ones, and to supervise the solvency of the societies. Dr. iRaffeisen was the General Secretary until his death in 1888, when his son succeeded him. Thirdly, the firm of Raffeisen & Co. was establiched as a means of supplementing the funds of societies and rendering them independent of the government subsidies. The firm manages the general printing office as well as a savings bank and life insurance company, and publishes the Co-operative News (Genossenschaftsblatt). These organizations represent the socie- ties of Western Germany and have their seat at Neuwied on the Rhine. The local societies in Bavaria, Wflrtemberg, Baden, Hanover, Silesia, etc., have independent general associations. The growth of credit and loan associations in Germany has been very rapid in recent years. In 1892 the number known to exist was 4~791. The following statistics of the Schulze societies that reported to the central burean in 1890 will show the extent of their operations: Number of societies reporting, 1,072 ; num- ber of members, 518,003; funds derived from contributions of members, *29,270,000; reserve fund, *7,119,000; funds from other sources, *123,456,500 ; advances, including renewals, *410,- 3ri3,600; expended for educational purposes, $10,147. What proportion of the activity benefits the farmers it is impossible to determine. In 1888, however, out of a reported membership of 411,676, only 123,833, or 30 per cent., were connected with agri- culture. The associations greatly assist the farmer, but their principal service is rendered to artisans and town-dwellers. The statistics of the Raffeisen societies are very imperfect. We know only that iI~i 1891 the Neuwied Association embraced 735 local societies with a membership of 70,000, and did business to-the extent of seven and a half million dollars. Both forms of credit co-operation have been adopted in other continental countries, and the testimony of farmers and econo- mists alike is very much in their favor; and the best proof of their efficiency is the opposition of the Socialists, who are anxious to force the small farmers, manufacturers, and dealers to take the short-cut to wealth. Is there not a lesson here for those Americans who, having no faith in economic panaceas, are seek- ing specific remedies for specific ills ? A. F. WEBER. IS OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM TOP-HEAYY0 BY ELLiOTT FLOWER. Is the educational system of the United States top-heavy? Are we putting time, labor, and money on the superstructure at the expense of the foundations? Statistics give an affirmative answer to these questions, bitt the reader cannot realize how emphatic that answer is until he has studied them. He knows that we have trouble in finding enough primary and grammar schools to go round, but he does not fully comprehend the extent of that trouble, and he does not know how much money is expended on higher education that could be used to ten times more advantage near the bottom. He knows that we have to be taxed for the support of the lower grade institu- tions, while we put our hands in our pockets and give freely to those that rank as colleges and universities; but he does not know that the latter are so numerous that there are thirty-eight of them in this country that have not exceeding 100 students each, and that the former are so few that it is doubtful if there is a single large city in which duplicate sessions~ rented build- ings, and temporary structures are not necessary to even a pre- tense of providing for all children of school age. It is not the purpose of the writer to briticise the higher edu- cational institutions or their founders and supporters, except so far as may be necessary to point out how better results might be achieved with the money now annually expended upon and by them. They are unquestionably doing meritorious work, but it is also unquestionably true that the work would be of more real value if part of it were conducted along other lines. The nation that gives a fair education to all its people must have a greater future before it than the one that gives a particularly good edu- cation to only a proportion of them, no matter how great that

IS OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM TOP-HEAYY0 BY ELLiOTT FLOWER. Is the educational system of the United States top-heavy? Are we putting time, labor, and money on the superstructure at the expense of the foundations? Statistics give an affirmative answer to these questions, bitt the reader cannot realize how emphatic that answer is until he has studied them. He knows that we have trouble in finding enough primary and grammar schools to go round, but he does not fully comprehend the extent of that trouble, and he does not know how much money is expended on higher education that could be used to ten times more advantage near the bottom. He knows that we have to be taxed for the support of the lower grade institu- tions, while we put our hands in our pockets and give freely to those that rank as colleges and universities; but he does not know that the latter are so numerous that there are thirty-eight of them in this country that have not exceeding 100 students each, and that the former are so few that it is doubtful if there is a single large city in which duplicate sessions~ rented build- ings, and temporary structures are not necessary to even a pre- tense of providing for all children of school age. It is not the purpose of the writer to briticise the higher edu- cational institutions or their founders and supporters, except so far as may be necessary to point out how better results might be achieved with the money now annually expended upon and by them. They are unquestionably doing meritorious work, but it is also unquestionably true that the work would be of more real value if part of it were conducted along other lines. The nation that gives a fair education to all its people must have a greater future before it than the one that gives a particularly good edu- cation to only a proportion of them, no matter how great that IS OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM TOP-HEAVY? 165 proportion may be; and, consequently, the aim of a country should be to educate all. Of course, there are bound to be in- equalities iu education, as there are inequalities in the mental capacities of students, but there should be no lack of room in the basement of our national educational structure. We are told that there is always room at the top; we should see to it that there is also room at the bottom. It is hardly necessary to discuss the need of ample primary and grammar school accommodations. No one will deny that there should be room for every child of school age, and no one will deny that the opening of every school year shows the lack of it. The extent of the shortcomings in this line, however, is an- other matter. Very few people realize the shifts to which school superintendents all over the country are put to avoid turning away children who apply for admission; and as this argument must hang largely upon their troubles and experiences it is, per- haps, just as well to bring these facts home to the reader first. For this purpose the conditions that exist in five cities that pretty ~vell cover the country, and are at least sufficient to give a good general idea of the situation, may be cited. In New York, at the beginning of the present school year, according to John Jasper, City Superintendent of Schools, the total number of refused admissions on September 13th and 14th (the opening days) was 6,913. Continuing, Mr. Jasper writes: It has been found nec~ssary, in order to accommodate these children, to arrange for half day sessions in the more crowded districts. Temporary quarters have been engaged, and more woald be if the law of the State per- mitted this board to engage any building that itthought suitable. The State law reads that in all large cities no building shall be used for a large assem- bly that is over thirty-five feet high and not equipped with fire escapes Even after these arrangements had been made there was diffi- culty in providing for all the children, and a month after school had opened the New York Herald stated that in the Seventh, Tenth, Thirteenth, and Seventeenth Wards there were 2,782 children on the waiting list. The police department was then called upon to help solve the problem and policemen were as- signed to the duty of conducting children from the crowded dis- tricts to those where there was more room. The conditions in Brooklyn are much the same as in NewYork, as the following statement from William II. Maxwell, Superin- tendent of Public Instruction, proves: 166 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. I regret to say that Brooklyn has not school accommodations sufficient for all children of school age. Even with duplicate sessions in most of our schools, many children are refused admission every year. In Chicago even more difficulty is experienced in providing for all the children, as would naturally be expected, owing to the rapid increase in population. At the beginning of the school year, Albert G. Lane, Superintendent of Education, reported that there were 10,669 pupils in rented rooms and 11,746 that had to be cared for by establishing duplicate half-day sessions in a large number of the school buildings. For the purpose of illustrating what these figures really mean to many of the children who are seeking an education in the city by the lake, the following from a recent issue of the Chicago TimesHerald may be quoted In Blue Island avenue, between Sixteenth and Eighteenth streets, there are five divisions of the Blue Island branch school, all located in cramped, low-ceilinged, frame store-rooms. There are no means of ventilating any of them, and in some the toilet rooms are located on the same floor with the recitation rooms, the fetid atmosphere being almost nauseating to one pass- ing from the comparatively fresh air of the street. All of the buildings in which the divisions are located are old and small. They have been used for saloons, grocery stores and the like for a score of years, until rented by the school board. From St. Louis, Superintendent F. Louis Soldan sent the fol- lowing reply to an inquiry as to the accorimodations: In order to accommodate all the ehildren that apply for admission we have duplicate sessions in about twenty buildings, and also have a very few rented rooms for that purpose. It is the policy of the board to replace rented buildings and duplicate sessions by new buildings in the ensuing year. To the credit of St. Louis be it said that the outlook there is more encouraging than in any of the other cities that have been heard from. Even Denver has to bold more duplicate sessions than the Missouri city, as the following from Superintendent Grace Espy Patton demonstrates: Denver has not school accommodations for all children of school age, but makes provision for all who apply for entrance. The number of rented buildings is seventeen, and they furnish accommodations for about 1,~OO children. Duplicate half-day sessions are held in thirty-one school rooms. Other illustrations could be given, but these are certainly suf- ficient to prove the condition of affairs and to show that it is not confined to any particular part of the country. One general statement that more room and better facilities are needed would cover the case of every large city in the country. IS OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM TOP-HEAVY? 167 Now, turn to the higher educational institutions and not. the difference. While the city schools are unable to accommodate all the children who apply, or at least do it only with great difficul- ty, many of the universities and colleges are hardly able to secure~ enough students to make it worth while to remain open. Here is a list by States, as complete as it is possible to make it, of the number of institutions conferring the degree of B. A. and having not to exceed two hundred students each: Alabama ~ Massachusetts 2 Oklahoma 1 Arkansas 2 Maryland 8 Pennsylvania 10 Arizona 1 Michigan 1 South Carolina 6 California 4 Mississippi 2 South Dakota 2 Colorado 1 Minnesota 5 Tennessee 8 Delaware 1 Missouri 10 Vermont 1 District of Columbia. 2 Montana 1 Virginia 2 Florida 2 New York 10 Washington 1 Georgia 2 New Jersey B West Virginia 2 Illinois 10 North Carolina 6 Wisconsin 3 Indiana 5 North Dakota 2 Wyoming 1 Iowa 7 Nebraska 1 Kansas 5 New Mexico 1 Total 149 Kentucky 4 Ohio 9 Louisiana 2 Oregon 5 One hundred and forty-nine institutions, a few supported by State appropriations, but most of them deriving their income from endowment funds or private subscriptions, and not one of them has over two hundred students I Could not some of that money be used to better advantage in providing facilities for edu- cating those who are practically crowded out of the common schools now ? Would it not do more good if it were devoted to the establishment and support of trade schoolsschools that would get nearer to many of the poor and the lower classes and give them just the amount of education that they need and want? Does not the expenditure of so much money for the higher edu- cation of a comparatively few people, when there are so many who stand in need of just the little education that may make them self-supporting, seem almost like wanton waste ? Really, it seems as if there could be but one answer to these questions. Unfortunately, it is impossible to get at the exact amount of money expended on these one hundred and forty-nine institu- tions annually, as many of them decline to give any information as to income or endowments. Most of them unquestiounbly have little; but, even so, the aggregate annual expenditures must amount to more than half a million dollars, and very likely is 168 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. nearer a million. A great deal of good could be done with that amount of money. Doubtless a great deal of good is being done with it; but is it being expended so as to bring the very best educational results to this conntry? Again, it seems to the writer as if there could be but one answer to the question. Of course it may be nrged that many of these minor colleges are denominational, and that religionor rather sectarianism gives them a valid excuse for existence. This may be conceded in a measure, but could not one-third of them do all the work and do it better and more cheaply? If aboy wants a college education it is not necessary to immediately locate a university in the next block to him; but if you want to educate the children of the slums you must locate your school where they live. Therein lies the difference. And in spite of the fact that it is of much more im- portance that the child should have a rudimentary education than it is that the youth should go to college, we exert ourselves much more for the latter than for the former. We trouble our- selves more about his opportunities, we boast more of the chances that lie open to him, and if we have any money to give away we spend it for his benefit. Why do~esnt some educational philan- thropist endow schools that are needed for the masses ? What is the nse of piling on higher education without giving many the opportnnity to get to it? It is true that some trade schools have been founded, but they are comparatively few. Everyone wants to work at the top. Look at it from another point of view, and the absurdity of doing so much in the tower when there is so much that is left undone in the basement becomes even more apparent. Accord- ing to the College Year Book, to which publication I am in- debted for a great deal of valuable information, there is one instructor for every thirteen and one-sixth students in the higher educational institutions of the country, and this in spite of the fact that in some of the larger institutions the classes are extraordinarily large. It seems as if there must be a waste of talent there somewhere. Again, if we take out the thirty in- stitutions that have the largest attendance, there is only an average of one hundred and ninety-nine students to each of the four hundred and forty-six institutions left. The thirty institu- tions referred to had a total attendance last year of 65,021, while the other four hundred and forty-six had a total of 88,611. IS OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM TOP-HEAVY? 169 This means that a little less than one-fifteenth of the colleges and universities of this country care for a little more than one- third of all the students. Could anything better illustrate the point I have endeavored to make? Let me put it in another way. Could not the money used for the endowment of the University of Chicago have been used to far better advantage educationally if it had gone into some other channel? Would it not be doing more good now if it were being utilized to advance some meritorious plan a little lower in the edu- c~tional scale ? Was there any real necessity for the University of Chicago ? This is not to be taken as a criticism of the Univer- sity, which is unquestionably an excellent one. It is merely selected as an illustration, because of its magnificent endowment and comparatively recent organization. At the time it was planned there were two good universities in the suburbs of Chicago Northwestern University at Evanston and the Lake Forest University-and half a dozen more within half a days ride of that city. The University of Illinois at Champaign, the University of Wisconsin at Madison, and the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor are large, excellent, and prosperous universities ; and in addition to these there are sixty-two other recognized institutions that confer the degree of B. A. in the States of Illinois, Wiscon- sin, Indiana, and Michigan, all of which did, and still do, draw students from Chicago. In view of these facts, although without any desire to criticise Mr. Rockefeller or detract from the value and credit of the institution he founded, it may be contended with some show of justice that the income of nearly two million dollars which the University of Chicago enjoys would be doing more good today if it were being expended in the furtherance of some plan to better educate the masses, either by improved pri- mary and grammar school facilities or the establishment of trade schools that will teach something of practical value to the boy who doesnt want to enter a profession and isnt mentally fitted to take advantage of the opportunities for a collegiate education, even if he had the time and money. Chicago is not selected to illustrate this point because she is exceptionally well located from an educational point of view, for she is not. New York would answer quite as well. Without going so far as Boston to the northeast, Syracuse to the north- west, and Baltimore to the southwest, one can find fifty univer 170 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. sities and colleges of one kind or another; and if all of New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Maryland be included the number becomes eighty-one. From still another point of view it may be urged that it is wrong to attempt to run educational institutions on such small capital as is available to many of them. Conceding that Mr. Rockefeller could not have made a better nse of his money than he did in founding the University of Chicago, what excuse is there for the existence of many of the little colleges that are endeavor- ing to struggle along on incomes that would hardly be sufficient for the support of a good-sized family? One college at Tren- ton, Mo., has 169 students and an income of $2,000; another at McKenzie, Tenn., 200 students and *1,500 ; another at Bowdon, Ga., 143 students and $1,500; another at New Berlin, Pa., 79 students and $3,000; a university at Canton, Mo., 71 stu- dents and $1,500, and a college at St. Joseph, Mo., 85 students and $5,040. These have been taken at random from the College Year Book, and are given merely as examples of a large nnmber of like institutions. The writer does not wish to be understood as making an attack upon them or upon any other particular college; but, taking these little institutions as a class, he does believe and assert that no college can be properly run on a miniature income, and that the money so expended is needed elsewhere. Yet, aside from those institutions that decline to make any statement as to their incomes, there are eighty-seven colleges in the United States that have not to exceed $10,000 per annum each, and it is prob- able that at least twenty of that number have only $5,000 or less. The eighty-seven to which I have referred are located as follows Alabama 1 Kentucky 3 Pennsylvania 1 Arkansas 3 Louisiana 2 South Carolina 3 Arizona 1 Maryland. 2 South Dakota 1 California 1 Mississippi 1 Tennessee 10 Colorado 1 Minnesota ..... 3 Texas 1 Florida . I Missouri 6 Washington 2 Georgia 3 New York 1 Wisconsin., 3 Illinois 5 North Carolina 4 Indiana 4 Nebraska 2 Total 87 Iowa 7 Ohio Kansas 6 Oregon 3 If the figures for all the colleges wcre available it is probable that this total would be over a hundred, and very likely nearer one hundred and twenty-five. What an absurdity it is to try to run colleges on so little IS OW? EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM TOP-flEA VY~ 171 money! How much better it would be if some of these funds could be combined and more students cared for at less expense per capita! To my mind much more could be accomplished if we could blot out half of these institutions, combine the other half into a smaller number of larger and better equipped universities and col- leges and devote the money thus saved to the kind of education most needed. Of course, this is impracticable, but at least philan- thropists who are looking about for ways to spend money to the best educational advantage can refrain from establishing uuiver4- ties, colleges, and scholarships until those who have to fight for even the lowest common school education have been cared for. According to the best figures at hand, we are spending $8 a year to a student in the grammar schools and $109 a year to a student in the higher educational institutions, and it is all out of propor- tion. If it were possible to get all the figures the difference un- questionably would be much greater. In fact, the money expended in giving opportunities for higher education probably would ex- ceed $125 a student; and this does not include the money that the students themselves pay into the institutions. In any event, it is evident that the child has difficulty in get- ting its eight dollars worth of education, while the older student is principally troubled by the fact that he has so great a selection that he is bewildered; and in view of this fact it may not be out of place to suggest to educators and philanthropists that they keep their eyes on the ground for a while. They haiTe been watching the heavens too long. ELLIOTT FLOWER. THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. BY THE HON. CHAS. S. FAIRCHILD, FORMERLY SECRETARY OF THE UNITED STATES TREASURY. THE report of the Monetary Commission which has been recently submitted to the country is the outcome of a movement which was begun in the middle West something more than a year ago. The business men of Indianapolis conceived the idea of inviting all the business organizations of the country, such as the Chamber of Commerce of the City of New York and the Board of Trade and Transportation, to send delegates to a convention to be held in Indianapolis in January a year ago, the object of such a convention being to consider the currency situation in the United States and to take measures to unite the business men of the country in an effort to improve it. The response to this in- vitation was very satisfactory to the gentlemen in Indianapolis who had started the movement. Something over three hundred delegates assembled and were an exceedingly intelligent body of men. After thorough discussion it was decided to ask Congress to authorize the President to appoint a commission, which should consider the whole currency question and make a report thereon to Congress. If, however, Congress should not authorize such commission then the Executive Committee of the Indianapolis Convention was authorized to appoint a commission itself, which should consider the subject and report to that Executive Com- mittee. President McKinley recommended Congress to give him the authority to appoint a commission. A bill to that effect was intro- duced and passed the House of Representatives, but failed to pass the Senate. Thereupon the condition contemplated by the In- dianapolis Convention having arisen, the Executive Committee appointed a commission composed of T. G. Bush, of Alabama;

THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. BY THE HON. CHAS. S. FAIRCHILD, FORMERLY SECRETARY OF THE UNITED STATES TREASURY. THE report of the Monetary Commission which has been recently submitted to the country is the outcome of a movement which was begun in the middle West something more than a year ago. The business men of Indianapolis conceived the idea of inviting all the business organizations of the country, such as the Chamber of Commerce of the City of New York and the Board of Trade and Transportation, to send delegates to a convention to be held in Indianapolis in January a year ago, the object of such a convention being to consider the currency situation in the United States and to take measures to unite the business men of the country in an effort to improve it. The response to this in- vitation was very satisfactory to the gentlemen in Indianapolis who had started the movement. Something over three hundred delegates assembled and were an exceedingly intelligent body of men. After thorough discussion it was decided to ask Congress to authorize the President to appoint a commission, which should consider the whole currency question and make a report thereon to Congress. If, however, Congress should not authorize such commission then the Executive Committee of the Indianapolis Convention was authorized to appoint a commission itself, which should consider the subject and report to that Executive Com- mittee. President McKinley recommended Congress to give him the authority to appoint a commission. A bill to that effect was intro- duced and passed the House of Representatives, but failed to pass the Senate. Thereupon the condition contemplated by the In- dianapolis Convention having arisen, the Executive Committee appointed a commission composed of T. G. Bush, of Alabama; THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. 173 W. B. Dean, of Minnesota; George F. Edmunds, of Vermont; Charles S. Fairchild, of New York; Stuyvesant Fish, of New York; J. W Fries, of North Carolina; Louis A. Garnet, of Cal- ifornia; J. Laurence Laughlin, of Illinois; George E. Leighton, of Missouri; C. Stuart Patterson, of Pennsylvania, and Robert S. Taylor, of Indiana. In the early fall this Commission met in Washington and chose Mr. Edmunds as chairman and Mr. Leighton as vice-chairman. They also chose two assistants to the Commission, L. Carroll Root and II. Parker Willis, whose duty it was to examine statistics and collate information for the use of the Commission. Letters were written to business men and others in all parts of the country asking their opinion upon stated propositions concerning the currency. There was a gen- eral response to these letters, and many valuable suggestions were gathered from them by the Commission. The Commission considered the currency subject in great detail, dividing it gen- erally into the heads of The Standard, Metallic Money, TD mand Obligations of the Government, and A Bank Note Sys- tem. These general heads were then subdivided into sub- heads, which were considered by the Commission and discussed at length, the acceptance or rejection of each proposition being decided by a call of the roll. The discussions were thorough and exhaustive. The subject was approached by each mem- ber of the Commission judicially. Every man tried to learn from his fellow-members, from the correspondence, and from recognized authorities all that he could upon the sub- jects considered. There was the utmost fairness and candor and openness of mind and a resolute attempt to reach a substantial agreement upon measures for the solution of the currency ques- tion. These men by no means agreed when they met. their agreement was the result of discussion and of self-education on the part of each member of the Commission; all done with a de- termination to arrive at the truth. It was an agreeable occupa- tion; every member of the Commission at the end truthfully ex- pressed the pleasure and benefit that he had derived from the dis- cussions and work of the Commission. It was a useful lesson as to how such subjects should be considered without passion or pre- judice, and as purely scientific and business propositions. As I have stated, the effort was to agree upon the truth and upon what would be beneficial to the country if enacted in law. 174 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. The attempt to devise something which might meet the imme- diate approval of Congress was given up early in the life of the Commission, the members all coming to the conclusion that it was not their function to ascertain the temper and disposition of Congress. That is rather the function of the Committees of Con- gress. The Commission was greatly aided by the advice and encour- agement of the Executive Committee, and particularly of its Chairman, H. H. Hanna, of Indianapolis, who is showing zeal and devotion to public interest, combined with intelligence, that is very rare; a striking example of what can be done by business men if they choose to give their time and ability to public ques- tions. The great service that the Indianapolis Convention can do the country will be to furnish something upon which the sound money men who think that there should be affirmative legislation can unite. Heretofore all men have called themselves sound money men who stood together in opposition to the free coinage of sil- ver by this country alone at 16 to 1. No serious attempt has been made to secure an agreement in favor of affirmative legisla- tion to cure existing evils in our currency system and to remove the dangers that lurk in it. This situation is a great disadvan- tage, because undoubtedly our currency system is seriously defec- tive, and if those who are in favor of its improvement cannot or do not act together the country will experience from time to time the troubles that come from existing defects, and constant efforts will be made by those dissatisfied with existing conditions to pro- duce others still more injurious. It is dangerous for the men who are opposed to free silver to stand still; they must remedy existing defects, or some day the dissatisfied will try to cure the evils that they feel by methods which in the end will greatly aggravate them. It would be a serious reproach to the intelli- gence and patriotism of our business men if, either from inaction or indifference or inability to act together in promoting wise remedial measures, great disaster should come to them and their enterprises. If the gentlemen of Indianapolis who have promoted this movement succeed in producing such unity among business men as will render their legitimate influence surely effective, they will have rendered an inestimable service to the country; if more THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. 175 unity among business men cannot be attained than in the past, then no legislation can be hoped for at Washington. Congress cannot be asked to legislate when those whose judgment ought to be governing upon such legislation cannot agree what it shonld be. The Commission reported that the already existing gold standard should be maintained and that everything should be done by government to strengthen confidence in the maintenance of that standard. The gold standard, in the judgment of the Commission, is not the creation of government, but is the result of concurring habits of business men throughout the civilized world. Governments adopt standards of value: they do not create them. One who studies the history of money will be im- pressed with the truth of this. It will be found that the stand- ard by which the value of property and services has been meas- ured from time to time, whatever that standard may have been, has not been the result of laws nor even of conscious agreement among individuals, but has rather been the result of the habits of each individual concurring with those of his neighbors. Some- times this standard has been one thing and sometimes another, but whatever it was, it has been evolved in the way described. The higher the civilization, and the greater the amount of values to be measured, the more exact has become the instrument with which the measurement is to be made, until finally in this way gold has become the standard in use for the measurement of values in all the civilized world. Government cannot by law try to change a standard thus evolved without doing harm thereby; this is the unfailing teach- ing of monetary history. Of late years governments, for the convenience of their people, have almost universally been compelled to declare that gold should be the legal standard in the various countries of the world, thus conforming law to the already established actual standard. Thi~ is a fact like other facts of nature. It is waste of time to discuss whether this should be a fact or not or whether there is a sufficiency of gold for business purposes. Mankind has determined by the irresistible forces of concurrent action that gold shall be its monetary standard. It is the duty of govern- ment, having ascertained this fact, to conform law to it. If civil- ized mankind shall ever find that this standard does not serve its 176 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. purpose, then it will evolve a new standard in the same way in which it has evolved standards in the past. The Commission also provided practically for the continuance of the present coinage of subsidiary and minor coins, but dis- tinctly provided that no more silver dollars should be coined. It also provided that the ordinary funds of the Treasury should be separated from those needed to redeem and sustain the demand obligations of the government, including silver dollars and sub- sidiary and minor coin, and should keep the funds for the re- demption and guaranty of the bank notes to be issued under the system recommended to be established. It directed that a re- serve of 25 per cent. in gold should be held in this division of the Treasury against the United States notes and Treasury notes, and a further sum equal to 5 per cent. of the amount of silver dollars, and it imposed the duty upon the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain this gold reserve in this division, and it authorized him to transfer his surplus revenue, if any there be, to this division for that purpose, and also to sell 3 per cent. bonds which shall be redeemable at the option of the government after one year. It also authorized him to issue bonds payable in from one to five years to provide for any deficiency in the ordinary revenues of the government. A special provision was incorporated to enable people to take an interest in government loans by a simple credit on the books of the government in the same way as is done in some foreign countries, thus relieving people from the necessity of taking personal charge of the securities with the danger of loss, and also enabling anybody to easily subscribe for the government obligations, it beiug provided that such subscriptions and pay- ments might be made at any money order post-office. Silver dollars are to be continued, but all paper money except silver certificates below *10 is to be cancelled as it comes in, thus making a place for the silver dollars or their certificates in per- forming the function of large change. If this were done there would be immediate use for all but about fifty millions of the present silver dollars. These silver dollars, however, are to be exchangeable for gold whenever the holder of them wishes the exchange, thus providing specifically for carrying out the pledge of the Sherman law, and also treating them as we treat our half dollars, quarters, and dimes in respect to their exchange. The fear has been expressed by some that the silver dollars THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. 177 under this provision would be a dangerous instrument by which gold could be extracted from the Treasury; Reflection will cause a modification of this fear, because, in the first place, they being made absolutely good by this provision, no one will have any mo- tive to present them in exchange for gold except the desire to have gold for use in their place. This desire to obtain gold with them will be modified by the fact that their limited number will cause them to be needed everywhere for the purposes of smaller circulation. They will thus become scattered, they will be car- ried in the pockets of the people, they cannot accumnlate any- where in large amounts, so there will be no motive to present them especially for gold, and there will be a strong motive to re- tain them because of the use that they will serve, while, because of their wide diffusion it will be physically impossible to present them for gold in any large sums. It is proper and necessary that the government should at all times be ready to give the holder of the silver dollar gold for it should he so desire. This is wise, prudent, and honorable. Provision is made that the Secretary of the Treasury may sell, in his discretion, the uncoined silver bullion ; this because it will be a useless asset in the Treasury, and the government should have the benefit of the proceeds, if it can make the sale to ad- vantage; it can use the gold received in payment for it to strengthen its reserve. The gold certificates and currency cer- tificates are not to be reissued, because it is not thought to be the function of government to use its vaults as a warehouse. If banks wished the certificates for their convenience they could ap- point a trustee of their own, as is done already in some cities. The silver certificates in denominations less than ten dollars, however, are to be continued at the option of the people. This was recommended because it was believed that more silver would be used in this way than in its coin form, and that there- fore there would be less demand upon the Treasury for the re- demption of silver in gold. This provision was made for the protection of the Treasury until such time as the business of the country could easily absorb all of our silver circulation. When that time comes, if it is deemed wise, the silver certificates can be retired like the gold certificates. The next thing that was considered by the Commission was the retirement of the paper demand obligations of the govern- VOL. CLXVI.{O. 495. 12 178 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. ment, those that are technically called United States notes and Treasury notes, and it was provided that as fast as they were presented for redemption in gold they should be cancelled up to the amount of fifty millions of dollars; after that no more should be cancelled for five years except an amount equal to and not ex- ceeding the increase of national bank notes issued after the can- cellation of the fifty millions of the government notes. At the end of five years, one-fifth of the amount then outstanding shall be retired and cancelled as presented for redemption in gold each year, irrespective of the amount of bank notes that may be issued, and at the enl of ten years all that was then out- standing shall cease to have the legal tender quality. Every member of the Commission was pronounced and decided in the opinion that this provision should be made for the retire- ment of the demand obligations of the government. There was no difference of opinion whatever upon this subject. The only dis- cussion was over the means by which this should be done in order that there might be no sudden or injurious derangement of the currency or an absence of ourrency tools for the transaction of business. There was some difference of opinion as to the means taken to prevent derangement by giving goverment officers power to reissue the government notes rending the completion of this plan. There was no difference as to the desirability of the final result. The Commission could find no argument in favor of the continuance of these demand obligations which seemed to them to be of substantial weight. They did find many arguments in favor of their cancellation. The present laws leave the quality of those notes dependent on the will of the Executive; upon the quality of those notes is based the quality of all obligations contracted in business, except those specifically payable in gold, consequently almost all of our busi- ness structure is involved in the result of elections and will be, so long as these obligations remain outstanding. Business is, as it were, a wager on elections. Then, too, it is dependent upon the balance between the revenues and expenditures of the government. If the government had no demand obligations, a deficiency of revenue would be of little importance to business; it would be something that everyone would know could be easily cured by the increase of revenue or reduction of expenditures. Private credit would not be affected by it at all, and public credit hardly at all, THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. 179 probably not at all; but now a serious deficiency in revenue pro- duces uncortainty in all contracts and causes distress not only here but wherever our business and our obligations are distributed over the world. This is an intolerable condition, productive of vast loss at times and increased expense at all times. It perverts the notions of the people because it leads them to suppose that government, by investing something with the legal tender quality, can thereby give it valuea dangerous fallacy, pregnant with mis- chief but very specious. At first one supposes that the legal tender quality must give great value, for at least the thing indued with it will pay past debts, yet there have been time and again moneys invested with this quality that hare become utterly worthless, while there were plenty of past debts that could be paid with them. Men at various times in history, and a large number now in our country, have believed and do believe that the legal tender quality, the fiat, is the thing which gives chief value to money, quite oblivious of the experience of other generations with fiat money. They are theorists pure and simple and refuse to look at facts, and yet if they will theorize a little further they will see that their own theory is baseless. Out of what can the fund which will discharge past debts be accumulated? Manifestly it can only be from the profits of current transactions, and in the nature of things the proportion of past debts to current transactions must be exceedingly small. Therefore the power given to money by the legal tender quality must be exceedingly small, because that thing which will not perform the functions of money in most of the transactions of men will be of little value as money. The thing which will not give him food and shelter and clothing, in short, which will not keep him alive while his debt is accruing, is not money in any sense. The statistics of our census since 1890, which attempt to give the amount and period of the indebtedness of the country, when compared with the Clearing House transactions of a single year, show that not more than four per cent. of the transactions of that year can consist of the liquidation of debts that antedate that year, and it is well known that a large portion of the trans- actions of the people do not appear in the Clearing House ac- counts. Therefore, manifestly for both practical and theoretical reasons, it is for the benefit of the country that the demand obli- gations of the government should be retired and cancelled, and 180 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. that nothing should remain as legal tender which is dependent for its value upon anything but its own intrinsic value; that the government credit should not be used except distinctly as a credit in the shape of bonds, and that nothing should be made a legal tender which is dependent in any degree for its value upon credit. Credit, not legal tender, is that which gives the demand obligations of the government their whole value. From this general principle, of course, can safely be excepted those moneys which do the small change work of the people. The convenience which is promoted by these moneys~far overbalances any harm that can come from using the government credit to sustain them. In this category the Commission thought that under the provisions of their proposed measure the present amount of our silver dol- lars in existence could be safely included. Much is said of the importance of the quantity of money. The writer apprehends that government has very little power over the quantity of money. It has considerable power over the quality, and it can probably be stated as a maxim that the higher the quality of the circulating medium the greater will be its quantity. The circulating medium consists of money of all forms, and, in a far greater degree, of checks, credits, and even unwritten agreements between nien by which property is trans- ferred. If any portion or any one of the branches of the circu- lating medium becomes impaired in quality, the quantity of that branch will shrink in volume, and so will the quantity of all the other branches shrink in volume. For example: Let a business house fail. Of course that part of the circulating medium which consists of its credits shrink, but all other credits shrink to a greater or less degree, dependent upon the importance and signi- ficance of the failure. Not only that, but the amount of circu- lating medium in money shrinks because men hoard it. If the quality of that portion of the circulating medium composed of money is impaired in quality, the amount of money actually in circulation shrinks because men hoard the best; also that portion of the circulating medium composed of credits shrinks, for men are doubtful what their balances will be paid in and, therefore, curtail credits; so it may fairly be said that if a community wishes the maximum of quantity in circulating medium it must see to it that the maximum of quality is preserved. The final recommendations of the Commission provide a sys THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. 181 tern for issuing bank notes which will in ten years do away en- tirely with the present requirement of the deposit of bonds with the government. Substituted therefor are the united resources of all the banks that shall issue notes. As to this, too, the Commis- sion after long and careful consideration agreed unanimously without doubt or reserve. They considered the nature of the assets of the banks of the country, aud were impressed by the magnitude of the fact that these assets were secured by and based upon the active business of the country, and that their goodness was based upon that which was the condition precedent of all solvency, cor- porate and governmental; that no disaster could occur which could affect the value of notes thus secured; that no business revulsion had ever taken place in this or any other commercial community of an extent that would have impaired the value of bank notes had they been thus secured. It is conceivable that a government may become bankrupt while the great portion of the private busi- ness of its country remains solvent; this has often occurred. It is not conceivable that the bulk of the private business of a coun- try can become worthless and the government of that country remain solvent; this has never occurred. The banks are bound thus together not for the purpose of securing the individual note- holders but in order that by reason of the deficiency of a single bank discredit may not be thrown upon all bank notes. The object of this is to secure the efficiency of all the notes in the highest degree at all times and under all circumstances. This thought is worthy of consideration and is useful in showing us what government should do in this regard, and that is to try and ascertain why it is that government should interfere at all between man and man as to these small demand obligations called bank notes; why it should provide any greater safeguards for them than it does for any other obligations. Obviously the primary object is not to protect the holder of the notes from loss be- cause of the failure of the issuer of them to pay. If that was the sole object, government would grossly and unfairly discriminate between different classes of creditors. There must be some other reason which has conferred the right upon government to pecu- liarly guard bank notes. The right is acquired thus Bauk notes or those demand obligations have been found to serve the convenience of man in the transfer of property and services, but to serve that convenience in the highest degree the notes must have 182 THE NORTH AMERKYAN REVIEW. great rapidity of movement. To have this it is necessary that they should be issued under a system provided by somebody trusted and known. Government is the best person to provide this system. The system being known, the man to whom a note is offered is not obliged to learn the responsibility of the issuer of the note to determine its value; he simply need know the system under which it is issued. Government performs almost the same function in coining gold that it does when it provides a system whereunder notes can be issued to serve as currency and certifies that the notes are issued under that system. In neither case does it contribute any capital; that is contributed in both cases either by the party issuing the note or by the owner of the bullion. The government in neither case confers much benefit upon the issuer of the note or upon the owner of the bullion. Either of them could use his resources about as well without government action; but govern- ment in both cases confers a great benefit upon the community that wishes to nse either the notes or the coins, because it saves the need in the one case of ascertaining the responsibility of the note, and in the other case it saves weighing and assaying. Thus government saves time and reduces in the one case the amount of bank notes necessary to transact business, and in the other the amount of metal necessary for that purpose; it en- ables a smaller amount of capital to do a greater amount of busi- ness, and thus promotes economies that benefit all persons who are engaged in business. In order to fully comprehend the subject, it is well to con- skier how instruments like bank notes could be issued in a nat- ural way without the intervention of law. Suppose the case of a man living in a village who wished to buy the produce of the farmers in his neighborhood, he not hav- ing ready money with which to pay for the produce, but having credit with those from whom he was to purchase. He might go to the farmers, offer to purchase the butter, or cotton, or wheat, and to give his notes in payment therefor with interest, and pay- able, say, in three months. He would say to the farmer: Within that time I shall have disposed of the produce that I purchase from you and be able to meet my notes. The farmer might reply: I will be very glad to sell you my produce, but your time notes will not be convenient for me. I have my Ia- THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. 183 borers to pay; I have a number of small bills at the stores, and I wish something on hand with which to make certain purchases during the coming three months. I am willing to trust you, and all my laborers and the storekeeper will trust you, but we wish something with which to settle accounts between ourselves. (Jan you not give me your demand obligations cut up into small sums, say of one dollar, five dollars, ten dollars? If you will do this I can at once settle my obligations to my laborers, to the store, and my laborers can settle their obligations ; the convenience of all of us will be greatly served if you will do this. You will, of course, have more trouble thus than you would if you simply give us your time obligations, and you will also have to keep a certain sum of money ready to meet a portion of these demand obliga- tjons that will be presented to you earlier than the three months. Now, to compensate you for your trouble in these various ways, we will all be glad to take these obligations of yours without in- terest. The buyer of the produce would probably be glad to do this, and having done so he would not only benefit himself, but he would have served the convenience of his neighbors. When his produce was sold he would be in funds to take up all of these obligations, and the whole transaction would be completed and he would be ready to go over a like process the next year when the farmers were ready to sell. Suppose, however, that the farmers, instead of saying this to him, had said: We do not wish to trust you; but if you will buy some bonds, and put them in the hands of a trustee, we will then take your demand obligations. The buyer of the produce might well hesitate to do 14~is, for, in the first place, it would take a certain amount of capital with which to buy the bonds; he would be uncertain whether he could dispose of the bonds when the notes had returned to him, and, altogether, the trans- action would be less convenient and less serviceable to the com- munity; but, however, he might buy the bonds and put them in trust for his notes and then let the transaction go on as before. But when the notes had all been returned to him he would then have an investment in bonds at a very low rate of interest, and his temptation would be to use these notes before the time came to buy the farmers produceto use them in other ways not legitimately connected with his business. Should he do this, when the next year came he would not be in a position to i~sne his 184 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. obligations to bny the farmers produce because his obligations would be in use elsewhere. Now, permitting a bank to issue its obligations without the deposit of bonds is following the natural and simple course which such transactions would take. A deposit of bonds is obviously artificial and unnatural and less conducive to the convenience of the community than the former method; and if the former method can be so safeguarded as to make the notes issued there- under fully as safe as they would be if the bonds had been depos- ited in trust against them, then obviously the former method is better for all concerned. It is shown elsewhere that, under the system provided for binding the assets of all of the issuing banks together, the notes w9uld be as safe; so reason would seem to in- dicate that the course should be followed. The principles under which bank notes should be issued and their safety insured having been satisfactorily shown, as it seems to the writer, the only consideration that remains is as to the attitude of the banks toward the whole matter. The report of the Commis- sion shows that had all of the banks of the country issued and kept issued notes equal to 80 per cent. of their capital since the forma- tion of the national banking system, thirty-five years ago, under a plan like that proposed, the annual assessment upon them to make up loss on failed banks would have been about one-fortieth of one per cent. per annum upon their circulation. Take the worst year in the whole history of the National Banking Act, viz., 1893, not counting collections yet to be made of the assets of the banks that failed in that yearand the Comptroller reports that there will be quite large collections from that sourcethe assessment for the loss of that year would have been only one-eighth of one per cent. upon the circulation. It seems, therefore, that the dan- ger of loss to the banks entering into this mutual assurance sys- tem would be so small that its cc5nsideration may be neglected. Men apprehend, however, that under the proposed system there would be such enlarged opportunities for fraud that the danger would be much greater. Of course every safeguard should be created against fraud, and the Commission have tried to pro- pose additional safeguards which will help, but they do not feel that that subject is exhausted in their recommendations and would approve that the most thorough and stringent measures be provided. In looking over, however, the history of the THE MONETARY COMMISSION AND ITS WORK. 185 national banking system and seeing how great the opportunity for fraud is under it now, and finding how small the losses have been from that source as distinguished from misfortune or incom- petency, we are led to the conclusion that the fear of substantial loss from that cause is groundless. In a civilized country the loss from fraud is insignificant. If the disposition to fraud among business people existed in sufficient degree to cause serious loss under this system, then the community would have gone back so far toward barbarism that all business would be compelled to shrink to comparatively small proportions because of its unsafety. The committee gave careful thought to all these probabilities and dismissed the subject with the firm belief that no bank need hesitate to enter the system because of fear of loss from any cause. The profit to banks is of course considerably enhanced; it will inure chiefly to the benefit of country banks, for it is the customers of those banks that use bank not~s in the largest pro- portions. This is shown by the fact that seventy-two per cent. of all the bank notes of the country now in existence are issued by banks outside of the twenty-seven reserved cities, and that the balance, eighteen per cent., is issued by the reserved cities other than New York, Chicago, and St. Louis, and that the latter two cities only issue about one-half of one per cent., while New York issues about eight per cent. But this is only fair, for the check and deposit system which is used in the great cities is far more profitable, owing to the deposit and redeposit of loans, than the note system alone; and the latter under the present system,when money bears six per cent. interest, is not profitable at all. The Commission recommends the removal of the tax from the notes as being an unfair distribution of the expenses of the sys- tem ; it thought that it should be assessed on capital and surplns. The Commission believed that the fair and careful considera- tion of the plan proposed would lead to its general approval by business men. In this belief they returned it to the Execu- tive Committee of the Indianapolis Convention, whose efforts to secure its substantial enactment into law they hope will receive the hearty and energetic support of all the business cdmmunities of the country whose welfare is so profoundly involved in the establishment upon a safe, practicable, and permanent basis, of our whole monetary and banking system. CHARLES S. FAIRCHILD. LINCOLNS SKILL AS A LAWYER. BY JAMES L. KIIiG, STATE LIBRARIA~T, TOPEKA, KA1~SAS. THE story of Abraham Lincolns life will not be complete so long as any man lives who was personally acquainted with that great man and has neglected to make a suitable and enduring public record of all the incidents of that acquaintance. Judge Abram Bergen, a well-known attorney of Topeka, Kansas, was a citizen of Cass County in the State of Illinois at the time Lincoln resided in that locality, and had unusual oppor- tunities to study his character and to observe his methods as a lawyer long before he became famous as a statesman or political leader. For this reason, and to snpply some additional facts concerning dispnted points in Lincolns early career, his impres- sions and recollections are worth preserving. In the year 1858 Judge Bergen was just entering upon the practice of law in one of the circuits frequently visited by Mr. Lincoln. Here it was the young attorneys privilege to meet him in the courts of five counties, and to carefully note his every word and movement in several important trials, as well as to enjoy many delightful evenings in his society at the varions country taverns. This was nearly forty years ago, but he retains a vivid remembrance of all these events, and of the personal appearance and characteristics of the tall, thin, bony, and altogether un- graceful-looking man who became the head of a great party, the liberator of an enslaved race, and a central figure in history. I have read all the descriptions of Lincolns remarkable face, said Judge Bergen to the writer, and examined all his portraits as they have appeared in magazines and elsewhere, but to my mind none of them conveys a perfect idea of the irregular- ity of his features. Studying his face directly from the side, the lowest part of his forehead projected beyond the eyes to a greater

LINCOLNS SKILL AS A LAWYER. BY JAMES L. KIIiG, STATE LIBRARIA~T, TOPEKA, KA1~SAS. THE story of Abraham Lincolns life will not be complete so long as any man lives who was personally acquainted with that great man and has neglected to make a suitable and enduring public record of all the incidents of that acquaintance. Judge Abram Bergen, a well-known attorney of Topeka, Kansas, was a citizen of Cass County in the State of Illinois at the time Lincoln resided in that locality, and had unusual oppor- tunities to study his character and to observe his methods as a lawyer long before he became famous as a statesman or political leader. For this reason, and to snpply some additional facts concerning dispnted points in Lincolns early career, his impres- sions and recollections are worth preserving. In the year 1858 Judge Bergen was just entering upon the practice of law in one of the circuits frequently visited by Mr. Lincoln. Here it was the young attorneys privilege to meet him in the courts of five counties, and to carefully note his every word and movement in several important trials, as well as to enjoy many delightful evenings in his society at the varions country taverns. This was nearly forty years ago, but he retains a vivid remembrance of all these events, and of the personal appearance and characteristics of the tall, thin, bony, and altogether un- graceful-looking man who became the head of a great party, the liberator of an enslaved race, and a central figure in history. I have read all the descriptions of Lincolns remarkable face, said Judge Bergen to the writer, and examined all his portraits as they have appeared in magazines and elsewhere, but to my mind none of them conveys a perfect idea of the irregular- ity of his features. Studying his face directly from the side, the lowest part of his forehead projected beyond the eyes to a greater LINCOLNS SKILL AS A LAWYER. 187 distance than I have ever observed in any other person. In the court room, while waiting for the celebrated Armstrong case to be called for trial, I looked at him closely for full two hours, and was so struck by this peculiarity of his profile that I remember to have estimated that his forehead protruded more than two inches, and then retreated about twenty-five degrees from the perpendicular until it reached a usual height in a straight line above his eyes. During the two hours referred to Lincoln sat with his head thrown back, his steady gaze apparently fixed upon one spot of the blank ceiling, entirely oblivious to what was happening about him, and without a single variation of feature or noticeable movement of any muscle of his face. But when he began to talk his eyes brightened perceptibly, and every facial movement seemed to emphasize his feeling and add expression to his thoughts. Then vanished all consciousness of his uncouth ap- pearance, his awkward manner, or even his high-keyed, unpleas- ant voice, and it required an extraordinary effort of the will to divert attention to the man, so concentrated was every mind upon what he was saying. In the opinion of the judges and practitioners with whom Lincoln was associated during his quarter of a century at the bar his most prominent characteristic was his rare faculty for detect- ing and disclosing the controlling point in a legal battle. But not less than this was his clear, full, orderly, and accurate state- ment of a case; always so fair and logical that it was often said that after Lincoln had summed up the important facts in a con- troversy there was but little occasion for argument on either side. He habitually employed at the bar the same care and skill in the use of words and the expression of ideas which he so often afterward exhibitod when called to a higher field of labor; in- stances of which are seen in all his state papers, and in the changes for the better which he made in the writings of his scholarly Sec- retary of State, particularly in the correspondence relative to the Trent affair, which probably avoided a war with England. A fine example of the grandeur of his diction is to be found in his Get- tysbnrg address~ which has a permanent place in the literature of the world. Many of Lincolns biographers contend that he was slow in thinking. According to Judge Bergens estimate this was only 188 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. seeming. He thought vigorously and thoroughly, but did not speak quickly. In reality his hesitation was only the result of his great care always to know his ground. His habit was, before speaking or acting, to deliberately look through, around, and be- yond every fact, statement, or proposition involved, and subject it to his wonderful powers of perception and analysis. This re- quired time, but it made him successful in every important un- dertaking. While he thought much, he could not truthfully be called a great reader. He knew thoroughly the works of Coke, Blackstone, Stephen, Chitty, Starkey, and later Greenleafs Evidence and Storys Eqnity. He gave but little time to search- ing for precedents, or studying what is called case law. When he first engaged in legal work there were but few text-books or Supreme Court reports, and only three Illinois reports. There are now of that court alone l~32 volumes, and of the Court of Appeals 62 volumes, a total of 224 Illinois reportsmore thaTi eleven times the number in existence at the time he quit the practice of law. On the circuit Lincoln cited but few authorities in the argu- ment of a legal proposition. The old maxim, he knows not the law who knows not the reason for the law, did not apply to him. He stated the rule clearly, fully, and logically, giving the reason as forcibly as it appears in the writings of the masters of jurisprudence; and, without having seen a decision on the disputed point, generally reached the same correct conclusion as the Supreme Courts that sat near large libraries, having the help of elaborate briefs, and with ample time to examine other and similar cases. Avoiding deception in fact, argument, or law, with his clear vision and accurate reasoning powers, and fairness and thor- oughness of statement, he had the respectful confidence of the judges to a remarkable degree. It was easily seen and felt on the circuit that Lincoln did not need to produce opinions as author-; ity, but the presumption was tnat the Court would be inclined to agree with him on nearly every proposition he made, unless his opponent should produce a case directly in point against him. Even then the remark was not unusual from the bench that if the question had been original in that court the decision might have been different. By a small class of habitual litigants, and by some political opponents, Mr. Lincoln was often referred to as a third-rate law- LINCOLNS SKILL AS A LAWYER. 189 yer. It is not an uncommon impression that a perfect lawyer ought to be able to win any case, good or bad; and a lawyers skill is not infrequently measured by his success in defending the wrong. But in all the books and articles that have treated of Lincoln it has never been suggested that he ever lost a just causewhere any lawyer ought to have succeeded. Where he could he made a very careful examination before going into triM, or even before agreeing to go into trial. If from such preliminary investigation he saw that the law or facts placed his client at a disadvantage, a settlement was recommended. If this were im- possible, Lincoln usually managed to get out of the trial by turn- ing the case over to his partner, Judge Stephen T. Logan, or afterward to William H. ilerudon, who could be equally as skillful, intense, eloquent, pathetic, and vehement on the wrong side as the right. If, however, by a misrepresentation of the facts or otherwise Mr. Lincoln got into the trial of a cause where- in he became satisfied his client was in the wrong, he appeared very weak, spiritless, and destitute of resources. But if con- vinced of the justice and righteousness of his side of the contro- versy, and with time for mature thought, he went into and through the trial with a buoyant, unflinching courage and match- less power. Lincolns tact was remarkable. He carefully st*~4ied and thought out the best way of saying everything, as well as th~ sub- stance of what he should say. Every important thing he saidior did was the result of great deliberation, although the casual ob- server might have gained the impression that many things were entirely impromptu. This was especially true in jury trials, in all of which he managed at some time to say or do some very pe- culiar thing, or some common thing in a very peculiar manner. While the jury might have thought this to have come to him on the spur of the moment, usually it came at the critical point of his case, directing attention to that which he desired should be mosVprominent, and impressing it on every mind. Other law- yers always expected such a feature, and were afraid of it. They felt sure it would appear in every case, but never could tell be- forehand just where it would strike. Sometimes he seemed to take a delight in expressly conceding to his opponent every prop- osition and fact which his own client or the spectators thought to be in his favor, and then, to the surprise of all, taking some un 190 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. expected but firm and impregnable position which controlled and won the case. An interesting personal and court reminiscence is thus stated by Judge Bergen: The first time I saw Lincoln as a lawyer was in the old Morgan County Conr.t-House, at Jacksonville, when he was defending Colonel Dunlap, a wealthy, aristocratic Democrat, in an action for $10,000 damages, brought against him by the editor of what was then called the abolition paper. The action grew out of a deliberately-planned and severe cowhiding administered by the Colonel to the editor, on a bright Saturday afternoon, in the public square, in the presence of hundreds of the town and country people whom the Colonel desired to witness that novel and exciting performance. Besides local counsel, the editor had employed Ben. Edwards, who was the most noted for eloquence of all the Democratic lawyers in the State. Colonel Dunlap retained Lincoln as one of his lawyers for the defence. I ran off from my recitations for the sole purpose of hear- ing Lincoln. Edwards used all the arts of the orator and advo- cate. He pictured, until it could almost be felt, the odium and disgrace to the editor, which he declared were worse than death. He wept, and made the jury and spectators weep. The feelings of those in the court-house was roused to the highest pitch of indignation against the perpetrator of such an outrage. It was felt that all the Colonels fortune could not compensate for the lawless indignity, and that the editor would in all probability recover the full $10,000. No possible defence or palliation existed. Before all eyes were dried, it was Lincolns turn to speak. He dragged his feet off the table, on the top of which they had been resting, set them on the floor, gradually lifted up and straightened out his great length of legs and body, and took off his coat. While removing his coat it was noticed by all present that his eyes were intently fixed upon something on the table be- fore him. He picked up the object, a paper, scrutinized it closely, and, without uttering a word, indulged in a long, loud laugh, accompanied by his most wonderfully grotesque facial ex- pression. There was never anything like the laugh or the ex- pression. It was magnetic. The whole audience grinned. Then he laid the paper down slowly, took off his cravat, again picked up the paper, re-examined it, and repeated the laugh. It was LINCOLNS SKILL AS A LAWYER. 191 contagious. He then deliberately removed his vest, showing his one yarn suspender, took up the paper, again looked at it cnn-. onsly, and again indulged in his peculiar laugh. Its effect was absolutely irresistible. The usually solemn and dignified Judge Woodson, members of the jury, and the whole audience joined in the merriment, and all this before Lincoln had spoken a single word. When the laughter had subsided, he apologized to the Court for his seemingly rude behavior and explained that the amount of damages claimed by the editor was at first written $1,000. He supposed the plaintiff afterwards had taken a second look at the Colonels pile, and concluded that the wounds to his honor were worth an additional $9,000, The result was to at once destroy the effect of Edwardss tears, pathos, towering indignation and high-wrought eloquence, and to render improbable a verdict for more than $1,000. Lincoln immediately and fully admitted that the plaintiff was entitled to a judgment for some amount, argued in mitigation of damages, told a funny story applicable to the peculiar nature of the case, and specially urged the jury to agree upon some amount. The verdict was for a few hundred dollars, and was entirely satisfactory to Lincolns client. It is the judgment of every man who has written or spoken of Lincoln that the most pervading and dominant element of his character was his love of truth; not merely the moral avoidance of a falsehood, but truth in its most comprehensive sense; cor- rectuess and accuracy in fact, in science, in law, in business, in personal intercourse, and in every field. All his biographers at- tribute this quality to him, and it is in this connection that Judge Bergen contributes a new chapter to the volumes of conteinpo- raneous testimony intended to faithfully chronicle his life and work. In the index to the American edition of an English law book is found this line: Lincoln, President, Abraham, how he pro- cured an acquittal by a fraud, 269 ii. The text of the note re- ferred to is as follows: In Lamons life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 827, an account is given of Mr. Lincolns defence of ~ man named Armstrong, under Indictment for mur- der. The evidence against the prisoner was very strong. But, says the biog- rapher, the witness whose testimony bore hardest upon Armstrong swore that the crime was committed about eleven oclock at night, and that he saw the blow struck by the light of a moon nearly full. Here Mr. Lincoln 192 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. saw his opportunity. He handed to an officer of the court an almanac, and told him to give it back to him when he should call for it in the pres- ence of the ~ ary. It was an almanac of the year previous to the murder. Mr. Lincoln made the closing argument for the defence, and in the words of Mr. Lamon, in due time he called for the almanac, and easily proved by it that at the time the main witness declared the moon was shining in great splendor, there was in fact no moon at all, but black darkness over the whole scene. In the roar of laughter and undisguised astonishment suc~ ceeding this apparent demonstration, court, jury, and counsel forgot to ex- amine that seemingly conclusive almanac, and let it pass without question concerning its genuineness. This story Judge Bergen pronounced to be absolutely untrue, and gives a full account of all the circumstances of the trial in which the almanac incident occurred. Although the case awakened intense local interest, as every murder case does, it be- came widely celebrated only through the fact that a man so dis- tinguished as Lincoln appeared in it as an advocate. All the larger biographies refer to it: Lamon, Arnold, Herudon, Hay and Nicolay, and recently Miss Tarbell in ItfcGlures ilfagcezine. Mr. Edward Eggleston in his novel, The Graysons, most effec- tively makes the use by Mr. Lincoln of an almanac the climax of his story. In the St. Louis Globe Democrat of September 15, 1895, a correspondent writing from the town of Virginia, Ill.. to which the county.seat of Cass County had then been removed, said: The old court-house in Beardstown still stands. It was in this edifice that Lincoln used a doctored almanac in defense of Duff Armstrong for murder. This was republished in the Vir- ginia Gazette, and widely copied in the country press. The homicide took place in Mason County, in the purliens of a camp meeting, where the rowdy elements from country and town for forty miles around had established their headquarters for gambling, horse-racing, whiskey-selling, cock-fighting and other associate vices. The religious camp-meeting people and the rough element, who together then constituted a majority of the inhabitants of that region, determined that every person sus- pected of connection with the crime should be punished; the former in orderthat their good name might be preserved, and the latter that the death of a leader of their party should be avenged. One man had been convicted and sent to the peniten- tiary for complicity in the crime. Armstrong, jointly indicted with him, obtained a change of venue to Cass County. The trial, continues Judge Bergen, occurred at the first LINCOLNS SKILL AS A LAWYER. 193 term of court which I attended after my admission to the bar. I had an intense desire to learn how good lawyers examined wit- nesses, and especially to see and hear all of a trial conducted by counsel so eminent. Particularly was my closest attention di- rected to Mr. Lincoln and to every word and movement of his from the time he entered the court room until he took his de- parture. During the entire trial I was seated in the bar behind the attorneys for the State and those for the defendant, not more than four feet from any one of them, and noticed everything with the deepest interest, as any young lawyer naturally would. During the introduction of the evidence Mr. Lincoln re- marked to the judge that he supposed the court would take judi- cial notice of the almanac; but in order that there might be no question on that point he offered it as a part of the evidence for the defence, the court accepting it and remarking that any one might nse the almanac in the progress of the argument. Lincoln, with his usual care, had brought with him from Springfield the almanac then regarded as the standard in that region. At a re- cess of the court he took it from his capacious hat and gave it to the sheriff, Dick, with the request that it should be returned to him when he called for it. In the succeeding campaign the Demo- crats induced Sheriff Dick to make an affidavit that he did not notice the year covered by the almanac, and this is taken by some as conclusive evidence that Lincoln intended to deceive. The only object was to break the monotony of his a