January 1790

Friday first. The Vice-President, the Governor—the Senators, Members of the House of Representatives in Town—Foreign public characters and all the respectable Citizens came between the hours of 12 & 3 Oclock to pay the complimts. of the Season to me—and in the Afternoon a great number of Gentlemen & Ladies visited Mrs. Washington on the same occasion.

Abigail Adams noted that New Year's Day “in this state, & particularly in this city is celebrated with every mark of pleasure and satisfaction. The shops and publick offices are shut. There is not any market upon this day, but every person laying aside Buisness devote[ s ] this day to the social purpose of visiting & receiving visits” (Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, 5 Jan. 1790, MITCHELL, 34).

Saturday 2d. Exercised in the Carriage with Mrs. Washington. Read the report of the Secretary of the Treasury respecting the State of his Department & proposed plans of Finance. Drank Tea at the Chief Justice's of the U. States.

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY: In Sept. 1789 the House of Representatives, considering “an adequate provision for the support of the public credit, as a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity,” had directed Alexander Hamilton to prepare a report on the state of public credit (HOUSE JOURNAL, 1:117). During the succeeding months Hamilton obtained extensive information on the current financial situation of the United States, but the final report went far beyond the original intentions of Congress. Drawing heavily upon precedent and writings on public finance, Hamilton included a sweeping and controversial plan for the reestablishment of public credit by providing for funding the public debt through an orderly system of collecting duties on imports and tonnage—implemented by duties on imported wines, spirits, coffee, and tea and on domestically distilled spirits. The plan also included federal assumption of debts contracted by the states during the Revolution. Hamilton's “Report Relative to a Provision for the Support of Public Credit,” 9 Jan. 1790, was presented to the House of Representatives on 14 Jan. 1790 (HOUSE JOURNAL, l:141). The report is in HAMILTON [2], 6:51–168.

Sunday 3d. Went to St. Pauls Chapel.

Monday 4th. Informed the President of the Senate, and Speaker the Ho. of Representatives that I had some Oral communications 0022 2 to make to Congress when each House had a Quoram, and desired to be informed thereof—and of the time & place they would receive them.

Walked round the Battery in the afternoon.

Received a Report from the Secretary at War respecting the State of the Frontiers and Indian Affairs, with other matters which I ordered to be laid before Congress as part of the Papers which will be referred to in my Speech to that body.

In the first line of this entry “Senate” reads “Sentate” in the MS. A letterbook copy of GW's letter of this date to Congress is in DLC:GW. The second session of the First Congress had opened today, but the House of Representatives did not have a quorum until 7 Jan.; the Senate assembled a quorum on 6 Jan. On 6 and 7 Jan. the Senate and House appointed a committee “to wait on the President of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses has assembled, and will be ready, in the senate-chamber, at such time as he shall appoint, to receive any communications which he may think proper to make” (DE PAUW, 1:213–14, 3:250–51). The “Oral communications” were GW's first annual message to Congress. REPORT: Knox's report, which included “a general statement of the Indian Department, and of the Southwestern frontiers,” 4 Jan. 1790, is in ASP, INDIAN AFF., 1:59–80. GW sent it to the Senate and House of Representatives on 12 Jan. 1790.

Tuesday 5th. Several Members of Congress called in the forenoon to pay their respects on their arrival in Town hut though a respectable Levee at the usual hour, three Oclock the Visitors were not numerous.

Wednesday 6th. Sat from half after 8 oclock till 10 for the Portrait Painter, Mr. Savage, to finish the Picture of me which he had begun for the University of Cambridge.

In the Afternoon walked round the Battery.

Miss Anne Brown stayed here on a visit to Mrs. Washington to a family dinner.

MR. SAVAGE: See entry for 21 Dec. 1789.

Thursday 7th. About One Oclock recd. a Committee from both Houses of Congress informing me that each had made a House and would be ready at any time I should appoint to receive the Communications I had to make in the Senate Chamber. Named to morrow 11 oclock for this purpose.

The following Gentlemen dined here—viz.—Messrs. Langdon, Wingate, Strong and Few of the Senate—The Speaker, Genl. Muhlenberg and Scott of Pensylvania—Judge Livermore and 0023 3 Foster of New Hampshire—Aimes & Thatcher & Goodhue of Massachusetts Mr. Burke of So. Carolina & Mr. Baldwin of Georgia.

COMMITTEE FROM BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS: See entry for 4 Jan. 1790. The committee consisted of Nicholas Gilman, Fisher Ames, and Joshua Seney from the House and Caleb Strong and Ralph Izard from the Senate (DE PAUW, 1:214–15). Caleb Strong (1745–1819), a native of Northampton, Mass., graduated from Harvard in 1764 and was admitted to the Massachusetts bar in 1772. He was a member of the Constitutional Convention and the Massachusetts Ratifying Convention and was elected as a Federalist to the Senate in 1789. THE SPEAKER: Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg (1750–1801), United States congressman from Pennsylvania, was speaker of the House of Representatives during the First and Third congresses. His brother, John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg (1746–1807), who served as a brigadier general in the Continental Army 1777–83, had also been elected to Congress from Pennsylvania in 1789. Thomas Scott (1739–1796) practiced law in Westmoreland County, Pa., and held a number of local offices in Pennsylvania before and during the Revolution. He was serving as justice of Washington County, Pa., when he was elected a member of the state's Ratifying Convention in 1787. Samuel Livermore (1732–1803) was born in Waltham, Mass., graduated from Princeton in 1752, and was admitted to the Massachusetts bar in 1756. He moved to New Hampshire in 1758, where he held several local offices and was elected to the Continental Congress 1780–82, 1785. Livermore was a member of the New Hampshire Ratifying Convention in 1788. He was chief justice of the state supreme court from 1782 until 1789 when he was elected to the House of Representatives. Abiel Foster (1735–1806) of New Hampshire was born in Andover, Mass., and graduated from Harvard in 1756. Foster was ordained a minister in 1761 and served as pastor of a church in Canterbury, N.H., from that year until 1779. From 1783 to 1785 he was a member of the Continental Congress and was judge of the court of common pleas, Rockingham County, N.H., 1784–88. He was elected to the First Congress in 1789. Fisher Ames (1758–1808), one of the administration's principal supporters in Congress, was a native of Dedham, Mass., graduated from Harvard in 1774, and was admitted to the Massachusetts bar in 1781. In 1788 he was a member of the Massachusetts Ratifying Convention and in 1789 was elected as a Federalist to the First Congress. George Thacher (1754–1824), a 1776 graduate of Harvard, was admitted to the Massachusetts bar in 1778 and began the practice of law in the District of Maine in the same year. He served in the Continental Congress in 1787 and was elected to the House of Representatives as a Federalist in 1789. Aedanus Burke (1743–1802), a native of Ireland, was educated in France and immigrated to South Carolina before the Revolution. During the Revolution he held a number of military and legal positions under the state government and was a member of the state legislature 1779–87. He opposed adoption of the Constitution in the South Carolina Ratifying Convention and was an outspoken critic of the Society of the Cincinnati. A representative of 0024 4 South Carolina backwoods democracy, he remained suspicious of the powers of the new government, particularly those of the executive.

Friday 8th. According to appointment, at 11 Oclock I set out for the City Hall in my Coach—preceeded by Colonel Humphreys and Majr. Jackson in Uniform (on my two White Horses) & followed by Mesr. Lear & Nelson in my Chariot & Mr. Lewis on Horse back following them. In their rear was the Chief Justice of the United States & Secretaries of the Treasury and War Departments in their respective Carriages and in the order they are named. At the outer door of the Hall I was met by the Doorkeepers of the Senate and House and conducted to the Door of the Senate Chamber; and passing from thence to the Chair through the Senate on the right, & House of representatives on the left, I took my Seat. The Gentlemen who attended me followed & took their stand behind the Senators; the whole rising as I entered. After being seated, at which time the members of both Houses also sat, I rose (as they also did) and made my Speech; delivering one Copy to the President of the Senate & another to the Speaker of the House of Representatives—after which, and being a few moments seated, I retired, bowing on each side to the Assembly (who stood) as I passed, and dessending to the lower Hall attended as before, I returned with them to my House.

In the Evening, a great number of Ladies, and many Gentlemen visited Mrs. Washington.

On this occasion I was dressed in a suit of Clothes made at the Woolen Manufactury at Hartford as the Buttons also were.

Robert Lewis was the son of Fielding Lewis and GW's sister Betty Washington Lewis. He was brought up at Kenmore, the Lewis home in Fredericksburg, and educated at the academy there. In Mar. 1789 GW wrote his sister: “Since you were speaking to me concerning your Son Bob, I have thought it probable that I may have occasion for a young person in my family of a good disposition, who writes a good hand. . . . If Bob is of opinion that this employment will suit his inclination, and he will take his chance for the allowance that will be made (which cannot be great) as there are hundreds who would be glad to come in, I should be very glad to give him the preference.” The 19-year-old Robert accepted eagerly (GW to Betty Lewis, 15 Mar. 1789, DLC:GW; Robert Lewis to GW, 18 Mar. 1789, Scribners Monthly Mag., 14 [1877], 73). Since Mrs. Washington did not leave Mount Vernon for New York City until mid-May, Robert was instructed by his uncle to accompany her on her journey to the capital (GW to Lewis, 24 Mar. 1789, NN: Washington Collection; Robert Lewis's diary, “A Journey from Fredericksburg Virginia to New York,” 13–20 May 1789, ViMtV). Lewis remained with GW as one of his secretaries until 1791 when he resigned to return to Fredericksburg and marry Judith Carter Browne (1773–1830), daughter of William Burnet and Judith Carter Browne of Elsing Green, King 0025 5 William County (Lewis to GW, 10 Jan. 1791, ViHi). After his return to Virginia he acted as GW's agent in the management of portions of GW's western lands and served several terms as mayor of Fredericksburg (GW to Robert Lewis, 15 Oct. 1791, DLC:GW; SORLEY, 229–33). A letterbook copy of GW's first annual address to Congress is in DLC:GW. See also WRITINGS, 30:491–95. William Maclay, who was present in the Senate chamber, noted: “All this morning nothing but bustle about the Senate chamber in hauling chairs and removing tables. The President was dressed in a second mourning, and read his speech well. The Senate, headed by their Vice-President, were on his right. The House of Representatives, with their Speaker, were on his left. His family with the heads of departments attended. The business was soon over and the Senate were left alone. The speech was committed rather too hastily, as Mr. [ Pierce ] Butler thought, who made some remarks on it, and was called to order by the Chair. He resented the call, and some altercation ensued” (MACLAY, 170). The Pennsylvania Packet, 13 Jan. 1790, noted that “the doors of the Senate Chamber were open, and many citizens admitted.” SUIT OF CLOTHES: The Pennsylvania Packet for 14 Jan. 1790 noted: “The President of the United States, when he addressed the two Houses of Congress yesterday, was dressed in a crow-coloured suit of clothes, of American manufacture: The cloth appeared to be of the finest texture—the colour of that beautiful changeable blue, remarked in shades not quite black. This elegant fabric was from the manufactory in Hartford.”

Saturday 9th. Exercised with Mrs. Washington and the Children in the Coach the 14 Miles round.

In the Afternoon walked round the Battery.

For the fourteen miles round, see entry for 12 Dec. 1789.

Sunday 10th. Went to St. Pauls Chapel in the forenoon. Wrote private letters in the Afternoon for the Southern Mail.

Monday 11th. Sent my Instructions to the Commissioners (appointed to Negotiate a Treaty with the Creek Indians) with the report of their proceedings, to the Senate by the Secretary at War previous to their being laid before them and the other House in their Legislative Capacities.

Also communicated to both Houses, transcripts of the adoption & ratification of the New Constitution by the State of No. Carolina with Copies of the Letter from His Excellency Saml. Johnson President of the Convention, enclosing the same. These were sent by my private Secretary Mr. Lear.

For the commissioners appointed to negotiate with the Creek, see entries for 16 and 23 Nov. 1789. GW's letter to the Senate, 11 Jan. 1790, stating that he would instruct Knox to report on the results of the commissioners' negotiations, and his letter of 12 Jan. to the Senate and House enclosing Knox's report on the proceedings, with additional recommendations on Indian affairs in general, are in ASP, INDIAN AFF., 1:59–80. 0026 6 The North Carolina Ratifying Convention met in the summer of 1789 and ratified the Constitution in November of that year. Copies of the letter dated 4 Dec. 1789 to GW from Samuel Johnston (1733–1816) and of North Carolina's instrument of ratification are in DNA: RG 46, Entry 5. Johnston had been elected as a Federalist to the United States Senate in 1789.

Tuesday 12th. Exercised on Horse-back between 10 and 12, the riding bad.

Previous to this, I sent written Messages to both Houses of Congress informing them, that the Secretary at War would lay before them a full & complete Statement of the business as it respected the Negotiation with the Creek Indians—My Instructions to, and the Commissioners report of their proceedings with those People. The letters and other papers respecting depredations on the Western Frontiers of Virginia, & District of Kentucky All of which was for their full information, but communicated in confidence & under injunction that no Copies be taken, or communications made of such parts as ought to be kept secret.

About two Oclock a Committee of the Senate waited on me with a copy of their Address, in answr. to my Speech, and requesting

Federal Hall and Wall Street, 1798; a watercolor by Archibald Robertson. (New-York Historical Society)

0027 7 to know at what time and place it should be presented I named my own House, and thursday next at 11 Oclock for the purpose.

Just before Levee hour a Committee from the House of Representatives called upon me to know when & where they shd. deliver their Address. I named Twelve oclock on thursday, but finding it was there wish that it should be presented at the Federal hall, and offering to surrender the Representatives Chamber for this purpose by retiring into one of the Committee Rooms & there waiting untill I was ready to receive it I would consider on the place, and let them know my determination before the Houses should sit tomorrow.

A respectable, though not a full Levee to day.

NEGOTIATION WITH THE CREEK INDIANS: See entry for 11 Jan. 1790. MY SPEECH: See entry for 8 Jan. 1790.

Wednesday 13th. After duly considering on the place for receiving the address of the House of Representatives, I concluded, that it would be best to do it at my own House—first, because it seems most consistent with usage & custom—2d. because there is no 3d. place in the Fedl. Hall ( prepared ) to which I could call them, & to go into either of the Chambers appropriated to the Senate or Representatives, did not appear proper; and 3d. because I had appointed my own House for the Senate to deliver theirs in and, accordingly, appointed my own House to receive it.

Thursday 14th. At the hours appointed, the Senate & House of representatives presented their respective Addresses—The Members of both coming in Carriages and the latter with the Mace preceeding the Speaker. The Address of the Senate was presented by the Vice-President and that of the House by the Speaker thereof.

The following Gentlemen dined here to day. viz.

Messrs. Henry & Maclay of the Senate and Messrs. Wadsworth, Trumbull, Floyd, Boudinot, Wynkoop, Seney, Page, Lee, & Mathews of the House of Representatives and Mr. John Trumbull.

John Henry (1750–1798), a Dorchester County, Md., lawyer, graduated from Princeton in 1769 and studied law at the Middle Temple in London. Returning to Maryland in 1775, he served in the General Assembly and from 1778 to 1781 was a Maryland delegate to the Continental Congress where he made a vigorous effort to secure supplies and recruits for the army. He again served in the Continental Congress 1784–87 and was elected to the 0028 8 United States Senate in 1789, serving until he resigned in 1797 to become governor of Maryland. Sen. William Maclay described this dinner in his diary: “Dined this day with the President. It was a great dinner—all in the taste of high life. . . . The President is a cold, formal man; but I must declare that he treated me with great attention. I was the first person with whom he drank a glass of wine. I was often spoken to by him. Yet he knows how rigid a republican I am. I cannot think he considers it worth while to soften me” (MACLAY, 172–73). William Maclay (1737–1804), Antifederalist senator from Pennsylvania, served on the Forbes expedition during the French and Indian War and later studied law. Admitted to the Pennsylvania bar in 1760, he held a number of local positions during and after the Revolution. He was elected to the Senate in 1789 and served until Mar. 1791. During this time he became something of a gadfly; his journal records his outraged disapproval of what he considered the aristocratic pomp surrounding GW's administration. GW's former aide-de-camp Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., was elected as a Federalist representative from Connecticut to the First Congress. William Floyd (1734–1821), a native of Brookhaven, Long Island, N.Y., was a major general in the New York militia and a member of the New York legislature 1777–78, 1784–88. A signer of the Declaration of Independence, he served in the Continental Congress 1774–83. Elias Boudinot (1740–1821), a member of a prominent colonial family, studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1760. One of New Jersey's leading lawyers, he was active in Patriot circles before and during the Revolution and was a member of the Continental Congress 1777, 1778, 1781–83, acting as president 1782–83. GW had frequent contacts with him while Boudinot was commissary of prisoners during the Revolution. He was an active supporter of the Constitution during the ratification process in New Jersey and after his election to Congress in 1789 became a stalwart supporter of most administration measures in the House of Representatives. Henry Wynkoop (1737–1816) of Bucks County, Pa., a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly 1760–61, held a number of local judicial posts in Pennsylvania before and during the Revolution and served in the Continental Congress 1779–83. He was justice of the Pennsylvania High Court of Errors and Appeals from 1783 to 1789 and was elected to the First Congress from Pennsylvania in 1789. Joshua Seney (1756–1798), a 1773 graduate of the University of Pennsylvania, practiced law in Queen Anne's County, Md., and was a member of the Continental Congress 1787–88. He was elected to the First Congress from Maryland in 1789. John Page of Rosewell was elected in 1789 as congressman from Virginia. Page, a noted amateur astronomer (see entry for 15 June 1774) served in the Virginia legislature during and after the Revolution and as governor of Virginia 1802–5. In 1789 Page married Margaret Lowther, daughter of William Lowther of Scotland. Richard Bland Lee had been elected from Virginia to the First Congress. George Mathews (1739–1812), a native of Augusta County, Va., was colonel successively of the 9th and 3d Virginia regiments during the Revolution. After the war he settled in Oglethorpe County, Ga., and was elected governor of that state in 1787. He represented Georgia in Congress 1789–91 and was again governor of the state 1793–96. 0029 9 John Trumbull (1756–1843) was the youngest son of Gov. Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut and a brother of GW's former aide-de-camp Jonathan Trumbull, Jr. He showed a precocious ability in painting, but upon his father's insistence he attended Harvard, from which he graduated in 1773. At the outbreak of the Revolution Trumbull served as one of GW's aides but soon sought a more active command. He saw action as a major at Dorchester Heights and in June 1776 was appointed deputy adjutant to Horatio Gates. In 1778 he served as aide to John Sullivan in the Rhode Island campaign. In May 1780 he went to London where he studied painting briefly with Benjamin West. In Nov. 1780 he was arrested by British authorities under suspicion of treason but was soon released. He then went to France where he produced a painting of GW which was widely copied. Returning to the United States, he assisted his brother Joseph in supplying the army 1782–83. In 1783 he again went to Europe where he spent the next five years recording on canvas the events of the American Revolution. After returning to the United States in Dec. 1789, he began several portraits of GW and in Aug. 1790 wrote West: “I have several small portraits of the President . . . one in particular which I have done for Mrs. Washington a full length about 20 Inches hight . . . is thought very like—& I have Been tempted to disobey one of your injunctions & to attempt a large Portrait of him for this City which I am now finishing—the figure is near seven feet high compos'd with a Horse, & the back ground the evacuation of this Place by the British at the Peace:—the Harbour & Fleet with a Part of the fortifications & Ruins of the Town:—How I have succeeded I hardly dare judge:—the World have approved the resemblance” (TRUMBULL [2], 326).

Friday 15th. Snowing all day—but few Ladies and Gentlemen as visitors this Evening to Mrs. Washington.

Saturday 16th. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington & the two Children abt. 12 Oclock.

Sent the Report of the Post Master Genl. relative to the necessary changes in that Office to the Secretary of the Treasury that it may be laid before Congress—or such parts thereof as may be necessary for their Information.

The report of Postmaster General Samuel Osgood was probably a draft of Osgood's report on the state of the Post Office Department, including his suggestions for improvement of services and revenues. The final version was sent to Hamilton by Osgood, 20 Jan. 1790, and is in ASP, POST OFFICE, 5–7. The secretary of the treasury sent the report to the House of Representatives on 22 Jan. 1790 (De PAUW, 3:270).

Sunday 17th. At home all day—not well.

Monday 18th. Still indisposed with an Aching tooth, and swelled and inflamed Gum.

Tuesday 19th. Not much company at the Levee to day—but the Visitors were respectable.

0030 10

“Lady Washington's Reception,” or “The Republican Court,” painted in 1876 by Daniel Huntington. (Brooklyn Museum, gift of the Crescent-Hamilton Athletic Club)

Wednesday 20th. A Report from the Secretary at War, on the Subject of a National Militia altered agreeably to the ideas I had communicated to him was presented to me, in order to be laid before Congress.

See entries for 18 and 19 Dec. 1789. On 18 Jan. 1790 Knox submitted his completed report containing detailed plans and estimates of expenses for erecting a militia system “adequate to the probable exigencies of the United States, whether arising from internal or external causes.” Knox's letter and report are in ASP, MILITARY AFF., 1:6–13. GW submitted it to Congress on 21 Jan. 1790 (DLC:GW).

Thursday 21st. The above report was accordingly transmitted to both houses of Congress by the Secretary at War in a written message from me.

The following Gentlemen dined here—viz.—Messrs. Elsworth, Patterson, Elmer Bassett and Hawkins of the Senate and Messrs. Sherman, Cadwalader, Clymer, Hartley, Heister, Smith (Maryland) & Jackson of the House of Representatives and Major Meridith, Treasurer of the United States.

0031 11 William Paterson (1745–1806) was born in Ireland and came to America with his parents in 1747. The family settled first in Pennsylvania, moved to Connecticut, and then to New Jersey where William graduated from Princeton in 1763 and was admitted to the New Jersey bar in 1768. During the Revolution he held a number of state positions including that of attorney general 1776–83. He vigorously supported the making of the new Constitution at the Federal Convention in Philadelphia in 1787, while representing the interests of the small states. On 15 June 1787 he introduced the “New Jersey Plan,” which provided for a unicameral legislature in which each state would have one vote. He was elected as a Federalist to the Senate from New Jersey in 1789, but upon the death of New Jersey Gov. William Livingston in 1790, Paterson was chosen to succeed him as governor of the state by the New Jersey legislature. Jonathan Elmer (1745–1817) was born in Cedarville, N.J., graduated in medicine from the University of Pennsylvania in 1769, and set up a medical practice in Bridgeton, N.J. He served in the Continental Congress 1776–78, 1781–84, 1787–88 and in 1789 was elected as a Federalist to the United States Senate. Richard Bassett (1745–1815) was born in Maryland, but after studying law and being admitted to the bar in Delaware he began the practice of law in that state. During the 1780s he served in the Delaware legislature and in 1787 was a member of the Constitutional Convention and the Delaware Ratifying Convention. He was United States senator from Delaware from 1789 to 1793. Benjamin Hawkins (1754–1816) of North Carolina was attending Princeton when the Revolution began. It has frequently been suggested that young Hawkins's proficiency in French earned him a place on GW's staff, but this has not been substantiated (POUND, 5–6). His other military services during the Revolution are equally obscure, but by 1778 he was back in North Carolina acting as the state's commercial agent. In 1780 he was appointed one of the commissioners on North Carolina's newly formed board of trade. He was a member of the Continental Congress in 1781–84, 1786–87. In 1785 Hawkins was appointed by Congress as a commissioner to negotiate treaties with the southern Indians. He exhibited a flair for Indian diplomacy, and his adroitness resulted in the controversial Treaty of Hopewell with the Cherokee in 1785 and treaties with the Choctaw and Chickasaw in 1786. A staunch Federalist, he was elected senator from North Carolina in 1789 and during GW's administration was frequently relied upon for advice on Indian affairs. Lambert Cadwalader (1742–1823), of Trenton, N.J., attended the University of Pennsylvania and was a member of the Pennsylvania constitutional convention in 1776. During the Revolution he was lieutenant colonel of the 3d Pennsylvania Battalion and colonel of the 4th Pennsylvania. Captured at Fort Washington, he was on parole until his resignation from the army in 1779. Cadwalader was a member of the Continental Congress 1784–87. He was elected congressman from New Jersey in 1789. Thomas Hartley (1748–1800) was a native of Reading, Pa., and practiced law in York, Pa. During the Revolution he was a lieutenant colonel in the 6th Pennsylvania Battalion and colonel of the 11th Pennsylvania Regiment. In 1787 he was a member of the Pennsylvania Ratifying Convention. Hartley served in the House of Representatives from 1789 until his death. 0032 12 Daniel Hiester (1747–1804), a Montgomery County, Pa., businessman, served in the Pennsylvania militia during the Revolution and as a member of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, 1784–86. Hiester served as congressman from Pennsylvania from 1789 to 1796, when he moved to Hagerstown, Md. He was in 1801 again elected to Congress, this time from Maryland, serving until his death. William Smith (1728–1814), Federalist representative from Maryland, was born in Pennsylvania and moved to Baltimore in 1761 where he established himself as a merchant. In 1774 he served on the city's committee of correspondence; in 1777–78 he was a member of the Continental Congress. Smith headed the committee of Baltimore merchants that presented GW with a miniature ship, the Federalist, in 1788 (see entry for 9 June 1788). James Jackson (1757–1806), a leader of antiadministration forces in the House of Representatives, was born in Devonshire, Eng., and in 1772 immigrated to Savannah, Ga., where he was employed in a local law office. He held various state and local offices and served in the Georgia militia during the Revolution, seeing action at Savannah, Cowpens, and Augusta. In July 1782 he led the forces that occupied Savannah after the British evacuation. In 1788 he was elected governor of Georgia but declined to serve, and the next year he was elected to Congress from the eastern district of Georgia.

Friday 22d. Exercised on Horse back in the forenoon.

Called in my ride on the Baron de Polnitz, to see the operation of his (Winlaws) threshing Machine. The effect was—the Heads of the Wheat being seperated from the Straw, as much of the first was run through the Mill in 15 minutes as made half a bushel of clean Wheat. Allowing 8 working hours in the 24. this would yield 16 Bushels pr. day. Two boys are sufficient to turn the Wheel, feed the Mill, and remove the Threshed grain after it has passed through it. Two men were unable, by winnowing to clean the wheat as it passed through the Mill, but a common dutch fan with the usual attendance would be more than sufficient to do it. The grain passes through without bruising and is well seperated from the Chaff. Womn. or boys of 12 or 14 years of age are fully adequate to the management of the Mill or threshing Machine. Upon the whole it appears to be an easier, more expeditious and much cleaner way of getting out Grain than by the usual mode of threshing; and vastly to be preferred to treading, which is hurtful to horses, filthy to the Wheat, & not more expeditious, considering the numbers that are employed in the process from the time the bed is begun to be formed until the grain has passed finally thro' the Fan.

Many, and respectable visitors to Mrs. Washington this Evening.

Friedrich, Baron von Poellnitz, occupied a farm of about 21 acres in the vicinity of Murray Hill on Manhattan, where he carried on a number of 0033 13 agricultural experiments. In 1790 he published an Essay on Agriculture, printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine. Later in the year he apparently sold his land to Capt. Robert Richard Randall and sometime before 1795 moved to Wraggtown, S.C. Poellnitz was an occasional correspondent of GW's on agricultural matters (see Poellnitz to GW, 26 Dec. 1789, 20 Mar. 1790, 28 July 1795, and GW to Poellnitz, 29 Dec. 1789, 23 Mar. 1790, DLC:GW; JANVIER, 123–24). In the late 1780s GW became greatly interested in Winlaw's thresher after reading “A Description of William Winlaw's Mill, for Separating the Grain from the Corn, in Place of Threshing,” written by Winlaw himself and printed in Arthur Young's Annals of Agriculture, 6(1786), 152–55. GW wrote Young, 1 Nov. 1787, that if the machine “possesses all the properties & advantages mentioned in the description, & you can, from your own knowledge, or such information as you can entirely rely on, recommend it as a useful machine, where labourers are scarce, I should be much obliged to you to procure one for me . . . provided it is so simple in its construction as to be worked by ignorant persons without danger of being spoiled (for such only will manage it here) & the price of it, does not exceed £15” (PPRF). Upon investigation, however, Young found the accounts of the thresher “too vague to be satisfactory; I have too many doubts about it to put you to the expence of purchase and freight” (Young to GW, 1 July 1788, DLC:GW). GW had continued to direct inquiries to American owners of the thresher (see GW to John Beale Bordley, 17 Aug. 1788, MHi: Waterston Papers). The Winlaw thresher was undoubtedly the “new invented threshing machine conducted by Baron Pollnitz and other Gentlemen farmers, in farmers' dresses, grinding and threshing grain” in the parade held in New York City in June 1788 to celebrate the ratification of the Constitution (DUER, 52).

Saturday 23d. Went with Mrs. Washington in the Forenoon to see the Paintings of Mr. Jno. Trumbull.

Sunday 24th. Went to St. Pauls Chapel in the forenoon. Writing private letters in the afternoon.

Monday 25. A Mr. Francis Bailey—introduced by Messrs. Scott & Hartley of Pensylvania and Mr. White of Virginia offered a paper, in the nature of a Petition, setting forth a valuable discovery he had made of Marginal figures for Notes, Certificates, &ca. which could not by the ingenuity of Man be counterfeited—requesting I wd. appoint some person to hear and examine him on the Subject, that, if the facts stated by him should appear well founded, he might (being a Printer of Philadelphia) have the Printing of all that sort of the Public business for which this discovery should be found useful—and which he would do on as good terms as any other Printer independent of the discovery above mentioned all the advantage he should expect from which being to obtain a preference.

0034 14

Read a letter from George Nicholas Esqr. of Kentucky to Mr. Madison which he put into my hands for information of the Sentiments of the People of that District.

The Sentiments are 2d. Novr.

That in the late Convention held in that District, the most important characters of that Party wch. has always been in favour of a Seperation, oppose the agreeing to it at this time upon a Supposition that the terms have been changed by Virginia so as to make them inadmissible in their present form. Their enemies say this cannot be their true reason: but, be them what they may, the scale is turned against the Seperation.

That he believes no late attempt has been made by either Spain or England to detach that District from the Union—but

That Spain is playing a game which, if not counteracted will depopulate that Country & carry most of the future emigrants to her Territory—That they have established a New Government, Independent of New Orleans at the Natches and sent thither a Man of character & abilities—who would not for unimportant purposes have accepted the appointment.

That this New Governor has put a stop to the reception of Tobacco from the Inhabitants of the United States—declaring that none shall be received in to the Kings Stores (where it used to be purchased and deposited) except from Spanish subjects and that these shall have ten dollars a hundred.

That other great advantages are held out to emigrants from the United States to settle in the Spanish Territory—such as a donation of Lands, and a certain sum in money for each family.

That the consequences of restriction on one hand, & encouragements to settlers on the other are obvious. The difference of Religion & government are all that can make any man hesitate in his choice and perfect liberty in both these the strongest assurances are given.

That the French Inhabitants of that Country, as well as future emigrants from the old States will certainly go there.

That persevering steadily in this conduct will drain the western Settlements.

That these considerations ought to make the Federal Government take (he thinks) the most decisive steps as to the right of Navigating the Missisipi, and induce it to pay particular attention to the gaining the affections of the Western people.

That the Steps hitherto taken with respect to them have had a contrary effect: No support havg. been given by the Genl. Government, 0035 15 and the regulation of Indian Affairs having been placed in hands who were interested in a continuance of their depredations on the Kentucky District.

That if a trade is not established with them on such a footing as to supply their wants that they will do this by plunder.

That the management of this business being in the hands of persons No. Wt. of the Ohio, it is inculcated on the Indians of the same side of the River that as the Kentuckians & they are separate People, & in separate Interests they may war with the first and not with them. That of this disposition and conduct there are sufficient proofs wherever it is found that the interests of the two sides clash.

That the Commissioners being always named from Persons livg. on that (No. Wt.) side of the River, and always holding the Treaties there contributes greatly to establish in the Indian Mind this opinion of their being a distinct people.

That the Kentucky District being 20 times as numerous as the Inhabitants of the other side, ought to have as great a share in the management of Indian Affairs as the people on the other side have.

That he is well convinced the bulk of the people in that District are strongly attached to the Union, & that characters might be found there better qualified to manage the business than those in whose hands it is now placed.

That if it is not the desire of the New Government to lose all its friends in that quarter a change must be made on this business. The Indians must be convinced that the Americans are all one people—that they shall never attack any part with impunity and that in future there real wants will be supplied in time of Peace. This is all they ask.

That they deny in positive terms, what the Officers on the No. Wt. side of the River assert—viz.—that hostilities are always commenced by the People of the Kentucky District. Expeditions have and will be carried on across the River in revenge for depredations of the Indians untill the Government takes up the matter effectually.

That Mr. Brown (to whom he has written) can inform in what light they are considered by the Officers on the other side of the Rivr.

That the want of money, he knows, prevents the Government from doing many things wch. otherwise would be undertaken, but that need not stop the necessary steps—because, if sanctioned 0036 16 by it they can raise any number of Men and furnish any quantity of provisions that may be wanting and will wait until their finances enable them to make satisfaction.

That he fears the Government have taken up an idea that that Country can be defended by a few Posts along the River. If so it is a most erroneous one for an Army would scarcely supply the Chain that would be necessary.

That the Post at the Mouth of Licking, is considered by many in the District of Kentucky as a check upon the said District. To this he can only say, if they are treated as fellow Citizens, checks are unnecessary but if it is intended to withhold from [them] all the benefits of good Government a little time will shew that, as heretofore they have found the troops useless and faithless as friends, so in future they shall despise them as enemies.

That upon the whole he shall close the subject with assurances that Government are deceived in the Accts. they have had from that Country—and that it is his opinion that the most serious consequences will follow from its persisting in the measures which have been pursued for sometime past.

Francis Bailey (c.1735–1815) was a Lancaster, Pa., printer and journalist. In 1771 he began publication of a long-lived series, the Lancaster Almanac. During the Revolution he published an edition of the Articles of Confederation and the fourth edition of Thomas Paine's Common Sense and in 1778 joined with Hugh Henry Brackenridge to publish the United States Magazine. In 1781 he became editor of the Freeman's Journal or the North American Intelligencer and acted as official printer to Congress and the state of Pennsylvania. The paper presented to GW today was undoubtedly a copy of Bailey's petition of 2 Feb. 1790, addressed to the Senate, requesting a Senate committee to examine his invention; GW's description corresponds with the wording of the petition (DNA: RG 46, Petitions and Memorials, Various Subjects). Bailey's petition, received in the Senate 2 Feb., was referred to a committee which recommended that the petition be referred to the secretary of the treasury. The House of Representatives, to which Bailey sent the petition on 29 Jan., also referred it to Hamilton (DE PAUW, 1:235, 245; HORSE JOURNAL, 1:149, 151–52, 162, 164). Hamilton reported to the Senate, 23 Feb. 1790, that “it appears to him difficult to decide, to what extent that Invention will afford the Security against Counterfeiting, which is the Object of it,” but “nevertheless he is of opinion, it will be likely to add to the difficulty of that pernicious practice, in a sufficient degree, to merit the countenance of Government, by securing to the Petitioner an exclusive right to the use of his Invention” (HAMILTON [2], 6:277). George Nicholas's letter to James Madison, 2 Nov. 1789, is in DLC: Madison Papers. Nicholas (c.1749–1799), a graduate of the College of William and Mary and a lawyer, represented both Hanover and Albemarle counties in the Virginia Assembly in the 1780s. He was a member of the Virginia Ratifying Convention in 1788 where he vigorously supported the Constitution. He had close ties with Harry Innes and James Wilkinson, who 0037 17 were at this time deeply involved in land speculation in Kentucky and in the Mississippi trade. After the Ratifying Convention he moved to Kentucky and became a leader in the movement to separate Kentucky from Virginia. In 1792, when Kentucky achieved statehood, he helped draft the state constitution. LATE CONVENTION: Nicholas is referring to the 8th Kentucky Convention, held in July 1789 to consider the question of impending statehood (see WATLINGTON, 182–85). The new governor to whom Nicholas is referring is Manuel Gayoso de Lemos (1747–1799), who was born in Oporto, Portugal and educated in England. He entered the Spanish service in 1771 and in 1787 was appointed governor of the District of Natchez. Arriving in Natchez in June 1789 he served with distinction until he replaced the baron de Carondelet as governor general of Louisiana in 1797. Spain was attempting a new experiment in the district—designed to attract and assimilate non-Spanish immigrants to augment the district's sparse population. A proclamation of 20 April 1789 promised that new settlers would not be molested in religious matters, that they might bring in property without paying duty, and that they might expect generous grants of land (HOLMES [2], 34; NASATIR, 11). For the involved situation concerning tobacco in the Natchez district in 1789, see HOLMES [2], 91–94. John Brown (1757–1837) attended Princeton and the College of William and Mary, served in the Revolution, studied law under Thomas Jefferson, and moved to Kentucky in 1783, settling first in Danville but soon moving to Frankfort. He served in the Continental Congress 1787–88 and in 1789 was elected to Congress as a Virginia representative from Kentucky. In 1792 he became United States senator from the state of Kentucky (WATLINGTON, 79–82). POST AT THE MOUTH OF LICKING: Fort Washington, established in 1789, near Cincinnati.

Tuesday 26th. Exercised on Horse back in the forenoon.

The Visitors at the Levee to day were numerous and respectable—among whom was the Vice-President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.

Read a letter handed to me by the Secretary of War, from a Colo. Danl. Smith of Miro Settlement in the State of No. Carolina in reply to one which was an answer to a letter recd. from the said Smith respecting Indian Affairs & State of the Frontier of that part of the Union and giving (as he was required to do) an Acct. of the Navigation of the river Tennessee & its waters—the Communications betwn. these & other Waters and the distances of places—as follow—viz.

The distance between the Settlements of white People South of the French Broad River (French broad is a branch of Holstein River, on the South Side, which is a branch of the Tennessee) and the Indians at and in the vicinity of Chota (a Cherokee Indian Town) is about 12 Miles.

He never passed down the Tennessee himself. That part of it 0038 18

The Southwestern Frontier, 1789–1797

0039 19 on which Chota stands, is a South Fork of the Holstein. Their Junction is about 20 Miles below Chota from which the whole River is called the Tennessee.

Boats of 7 or 8 tons burthen have frequently gone down the Holstein & the water is sufficient for those of greater burthen; but there is a place call'd the Suck, or boiling pot, where the River runs through the Cumberland Mountain that is somewhat difficult, occasioned by the narrowness of the water & suddeness of the turn that causes a rebound & kind of Whirl-pool, but many boats have passed it and he has not heard of damage to any of them nor has he been informed that there is any material difficulty in the Navigation more than is common in Rivers of that size where there is no tide.

Between the Suck, and the Muscle Shoals he is sure there is not.

Supposes the distance by Water from Chota to the last mentioned place is between 3 & 400 Miles. The width of the river is very unequal—generally about 500 yards except at the Suck where it is not half that width.

The Nature of the River, for the most part, is to have a bluff on one side and low grounds on the other (wch. is liable to be overflowed) alternately; the Banks are woody, and the low grounds thick with Cane.

The Cherokees may be classed into 3 divisions—The Valley settlements on the Tennessee above Chota, Eastward of the Iron Mountain—Those in the Neighbourhood of Chota and those in the neighbourhood of Chickamogga (which is a Creek running into the Tennessee on the South side a few Miles above Suck). They have detached villages besides—but the number of their Towns is unknown to him—nor can he say what number of Souls they may consist of but supposes of Warriors, there may be about 2000 or 2500 and of the three divisions the Chickamaggas are perhaps the most numerous.

Muscle Shoals, have different accts. given of them by people who have passed them. Some say they are 30 Miles, others not 15 in length—but all agree that the river there is about three Miles in width—very shallow and full of small Islands occasioned by drift wood lodging on the Rocks by wch. means Mud & Sand are accumulated. The lowest Shoal is accounted rather the worst. It is not possible for a large Boat to pass them in ascending the river at any Season, nor can they pass down them but in time of a flood.

Occhappo creek he had never heard of—nor has he understd. there was any Creek on the South side of the River near the Muscle Shoals that was navigable unless when the river was high. 0040 20 Seven or 8 Miles below the Muscle Shoals, there was formerly a Cherokee Village at the Mouth of Cold water Creek but he never heard that it was Navigable. 15 or 20 Miles below this again is Bear Crk. on which a small tribe of Delawares live.

From the mouth of Cold Water Creek, or Bear Creek, to the highest Navigation of the Mobile he has heard it accounted 60 Miles but cannot say that it is so. The head waters of the Mobile may be about half that distance from the Tennessee.

Miro, is the name of the District on Cumberland that includes three Counties—Nashville the name of the Town where the Superior Court is held. From hence to the lower end of the Muscle Shoals is about 150 miles nearly South.

Duck river, a North branch of the Tennessee, where the path which leads from Nashville to the Chickasaw Nation crosses it is about 60 Miles from the Cumberland Settlemts.—About a South West course. About 100 miles further on the same direction is the nearest Chickasaw Towns. The Mouth of Duck River by water, he supposes may be near 200 miles below the Muscle shoals.

Cumberland Settlements are not very compact. They extend from the mouth of red River a No. branch of Cumberland River up to Bledsoes Creek being abt. 80 or 90 Miles. The strength of the Militia about 800 & increasing fast thinks they may be now, by the late emigrations 1000.

From Nashville to Lexington is, about 200, or 210 Miles by Land and from Nashville to the Falls of Ohio is abt. 140 Miles by Land.

From the Mouth of the Tennessee up to the Muscle Shoals the Navigation is good—equal to that of the Ohio below the Falls—the width of the River near half a Mile, in places almost double—the distance about 400 Miles.

Chickasaws have no towns on the Tennessee. The nighest they have to it is about 60 Miles from, or a little below Bear Creek. Their principal towns he has understood are on the heads of a Fork of the Mobile and on the head of the Yazoos. The number of their Warriors is about 800.

Choctaws lye farther to the Southward than the Chickasaws & are a numerous Nation. They are in alliance with the Chicasaws and he has heard their numbers estimated at 7 or 8000—at least equal to those of the Creeks—tho' not so well armed.

McGillivrays communications with the Cherokees he conceives has a constant tendency to excite them to War against the Frontiers of Georgia & No. Carolina—or at least cautioning them to be on their guard against the White People, & infusing suspicions 0041 21 into the minds of them. The Creeks have wanted them to join in a War against the White People but they have refused and would be glad to see them humbled for the Insolence with which they treat them.

It will be highly pleasing to his Settlement—Miro—to hear that Congress will protect it.

Daniel Smith (1748–1818), a native of Stafford County, Va., attended the College of William and Mary, held a number of surveying posts in Virginia before the Revolution, and was an active speculator in western lands. During the war he served as a colonel and, in 1779, as commissioner to survey the Virginia—North Carolina boundary. Around 1783 he moved to Sumner County, now in Tennessee but then part of North Carolina, where he became heavily involved in land speculation. In June 1790 GW appointed him secretary of the newly created Southwest Territory, which included the territory ceded by North Carolina upon its adoption of the Constitution (EXECUTIVE JOURNAL, 1:50; ABERNETHY, 29–30, 126; CARTER [4], 4:23, n.44). Smith's correspondence with Secretary of War Henry Knox has not been located. MIRO SETTLEMENT: The Mero (Miro) District, along the Cumberland River, was formed by the North Carolina legislature in Aug. 1788 out of the counties of Davison, Sumner, and Tennessee. In 1790 its population consisted of 7,042 settlers and 1,151 slaves (MORSE. [2]; ABERNETHY, 96–97). Chota, one of the major fortified Cherokee towns, was on the Little Tennessee River. THE SUCK, OR BOILING POT: sometimes called the Whirl, in the gorge of the Tennessee River, near Chattanooga. It is at the point where the river breaks through the Cumberland Mountains and narrows to about 70 yards. Below the Suck there were rapids for about 38 miles, and the river at this point was generally thought dangerous to navigation (WILLIAMS [3], 34; MORSE [2]). In his paragraph of the diary entry for 26 Jan. the word “damage” reads “dagage” in the MS. The Muscle Shoals are at a point where the Tennessee River descends over 134 feet from a limestone plateau to the plain near present-day Florence, Ala. The rapids were sometimes called the Elk River Shoals (RAMSEY, 64). The Iron Mountains are a ridge of the Appalachians in northeast Tennessee and southern Virginia. OCCHAPPO CREEK: GW is referring to Occochappo Creek, below the Muscle Shoals (RAMSEY, 64). Coldwater Creek empties into the Tennessee River in present-day Alabama. The Indian town at the mouth of the creek was also called Coldwater by early settlers. BLEDSOES CREEK: probably Bledsoe Lick, “in the state of Tennessee . . . 32 miles from Big Salt Lick garrison, and 36 from Nashville” (MORSE [2]).

Wednesday 27th. Did business with the Secretaries of the Treasury & War—With the first respecting the appointment of Superintendants of the Light Houses, Buoys &ca. and for building one at Cape Henry—With the latter for nominating persons (named in a list submitted to me) for paying the Military Pensionrs. of the United States and the policy and advantages (which might be derived from the measure) of bringing Mr. Alexr. McGillivray Chief of the Creek Nation here being submitted to 0042 22 me for consideration I requested that a plan might be reported by which Governmt. might not appear to be the Agent in it, or suffer in its dignity if the attempt to get him here should not succeed.

TREASURY: “An Act for the establishment and support of Lighthouses, Beacons, Buoys, and Public Piers” (1 STAT. 53–54 [7 Aug. 1789]) provided for the upkeep of all lighthouses on United States territory for one year. Thereafter no expenses for lighthouse support would be defrayed unless the establishment was ceded to the federal government. Section 3 of the act provided for the erection of a lighthouse near the entrance of Chesapeake Bay, and in late 1789 Virginia ceded land for such a lighthouse at Cape Henry (Hamilton to Beverley Randolph, 10 Feb. 1790, HAMILTON [2], 6:261–62). WAR: “An Act providing for the payment of the Invalid Pensioners of the United States” (1 STAT. 95 [29 Sept. 1789]) provided that the payment of military pensions granted by the states to invalid veterans of the Revolution should be continued by the United States. On 26 Jan. 1790 Knox wrote GW reporting that Hamilton had suggested that the responsibility for making payments should be relegated to the collectors of the customs appointed under the Treasury Department. A list of the collectors was enclosed in Knox's letter (DLC:GW). GW evidently agreed to this solution, for on 30 Jan. Hamilton wrote Jedediah Huntington, collector at New london, Conn., that in regard to invalid pensions, “the President having signified to me his pleasure, that the business in your state may be committed to your management; it remains for me to direct the necessary provision” (HAMILTON [2], 6:232–33). CREEK NATION: The failure of the negotiations by David Humphreys, Cyrus Griffin, and Benjamin Lincoln with the Creek nation in late 1789 (see entry for 16 Nov.) left the problem of Indian depredations on the southern border still unsolved. It was suggested both in New York and on the frontier that the failure of the negotiations owed something to the ineptitude of the commissioners. Alexander McGillivray maintained that misunderstanding had arisen from “that puppy Humphries report to the president, it being a very unfavorable one and asserted that I would not treat on any terms whatever. . . . So I find that my different notes to them objecting to certain Stipulations were never produced to the president” (McGillivray to William Panton, 8 May 1790, CAUGHEY, 259–62). On 15 Feb. 1790 Knox wrote to GW that he had conferred with Sen. Benjamin Hawkins of North Carolina, “who is well acquainted with the influential characters among the Creeks.” It was Hawkins's opinion that McGillivray was anxious for a reasonable settlement with the United States and had indeed intimated to Hawkins that he might be persuaded to come to New York to open negotiations. Knox recommended that the experiment should be tried. The proposal “shall have the aspect of a private transaction, yet it shall have so much of the collateral countenance of government, as to convince Mr. McGillivray, that he may safely confide in the proposition as it relates to his own and the other Chiefs personal security until their return to their own Country. I have shown Mr. Hawkins the enclosed draft of a letter to Alexander McGillivray, it has received his approbation, and he is willing to copy and sign the same, adding thereto some circumstances relative 0043 23 to a former correspondence on some philosophical enquiries” (DLC:GW). Hawkins's letter to McGillivray, dated 6 Mar. 1790, is in CAUGHEY, 256–58.

Thursday 28th. Sent a letter (with an Act of the Legislature of the State of Rhode Island, for calling a Convention of that State to decide on the Constitution of the Union) from Governor Collins, to both Houses of Congress—to do which, was requested by the Act, of the President.

The following Gentlemen dined here—viz.—The Vice President the Secretary of the Treasury—Messrs. Schuyler, Morris, Izard Dalton and Butler of the Senate; and Messrs. Smith, (So. Carolina) Stone, Schureman Fitzimmons, Sedgwick, Huger and Madison of the House of Representatives.

RHODE ISLAND: Gov. John Collins's letter, enclosing the act of the Rhode Island legislature authorizing a state ratifying convention, is dated 18 Jan. 1790. Collins expressed his pleasure at the legislature's decision but noted that “The Operation of the Federal Government, according to the existing Laws, will immediately prove greatly injurious to the Commercial Interests of this State, unless a further Suspension of them can be obtained: I do therefore, at the Request of the General Assembly, and in Behalf of the State, make this application to the Congress of the United States, requesting a further Suspension of the Acts of Congress subjecting the Citizens of this State to the payment of foreign Tonnage, and foreign Duties, during the pleasure of Congress” (DNA: RG 46, President's Messages, Entry 5). James Schureman (1756–1824), a New Brunswick, N.J., merchant, graduated from Rutgers in 1775 and served in the Revolution. In 1783–85 and 1788 he was in the New Jersey legislature and in 1786–87 was a member of the Continental Congress. In 1789 he was elected as a Federalist to the First Congress. Thomas Fitzsimons (1741–1811) was an Irishman who immigrated to Philadelphia as a young man. By the early 1760s he was well established as a merchant in the West Indies trade. An active Patriot during the Revolution, he served in the Continental Congress in 1782 and 1783, in the Pennsylvania legislature 1786–87, and as a member of the Constitutional Convention in 1787. He was elected to the United States House of Representatives as a Federalist in 1789 where he became a vigorous supporter of administration measures. Theodore Sedgwick (1746–1813) was born in West Hartford, Conn., and educated at Yale. He began the practice of law in Great Barrington, Mass., in 1766 and then moved to Sheffield, Mass. During the Revolution he was a member of the 1776 expedition against Canada and in 1780, 1782–85, and 1787–88 served in the Massachusetts legislature. Sedgwick was a member of the Continental Congress 1785–88 and of the Massachusetts Ratifying Convention in 1788. In 1789 he was elected as a Federalist to the First Congress, where he became a firm supporter of a strong executive and a spokesman for the Washington administration's fiscal policies. Daniel Huger (1742–1799), a member of a prominent South Carolina 0044 24 family, was born in Berkeley County, S.C., and educated in South Carolina and in England. He was a member of the state legislature in 1778–79, of the governor's council in 1780, and of the Continental Congress 1786–88 and was elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1789.

Friday 29th. Exercised on horse back this forenn.; during my ride, Mr. Johnston, one of the Senators from No. Carolina who had just arrived came to pay his respects, as did Mr. Cushing, one of the Associate judges. The latter came again about 3 Oclock introduced by the Vice President.

Received from the Governor of No. Carolina, an Act of the Legislature of that State, authorising the Senators thereof, or one of the Senators and two of the Representatives, to make (on certain conditions) a Deed of Session of their Western Territory; described within certain Natural boundaries and requesting that the same should be laid before the Congress of the U. States.

Received also a letter from the Baron de Steuben, declarative of his distresses; occasioned by the Non-payment, or nonfulfilment of the Contract which was made with him by the Congress under the former Confederation and requesting my Official interference in his behalf. The delicacy of this case from the nature, and long labouring of it, requires consideration.

The Visitors to Mrs. Washington this Evening were numerous and respectable.

William Cushing (1732–1810), of Scituate, Mass., graduated from Harvard, studied law with Jeremiah Gridley of Boston, and was admitted to the Massachusetts bar in 1755. From 1760 to 1771 he practiced law in Pownalborough (Dresden) in the District of Maine; in 1772 he returned to Massachusetts to succeed his father as judge of the superior court. During the Revolution he adopted the Patriot cause and was retained by the state of Massachusetts as a justice on the Supreme Court. In 1779 he was a member of the Massachusetts state constitutional convention and in 1788 of the Massachusetts Ratifying Convention. GW appointed him an associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States 24 Sept. 1789 (EXECUTIVE JOURNAL, 1:29). Gov. Alexander Martin's letter to GW is dated 24 Dec. 1789 (DNA: RG 46, President's Messages). North Carolina originally passed an act of cession of its western lands to the Continental Congress in April 1784 but repealed it in October of that year. The state adopted the Constitution in Nov. 1789, and in December the legislature passed “An Act for the Purpose of Ceding to the United States of America, Certain Western Lands Therein Described” (N.C. STATE REC., 25:4–6). GW sent Martin's letter and the act of cession to the House and Senate on 1 Feb. (DE PAUW, 1:233, 3:281–82). The North Carolina deed of cession, 25 Feb. 1790, signed by North Carolina senators Samuel Johnston and Benjamin Hawkins, is in CARTER [4], 4:9–13. The 0045 25 North Carolina cession, supplemented by a small grant from South Carolina, was constituted as the Territory Southwest of the River Ohio by Congress in May 1790 (1 STAT. 123 [26 May 1790]). The territory became the state of Tennessee in 1796. When Baron yon Steuben arrived in the United States in 1777, he had agreed verbally with a committee of Congress that he would join the army as a volunteer without rank or pay, but that if the United States succeeded in establishing independence his expenses incurred while in service would be paid. After the war Steuben repeatedly requested Congress to honor what he considered to be a binding contract. Congress delayed, not only from a lack of funds but from a persuasion that Steuben's appointment in May 1778 as a major general with the usual emoluments had abrogated the original agreement. On 14 Sept. 1789 a new petition from Steuben, requesting that his claims “for military services rendered during the late war, may be liquidated and satisfied,” was presented to the House of Representatives. On 25 Sept. the committee on claims to which the petition had been referred sent it to the secretary of the treasury with instructions to report on it during the next session of Congress (DE PAUW, 3:206, 233). The petition and its supporting documents are in DNA: RG 46, Petitions and Memorials, Claims. Steuben's letter to GW, 29 Jan. 1790, requesting the president's support for his petition, is in DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters. Hamilton reported favorably on Steuben's petition, 29 Mar. 1790, suggesting both an outright grant and an annuity, but Congress, probably in response to popular opposition to the petition, modified the sum. On 4 June the affair was settled, although not to the baron's satisfaction, by passage of “An Act for finally adjusting and satisfying the claims of Frederick William de Steuben,” which granted him a lifetime annuity of $2,500 (6 STAT. 2, HAMILTON [2], 6:310–27; PALMER, 376–78).

Saturday 30. Exercised with Mrs. Washington and the children in the coach, in the forenoon. Walked round the Battery in the Afternoon.

Sunday 31st. Went to St. Pauls Chapel in the forenoon.

Mr. Wilson, one of the Associate Judges of the Supreme Court paid his respects to me after I returned from Church.

Spent the Afternoon in writing Letters to Mount Vernon.

James Wilson (1742–1798) was born in Scotland and educated at the universities of St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Edinburgh. He immigrated to America c. 1765 and studied law in Philadelphia with John Dickinson. Admitted to the Pennsylvania bar in Nov. 1767, he began what was to be an outstanding legal career. He was elected to the Continental Congress 1775–76, 1782–83, and 1785–87. One of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, he was particularly adept in advancing legal justifications for independence. Wilson was a leading member of the Constitutional Convention and the Pennsylvania Ratifying Convention. In Sept. 1789 GW appointed him an associate justice of the Supreme Court although Wilson had earlier solicited the post of chief justice (Wilson to GW, 21 April 1789, PHi: Society Collection).

February 1790

Monday 1st. Agreed on Saturday last to take Mr. McCombs House, lately occupied by the Minister of France for one year, from and after the first day of May next; and wd. go into it immediately, if Mr. Otto the present possesser could be accomodated and this day sent My Secretary to examine the rooms to see how my furniture cd. be adapted to the respective Apartments.

By the beginning of 1790 GW concluded that the house owned by Samuel Osgood which he had occupied since his arrival in New York City (see entry for 1 Oct. 1789) was no longer commodious enough to accommodate his family and staff and to maintain the dignity of the presidential office. In spite of the fact that it was expected that Congress might move the capital from New York City, GW decided to lease Alexander Macomb's mansion at Nos. 39–41 Broadway. “It was one of a block of three houses erected in 1787 and was four stories and an attic high, with a width of fifty-six feet. From the rear of the main rooms glass doors opened onto a balcony giving an uninterrupted view of the Hudson River. On entering, one found a large hall with a continuous flight of stairs to the top of the house. On each side of the hall were spacious, high-ceilinged rooms, used for the levees and dinners and always referred to by Washington as ‘public rooms’” (DECATUR, 118, 148). Col. John May, who had visited the houses while they were still under construction in April 1788, noted “they are by far the grandest buildings I ever saw and are said to excel any on the continent in one of the entry's I travelld up 5 flights of stairs” (MAY, 28). The Macomb house had been occupied by the comte de Moustier and, after his departure for France, by Louis Guillaume Otto, chargé d'affaires of the French embassy. Otto had served in the United States since 1779, and after his return to France in 1792 he was in charge of the political division of the department of foreign affairs until he lost his position with the fall of the Girondist regime. On 2 Feb. GW paid Samuel Osgood £253 10s. “for 3 quarter's Rent of the House & Tenements occupied by the President” and before he moved paid £665 16s. 6d. to purchase for the new house furniture and china left by Moustier (CtY: George Washington's Household Accounts, 68–74). GW requested that some alterations and additions be made to outside buildings (see Tobias Lear to Alexander Macomb, 4 Feb. 1790, owned by Mr. Sol Feinstone, Washington Crossing, Pa.). Preparations continued throughout the month, and the presidential household moved to the new residence on 23 Feb.

Tuesday 2d. Exercised in the Carriage with Mrs. Washington.

On my return found Mr. Blair one of the Associate Judges, The Attorney Genl. of the United States and Colo. Bland here.

The Levee to day was much Crowded, and very respectable: among other Company, the District judge and Attorney, with the Marshall and all the Grand jurors of the Federal District Court (and a respectable body they were) attended.

0047 27

First presidential residence, New York City. (New-York Historical Society)

Sent (yesterday) the Deed of Session of the Western Lands, by the State of No. Carolina to the United States to both Houses of Congress.

John Blair (1732–1800) was a member of a prominent Virginia family. He attended the College of William and Mary and in 1755 studied law at the Middle Temple. He was a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses 1766–70 and in the latter year became clerk of the council, serving at least until the mid-1770s. During the Revolution and the Confederation period, he held a number of judicial posts and became widely known in legal circles. As a member of the Constitutional Convention and the Virginia Ratifying Convention he vigorously supported the Constitution. GW appointed Blair an associate justice of the Supreme Court in Sept. 1789. Edmund Randolph had been appointed United States attorney general 25 Sept. 1789 but had remained in Virginia until the end of the session of the Virginia Assembly of which he was a member. He probably arrived in New York City at the end of January (REARDON, 179, 191). DISTRICT JUDGE: James Duane. DISTRICT . . . ATTORNEY: Richard Harison. THE MARSHALL: William Stephens Smith. DEED OF SESSION: See entry for 29 Jan. 1790.

Wednesday 3d. Viewed the Apartments in the Ho. of Mr. Macombe—made a disposition of the Rooms—fixed on some furniture of the Ministers (which was to be sold & was well adapted to 0048 28 particular public rooms) and directed additional Stables to be built.

Thursday 4th. Received from a Committee of both Houses of Congress, an Act, entitled “an Act for giving effect to the sevl. acts therein mentioned in respect to the State of North Carolina and other purposes.”

The following company dined here, viz,—The Vice-President, the Chief Justice of the United States, Judges Cushing, Wilson, & Blair of the Supreme Court & Judge Duane of the District Court—The Attorney Genl. of the United States (Randolph) the Marshall, Attorney, & Clerk of the District viz. Smith, Harrison & Troup—Mr. Johnson & Mr. Hawkins of the Senate and the Secretaries of the Treasury & War Departmts. to wit Hamilton & Knox.

AN ACT: 1 STAT. 99–101 (8 Feb. 1790). This act extended the provisions of federal laws concerning import duties and tonnage to North Carolina, which had ratified the Constitution in Nov. 1789. Robert Troup (1757–1832) studied law under John Jay and William Paterson and had a distinguished military career during the Revolution, earning a lieutenant colonelcy for his services in 1777 (JCC, 9:770). After serving on Horatio Gates's staff and participating in the Battles of Saratoga, he was appointed secretary of the newly formed Board of War in 1778. After the war he practiced law in Albany and New York City.

Friday 5th. Received from Doctr. Williamson of No. Carolina a list of names whom he thought would be proper to fill the Revenue Offices in that State. Submitted the same to the Senators of that State for their Inspection and alteration.

Dr. Hugh Williamson (1735–1819) was born in Pennsylvania, graduated from the University of Pennsylvania in 1757, and after a brief career in the ministry, went to the University of Edinburgh to study medicine. After his return to America he practiced in Philadelphia until 1773. Around 1776 he established himself as a merchant in Edenton, N.C., and acted as surgeon general of North Carolina troops 1779–82. In 1782–85, 1787, and 1788 he served in the Continental Congress; at this time he was United States Representative from North Carolina. Williamson's letter to GW, 5 Feb. 1790, with enclosure, is in DLC:GW.

Saturday 6th. Walked to my newly engaged lodgings to fix on a spot for a New Stable which I was about to build. Agreed with [ ] to erect one 30 feet sqr., 16 feet pitch, to contain 12 single stalls; a hay loft, Racks, mangers &ca.—Planked floor and underpinned with Stone with Windows between each stall for 65£.

The resignation of Mr. Harrison as an Associate Judge making 0049 29 a nomination of some other character to supply his place necessary I determined after contemplating every character which presented itself to my view to name Mr. Iredall of No. Carolina; because, in addition to the reputation he sustains for abilities, legal knowledge and respectability of character he is of a State of some importance in the Union that has given No character to a federal Office. In ascertaining the character of this Gentlemen I had recourse to every means of information in my power and found them all concurring in his favor.

On 28 Sept. 1789 GW had written Robert Hanson Harrison, one of his aides during the Revolution, offering him the post of an associate justice on the Supreme Court (DLC:GW). Harrison replied, 27 Oct., declining the post, partly because of the inconvenience of riding circuit, partly because of family responsibilities and reservations about his health (DNA: PCC, Item 59). On 25 Nov. GW again wrote Harrison, stating that there was a strong possibility that there would be changes in the Judicial Act which might make the post more attractive. “As the first Court will not sit until the first Monday in February, I have thought it proper to return your Commission, not for the sake of urging you to accept it contrary to your interest or convenience, but with a view of giving you a farther opportunity of informing yourself of the nature and probability of the change alluded to” (DLC:GW). Harrison again declined the post. He died in April 1790. James Iredell (1751–1799) was born in Lewes, Eng., and in 1768 received a royal appointment as collector of the customs at Edenton, N.C. He quickly became a leading citizen of Edenton, studied law with Samuel Johnston, and in 1773 married Johnston's sister Hannah. Although a conservative, he supported the Patriot cause during the Revolution. His legal reputation in North Carolina grew during these years; he served briefly as a superior court judge in 1777 and from 1779 to 1781 he was state attorney general. In 1787 he served on the North Carolina Council of State and between 1787 and 1791 engaged in compiling a collection and revision of North Carolina statutes. GW's letter to Iredell, 13 Feb. 1790, offering him the post of associate justice, is in DLC:GW; Iredell's acceptance, 3 Mar. 1790, is in DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters.

Sunday 7th. Went to St. Pauls Chapel in the forenoon.

Monday 8th. Nominated Officers for the Revenue department in No. Carolina—Mr. Iredall as an Associate Judge; and all those who had been temporarily appointed during the recess of the Senate to fill resigned Offices—likewise Majr. Saml. Shaw as Consul for Canton in China.

Sent the Bill which had been presented to me on Thursday last back to the House of Representatives with my approvg. Signature.

Samuel Shaw (1754–1794), of Massachusetts, served as a lieutenant and captain in the Revolution and saw action at Boston, Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, 0050 30 Germantown, and Monmouth. For a time he served as aide-de-camp to Maj. Gen. Henry Knox. In 1784 he was offered the post of supercargo on the Empress of China, the first American vessel to sail to Canton. The experience he acquired in dealing with Chinese merchants resulted in his appointment by the Continental Congress in 1786 as American consul in Canton. He returned to the United States in Jan. 1789. On 2 Jan. 1790 he wrote GW informing him he was about to return to China and requesting that he be reappointed as consul (DLC:GW). Tobias Lear forwarded Shaw's commission on 13 Feb. 1790 (DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters).

Tuesday 9th. A good deal of Company at the Levee to day.

Exercised on horse-back in the forenoon.

Wednesday 10th. Sat from 9 until 11 Oclock for Mr. Trumbull to draw my picture in his Historical pieces.

Dispatched Commissions, and all the necessary Acts, to the Revenue Officers in No. Carolina.

Thursday 11th. Exercised on horse-back in the forenoon.

The following Gentlemen dined here—viz.—Messrs. Leonard & Grout of Massachusetts—Huntington & Sturges of Connecticut—Silvester of New York Sinnickson of New Jersey—Gale of Maryland and Bland Parker and Moore of Virginia.

George Leonard (1729–1819) was born in Norton, Mass. After his graduation from Harvard in 1748 he held a number of judicial posts of increasing importance in his state and was judge of the common pleas court when he was elected to the First Congress. Jonathan Grout (1737–1807), a Petersham, Mass., lawyer, served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives 1781, 1784, 1787 and in the Senate 1788. An Antifederalist, he was elected to the First Congress in 1789. Benjamin Huntington (1736–1800), a Norwich, Conn., lawyer, graduated from Yale in 1761 and, before his election to the First Congress in 1789, served in the Massachusetts legislature and in the Continental Congress. From 1784 to 1796 he was mayor of Norwich. Jonathan Sturges (1740–1819), of Fairfield, Conn., graduated from Yale in 1759 and opened a law practice in Fairfield in 1772. He was a member of the state legislature 1772, 1773–84 and served in the Continental Congress 1774–87. Peter Silvester (1734–1808), a Kinderhook, N.Y., lawyer, was elected to the First Congress in 1789. Prior to his election he was a member of the First and Second Provincial Congresses 1775–76 and judge of the court of common pleas of Columbia County. Thomas Sinnickson (1744–1817), a Salem, N.J., merchant, held the rank of captain with New Jersey troops during the Revolution and was a member of the New Jersey legislature 1777, 1782, 1784–85, 1787–88. George Gale (1756–1815), a native of Somerset County, Md., was a member of the Maryland Ratifying Convention in 1788. In Mar. 1791 GW appointed him supervisor of the revenue for Maryland. Josiah Parker (1751–1810) was a member of the 1775 Virginia Convention and served as colonel in the 5th Virginia Regiment during the Revolution. In 1780–81 he was in the Virginia 0051 31 House of Delegates, and he served as naval officer for Portsmouth, Va., in 1786. Andrew Moore (1752–1821) was born near Fairfield, Rockbridge County, Va., studied at Augusta Academy (Washington and Lee), and was admitted to the Virginia bar in 1774. During the Revolution he served in the Continental Army 1776–78, and as a brigadier general in the Virginia militia. In 1780–83 and again in 1785–88 he was a member of the Virginia House of Delegates and in 1788 of the Virginia Ratifying Convention. The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, 18 Feb. 1790, noted that “the Birth-Day of the President of the United States was celebrated at Philadelphia the eleventh inst.” In New York City, however, the Society of St. Tammany held an elaborate celebration on 22 Feb. and “Resolved, unanimously, That the 22d day of February (corresponding with the 11th Feb. old stile) be this day, and ever hereafter, commemorated by this Society as the BIRTH DAY of the Illustrious George Washington. ” Apparently this year the president's birthday was widely celebrated on 22 Feb. ( New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, 25 Feb. 1790).

Friday 12th. Sat from 9 Oclock untill 11 for Mr. John Trumbull for the purpose of Drawing my picture.

A good deal of Company (Gentlemen & Ladies) to visit Mrs. Washington this afternoon.

Saturday 13th. Walked in the forenoon to the House to which I am about to remove—Gave directions for the arrangement of the furniture &ca. and had some of it put up.

Sunday 14th. At home all day—writing private letters to Virginia.

Monday 15th. Sat between 9 and 11 for Mr. John Trumbull.

Sent to both Houses of Congress a Letter from the President of New Hampshire, enclosing the adopted articles of amendments of the Constitution of the United States proposed by the latter at its last Session, to the States individually.

Perused two letters to Colo. Hawkins of the Senate, sent to me by the Secretary of War for my information—the one from a Lardin Clark dated Nashville, Warren County the 8th. of Septr. 1789—the other from Brigr. Genl. Joseph Martin dated Smiths River Jany. 1790. The first of these letters mentions that the loose and disorderly people that first settled the District in which he is remove as government (by means of the Superior Court) is extended amongst them and supplied by persons of better character & Morals—That the Spanish Governor of Louisiana is holding out every lure to envite the Citizens of the United States to settle under that Government—That a Doctor White who has been sometime at New Orleans does not seem to like the Government 0052 32 and discourages our Settlers from Migrating to it till it can at least be seen what measures the Government of the Union will take respecting the Navigation of the Mississippi—That Conventions which it had been proposed to hold in Kentucky, and other Districts of the Western Country for the purpose of addressing the old Congress on this subject had been proposed for the same reason—That there was no appearance of giving up the Post of the Natches to the U. States though it was within their Territory, on the Contrary Roman Catholick Churches were built there & provision made for newly arrived Priests—that the Spanish Governor has said that it is not want of Land that make them oppose our Settlements or which causes them to withhold the Navigation of the Missisipi from us, but because they do not like our advancing in such numbers, & so fast upon them—In short, they act under the operation of fear and Jealousy, though they will not acknowledge these to be the motives for their conduct—That it had been reported through the Western Settlements that Mr. Gardoqui had invited them to put themselves under the Spanish government with assurances of Peace & Trade as consequences of it and that Governor by Proclamation had invited them to become Inhabitants of Louisiana—that any person (he is informed) may take produce to New Orleans paying 15 pr. Ct.

George Washington peace medal, 1792. (Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation)

0053 33 Duty to the King—That the Force (Military) in the two Floridas consist of two Regiments of 600 Men each and he is told a third is ordered to be raised to consist entirely of Spaniards by birth—That the District in which he is populates fast and will soon make a State—And as the Navigation of the Missisipi is essential to them, it must be obtained by treaty or by force, or they must connect themselves with the Spaniards—That it is not supposed, the two Floridas & Louisiana contain more than 20,000 Souls—That the distance from Nashville to New Orleans by Land (wch. he has travelled) is abt. 450 or 500 Miles and not a Mountain and hardly a hill in the way—That this year he supposes they will make 300 Hhds. of Tobacco—for wch. 3½d. only is given when the Spaniard gets 10 dollars pr. Hd. wt.

The other letter from Genl. Martin encloses the report of a Comee. of the Assembly of No. Carolina, which had been appointed to examine into a corrispondance between him and Mr. McGillivray, by which he stands acquitted of any intention to injure the U. States or any of them. Enforms him that from tolerable good information he has just heard that the Chicasaw Nation had made a stroke at the Chicamages Indians & were driving all before them—That several women & Children of the latter had run into the Inhabitants of little river for Refuge—That he shall set out for that County in a few days and as soon as the particulars can be known will give information of them. Wishes to know whether Congress approves of this War or not—thinks he can easily stop it if it does not meet their approbation—But adds their wars with one another may be the means of Peace to our frontiers—requests a hint on the subject by way of Richmond, directed to the care of the Postmaster there.

ARTICLES OF AMENDMENTS: Proposals for the amendments to the Constitution that were provided for by the fifth article of the Constitution and that were to become the Bill of Rights were introduced in Congress in May 1789. By Sept. 1789, 12 amendments had been agreed upon by the House and Senate, and on 24 Sept. the House resolved that “the President of the United States be requested to transmit to the executives of the several states which have ratified the Constitution, copies of the amendments proposed by Congress to be added thereto; and like copies to the executives of the states of Rhode-Island and North-Carolina” (DE PAUW, 3:84, 229). President of New Hampshire John Sullivan's letter to GW, 29 Jan. 1790, is in DNA: RG 46, President's Messages. Sullivan informed GW that New Hampshire had accepted all of the proposed amendments except the second, which provided that no “law vary[ing] the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect, until an election of Representatives shall have intervened” (DUMBAULD [2], 220). Of the 12 amendments originally submitted to the states, this article and the first article, which increased the 0054 34 representation in Congress after the first census had been taken, were not ratified by the states. The letters submitted by Knox to GW have not been found. Lardner Clark was a leading Nashville merchant. Joseph Martin (1740–1808), of Albemarle County, Va., was a well-known figure on the frontier. He tried unsuccessfully to establish a settlement in Powell's Valley near the Cumberland Gap in 1769 and reoccupied the area in 1775. In 1777 he became Indian agent for Virginia to the Cherokee and established his headquarters on land that afterwards fell within North Carolina's boundaries. For many years he served as Patrick Henry's land agent on the frontier. In the mid-1780s Martin was involved in the proposals for the new State of Franklin, although he later opposed the project, and in the Muscle Shoals speculation. Martin attended the North Carolina Ratifying Convention in 1789 and served at various times in the North Carolina and Virginia legislatures. In June 1790 he became an active candidate for the post of governor of the newly created Southwest Territory ( Southern History Association Publications, 4 [1900], 443–44; REDD, 113–18). At this time he was living in Henry County, Va., on Smith's River (Staunton River), the section of the Roanoke River above its confluence with the Dan River. For the attempts of Esteban Miró, the Spanish governor of Louisiana, and Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, governor of Natchez, to attract American settlers, see entry for 25 Jan. 1790. Clark's reference to Don Diego de Gardoqui, the Spanish representative in the United States, concerns the plan devised by Gardoqui and Philadelphia speculator George Morgan (1743–1810) in 1789 to entice Americans to settle in Morgan's new settlement, developed under Spanish auspices, at New Madrid. Although at first a few westerners showed interest in moving to Spanish territory, these colonization schemes, and another sponsored by the South Carolina Yazoo Company at Nogales, were undermined by new and stringent economic policies of the Spanish government and by the extension of Spanish military control to the new settlements. James White (1749–1809), a native of Philadelphia, had attended a Jesuit college in St. Omer, France, and studied medicine at the University of Pennsylvania. In 1785 he moved to Davidson County, N.C., and represented North Carolina in the Continental Congress 1786–88. While he was in Congress, White became deeply involved with Gardoqui in nebulous plans for persuading frontier areas to separate from the United States and accept Spanish protection. In 1786 White was chosen by Congress as Indian agent for the Southern Department and in the course of his service he traveled widely in the southwest, becoming involved in the so-called Spanish Conspiracy and in the creation of the State of Franklin. The incident involving McGillivray referred to by Martin concerned a letter written by the latter from Tugaloe, N.C., to the Creek chief in Nov. 1788, enclosing resolves of the Continental Congress “by which you will see that Congress intends to deal out justice to the Cherokees, which gives me infinite pleasure.” At the same time Martin expressed his wish that commissioners from Congress to the Creek would soon settle their differences with the United States and asked McGillivray's permission to lead some five hundred families from the United States to settle on Creek land (Martin to McGillivray, 8 Nov. 1788, N.C. STATE REC., 22:787–88). At the time the letter was written Martin was serving as an Indian commissioner for Congress. The letter was intercepted, apparently by members of the Georgia militia, and 0055 35 presented to the Georgia legislature. On 24 Jan. 1789 a committee of the legislature reported that Martin's action in “carrying on a correspondence of a private nature with Alexander McGilvary, yet, while this State is at war with the Creek nation, and the said Joseph Martin being in the service of the United States” was highly culpable and complaints should be made to Congress and to the governor of North Carolina (N.C. STATE REC., 21:1006). The report of the committee of the North Carolina Assembly appointed to investigate the matter exonerated Martin. The report was read in the assembly 15 Dec. 1789 and was enclosed by Martin in his letter to Benjamin Hawkins (N.C. STATE REC., 21:691).

Tuesday 16th. Intended to have used exercise on Horse-back but the weather prevented my doing it. Rid to my intended habitation, and gave some directions respecting the arrangement of the furniture.

The Levee to day was thin. Received some papers from the Secretary at War respecting a corrispondence to be opened betwn. Colo. Hawkins of the Senate, and Mr. McGillivray of the Creek Nation for the purpose of getting the latter, with some other Chiefs of that Nation to this place as an expedient to avert a War with them. But, the Commissioning a Person to Negotiate this business with McGillivray without laying the matter before the Senate and the expence of the business appearing to bring in question the Powers of the President I requested to see & converse with the Secretary of War, tomorrow, on this Subject.

PAPERS FROM THE SECRETARY AT WAR: See entry for 27 Jan. 1790.

Wednesday 17th. The Secretary attending; and reference being had to the Act constituting the Department of War, and the Act appropriating 20,000 dollrs. for the expence of Treating with the Southern Indians, seeming to remove (at least in a degree) the above doubts but not in an unequivocal manner, I desired him to take the opinion of the Chief Justice of the United States and that of the Secretary of the Treasury on these points and let me know the result.

“An Act to establish an Executive Department, to be denominated the Department of War” (1 STAT. 49–50 [7 Aug. 1789]) provided that the secretary of war could carry out such tasks regarding Indian affairs as might be entrusted to him by the president. “An Act providing for the Expenses which may attend Negotiations or Treaties with the Indian Tribes, and the appointment of Commissioners for managing the same” (1 STAT. 54 [20 Aug. 1789]) authorized expenditure of “a sum not exceeding twenty thousand dollars, arising from the duties on imports and tonnage” for the purpose of “defraying the expense of negotiating and treating with the Indian tribes.” 0056 36

Thursday 18th. Sat for Mr. Trumbull from nine oclock till 10—after which exercised in the Post Chaise with Mrs. Washington. On our return home called on Mrs. Adams—Lady of the Vice-Presidt.

The following company dined here to day—viz—Judge Cushing and his Lady—The Post Master General & his Lady and Messrs. Boudinot, Griffin, Coles, Gerry and White and their Ladies.

Sent a Message to the Senate with the Copies of a Letter from the Governor of Massachusetts and a resolve of the Assembly of that State, respecting the disputed boundary between them and the British of Nova Scotia.

THEIR LADIES: Mrs. William Cushing was Hannah Phillips Cushing (c. 1754–1834) of Middletown, Conn. Mrs. Samuel Osgood was Mary Bowne Franklin Osgood, the widow of Walter Franklin (see entry for 1 Oct. 1789). Mrs. Elias Boudinot was Hannah Stockton Boudinot (1736–1808), daughter of John and Abigail Stockton of Princeton, N.J., and sister of Signer Richard Stockton. She had married Boudinot in 1762. Mrs. Samuel Griffin was Betsy Braxton Griffin (see entry for 10 Dec. 1789). Isaac Coles, United States representative from Virginia, had married Catharine Thompson, daughter of James Thompson, in Jan. 1790 ( Pa. Packet, 7 Jan. 1790). Ann Thompson (d. 1849), daughter of New York merchant James Thompson and Catherine Walton Thompson, had married Elbridge Gerry in 1786. Mrs. Alexander White (b. 1739) was Elizabeth Wood White, daughter of Col. James Wood, founder of Winchester, Va. The resolve of the Massachusetts legislature, 1 Feb. 1790, directed Gov. John Hancock to write to the president “informing him that the subjects of his Britannick Majesty have made and still continue to make encroachments on the eastern boundary of this Commonwealth, in the opinion of the Legislature, contrary to the treaty of peace.” Hancock wrote GW, 10 Feb. 1790, transmitting a number of documents supporting the legislature's allegations. GW transmitted the resolve of the Massachusetts legislature and Hancock's letter to the Senate, 18 Feb. 1790 (DNA: RG 46, Entry 11). The enclosures consisted of copies of some of the documents that had already been submitted to the Senate by GW on 9 Feb. 1790, in a report to the Senate “relative to differences with Great Britain respecting the Eastern Boundary” (see ASP, FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1:90–99; DE PAUW, 2:359–87). The northeastern boundary dispute concerned some 7,500 square miles of land between the United States and New Brunswick; the boundary had been left unsettled at the Treaty of Paris in 1783 because of uncertainty as to the location of the river St. Croix which appeared on Mitchell's Map and was used as the boundary line by the peace commissioners. Investigation in the area showed there was no St. Croix River in the vicinity of the stream marked on Mitchell's Map. British negotiators held that the boundary line agreed upon at Paris was the Schoodiac River while the United States maintained it was the Magaguadavic, east of the Schoodiac (see MOORE [3], 1:5). The dispute on the location of the St. Croix was settled by arbitration in 1798, a mixed commission agreeing that the Schoodiac was the St. Croix on Mitchell's Map. 0057 37

Friday 19th. Exercised on horse-back about 9 oclock. Walked afterwards to my New House.

Received a Captn. Drew, Comr. of a British Sloop of War, sent Express to Sir John Temple Consul General of that Nation in the U. States.

The Visitors this Evening to Mrs. Washington were numerous and respectable.

Captain Drew, in command of the Echo, sailed on his return voyage to Plymouth 6 Mar. ( New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, 11 Mar. 1790).

Saturday 20th. Sat from nine until 11 for Mr. Trumbull. Walked afterwards to my New House—then rode a few miles with Mrs. Washington and the Children before dinner; after which I again visited my New House in my Coach (because it rained).

Sunday 21st. Went to St. Pauls Chapel in the forenoon. Wrote letters respecting my domestic concerns afterwards.

The only private letter found for this day is GW to Samuel Powel, concerning the Philadelphia Society for Promoting Agriculture (DLG:GW).

Monday 22d. Set seriously about removing my furniture to my New House. Two of the Gentlemen of the family had their Beds taken there and would sleep there to Night.

Tuesday 23d. Few or no visiters at the Levee today, from the idea of my being on the move.

After dinner Mrs. Washington Myself & Children removed and lodged at our New habitation.

REMOVED: See entry for 1 Feb. 1790.

Wednesday 24th. Employed in arranging matters about the House & fixing matters.

Thursday 25th. Engaged as yesterday.

In the afternoon a Committee of Congress presented an Act for enumerating the Inhabitts. of the United States.

AN ACT: 1 STAT. 101 (1 Mar. 1790). This act provided for the taking of the first federal census.

Friday 26th. A numerous company of Gentlemen & Ladies were here this Afternoon.

Exercised on Horse-back this forenoon.

0058 38

Saturday 27th. Sat for Mr. Trumbull this forenoon; after which exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington & the Children.

Sunday 28th. Went to St. Pauls Chappel in the forenoon. Wrote letters on private business afterwards.

March 1790

Monday the First. Exercised on horseback this forenoon, attended by Mr. John Trumbull who wanted to see me Mounted.

Informed the House of Representatives (where the Bill originated) that I had given my assent to the Act for taking a Census of the People.

Also communicated to both Houses the application from the field Officers of Harrison County (made through the County Lieutenant Colo. Duval) for Assistance as they apprehend the season was near at hand when Indian depredations would be commenced. With these, some other Papers respecting the western Frontiers were sent.

CENSUS: See entry for 25 Feb. 1790. John P. Duvall (Duval) was county lieutenant of Harrison County, Va. Henry Knox sent the application, together with other papers, to Congress (Knox to Congress, 2 Mar. 1790, and Knox to GW, 2 Mar. 1790, DLC:GW). Although Knox's letter to Congress is dated 2 Mar. in GW's letterbooks, the papers were apparently received in the House of Representatives by 1 Mar. (see DE PAUW, 3:310).

Tuesday 2d. Much, and respectable company was at the Levy to day.

Caused a letter to be written to the Govt. of St. Jago respecting the Imprisonment of a Captn. Hammond.

On 20 Feb. 1790 Maria Hammond of New York City wrote GW complaining that her husband, Thomas Hammond, a sea captain, had been captured by the British frigate Pomona in Oct. 1789 “on the Coast of Africa, his Vessel and Cargo seized and sold, and himself and pilot put in Irons and in that situation delivered to the Portugueze Governor of the Island of St. Jago, where they are now closely confined, and in the most deplorable situation.” Mrs. Hammond also enclosed a petition from her husband and the pilot of the ship, John Hilliard, complaining of their treatment. She requested GW's intervention with the Portuguese (DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters). At the president's request Tobias Lear sent the petition to John Jay, 20 Feb., asking his opinion as to what procedures should be followed (DLC:GW). Jay apparently advised GW to make inquiries of Anseto Antone Freatz, the governor 0059

John Trumbull's historical painting “The Capture of the Hessians at Trenton.” (Yale University Art Gallery)

0060 40 of St. Jago, Cape Verde Islands, for on 1 Mar. 1790, Lear wrote to him, explaining the circumstances of the capture of Hammond and the sloop Brothers and stating “that the reason assigned for this seizure was, that dollars were found on board the Sloop, which dollars, they say, were taken from wrecks” near the island of Bonavista. “The President is desireous to be informed of the reasons which gave occasion to the treatment which these people have received; and in case your Excellency should not think it consistant with your duty to release them from Confinement, that you would direct them to be treated with such a degree of benevolence as the nature of the Offences with which they stand charged may permit” (DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters).

Wednesday 3d. Exercised on Horse-back between 9 and 11 Oclock.

Thursday 4th. Sat from 9 until half after 10 Oclk. for Mr. Trumbull.

The following Gentlemen dined here to day—viz.—The Vice-Presidt. Messrs. Langdon, Wingate, Dalton, Strong, Ellsworth, Schuyler, King, Patterson, Morris, McClay, Bassett, Henry, Johnson, Hawkins, Izard, Butlar & Few all of the Senate.

According to an entry for this day in William Maclay's diary, “it was a dinner of dignity. All the Senators were present and the Vice-President. I looked often around the company to find the happiest faces. . . . The President seemed to bear in his countenance a settled aspect of melancholy. . . . At every interval of eating or drinking he played on the table with a fork or knife, like a drumstick” (MACLAY, 201).

Friday 5th. A very numerous company of Ladies & Gentlemen here this Evening.

Saturday 6th. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington and the Children and in the Afternoon walked round the Battery.

Received a letter from the Govr. of the Western Territory dated at the Rapids of Ohio giving an acct. of the State of Affairs in the Westn. Country.

Arthur St. Clair was appointed governor of the Northwest Territory in 1787. His letter to GW from “the Rapids of the Ohio,” at present Louisville, Ky., has not been found. However, in a letter to GW, 1 May 1790, written from Cahokia in the Illinois Country, St. Clair stated: “In a Letter, which I had the honor to address to you from the Rapids of the Ohio, I mentioned the Information I had received respecting Mr. Morgan in that part of the Country” (DNA: RG 59, Territorial Papers, Northwest Territory). St. Clair's earlier letter concerned the activities of George Morgan (1743–1810), member of the former Philadelphia trading firm of Baynton, Wharton, Morgan. In 1789 Morgan actively engaged, with Spanish representative 0061 41

Washington's sketch for a cipher and crest for his coach. (Library of Congress)

Don Diego de Gardoqui, in a scheme to develop the Spanish settlement of New Madrid in what was then Spanish Louisiana and to entice Americans to settle there.

Sunday 7th. At home all day—writing letters on private business.

Monday 8th. Sent to both Houses of Congress the Resolves of the Delaware State to adopt and make part of the Constitution of the United States the amendments proposed by the General Government except the first article of the said amendments the consideration of which they postponed.

A copy of Gov. Joshua Clayton's letter to GW, 19 Feb. 1790, enclosing the resolution of the Delaware legislature, 28 Jan. 1790, is in DNA: RG 46, President's Messages. For the amendments, see entry for 15 Feb. 1790.

Tuesday 9th. A good many Gentlemen attended the Levy to day; among whom were many members of Congress.

Wednesday 10th. Exercised on Horse-back between 9 and a 1 oclock. On my return had a long conversation with Colo. Willet, 0062 42 who was engaged to go as a private Agent, but for public purposes, to Mr. McGillivray principal chief of the Creek Nation. In this conversation he was impressed with the critical situation of our Affairs with that Nation—the importance of getting him & some other chiefs to this City—the arguments justifiable for him to use to effect this—with such lures as respected McGillivray personally & might be held out to him. His (Colo. Willits) going, was not to have the appearance of a Governmental act. He & the business he went upon, would be introduced to McGillivray by Colo. Hawkins of the Senate (from No. Carolina) who was a corrispondant of McGillivrays—but he would be provided with a Pass-port for him and other Indian chiefs if they inclined to make use of it; but not to part with it if they did not.

The letter from Colo. Hawkins to McGillivray was calculated to bring to his, & the view of the Crk. Nation the direful consequences of a rupture with the United States. The disposition of the General government to deal justly and honorably by them and the means by which they, the Creeks, may avert the calamities of War which must be brought on by the disorderly people of both nations, if a Treaty is not made & observed. His instructions relative to the principal points to be negotiated would be given to Colo. Willet in writing by the Secretary of War.

COLO. WILLET: For the government's earlier negotiations with the Creek, see entry for 16 Nov. 1789. In a letter to GW, 15 Feb. 1790, concerning the government's plan to bring Creek chief Alexander McGillivray to New York, Knox had suggested that a person he appointed to carry Sen. Benjamin Hawkins's letter of invitation to McGillivray (see entry for 27 Jan. 1790). “The bearer of the letter ought to be a man of real talents and judgment. Although the ostensible object of his mission should be the charge of the letter, yet the real object should be much more extensive. He should be capable of observing the effects of the proposition, on the mind of Mr. McGillivray and the other Chiefs. . . . The objects therefore of the mission require an important character who although not invested with any apparently dignified public commission ought to have such private powers and compensation as would be a sufficient inducement to a performance of the intended service” (DLC:GW). The choice as emissary fell on Marinus Willett (1740–1830), an Antifederalist New York merchant and veteran of the French and Indian War and the Revolution. Willett's mission proved successful. McGillivray found him “a Candid and Benevolent Character possessing abilitys but without Show or parade” and agreed to accompany him to New York (McGillivray to William Panton, 8 May 1790, CAUGHEY, 259–62).

Thursday 11th. A Letter from Arthur Campbell Esqr. of Washington County Virginia to the Secretary at War was put into my 0063 43 hands by the latter containing the following information—the letter dated 6th. Feb. 90.

That half the Cherokee Nation wd. desire to remain Neutre in case of a war between the United States and the Creek Indians—viz.—Those in the Neighbourhood of Chota & all those which are called the Middle Settlements. The Towns on the Tennessee below Hiuassee, & those on the heads of the Caussa would aid the Creeks.

That from the Long Island in Holstein to the Junction of French Broad the Navigation is equal to that of Monongahela between the Mouth of Cheat & Pitsburgh. Below it it is exceeding good to where the River passes through Cumberland Mountain, a distance of about 150 Miles by Water. Here the River runs with great rapidity against a steep rock which forms its bank and makes a short turn & gives this place the name of the Whirl; the River here not being more than the 4th. of its common breadth above below it is very deep but not dangerous with care.

That from this place the river moves with a gentle current Southerly near the foot of the Cumberland Mountn. on the West side for about 100 Miles (something Eastwardly of this distance the Mountain ends) then it begins to turn Northwardly 100 miles more to the upper end of the Muscle shoals.

That these Muscle shoals are gentle rapids for about 30 miles, and the difficulty lays in strangers missing the right Channel—the River being 2 Miles wide & full of small Islands.

That the Creek landing on the Tennessee, is about 80 Miles below the Whirl, from whence there is a good road to the Caussa, on the branches of which, and the Alibama river (both waters of the Mobile) most of the Upper Creeks live.

That below the Muscle shoals a Row boat of any size may ascend the river with almost the same facility it passes downwards.

That from Nashville to the lower settlements on Holstein the New road is computed 180 miles. Miro is the name of the District.

That from Nashville to the Muscle Shoals is 70 Miles.

That it is the upper Creeks generally, the Cherokees of the lower towns to wit Chickamaga, Nickgjack & Crows Town, that give annoyance to the Southern Settlements at Kentucky, the Path through the Wilderness, and the Holstein Settlements.

That the Miro District (which contains all the Cumberland Settlements) can raise 800 good Militia men—total number of Inhabitants may be abt. 4000 besides Slaves.

That Washington District in North Carolina contains 4000 0064 44 Mila. and Washington District in Virginia about 2000 Do.—The two latter mostly in Holstein Valley.

That Kentucky District has betwn. Eight & 10,000 Men.

That in his opinion, a Regiment of Militia could be raised to go against the Southern Indians to serve one Campaign in Six weeks after the officers should receive orders for the purpose and that before the expiration of that time 560 Regular Troops could be enlisted to serve three years or better—call them Rangers. The light Infantry Companies & Troops of horse in the different western Counties might be ordered into Service agreeable to the existing Laws of Virga. Out of these a fine Ranging Regiment might be Enlisted.

That the Distances, as computed, from place to place are as follow—viz.

From Lexington in Kentucky

To Danville 30 Miles

Green River 60

Big Barren River 60

Red river Station 40

Nashville on Cumbd. 25

Muscle Shoals 70

285

From Lexington to Crab Orchd. 40

To Cumberland Gap 100

The Mouth of Hiwassee 70

Big Shoemac Town (Cherok.) 40

Creek Towns 60

310

From Nashville to Holstein

To Bledsoes Lick 30

Big Salt lick (Cumberd.) 30

Junction of the Holstein & Tennessee 100

160

From the Mouth of Holstein the direct way to the Creek Towns

To Hiwassee old Town (Cherokees) 40

Big Shoemac 30

Upper Creeks on Caussa Waters 60

130

The following Gentlemen dined here to day—viz.

Mr. Read of the Senate, the Speaker, and following Gentlemen of the House of Representatives—viz.—Messrs. Gilman, Goodhue, 0065 45 Aimes Wadsworth, Trumbull, Benson, Lawrence, Peter Muhlenberg, Wynkoop Vining, Carroll, Contee, Madison Page & Sumpter—also Judge Bedford and Mr. John Trumbull.

Arthur Campbell (1742–1811) was born in Augusta County, Va., and was active in Indian fighting on the Virginia frontier until c.1777 when he moved to North Carolina and settled near the Holston River in what is now Washington County, Va. He soon became a leading land speculator and spokesman for frontier interests and served frequently in the North Carolina Assembly. He was involved as early as 1782 in the movement to separate the western part of North Carolina from the state and in the mid-1780s became a leading proponent of the State of Franklin. His letter to Knox has not been found. John Vining (1758–1802), a New Castle County, Del., attorney and a native of Dover, served in the Continental Congress 1784–86. Mr. Carroll is Daniel Carroll (1730–1796), cousin of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, who had been elected as a Federalist Representative to the First Congress. Benjamin Contee (1755–1815), a native of Prince George's County, Md., served in the 3d Maryland Battalion during the Revolution, in the Maryland House of Delegates 1785–87, and in the Continental Congress 1788–89. Thomas Sumter (1734–1832) was born near Charlottesville, Va., but moved in 1765 to the area of Eutaw Springs, S.C. He had a notable military career during the Revolution both in the Continental Army where he held the rank of colonel and as a brigadier general in the South Carolina militia, operating with considerable success against Banastre Tarleton and Lord Rawdon after the British invasion of South Carolina. After the Revolution he founded Stateburg, S.C., and became heavily involved in canal ventures and land speculation. Sumter was a member of the South Carolina Ratifying Convention and was elected from South Carolina to the First Congress where he became a spokesman for South Carolina Antifederalists. Gunning Bedford, Jr. (1747–1812), a native of Philadelphia, graduated from Princeton in 1771, studied law in Philadelphia with Joseph Reed, and moved to Delaware shortly before the Revolution. He served in the Continental Congress 1783–85 and as attorney general of Delaware 1784–89. Bedford was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1787 and to the Delaware Ratifying Convention the same year. In 1789 GW appointed him federal judge for the district of Delaware.

Friday the 12th. Exercised in the Post Chaise with Mrs. Washington from 10 Oclock till near 12.

Signed the Passport which was to be committed to Colo. Willet for Mr. McGillivray and other Chiefs of the Greek Nation of Indians, and other Papers necessary for his setting out on this business.

A Pretty numerous company of Visiters this evening to Mrs. Washington Levee.

Saturday 13th. Exercised about 11 Oclock with Mrs. Washington & the Children, in the Coach.

0066 46

Sunday 14th. Went to St. Pauls Chapel in the forenoon. Wrote letters on private business afterwards.

Monday 15th. Received an Address from the Roman Catholics of the United States presented by Mr. Carroll of the Senate, Mr. Carroll & Mr. Fitzimmons of the House of Representatives, and many others, Inhabitants of the City of New York.

Received a letter from the Executive of the State of Pensylvania, by the hands of a Mr. Ryerson one of the Representatives of that State in Assembly, respecting the exposed state of the County of Washington. This letter I sent to the Secretary of War to be laid before Congress.

I also received from the Speaker of the Assembly of Pensylvania, an Act, adopting the Amendments to the Constitution as proposed by Congress, except the first article thereof.

And Mr. Few, Senator from the State of Georgia, presented me with the Copy of an Address from that State requiring to knw. when it would be convenient for me to receive it in form. Finding it out of the usual style—State politics being blended there with, I informed Mr. Few that as soon as I could make it convenient to receive it He should have notice thereof.

ROMAN CATHOLICS: The undated complimentary address was signed by Bishop John Carroll, representing the Roman Catholic clergy, and by Charles Carroll of Carrollton, Daniel Carroll, Thomas Fitzsimons, and Dominick Lynch, in behalf of the Roman Catholic laity (DLC:GW). GW's reply, also undated, is in MdBAr. EXECUTIVE OF THE STATE OF PENSYLVANIA: Gov. Thomas Mifflin wrote GW “in Council” on 10 Mar. 1790, “transmitting to your Excellency a Letter which has been addressed to the Executive of this State by several very respectable Inhabitants of the County of Washington in Pennsylvania; in which they represent 'that many mischiefs have taken place in that County for several years past from the hostile incursions of the Indians, and that from the present aspect of Indian affairs in the western and South western Countries, the same are likely to continue’ and request ‘the interposition of Council with the President’” (DLC:GW). Knox delivered the letters to the House of Representatives on 16 Mar. 1790, where they were read and ordered to lie on the table (DE PAUW, 3:329). The letters were delivered to GW by Thomas Ryerson, who represented Washington County in the Pennsylvania Assembly. The act of the Pennsylvania legislature, 10 Mar. 1790, ratifying ten of the proposed amendments to the Constitution, is printed, with accompanying documents, in DE PAUW, 3:330–32. Pennsylvania failed to ratify the first two of the proposed amendments (see entry for 15 Feb. 1790). ADDRESS: Presumably this is the address to the president drafted in the Georgia General Assembly 22 Dec. 1789 (DLC:GW). After the usual compliments to GW, the assembly complained of Creek incursions on Georgia's frontiers. “On this subject we wish to be delicate; much has been already said—we have objected, and it has been contradicted; removed at a distance from the centre our actions have been liable to misrepresentation; 0067 47 but we trust that by this time, they are better explained. In the meantime while our population has been checked and our agriculture diminished—the blood of our citizens has been spilled, our public resources greatly exhausted; and our frontiers still open to fresh ravages. The failure of the late negociations for a peace with the Creek nation and the circumstances which attended the same, are the best evidence of the necessity of our measures, and a proof of the late hostile dispositions of these People. . . . Another circumstance of additional calamity attendant on our being the south frontier of the Union, is the facility of our black people crossing the spanish line, from whence we have never been able to reclaim them. . . . We take this occasion of bringing this business into view, with a perfect reliance, that you will cause such discussions to be made, as shall be necessary to bring about a remedy.” Since Georgia was widely accused of provoking Indian retaliation by permitting settlement on Indian lands and by military excursions into Creek territory, GW's undated reply was carefully noncommittal, promising only to “make such use of the powers vested in me by the constitution as may appear to me best calculated to promote the public good” (DLC:GW).

Tuesday 16th. Exercised on horseback between 10 & 12 Oclock. Previous to this, I was visited (having given permisn.) by a Mr. Warner Mifflin, one of the People called Quakers; active in pursuit of the Measures laid before Congress for emancipating the Slaves. After much general conversation, and an endeavor to remove the prejudices which he said had been entertained of the motives by which the attending deputation from their Society were actuated, he used Arguments to shew the immoralty—injustice and impolicy of keeping these people in a state of Slavery; with declarations, however, that he did not wish for more than a graduel abolition, or to see any infraction of the Constitution to effect it. To these I replied, that as it was a matter which might come before me for official decision I was not inclined to express any sentimts. on the merits of the question before this should happen.

The day being bad, not many Visiters attended the Levee. At it Mr. Smith of South Carolina presented the Copy of an Address from the Intendant and [ ] of the City of Charleston, and was told that I would receive it in form on Thursday at 11 Oclock.

Warner Mifflin (1745–1798), a prominent Quaker abolitionist, was born in Accomack County, Va. His father was a prosperous planter who held over 100 slaves; as a young man Mifflin became interested in the abolition movement and persuaded his father to free the family slaves. Although he generally eschewed political action, abstaining from voting on the ground that participation in government might be construed as support of slaveholding interests, he was instrumental in presenting a series of antislavery petitions to the Continental Congress during the Confederation (MIFFLIN; JONES [3], 326). The journal of the House of Representatives for 11 Feb. 1790 notes 0068 48 that “memorials of the people called Quakers, in their annual meetings, held at Philadelphia and New-York, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, were presented to the House and read, praying the attention of Congress in adopting measures for the abolition of the slave trade, and in particular in restraining vessels from being entered and cleared out, for the purposes of that trade.” On 12 Feb. the memorial was referred to a committee, together with a memorial from the Quakers' New York meeting. The committee reported, 23 Mar., stating that Congress had no authority to interfere with the slave trade until 1808 when, as the Constitution provided, the trade would be abolished. Furthermore, the report continued, Congress had no authority to interfere with the states in matters concerning the slaves' welfare, although the members “have the fullest confidence in the wisdom and humanity of the Legislatures of the Several States, that they will revise their laws from time to time, when necessary, and promote the objects mentioned in the memorials, and every other measure that may tend to the happiness of slaves.” The memorials and report met the fate of most other Quaker petitions on slavery; it was ordered that they “do lie on the table” (DE PAUW, 3:294–96, 316, 321, 333–37, 340–41). GW wrote David Stuart, 28 Mar., that the “memorial of the Quakers (and a very mal-apropos one it was) has at length been put to sleep, and will scarcely awake before the year 1808” (DLC:GW). The document transmitted by Sen. William Loughton Smith was “The address of the Intendant [Thomas Jones] and Wardens of the city of Charleston, South-Carolina,” dated in the city council 18 Feb. 1790, congratulating GW on his election as president (DLC:GW). GW's undated reply is also in DLC:GW.

Wednesday 17th. Gave Mr. Few Notice that I would receive the Address of the Legislature of Georgia tomorrow at half after ten oclock.

Sent to both House[s] of Congress the Ratification of the State of Pennsylvania of the amendments proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the Union.

Thursday 18th. At half past 10 I received the address of the Legislature of Georgia—presented by Mr. Few the Senator & the 3 representatives of the State in Congress.

At 11 Oclock the Address from the Intendent and Wardens of the City of Charleston was presented by Mr. Smith.

The following Gentlemen dined here—viz—Messrs. Livermore, Foster, Patridge, Thatcher, Shirman, Fitzimmons, Hartley, Seney, Lee, Burke, Tucker, Baldwin, Jackson & Mathews of the Representatives in Congress and Mr. Otis Secretary of the Senate, and Mr. Beckley Clerk of the House of Representatives.

In the Evening (about 8 Oclk.) I went with Mrs. Washington to the assembly where there were betwn. 60 & 70 Ladies & many Gentlemen.

0069 49 ADDRESS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF GEORGIA: See entry for 25 Mar. 1790. Georgia's three representatives were George Mathews, James Jackson, and Abraham Baldwin.

Friday 19th. Exercised on Horseback betwn. 9 and 11 Oclock.

Information being given by Mr. Van Berkel, that Mr. Cazenove just arrived from Holland, and of a principal Mercantile House there had letters for me which he wished to deliver with his own hands and requesting to know when he might be presented for that purpose. It was thought, before this should be done, it might be proper to know whether they were of a public nature, and whether he was acting in a public character. If so, then to let them come to me through the Secretary of State—if not, then for him to send them, that the purport might be known before he was introduced, which might be at the next Levee when he might be received & treated agreeably to the consequence he might appear to derive from the testimonial of the letters. It being conceived that etiquette of this sort is essential with all foreigners to give respect to the Chief Majestrate and the dignity of the Government, which would be lessened if every person who could procure a letter of introduction should be presented otherwise than at Levee hours in a formal manner.

Theophile Cazenove (1740–1811) was born in Amsterdam and from 1763 to 1788 operated a leading brokerage firm in that city. Serious business reverses in the latter year led him to accept a commission as agent in the United States for a number of Dutch bankers, including Pieter Stadnitski & Son and Nicholaas and Jacob Van Staphorst, who were interested in the purchase of American securities and in investment in various American enterprises. In 1792 Cazenove was appointed agent in purchasing western lands for the six Dutch banking houses that banded together in 1796 as the Holland Land Company. Cazenove arrived in the United States early in 1790, carrying numerous letters of introduction to American financiers (see EVANS [3], 3–7).

Saturday 20th. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington and the Children.

Sunday 21st. Went to St. Pauls Chappel in the forenoon. Wrote private letters in the afternoon.

Received Mr. Jefferson, Minister of State about one Oclock.

Shortly after his return to the United States in 1789 (see entry for 7 Oct. 1789), Jefferson received GW's letter of 13 Oct. 1789 offering him the post of secretary of state (DLC: Jefferson Papers). Jefferson, who preferred to return to Paris, somewhat reluctantly indicated he was willing to serve, “but when I contemplate the extent of that office, embracing as it does the principal mass of domestic administration, together with the foreign, I cannot be insensible 0070 50

Thomas Jefferson, by Charles Willson Peale. (Independence National Historical Park Collection)

of my inequality to it. . . my chief comfort will be to work under your eye, my only shelter the authority of your name, and the wisdom of measures to be dictated by you, and implicitly executed by me. . . I do not see that the matters which have called me hither will permit me to shorten the stay I originally asked; that is to say, to set out on my journey Northward till the month of March. As early as possible in that month I shall have the 0071 51 honor of paying my respects to you in New York” (Jefferson to GW, 15 Dec. 1789, DLC:GW). For the circumstances of Jefferson's acceptance, see JEFFERSON [1], 16:169–70; GW to Jefferson, 21 Jan. 1790, DLC: Jefferson Papers; Jefferson to GW, 14 Feb. 1790, DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters. Jefferson left Virginia early in March and arrived in New York today.

Monday 22d. Sat for Mr. Trumbell for my Picture in his Historical pieces—after which conversed for more than an hour with Mr. Jefferson on business relative to the duties of his office.

Tuesday 23d. A full, & very respectable Levee to day—previous to which I had a conversation with the Secretary of State on the following points, viz—

First, with respect to our Captives in Algiers, in which, after detailing their situation—the measures he had taken for their relief and the train in which the business was in by means of a Genl. [ ] who is at the head of a religious society in France whose practice it is to sollicit aids for the relief of the unfortunate Christians in captivity among the Barbarians, it was concluded betwn. us, that it had better remain in that train a while longer. This person had been authorised to go as far as about £150 Sterlg. each, for the ransom of our Captives; but the Algerines demanding a much larger sum it was conceived that acceding to it might establish a precedent which would always operate and be very burthensome if yielded to; and become a much stronger inducement to captivate our People than they now have, as it is more for the sake of the ransom than for the labour, that they make Slaves of the Prisoners. Mr. Short was to be written to on this Subject, and directed to make enquiry of this General [ ] what his expectations of redemption are at present.

Second—He is of opinion, that excepting the Court of France, there is no occasion to employ higher grades in the Diplomatic line than Chargé des affaires; and that these, by the respectibility of their appointments, had better be at the head of their grade, than Ministers Plenipotentiaries by low Salaries at the foot of theirs. The reason of the distinction, in favor of a Minister Plenipo at Versailles, is, that there are more Ambassadors at that Court than any other and therefore that we ought in some measure to approximate our Representative and besides, its being a Court with which we have much to do.

Third—With respect to the appointment of Consels he refers to a letter on the nature of this business—the places where necessary—and the characters best entitled to appointmts. which he 0072 52 had written on the Subject, while in France, to the Secretary of Foreign affairs.

Fourth—That it might be advisable to direct Mr. Charmichael to Sound the Spanish Ministry with respect to the obstacles which had hitherto impeded a Commercial Treaty to see if there was any disposition in them to relax in their Territorial claims & exclusive right to the Navigation of the River Missisipi.

FIRST: The Algerian captives were the 21 officers and men of two American ships—the Maria out of Boston and the Dauphin out of Philadelphia—that had been captured by Algerian corsairs off the coast of Africa in 1785. Fearing that the seamen, already held as slaves in Algiers, might be sold south into the interior of Africa, the United States government made several unsuccessful attempts to ransom them during the Confederation (ASP, FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1:100–104). By Dec. 1788 six of the captives were dead (Thomas Jefferson to Père Chauvier, 27 Dec. 1788, JEFFERSON [1], 14:395–97). Père Chauvier was the “Général et Grand Ministre” of the Order de La Sainte Trinité de la Redemption des Captifs, usually called the Mathurins. In 1786–88, while he was United States minister to France, Jefferson had discussed with members of the order the possibility that they might assist in redeeming the prisoners, and in Dec. 1788 he opened negotiations with Père Chauvier (JEFFERSON [1], 14:401–2). A recapitulation of Jefferson's efforts on behalf of the captives is in his “Report on American Captives in Algiers,” 28 Dec. 1790 (JEFFERSON [1], 18:430–36). William Short (1759–1849), a native of Surry County, Va., and a 1779 graduate of the College of William and Mary, accompanied Thomas Jefferson to Paris in 1784 where he served as his secretary and later as secretary of legation. When Jefferson returned to the United States, Short was left to represent the United States in France with the rank of chargé d'affaires (DE PAUW, 2:8–9). SECOND: GW was undoubtedly concerned with Jefferson's opinion on diplomatic appointments because of discussion aroused by a bill for “providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations” (DE PAUW, 3:269). Introduced in Jan. 1790, the bill (House Bill No.35) had engendered extensive and sometimes acrimonious debate on the appointment of American diplomats abroad and the manner in which they were to be paid. The bill involved constitutional questions as to whether the president should determine the rank and emoluments for diplomatic appointments or whether this was to be a function of Congress as had been the case during the Confederation (ANNALS OF CONGRESS, 1:1004–5, 1113, 1118–30, 2:1526; MACLAY, 248). On 31 Mar. 1790 “the committee to whom was re-committed the bill ‘providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations,’ presented an amendatory bill to the same effect, which was received and read the first time” (House Bill No. 52). See DE PAUW, 3:351. Debates in the House and Senate on the amended bill dragged on until the passage of “An Act providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations” (1 STAT. 128 [1] July 1790]). THIRD: Jefferson's letter to John Jay, 14 Nov. 1788, detailed Jefferson's views on a consular establishment and suggested individuals who might fill consular posts in France (JEFFERSON [1], 14:56–66). 52 0073 53 William Carmichael (c. 1738–1795), of Queen's County, Md., served in the Continental Congress 1778–79 and as John Jay's secretary in Spain in 1779. In Sept. 1789 GW appointed him chargé d'affaires in Madrid.

Wednesday 24th. Prevented from Riding by the unfavourableness of the Weather.

Thursday 25th. Went in the forenoon to the Consecration of Trinity Church, where a Pew was constructed, and set apart for the President of the United Sts.

Received from the Senate their opinion and advice on the Papers which had been submitted to them respecting the Incroachments on the Eastern boundary of the United States, and the disputes consequent thereof.

And from a Comee. of Congress two Acts—one for establishing the mode for uniformity in Naturalization of Foreigners—the other Making appropriations for the support of Government for the year 1790. By this last was Grantd.

dollrs. Cents

141,492.73 for the Civil list

155,537.72 War Department

96,979.72 Invalid Pensions

10,000. President—for Contingent Services of Governmt.

147,169.54 For demands enumerated by the Secrety. of the Treay. on wch. the light Ho. on Cape Henry is includd.

120. To Jehoiakim McToksin

96. James Mathers

96. Gifford Dally.

551,491.71 Total amount.

The following Company dined here to day—viz—

The Chief Justice Jay & his Lady Genl. Schuyler & his Lady, the Secretary of the Treasury & his Lady, the Secretary of War & his Lady & Mrs. Greene The Secretary of State (Mr. Jefferson) Mr. Carroll & Mr. Henry of the Senate Judge Wilson, Messrs. Madison & Page of the Ho. of Representatives, and Colo. Smith Marshall of the District.

TRINITY CHURCH: See entry for 4 Oct. 1789. The Senate referred GW's letters of 9 and 18 Feb. (see entry for 18 Feb. 1790) concerning British encroachment on the northeast boundary of the United States to a Senate committee for consideration. The committee reported, 9 Mar., and on 24 Mar. the 0074 54 Senate advised that steps be taken to settle the boundary line with Britain as soon as possible, that it should be suggested to the British court that if the dispute could not be otherwise settled, a joint commission should be appointed to consider the matter, and that testimony as to the location of the St. Croix River be collected in anticipation of discussions between the two powers (ANNALS OF CONGRESS, 1:983, 984–85, 989, 994). TWO ACTS: 1 STAT. 103–4 (26 Mar. 1790). Section 6 of the 1790 Appropriations Act provided the above sums for “Jehoiakim M'Toksin, in full compensation for his services as an interpreter and guide in the expedition commanded by Major-general Sullivan, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine,” and for Mathers and Dalley “for services during the late recess of Congress” (1 STAT. 104–6 [26 Mar. 1790]).

Friday 26th. Had a further Conversation with the Secretary of State on the subject of Foreign appointments, and on the Provision which was necessary for Congress to make for them—the result of which was that under all circumstances it might be best to have Ministers Plenipy. at the Courts of France and England (if any advances from the latter should be made) And Chargés des Affaires in Spain & Portugal—Whether it might be necessary to send a Person in this character to Holland—one in the character of Resident—or simply a person well Skilled in commercial matters in any other character being questionable; nothing finally was decided—but it was concluded that the Secretary's information to a Committee of Congress with whom he was to converse on the subject of the Provision to be made, that the Salaries allowed to our Diplomatic characters was too low—that the Grades which wd. be fixed on, to transact our Affairs abroad would be as low as they cd. be made without giving umbrage that therefore, about 36,000 dollrs. might answer as a provision for the characters to the Courts before named—or that it might take forty nine or 50,000 dollars if it should be found that the lower grades will not answer.

The company this evening was thin, especially of Ladies.

FOREIGN APPOINTMENTS: See entry for 23 Mar. 1790.

Saturday 27th. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington and the Children.

Sunday 28th. Went to St. Pauls Chapel in the forenoon.

Monday 29th. Exercised on Horseback in the forenoon and called at Colo. Walton Whites.

0075 55

Tuesday 30th. Exercised in the Post Chaise with Mrs. Washington.

The Company at the Levee to day was numerous & respectable.

Wednesday 31st. Exercised on Horseback.

April 1790

Thursday the First. Received from a Comee. of both Houses of Congress the following Acts. viz—“An Act to accept a Cession of the Claims of the State of No. Carolina to a certain District of Western Territory” and an “Act to prevent the exportation of Goods not duly inspected according to the Laws of the several States.”

Communicated to both Houses of Congress a letter from the Govr. of So. Carolina, enclosing the adoption of the amendments by that State agreeably to the recommendation of Congress.

The following Company dined here to day. viz.

Governor Clinton, the Speakers of the Senate & House of Representatives of the State of New York Judge Duane, Baron de Steuben and Mr. Arthur Lee—Mr. King of the Senate, and the following Members of the House of Representatives—Mr. Leonard, Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Grout, Mr. Van Rensalaer, Mr. Hathorn, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Heister, Mr. Stone, Mr. Williamson, Mr. Ash, and Mr. Huger.

ACTS: 1 STAT. 106–9 (2 April 1790); 1 STAT. 106 (2 April 1790). LETTER FROM THE GOVR.: Charles Pinckney to GW, 28 Jan. 1790, enclosed a resolution of the South Carolina legislature, 18 Jan. (DNA: RG 233, Journals, 1st Congress). GW sent the documents to the House 1 April (DE PAUW, 3:253). The speaker of the New York Senate was Isaac Roosevelt. Gulian Verplanck was speaker of the legislature. Arthur Lee was living at this time on his estate, Lansdowne, in Middlesex County, Va., and at Alexandria. He may have come to New York to see his brother Richard Henry Lee, now a member of Congress, who had been “brought near to my grave by a severe illness” (Richard Henry Lee to Arthur Lee, 19 May 1790, ViU: Lee Family Papers; BALLAGH, 2:510). Jeremiah Van Rensselaer (1738–1810), representative to the First Congress from New York, graduated from Princeton in 1758 and served in the New York Assembly in 1789. John Hathorn (1749–1825), a Federalist who also represented New York in the House of Representatives, served in the New York militia during the Revolution, in the New York Assembly in 1778–80, 1782–85, 1795, 1805, and in the New York Senate 1786–90, 1799–1803. John Baptista Ashe (1748–1802) was born in Rocky Point, N.C. Ashe 0076 56 served as a colonel in the North Carolina militia during the Revolution and in the North Carolina House of Commons 1784–86. In 1787 he was a member of the Continental Congress and in 1789 was elected as a Federalist to the First Congress.

Friday 2d. Deposited the above Acts in the Secretary of States Office and informed the Houses of Congress thereof.

But a thin company this Evening, on acct. of the badness of the weather & its being good friday.

Saturday 3d. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington and the Children.

Gave notice to the Senate House of Congress that I had given my assent to the Act accepting the Cession of No. Carolina & to the other House that I had passed the Bill to prevent the exportation of Goods not duly inspected according to the Laws of the several States—these being the Houses in wch. they respectively originated.

Received from the Governor of the State of New York, three Acts of its Legislature—One adopting the Amendments (except the 2d.) proposed by Congress—another Ceding the Light House at the Hook to the United States and the third authorising & commanding the Goalers throughout the State to receive & safe keep Prisoners committed under the Authority of the United States.

GW's message assenting to “An Act to accept a cession of the claims of the State of North-Carolina to a certain district of Western territory” was read in the Senate on 3 April 1790 (DE PAUW, 1:274–75; see also entry for 29 Jan. and 1 April 1790). GW's message assenting to “An act to prevent the exportation of goods not duly inspected according to the laws of the several States” was read in the House on 3 April (DE PAUW, 3:355). Gov. George Clinton's letter to GW, 2 April 1790, is in DNA: RG 46, Entry 5, President's Messages. It enclosed “An act declaring it to be the duty of the sheriffs of the several counties within this State to receive, and safe keep such prisoners as shall be committed under the authority of the United States,” passed 20 Mar. 1790; “An act for vesting in the United States of America, the light-house, and lands thereunto belonging, at Sandy Hook,” passed 26 Mar. 1790; and “An act ratifying certain articles in addition to, and amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress,” passed 27 Mar. 1790. The letters and enclosures were read in the House of Representatives 5 April 1790 (DE PAUW, 3:346–47).

Sunday 4th. At home all day—unwell.

Monday 5th. Exercised with Mrs. Washington in the Post Chaize.

Sent duplicates of the Acts received (as above) from the Executive 0077 57 of New York to both Houses of Congress for their information; & deposited the originals in the Secretary of States Office.

Tuesday 6th. Sat for Mr. Savage, at the request of the Vice-President, to have my Portrait drawn for him.

The Company at the Levee to day was thin. The day was bad.

The portrait for which GW sat today was painted by Edward Savage for John Adams and hung by the Adamses in their home in Quincy, Mass. (see EISEN, 2:458).

Wednesday 7th. Exercised with Mrs. Washington in the Post Chaise.

Thursday 8th. The following Company dined here viz—of the House of representatives—Mr. Gerry, Mr. Huntingdon, Mr. Cadwalader, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Sinnickson, Mr. Scott, Mr. Gale, Mr. Parker, Mr. Moore, & Mr. Brown—of the Treasury Department, the Comptroller (Mr. Eveleigh) the Auditor (Mr. Wolcot), & the Register Mr. Nourse and of the Commissioners of Accts. Genl. Irvine and Mr. Kean—together with Mr. Gore, Attorney for the District of Massachusetts.

Nicholas Eveleigh (C. 1748–1791), of Charleston, S.C., served in South Carolina regiments 1775–78 and in the South Carolina General Assembly in 1781. He was a delegate to the Continental Congress 1781–82 and served as comptroller of the treasury from 1789 to 1791. Joseph Nourse (1754–1841) was born in England and immigrated to America with his parents, James Nourse (1731–1784) and Sarah Fouace Nourse (d. 1784) in 1769, settling on a plantation near Charles Town in what is now Berkeley County, W.Va. During the Revolution, Nourse served as aide to Maj. Gen. Charles Lee 1776 and clerk of the Board of War 1777–81. On 11 Sept. 1789 GW appointed him auditor of the Treasury (DE PAUW, 2:38–39, 552–53; LYLE, 199–202). William Irvine (1741–1804), a native of Ireland and a graduate of Dublin University, served as a surgeon in the British navy before he immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1763, settling in Carlisle. During the Revolution he was a brigadier general in the Continental Army and after the war was a member of the Continental Congress 1786–88. John Kean (1756–1795), a Charleston, S.C., merchant, was a member of the Continental Congress 1785–87. On 9 Sept. 1788 Irvine was appointed by the Continental Congress one of three commissioners to settle state accounts with Congress under the terms of “An Ordinance for Settling the Accounts between the United States and the Individual States,” 7 May 1787 (JCC, 32:262–66, 34:502). Under the provisions of “An Act for settling the Accounts between the United States and individual States” (1 STAT. 49 [5 Aug. 1789]), the president was empowered to fill vacancies in the board of commissioners, and on 7 Aug. 1789 he appointed John Kean to the position on the board left vacant by Abraham Baldwin's election to Congress (DE PAUW, 2:25–26). Both Irvine and Kean 0078 58

Edward Savage's portraits of George and Martha Washington. (The Adams National Historic Site, National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior)

were appointed in Aug. 1790 as commissioners of accounts under “An Act to provide more effectually for the settlement of the Accounts between the United States and the individual States” (1 STAT. 178–79 [5 Aug. 1790]; DE PAUW, 2:92). Christopher Gore (1758–1827), a 1776 graduate of Harvard, practiced law in Boston. He was a member of the Massachusetts Ratifying Convention in 1788 and served in the state legislature 1788–89. A leading Massachusetts 0079 59 Federalist, he was deeply involved in support of Federalist policies in state politics. In Sept. 1789 GW, V appointed him United States attorney for the district of Massachusetts (EXECUTIVE JOURNAL, 1:29).

Friday 9th. Exercised on Horseback in the forenoon.

Received the “Act for the encouragement of Arts from a Comee. of Congress.”

The company who visited Mrs. Washington this afternoon was very numerous—both of Gentlemen & Ladies.

0080 60 ACT: This statute, the first patent law, provided the administrative machinery for registering patents and granted inventors for any term not exceeding 14 years “the sole and exclusive right and liberty of making, constructing, using and vending to others to be used, the said invention or discovery” (1 STAT. 109–12 [10 April 1789]).

Saturday 10th. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington and the Children. Walked in the afternoon around the Battery and through some of the principal Streets of the City.

In the Afternoon the Secretary of State submitted for my approbation Letters of credence for Mr. Short as Charges de affaires at the Court of Versailles, & his own Letter to Monsr. Montmorin taking leave of that Court both directed to that Minister—also to Mr. Short on the Subject of our Prisoners at Algiers. And at Night he submitted the Copy of a letter he had drafted to Mr. Carmichael respecting the Governor of the Island of Juan Fernandez who had been disgraced & recalled from his government of that Island for having permitted the ship Washington which had suffered in a storm to put into that Port to repair the damages she had sustained in it, & to recruit her wood & water. This Ship belonged to Barrel & Co. of Boston.

Although the documents submitted by Jefferson, all dated before 10 April 1790, were enclosed in a letter to GW dated 5 April, it is likely that the secretary of state held the drafts and submitted them to the president on this day (see JEFFERSON [1], 16:310n). Jefferson's two letters to Armand Marc, comte de Montmorin Saint-Herem, French minister for foreign affairs, 6 April, announcing his recall, are in JEFFERSON [1], 16:313–15. Jefferson may also have submitted for GW's approbation the draft of a letter from the president to Louis XVI, 6 April, notifying the court of Jefferson's recall (DNA: RG 59, Diplomatic and Consular Instructions). In his letter to William Short, 6 April (JEFFERSON [1], 16:315–17), Jefferson instructed him to continue to press for the relief of American prisoners at Algiers (see entry for 23 Mar. 1790). Jefferson's letter to William Carmichael, 11 April 1790, is in JEFFERSON [1], 16:329–30. The letter concerned the Columbia, commanded by Capt. John Kendrick, and the Lady Washington, commanded by Capt. Robert Gray, both of which left Boston in 1787 on their way to the west coast of North America to open a fur trade with Russian settlements there. The Lady Washington, damaged in a storm in the vicinity of the Juan Fernandez Islands off the west coast of Chile, had been permitted by Gov. Don Bias Gonzalez to put into one of the islands' ports for repairs. “For this act of common hospitality,” Jefferson informed Carmichael, “he was immediately deprived of his government unheard, by superior order, and remains still under disgrace.”

Sunday 11th. Went to Trinity Church in the forenoon and [wrote] several private letters in the afternoon.

0081 61

Monday 12th. Exercised on Horse-back after which did business with the Secretaries of the Treasury and War Departments. The latter was directed to authorize the Judge of the Western district Harry Innis to permit the County Lieutenants of that District to employ 4 Scouts in each of the Frontier Counties for the purpose of discovering the movements of the Indians & giving the alarm in case they are about. The other Frontier Counties along the River Ohio Fast side above the Kentucke district was also authorized to keep out the same Number of Scouts.

The Secretary of State submitted the draught of a Report to me, which fie was about to make to the House of Representatives in Congress consequent of a letter & other Papers which had been refered to him on the subject of Coinage—which report appeared to me to be sensible & proper.

Harry Innes (1753–1816) was at this time United States judge for the district of Kentucky, a post he held from 1789 to 1816. Innes was born in Caroline County, Va., and studied law there but moved to Bedford County, Va., where he began practice and held a number of local offices. In 1784 he was state attorney general for the western district and in 1785 moved to Kentucky, where he became involved in the so-called Spanish Conspiracy and in the struggle for Kentucky statehood. Knox wrote to Innes authorizing the scouts, 13 April 1790 (VSP, 5:133). REPORT: On 8 April 1790 the House of Representatives ordered Jefferson to report on a letter from John H. Mitchell of South Carolina to Thomas Tudor Tucker, 22 Mar. 1790, “reciting certain proposals of Matthew Boulton, of the Kingdom of Great Britain, for supplying the United States with copper coinage to any amount that government shall think fit to contract with him for” (DE PAUW, 3:360). Jefferson's “Report on Copper Coinage,” 14 April 1790, advised that although Boulton's abilities appeared equal to his proposals, it was imperative that the coinage of the United States be managed at home rather than in a foreign country. For this reason “he is of opinion, the present proposals should be declined.” The report was read and tabled in the House 15 April (DE PAUW, 3:368). Mitchell's letter and Jefferson's report are in JEFFERSON [1], 16:342–48.

Tuesday 13th. Exercised on Horseback about 10 Oclock.

A good deal of Company at the Levee to day.

Received from the Joint Committee of Congress “An act furthr. to suspend pt. of an Act entitled, An Act to regulate the Collectn. of the Duties imposed by Law on the Tonnage of Ships &ca. &ca.

According to the journal of the House of Representatives the joint committee for enrolled bills brought the enrolled bill ”An act further to suspend part of an act, entitled ‘An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares and merchandizes imported into the United States,’ and to amend the said act” to GW on Wednesday, 14 April, rather than Tuesday, 13 April (DE PAUW, 3:368). 0082 62

Wednesday 14th. Exercised in the Post Chaise with Mrs. Washington.

Thursday 15th. Returned the above Act (presented to me on Tuesday) to the House of Representatives in Congress in which it originated with my approbation & signature.

The following Company dined here to day—viz—

The Vice President & Lady, the Chief Justice of the United States & Lady, Mr. Izard & Lady, Mr. Dalton and Lady, Bishop Provost & Lady, Judge Griffin & Lady Christina, Colo. Griffin & Lady, Colo. Smith & Lady, The Secretary of State, Mr. Langdon Mr. King, & Major Butler. Mrs. King was invited but was indisposed.

Bishop Samuel Provoost married in England in 1766 Maria Bousfield of County Cork, Ire., daughter of Thomas Bousfield, a member of the Irish House of Commons.

Friday 16th. Had a long conference with the Secretary of State on the subject of Diplomatic appointments & on the proper places & characters for Consuls or Vice Consuls.

After which I exercised on Horseback.

The Visitors of Gentlemen and Ladies to Mrs. Washington this evening were very numerous.

CONFERENCE: See entries for 23 and 26 Mar. 1790.

Saturday 17th. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington and the Children.

Sunday 18th. At home all day—the weather being very stormy & bad.

Wrote private letters.

Monday 19th. Prevented from beginning my tour upon long Island to day from the wet of yesterday and the unfavourableness of the Morning.

Conversed with the Secretary at War on the formation of the Troops proposed, by the amendments in the Senate to be Established.

The bill “for regulating the military establishment of the United States” was read in the Senate for the first time 26 Mar. 1790 and was sent to committee 30 Mar. The Senate committee reported 6 April and on 16 April it was sent back to committee. The amended bill passed the Senate 21 April (ANNALS OF CONGRESS, 1:995, 996, 998, 1001). 0083 63

Tuesday 20th. About 8 Oclock (having previously sent over my Servants, Horses and Carriage I crossed to Brooklin and proceeded to Flat Bush—thence to Utrich—thence to Gravesend—thence through [ ] Jamaica where we lodged at a Tavern kept by one Warne—a pretty good and decent house. At the House of a Mr. Barre, at Utrich, we dined. The Man was obliging but little else to recommend it. He told me that their average Crop of Oats did not exceed 15 bushls. to the Acre but of Indian Corn they commonly made from 25 to 30 and often more bushels to the Acre but this was the effect of Dung from New York (about 10 Cart load to the Acre)—That of Wheat they sometimes got 30 bushels and often more of Rye.

The land after crossing the Hills between Brooklyn & flat Bush is perfectly level, and from the latter to Utrich, Gravesend and in short all that end of the Island is a rich black loam. Afterwards, between [ ] and the Jamaica Road it is more Sandy and appears to have less strength, but is still good & productive. The grain in general had suffered but little by the openess, and Rains of the Winter and the grass (clover &ca.) appeared to be coming on well. The Inclosures are small & under open Post & Rail fencing. The timber is chiefly Hiccory & Oak, mixed here and there

View of New York from Long Island; a nineteenth-century copy by Abram Hosier of a Saint-Mémin watercolor, c. 1794. (New-York Historical Society)

0084 64 with locust & Sasafras trees and in places with a good deal of Cedar. The Road until I came within a mile or two of the Jamaica Road, calld the middle road kept within sight of the Sea but the weather was so dull & at times Rainy that we lost much of the pleasures of the ride.

From Brooklyn to Flat bush is called 5 miles—thence to Utrich 6—to Gravesend 2 and from thence to Jamaica 14—in all this day 27 Miles.

Before I left New York this Morning I signed Commissions appointing Mr. Carmichael Chargé des Affaires at the Court of Versailles, & Mr. Short Chargé des Affaires at the Court of Versailles which though not usually given to Diplomatic characters of their Grades was yet made necessary in the opinion of the Secretary of State by an Act of Congress.

ONE WARNE: probably William Warne, who is listed in the 1790 census as living in Jamaica (HEADS OF FAMILIES N.Y., 150). MR. BARRE: The 1790 census for New Utrecht contains no entry for “Barre” but does list a William Barry, whose household consisted of eight whites and five slaves (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.Y., 98).

Wednesday 21st. The Morning being clear & pleasant we left Jamaica about Eight O'clock, & pursued the Road to South Hempstead passing along the South edge of the plain of that name—a plain said to be 14 miles in length by 3 or 4 in breadth witht, a Tree or a Shrub growing on it except fruit trees (which do not thrive well) at the few settlemts, thereon. The Soil of this plain is said to be thin & cold and of course not productive, even in Grass. We baited in South Hemstead (10 Miles from Jamaica) at the House of one Simmonds, formerly a Tavern, now of private entertainment for Money. From hence turning off to the right we fell into the South Rd. at the distance of about five miles where we came in view of the Sea & continued to be so the remaining part of the days ride, and as near it as the road could run for the small bays, Marshes and guts, into which the tide flows at all times rendering it impassible from the height of it by the Easterly Winds. We dined at one Ketchums wch. had also been a public House but now a private one receivg. pay for what it furnished. This House was about 14 Miles from South Hemstead & a very neat & decent one. After dinner we proceeded to a Squire Thompsons such a House as the last, that is, one that is not public but will receive pay for every thing it furnishes in the same manner as if it was.

The Road in which I passed to day, and the Country were more 0085 65 mixed with sand than yesterday and the Soil of inferior quality; Yet with dung wch. all the Corn ground receives the land yields on an average 30 bushels to the Acre often more. Of Wheat they do not grow much on acct. of the Fly but the Crops of Rye are good.

ONE KETCHUMS: A number of Ketchams were living in Huntington in 1790 (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.Y., 163–65). Fitzpatrick identifies the house as “Zebulon Ketcham's Inn” (DIARIES, 4:117, n.2). SQUIRE THOMPSONS: probably Judge Isaac Thompson's Apple Tree Neck farm in Islip. Thompson (1743–1816) married Mary Gardiner (d. 1786) in 1772, and five years after her death he married Sarah Bradnor, who died in 1819 (THOMPSON, 1:451; WERNER, 4:106). At the time of GW's visit, Thompson's household consisted of five whites and four slaves (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.Y., 165).

Thursday 22d. About 8 Oclock we left Mr. Thompson's—halted a while at one Greens distant 11 Miles and dined Harts Tavern in Brookhaven town ship five miles farther. To this place we travelled on what is called the South road described yesterday but the Country through which it passed grew more and more Sandy and barren as we travelled Eastward, so as to become exceedingly poor indeed but a few miles further Eastward the lands took a different complexion we were informed. From Harts we struck across the Island for the No. side, passing the East end of the Brushey Plains and Koram 8 Miles—thence to Setakit 7 Mi. more to the House of a Captn. Roe which is tolerably dect. with obliging people in it. The first five Miles of the Road is too poor to admit Inhabitants or cultivation being a low scrubby Oak, not more than 2 feet high intermixed with small and ill thriven Pines. Within two miles of Koram there are farms but the land is of an indifferent quality much mixed with Sand. Koram contains but few houses. From thence to Setalket the Soil improves, especially as you approach the Sound; but is far from being of the first quality—still a good deal mixed with Sand. The road a cross from the So. to the No. Side is level, except a small part So. of Koram but the hills there are trifling.

HARTS TAVERN: probably run by Gilbert Hart, listed in the 1790 census for Brookhaven. Hart, whose household consisted of five whites, owned no slaves (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.Y., 160).

Friday 23d. About 8 Oclock we left Roes, and baited the Horses at Smiths Town, at a Widow Blidenbergs—a decent House 10 Miles from Setalkat—thence 15 Miles to Huntington where we dined and afterwards proceeded Seven Miles to Oyster-bay, to the House of a Mr. Young (private & very neat and decent) where we 0086 66 lodged. The house we dined at in Huntingdon was kept by a Widow Platt and was tolerably good. The whole of this days ride was over uneven ground and none of it of the first quality but intermixed in places with pebble-stone. After passing Smithstown & for near five Miles it was a mere bed of white Sand, unable to produce trees 25 feet high; but a change for the better took place between that & Huntington, which is a sml. village at the head of the Harbour of that name and continued to improve to Oysterbay about which the Lands are good and in the Necks between these bays are said to be fine. It is here the Lloyds own a large & valuable tract, or Neck of Land from whence the British whilst they possessed New York drew large supplies of Wood and where, at present, it is said large flocks of Sheep are kept.

In the Long Island Sound between Oyster Bay and Huntington Bay, the peninsula known as Lloyd's Neck was divided among four brothers of the Lloyd family when the British attacked Long Island in Aug. 1776. During its occupation of the island, the British army despoiled the extensive stands of timber on the Lloyd farms. The 50,000-cord stand on the farms of Joseph Lloyd (1716–1780) and John Lloyd (1711–1795) was reduced to one quarter its original size (BARCK, 2:777–78) . Henry Lloyd (1709–1795), who remained a loyal subject of the king, received £5,834 14s. Id. for the loss of timber and other damages to his farm (BARCK, 2:828). The farm of James Lloyd (1728–1810) probably suffered similarly.

Saturday 24th. Left Mr. Youngs before 6 Oclock, and passing Musqueto Cove, breakfasted at a Mr. Underduncks at the head of a little bay; where we were kindly received and well entertained. This Gentleman works a Grist & two Paper Mills, the last of which he seems to carry on with Spirit, and to profit—distc. from Oyster bay 12 Miles. From hence to Flushing where we dined is 12 more & from thence to Brooklyne through Newton (the way we travelled and which is a mile further than to pass through Jamaica) is 18 miles more. The land I passed over to day is generally very good, but leveller and better as we approached New York. The soil in places is intermixed with pebble, and towards the Westend with other kind of stone which they apply to the purposes of fencing which is not to be seen on the South side of the Island nor towards the Eastern parts of it. From Flushing to New Town 8 Miles, & thence to Brooklyn, the Road is very fine, and the Country in a higher State of Cultivation & vegitation of Grass & grain forwarded than any place else I had seen—occasioned in a great degree by the Manure drawn from the City of New York. Before Sundown we had crossed the Ferry and was at home.

0087 67

Observations

This Island (as far as I went) from West to East seems to be equally divided between flat, & Hilly land—the former on the South next the Sea board & the latter on the No. next the Sound. The high land they say is best and most productive but the other is the pleasantest to work except in wet seasons when from the levelness of them they are sometimes (but not frequently having a considerable portion of Sand) incommoded by heavy & continual rains. From a comparitive view of their Crops they may be averaged as follow. Indian Corn 35 bushels—Wheat 15—Rye 12—Oats 15 bushels to the Acre. According to their accts. from Lands highly manured they sometimes get 50 of the first, 25 of the 2d. & 3d. and more of the latter. Their general mode of Cropping is—first Indian Corn upon a lay, manured in the hill, half a shovel full in each hole (some scatter the dung over the field equally)—2d. Oats & flax—3d. Wheat with what Manure they can spare from the Indian Corn land. With the wheat, or on it, towards close of the snows, they sow Clover from 4 to 6 lb; & a quart of Timothy seed. This lays from 3 to 6 years, according as the grass remains, or as the condition of the ground is, for so soon as they find it beginning to bind they plow. Their first plowing (with the Patent, tho' they call it the Dutch plough) is well executed at the depth of about 3 or at most 4 Inches—the cut being 9 or 10 Inches & the sod neatly & very evenly turned. With Oxen they plough mostly. They do no more than turn the ground in this manner for Indian Corn before it is planted; making the holes in which it is placed with hoes the rows being marked off by a stick. Two or three workings afterwards with the Harrows or Plough is all the cultivation it receives generally. Their fences, where there is no stone, are very indifferent; frequently of plashed trees of any & every kind which have grown by chance; but it exhibits an evidence that very good fences may be made in this manner either of white Oak or Dogwood which from this mode of treatment grows thickest, and most stubborn. This, however woud be no defence against Hogs.

MR. UNDERDUNCKS: Hendrick Onderdonck (Onderdonk, b. 1725) built New York's first paper mill at Hempstead (then South Hempstead) in 1768. Onderdonck may have had a number of partners in the venture, among them his son Andrew, a Henry Remsen, and possibly Hugh Gaine, editor of the New York Gazette and Mercury. At the time of GW's visit, Onderdonck's household consisted of eight whites and seven slaves (BUNKER, 316; BISHOP, 1:200; WEEKS, 37, 60; HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.Y., 152). 0088 68

Sunday 25th. Went to Trinity Church, and wrote letters home after dinner.

Monday 26th. Did business with the Secretaries of State, Treasury, and War, & appointed a quarter before three tomorrow to receive from the Senators of the State of Virga. an Address from the Legislature thereof.

The undated congratulatory address of the Virginia legislature is in DLC: GW. GW's reply, 27 April 1790, is in CSmH.

Tuesday 27th. Had some conversation with Mr. Madison on the propriety of consulting the Senate on the places to which it would be necessary to send persons in the Diplomatic line, and Consuls; and with respect to the grade of the first. His opinion coincides with Mr. Jays and Mr. Jeffersons—to wit—that they have no Constitutional right to interfere with either, & that it might be impolitic to draw it into a precedent their powers extending no farther than to an approbation or disapprobation of the person nominated by the President all the rest being Executive and vested in the President by the Constitution.

At the time appointed, Messrs. Lee & Walker (the Senators from Virginia) attended, & presented the Address as mentioned yesterday & received an answer to it.

A good deal of respectable Company was at the Levee to day.

CONVERSATION WITH MR. MADISON: See entries for 23 and 26 Mar., 16 April 1790. Although James Madison and John Jay apparently did not present GW with written opinions, Jefferson's views on the appointment of the diplomatic establishment are expressed in his “Opinion on the Powers of the Senate Respecting Diplomatic Appointments,” 24 April 1790 (DLC: Jefferson Papers). That GW also may have consulted John Adams on the question is indicated by the fact that a fair copy of Jefferson's opinion, in his own hand and endorsed by GW, is found among Adams's papers (MHi-A). It was GW's frequent habit to submit the written opinions of one cabinet member to other members for their comments. See also JEFFERSON [1], 16:378–82. John Walker (1744–1809) was born at Castle Hill, Albemarle County, Va., the son of Dr. Thomas Walker (1715–1794) and his first wife, Mildred Thornton Meriwether Walker (d. 1778), who was a granddaughter of GW's aunt, Mildred Washington Gregory. In 1764 John Walker graduated from the College of William and Mary and became a planter at Belvoir in Albemarle County. During the Revolution he held the rank of lieutenant colonel and in Feb. 1777 was sent by the Virginia legislature to GW's headquarters as an observer, with orders to report to the legislature any events of interest from camp. The appointment proved to be a considerable embarrassment to GW who wrote Gov. Patrick Henry, 24 Feb. 1777, stating that he had appointed Walker an “Extra Aid de Camp” in order “that he may obtain the best information, and, at the same time, have his real design hid from 0089 69 the World; thereby avoiding the evils which might otherwise result from such Appointments, if adopted by other States. It will naturally occur to you, Sir, that there are some Secrets, on the keeping of which so, depends, oftentimes, the salvation of an Army. . . . If Mr. Walker's Commission, therefore from the Commonwealth of Virginia, should be known, it would, I am persuaded, be followed by others of the like nature from other States, and be no better than so many marplots” (DLC:GW; General Orders, 19 Feb. 1790, DLC:GW). In 1780 Walker served in the Continental Congress. After the war he practiced law in Virginia and in Mar. 1790 was appointed United States senator to fill the vacancy left by the death of William Grayson.

Wednesday 28th. Fixed with the Secretary of State on places & characters for the Consulate but as some of the latter were unknown to us both he was directed to make enquiry respecting them.

Sent the nominations of two Officers in the Customs of North Carolina, and one in the place of Mr. Jacob Wray of Hampton in Virginia—who has requested to resign his appointment to the Senate for their advice & consent thereon.

Received from the Secretary for the Department of War a report respecting the Sale of certain Lands by the State of Georgia; and the consequent disputes in which the United States may be involved with the Chicasaws & Choctaw Nations; part, if not the whole of whose Countries, are included within the limits of the said Sale. This report refers to the Act of the Legislature of Georgia, by which this sale is authorized and to the opinion of the Attorney General respecting the Constitutionality of the Proceeding—submitting at the same time certain opinions for the consideration of the Presidt.

Today's consultation with Jefferson on consular appointments was in preparation for the list of nominations sent by GW to the Senate on 4 June 1790, when 14 names were submitted for confirmation (DE PAUW, 1:74–78). GW's letter to the Senate, 28 April 1790, nominated George Wray to succeed Jacob Wray as collector of the customs at Hampton, Va.; John McCullough as surveyor of Swansborough in the district of Wilmington, N.C.; and William Benson as surveyor for Winsor in the district of Edenton, N.C. (DLC:GW). Knox's report concerned the sale in 1789 by the state of Georgia of over 15 million acres of land in western Georgia to three land companies, the South Carolina Yazoo Company, the Virginia Yazoo Company, and the Tennessee Yazoo Company at a projected cost to the companies of approximately $200,000 (“An Act for disposing of certain vacant lands or territory within this State,” 21 Dec. 1789, ASP, INDIAN AFF., 1:114). Some settlers had already moved into the area under the authority of “An Act for laying out a district of Land situated on the river Mississipi and within the Limits of this State to be called Bourbon,” 7 Feb. 1785 (MS “Journal of the General Assembly of the State of Georgia,” 212, DLC: Microfilm Collection of Early 0090 70 State Records). The land sold conflicted with still unsettled Indian claims in the area, involving the Creek, Chickasaw, Cherokee, and Choctaw, and with treaties negotiated by the United States with the tribes during the Confederation. Although neither Knox's nor Randolph's opinions have been found, it is likely that Knox's views were similar to those expressed in his report to GW, 22 Jan. 1791, that “although the right of Georgia to the preemption of said lands should be admitted in its full extent, yet, it is conceived, that, should the State, or any companies or persons, claiming under it, attempt to extinguish the Indian claims, unless authorized thereto by the United States, that the measure would be repugnant to the aforesaid treaties, to the constitution of the United States, and to the law regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes” (ASP, INDIAN AFF., 1:112–13). In Mar. 1790 as a result of Indian depredations caused by increasing Georgian encroachment on Indian lands, the government sent three companies of federal troops to Georgia to keep the peace (Anthony Wayne to Knox, 10 April 1790, MHi: Knox Papers). Wayne observed that “while these troops are received with joy by part of the Citizens of Georgia, there are others who affect to believe that the troops are designed rather as a curb on Georgia, or to assist the laws of the Union, than to protect that State” (“Summary statement of the situation of the frontiers,” 27 May 1790, DLC:GW). The federal government took as strong action as possible during the summer of 1790 to prevent the companies from implementing their claims. During the negotiations for the Treaty of New York in Aug. 1790, Creek chief Alexander McGillivray “protested strongly against the behavior of the new western companies, in the terms in which Georgia has formed them, and I have the word of the government that said companies will be broken up” (McGillivray to Carlos Howard, 11 Aug. 1790, CAUGHEY, 273–76). “An act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indians” (1 STAT. 137–38 [22 July 1790]) stipulated that “no sale of land or lands made by any Indians, or any nation or tribe of Indians within the United States, shall be valid to any person or persons, or to any state, whether having the right of pre-emption to such lands or not, unless the same shall be made and duly executed at some public treaty, held under the authority of the United States.” The signing of the Treaty of New York gave GW an opportunity to issue an additional warning with two proclamations, 14 and 26 Aug., enjoining United States citizens to abide by the treaties (DLC:GW). On 10 June 1790 the legislature of Georgia struck a further blow to the companies' plans by passing a resolution requiring that all payments to the Georgia treasury, except for taxes, be made in specie rather than paper or certificates of Georgia debt, a regulation which made it impossible for the companies to abide by the requirements of the Dec. 1789 act stipulating payments for the grants within two years (MS “Journal of the House of Representatives” [Georgia], DLC: Microfilm Collection of Early State Records). For the companies' protests, see ASP, PUBLIC LANDS, 1:165–79.

Thursday 29th. Received from the joint Committee of Congress two Acts for my approbation & Signature—viz—one for “Regulating the Military Establishment of the United States” and the other “An Act for the Punishment of certain crimes against the United States.”

Fixed with the Secretary of State on the present which (according 0091 71 to the custom of other Nations) should be made to Diplomatic characters when they return from that employment in this Country and this was a gold Medal, suspended to a gold Chain—in ordinary to be of the value of about 120 or 130 Guineas. Upon enquiry into the practice of other Countries, it was found, that France generally gave a gold Snuff-box set with diamonds; & of differt. costs; to the amount, generally, to a Minister Plenipotentiary of 500 Louisdores—That England usually gave to the same grade 300 guineas in Specie —And Holld. a Medal & Chain of the value of, in common, 150 or 180 Guineas the value of which to be encreas'd by an additional weight in the chain when they wished to mark a distinguished character. The Reason why a medal & Chain was fixed upon for the American present, is, that the die being once made the Medals could at any time be struck at very little cost, & the Chain made by our own artizans, which (while the first should be retained as a memento) might be converted into Cash.

The following Gentlemen dined here—viz—Of the Senate, Messrs. Strong, Doctr. Johnston, Mr. Patterson, Mr. Morris, Mr. Carroll, Mr. Lee, Mr. Walker, Govr. Johnston, & Mr. Gunn and of the House of Representatives, Mr. Sturges, Mr. Benson, Mr. Floyd, Mr. Scureman, Mr. Vining Mr. Smith Maryland, Mr. Bland, and Mr. Sumpter.

TWO ACTS: 1 STAT. 119–21 (30 April 1790) and 1 STAT. 112–19 (30 April 1790). PRESENT: On 20 April 1790 Louis Guillaume Otto had written to Jefferson suggesting that the United States, in accord with European diplomatic custom, might present former French minister to the United States Anne César, chevalier de La Luzerne, with some token, preferably valuable, in recognition of his services to the United States. Although he opposed such gifts, Jefferson wrote to William Temple Franklin, Benjamin Franklin's grandson and secretary, now in New York, inquiring what practice was followed in other countries and what was “the estimated value and the form” of the gift given Franklin on his departure from France. “Not foreseeing that I might ever have any thing to do with the decision of such a question, I did not inform myself of the usage even in the court with which I resided.” Franklin replied, 27 April, that the usual value of the gift depended on the rank of the recipient and the esteem with which he was regarded. “These Presents vary as to their Nature, consisting either of Jewels, Plate, Tapestry, Porcelain, and sometimes Money” (JEFFERSON [1], 16:354–56, 363–66). On 30 April Jefferson instructed William Short at Paris to have the gold medal, which the administration had decided on as the gift for departing diplomats, made in France: “The medal must be of 30 lines diameter, with a loop on the edge to receive the chain. On one side must be the Arms of the United States, of which I send you a written description and several impressions in wax to render that more intelligible, round them as a Legend must be ‘the United States of America.’ The device of the other side we do not decide on. One 0092 72 suggestion has been a Columbia (a final female figure) delivering the emblems of peace and commerce to a Mercury, with the Legend ‘Peace and Commerce’ circumscribed, and the date of our Republic . . . subscribed as an Exergum. But having little confidence in our own ideas in an Art not familiar here, they are only suggested to you, to be altered, or altogether postponed to such better device as you may approve on consulting with those who are in the habit and study of Medals” (JEFFERSON [1], 16:395–96). For a discussion of the final version of the medal, see JEFFERSON [1], 16:xli–xlii. James Gunn (753–1801) was born in Virginia but began the practice of law in Savannah, Ga. He served as a brigadier general in the Georgia militia during the Revolution and was elected to the Continental Congress in 1788 and 1789, although he did not attend. In 1789 he was elected to the United States Senate from Georgia.

Friday 30th. Conversed with the Secretary of the Treasury, on the Report of the Secretary at War's propositions respecting the Conduct of the State of Georgia in selling to certain Compa[nies] large tracts of their Western territory & a proclamation which he conceived expedient to issue in consequence of it. But as he had doubts of the clearness of the ground on which it was proposed to build this proclamation and do the other acts which were also submitted in the report. I placed it in the hands of the Secretary of State to consider & give me his opinion thereon.

Returnd. the Bills which had been presented to me by the joint Committee of Congress on Thursday to the Houses in which they originated with my signature, though I did not conceive that the Military establishment Of the one was adequate to the exigencies of the Government & the protection it was intended to afford.

The Visitors to Mrs. Washington this evening were not numerous.

PROPOSITIONS: See entry for 28 April 1790. BILLS: “An Act for regulating the Military Establishment of the United States” (1 STAT. 119–21 [30 April 1790]) provided for an army of 1,216 “non commissioned officers, privates and musicians” enlisted for a three-year period and formed into a regiment composed of three battalions of infantry and one battalion of artillery. GW and Knox had been particularly anxious that Congress should also pass a militia bill (see entries for 18 and 19 Dec. 1789 and 20 Jan. 1790).

[May]

May 1st. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington & the Children in the forenoon & on foot in the afternoon.

Mr. Alexr. White, representative from Virginia, communicated his apprehensions that a disposition prevailed among the Eastern & northern States (discoverable from many circumstances, as well 0093 73 as from some late expressions which had fallen from some of their members in the Ho.) to pay little attention to the Western Country because they were of opinion it would soon shake of its dependence on this; and in the meantime, would be burthensome to it. He gave some information also of the temper of the Western Settlers, of their dissatisfactions, and among other things that few of the Magestrates had taken the Oaths to the New Government not inclining in the present state of things and under their ideas of neglect to bind themselves to it by an Oath.

Sunday 2d. Went to Trinity Church in the forenoon—writing letters on private business in the Afternoon—Among other letters one by my order to Genl. Moylan, to know if he wd. accept the Consulate at Lisbon, as it was not proposed to give Salaries therewith.

Monday 3d. Exercised on horseback about 9 Oclock.

After my return, the Secretary of the Treasury called upon, and informed me that by some conversation he had had with Mr. King (of the Senate) it appeared that there was a probability the Senate would take up the Sales by the Legislature of Georgia, and the Affairs of the Indians which would be involved therein in a serious manner, and gave it as his opinion that if this was likely to be the case, it might be better for me to let the matter originate there, than with the Executive.

The Secretary of State furnished me with his opinion on these Subjects—see his Statement. The substance of it is, that the State of Georgia by having adopted the Constitution relinquished their right to treat with, or to regulate any matters with the Indians who were not subject thereto—consequently could not delegate a power they did not possess to others and that there was good & strong ground on which to contend this matter but, inasmuch as there was a party in the State opposed to the Sales before mentioned, but which might unite to defeat a Proclamation if one should be issued upon the Plan of the Secretary at War, he suggested the propriety of a representation to the State in the first instance for the purpose of undoing in a manner least hurtful to the feelings of it the impolitic act of the Legislature & in the meantime—at the meeting proposed to be held by the Indians in the Month of June ensuing to make these people perfectly sensible of the Sentiments and intentions of the general Government towards them.

0094 74 STATE OF GEORGIA: See entries for 28 and 30 April 1790. Jefferson's “Opinion on Certain Georgia Land Grants,” 3 May 1790, is in JEFFERSON [1], 16:406–9.

Tuesday 4th. Exercised in the forenoon on Horse back.

A respectable Company at the Levee to day.

Wednesday 5th. Requested General Rufus Putnam—lately appointed a Judge in the Western Government and who was on the eve of his departure for that Country to give me the best discription he could obtain of the proximity of the Waters of the Ohio & Lake Erie—the nature of their Navigations—Portages—&ca.—Also of the occurrences in the Country—the population of it—Temper of the people &ca. &ca.

Rufus Putnam (1738–1824) was born in Sutton, Mass., and was largely self-educated. After serving in the French and Indian War, he engaged in farming and surveying. During the Revolution he served as a colonel of engineers and as commander of a Massachusetts regiment, ending the war as a brigadier general. In 1785 he was appointed surveyor of western lands by the Continental Congress and was active 1786–87 in the formation of the new Ohio Company, bringing the first party of settlers to Marietta in 1788. In Mar. 1790 GW appointed him a judge of the Northwest Territory (DE PAUW, 2:66).

Thursday 6th. Exercised on horseback in the forenoon. The following, out of several others who were invited, but prevented

Brig. Gen. Rufus Putnam, by John Trumbull. (Yale University Art Gallery)

0095 75 by sickness, dined here—viz.—Mr. Wingate, Mr. Maclay, Mr. Walker (of the Senate) and Messrs. Gilman, Aimes, Genl. Muhlenburg, Wynkoop, Page and Lady, Smith So. Carolina & Lady, and Mr. White & his Lady of the House of Representatives.

William Maclay noted in his diary that today he “went to dine with the President agreeably to invitation. He seemed in more good humor than I ever saw him, though he was so deaf that I believe he heard little of the conversation” (MACLAY, 251).

Friday 7th. Exercised in the forenoon. Endeavoured through various Channels to ascertain what places required, and the characters fittest for Consuls at them.

As the House of Representatives had reduced the Sum, in a Bill to provide for the expences of characters in the diplomatic line, below what would enable the Executive to employ the number which the exigencies of Government might make it necessary I thought it proper to intimate to a member or two of the Senate the places that were in contemplation to send persons to in this Line—viz to France & England (when the latter manifested a disposition to treat us with more respect than She had done upon a former occasion) Ministers Plenipotentiary and to Spain, Portugal & Holland Chargé des Affaires and having an opportunity, mentioned the matter unofficially both to Mr. Carroll & Mr. Izard.

Much Company—Gentlemen & Ladies visited Mrs. Washington This Evening.

CONSULS: See entry for 28 April 1790. DIPLOMATIC LINE: See entries for 23 and 26 Mar., 16 and 27 April 1790. GW and Jefferson had agreed in their meeting of 26 Mar. that the sum required for the adequate support of a foreign diplomatic establishment might range between $36,000 and $50,000, and House Bill No. 35 had stipulated $40,000 for the support of American diplomats abroad. Opposition to so large an amount appropriated “to uses with the propriety of which no gentlemen seemed to be well acquainted” had been a major factor in the tabling of the bill (ANNALS OF CONGRESS, 1:1130). The amended bill No. 52 had apparently reduced the appropriation to $30,000. GW's efforts to raise the appropriation were successful. On 23 June, while the bill was still pending, William Maclay, whose views vividly express opposition opinion, noted: “The Intercourse bill, or that for appointing ambassadors, had been referred to a committee of conference so long ago that I had forgotten it, but the thing was neither dead nor sleeping. It was only dressing and friends-making. The report increased the salaries and added ten thousand dollars to the appropriations. I concluded they had secured friends enough to support it before they committed it to the House. This turned out to be the case. The whole appropriation was forty thousand dollars, and they were voted with an air of perfect indifference by the affirmants, although I consider the money as worse than thrown away, for I know not a single thing that we have for a minister to do at a single court 0096 76 in Europe. . . . Our business is to pay them what we owe, and the less political connection the better with any European power. It was well spoken against. I voted against every part of it” (MACLAY, 296).

Saturday 8th. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington & the Children in the forenoon.

Received from Genl. Knox Secretary Genl. of the triennial Genl. Meeting of the Cincinnati held at Philadelphia the first Monday of this Month, the Copy of an Address from that body to me to which I was to return an answer on [ ] next.

The address of the triennial meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati, 4 May 1790, and GW's undated reply are in DLC:GW.

Sunday 9th. Indisposed with a bad cold, and at home all day writing letters on private business.

GW's cold rapidly developed into pneumonia. Local physicians Dr. Samuel Bard, Dr. Charles McKnight, and Dr. John Charlton were summoned to the president's bedside, but in spite of their efforts GW grew steadily worse. On 12 May, William Jackson wrote to Clement Biddle in Philadelphia enclosing a letter to Dr. John Jones, a prominent Philadelphia physician, requesting him to attend the president in New York. “The Doctor's prudence will suggest the propriety of setting out as privately as possible; perhaps it may be well to assign a personal reason for visiting New York, or going into the

Maj. Gen. Henry Knox, by Gilbert Stuart. (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

0097 77 Country” (WRITINGS, 31:41, n.73). By 15 May, however, the seriousness of GW's condition was widely known. “Called to see the President,” William Maclay noted in his diary. “Every eye full of tears. His life despaired of. Dr. MacKnight told me he would trifle neither with his own character nor the public expectation; his danger was imminent, and every reason to expect that the event of his disorder would be unfortunate” (MACLAY, 258–59; see also JAY, 3:399). By the next day the outlook was more hopeful. On 16 May Jefferson wrote his daughter Martha Jefferson Randolph: “On Monday last the President was taken with a peripneumony, of threatening appearance. Yesterday (which was the 5th. day) he was thought by the physicians to be dying. However about 4. oclock in the evening a copious sweat came on, his expectoration, which had been thin and ichorous, began to assume a well digested form, his articulation became distinct, and in the course of two hours it was evident he had gone thro' a favorable crisis. He continues mending to-day, and from total despair we are now in good hopes of him” (JEFFERSON [1], 16:429).

Monday 10th. A severe illness with which I was seized the 10th. of this Month and which left me in a convalescent state for several weeks after the violence of it had passed; & little inclination to do more than what duty to the public required at my hands occasioned the suspension of this Diary.

June 1790

Thursday 24th. Exercised on horse back betwn. 5 & 7 Oclock P.M.

Enter[t]ained the following Gentlemen at Dinner—viz—Messrs. Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Leonard Huntingdon, Benson, Boudinot, Cadwalader, Sinnickson, Heister, Scott, Contee, Stone, Brown and Moore of the House of Representatives.

Received from the Committee of Enrollment the Act for extending the Judiciary Law to the State of Rhode Island & Providence Planns.

ACT: According to the House of Representatives journal the joint committee for enrolled bills brought this bill to GW on 22 June 1790. On 23 June “A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Lear his Secretary” in the House assenting to the bill (DE PAUW, 3:469, 473; see also 1 STAT. 128 [23 June 1790]).

Friday 25th. Constant & heavy Rain all day, prevented Company from visiting Mrs. Washington this afternoon & all kinds of Exercise.

Saturday 26th. Exercised in the Coach with Mrs. Washington & the Children in the forenoon & by walking in the Afternoon.

0098 78

Sunday 27th. Went to Trinity Church in the forenoon and employed myself in writing business in the afternoon.

Monday 28th. Exercised between 5 & 7 Oclock in the Morning & drank Tea with Mrs. Clinton (the Governors Lady) in the Afternoon.

Gov. George Clinton's residence was at 10 Queen Street, near the end of Cedar Street. The house, for which Clinton paid £300 a year rent, had been confiscated from Loyalist Henry White and was “a two-story and attic house, five windows wide, with a sloping tiled roof, containing five dormer windows” (SMITH [4], 31; SPAULDING, 194). It was presumably this residence rather than the Clinton's farm on the Hudson outside the city which GW visited today. GW and Mrs. Washington had frequent social contacts with Clinton and his wife, Cornelia Tappan Clinton, during the Revolution and after the war a friendly correspondence had been maintained, Clinton sending GW trees and various plants for Mount Vernon. In spite of political differences between Clinton and GW after the new government was established, social relations between the two families remained warm. As a rule, partly because of Mrs. Clinton's ill health, the Clintons did little entertaining. Abigail Adams Smith found Mrs. Clinton “not a showy, but a kind, friendly woman” (ROOF, 197; SPAULDING, 192–94).

Tuesday 29th. Exercised between 5 & 7 Oclock in the Morning on horse back.

A good deal of Company, amongst which several Strangers and some foreigners at the Levee to day.

On a consultation with the Secretary of State to day, it was thought advisable to direct him to provide two Medals one for the Marqs. de la Luzerne, formerly Minister Plenipo. from France to the U. States of America, & the other for Mr. Van Berkel late Minister from Holland; & To have the Dies with which they were to be struck in France, sent over here. The cost of these Medals would be about 30 Guineas; but the Chain for that designed for the Marqs. de la Luzerne (on Acct. of his attachment & Services to this Country) was directed to Cost about 200 Guineas—the other about 100 Guins.

MEDALS: See entry for 29 April 1790.

Wednesday 30th. Recd. from the Committee of Enrollment the following Acts. viz. “An act providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign Nations” By which the President of the United States is authorised to draw from the Treasury 40,000 dollars annually, for the suppt. of such persons as 0099 79 he shall Commission to serve the U. States in foreign pts. and for the expence incident to the business in which they may be employed. Not more than 9,000 Dollars to be allowed to a Minister Plenipotentiary nor 4,500 to a Chargé des Affaires, except the out fit to each, which shall not exceed one years Salary; nor shall more than 1300 dollars be allowed to the Secretary of any Minister Plenipotentiary. The President is to acct. specifically for all such Expenditures as in his judgement may be made public and also for the amount of such Expenditures as he may think it advisable not to specify, and cause a regular statement thereof to be laid before Congress Annually. “An Act for the relief of Nathaniel Twining” And “An Act to satisfy the Claims of John McCord against the United States.” These several Acts were presented to me about 10 Oclock A.M.

For background to “An Act providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign Nations,” see entries for 23 and 26 Mar., 16 and 27 April, 7 May 1790. “An Act for the relief of Nathaniel Twining” (6 STAT. 3 [1 July 1790]) remitted a penalty incurred by Twining's failure to abide by his contract to deliver the mail between Charleston, S.C., and Savannah in 1787. “An Act to satisfy the claims of John McCord against the United States” (6 STAT. 2–3 [1 July 1790]) granted McCord $809.71 for supplies furnished the Continental Army in Canada in 1776.

[July]

Thursday July 1st. Exercised between 5 and 7 Oclock on Horseback.

Announced to the House of Representatives (where the Bills originated) that my signature had been given to the Acts above mentioned.

Having put into the hands of the Vice President of the U: States the communications of Mr. Gouvr. Morris, who had been empowerd to make informal enquiries how well disposed the British Ministry might be to enter into Commercial regulations with the United States, and to fulfil the Articles of Peace respecting our Western Posts, and the Slaves which had been carried from this Country, he expressed his approbation that this step had been taken; and added that the disinclination of the British Cabinet to comply with the two latter, & to evade the former, as evidently appears from the Corrispondence of Mr. Morris with the Duke of Leeds (the British Minister for Foreign Affairs) was of 0100 80 a piece with their conduct towds. him whilst Minister at that Court; & just what he expected; & that to have it ascertained was necessary. He thought as a rupture betwn. England & Spain was almost inevitable, that it would be our policy & interest to take part with the latter as he was very apprehensive that New Orleans was an object with the former; their possessing which would be very injurious to us; but he observed, at the sametime, that the situation of our affairs would not Justify the measure unless the People themselves (of the United States) should take the lead in the business.

Received about three Oclock, official information from Colo. Willet, that he was on the return from the Creek Nation (whither he had been sent with design to bring Colo. McGillivray, and some of the Chiefs of these people to the City of New York for the purpose of treating) that he, with the said McGillivray and many of the head Men, were advanced as far as Hopewell in So. Carolina on their way hither and that they should proceed by the way of Richmond with as much expedition as the nature of the case wd. admit.

It having been reported, upon information being recd. at St. Augustine of Colo. McGillivrays intention of coming to this place that advice thereof was immediately forwarded by the Commandant of that place to the Governor of the Havanna And a Mr. Howard Secretary of East Florida and an influencial character There under pretext of bad health and a Spanish Armed Brig of 20 Guns, ostensibly to bring 50,000 dollars for the purpose of buying Flour, arriving here immediately thereupon, affording strong ground to suspect that the Money & the character abovementioned were sent here for the purpose of Counteracting the Negotiations which was proposed to be held with Colo. McGillivray & the other Chiefs of the Creeks & this suspicion being corroborated by Mr. Howards visit to Philadelphia I directed the Secretary at War to advertise Colo. Willet thereof, that he might, if a meeting should take place at Philadelphia, or elsewhere on the Rd. observe their Conduct & penetrate, if possible, into the object of it. He was desired at the sametime to make suitable provision for lodging, otherwise entertaining Colo. McGillivray & his party.

The following Gentn. & Ladies dined here to day. viz. The Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary at War & their Ladies—Mr. Dalton & Mr. King & their Ladies Mr. Butler & his two daughters—Mr. Hawkins, Mr. Stanton & Mr. Foster & Mr. Izard. The Chief Justice & his Lady, Genl. Schuyler & Mrs. Izard were also invited but were otherwise engaged.

0101 81

Chief Justice John Jay, by John Trumbull. (Yale University Art Gallery)

In the fall of 1789 GW had requested Gouverneur Morris to open unofficial discussions with the British ministry on outstanding differences between the United States and Great Britain (see entry for 7 Oct. 1789). Among the letters that GW showed to Adams today was probably Morris to GW, 7 April 1790, describing in detail his polite but unsatisfactory interview with the duke of Leeds, British minister for foreign affairs. “On Monday the twenty ninth I waited upon him at Whitehall and after the usual Complements, presented your Letter telling him that it would explain the Nature of my Business. Having read it, he said with much Warmth and Gladness in his Appearance ‘I am very happy Mr. Morris to see this Letter and under the Presidents own Hand. I assure you it is very much my Wish to cultivate a friendly and commercial Intercourse between the two Countries and more, and I can answer for the Rest of his Majesty's Servants that they are of the same Opinion.’ . . . I assured him of our sincere Disposition to be upon good Terms and then proceeded to mention those Points in the Treaty of Peace which remained to be performed: and first I observed that by the Constitution of the United States which he had certainly read all Obstacles to the Recovery of British debts are removed. . . . He said he was very happy to receive this Information, that he had been of Opinion and had written so to Mr Adams that the Articles ought to be performed in the Order in Which they stood in the Treaty. . . . I took Occasion to observe that the Southern States who had been much blamed in this Country for obstructing the Recovery of british Debts, were not liable to all the Severity of Censure which had been thrown upon them—that their Negroes having been taken or seduced away, and the Payment for those Negroes having been stipulated by Treaty they had formed a Reliance on such Payment for Discharge of Debts contracted with british Merchants both previously and subsequently to the War.” Morris then brought up the main questions of British retention of the frontier posts and payment for slaves that had been taken away by the British after the war. Leeds “became a little embarrassed” and could not say how the question of the posts stood. “That as to the Affair of the 0102 82 Negroes he had long wished to have it brought up and to have Something done, but Something or other had always interfered. He then changed the Conversation but I brought it back. and he changed it again. Hence it was apparent that he could go no farther than general Professions and Assurances.” Leeds was equally noncommittal on the subject of an exchange of ministers between the two countries. “Wherefore as it was not worth while to discuss the Winds and the Weather I observed that as he might probably chuse to consider the matter a little and to read again the Treaty and compare it with the American Constitution. He said that he should and wished me to leave your Letter which he would have copies and return to me. . . . Thus Sir this Matter was began but nine Days have since lapsed and I have heard Nothing farther from the Duke of Leeds” (DLC:GW). Morris's correspondence with the duke of Leeds was enclosed. A letter of 1 May from Morris to GW, also enclosing correspondence with Leeds, reported little progress in the negotiations. “It seems pretty clear that they wish to evade a commercial Treaty but not peremptorily to reject it, and therefore I have construed into Rejection his Graces abstruse Language. . . . I have some Reason to believe that the present Administration intend to keep the Posts, and withhold Payment for the Negroes” (DLC:GW). The RUPTURE BETWN. ENGLAND & SPAIN involved a conflict between the two powers at Nootka Sound on the west coast of North America. When the British attempted in 1789 to establish a post in territory claimed but not effectively occupied by Spain, Spanish forces in the area resisted and captured several British ships. By mid-June reports reached the United States from London that the British were preparing for war and that a conflict appeared imminent (see John Rutledge, Jr., to Jefferson, 6 May 1790, JEFFERSON [1], 16:413–15). For the background of Alexander McGillivray's trip to New York, see entry for 10 Mar. 1790. McGillivray, Marinus Willett, and their party apparently started north in mid-May, “McGillivray and several others on horseback, twenty-six chiefs and warriors in three wagons, and Willett riding in a sulky. All along the way the delegation was greeted with great interest and McGillivray was feted by the more prominent citizens. Particularly was this the case at Guildford Courthouse, North Carolina, at Richmond and Fredericksburg in Virginia, and at Philadelphia” (CAUGHEY, 43). Carlos Howard was an Irish officer who joined the Hibernia Regiment of the Spanish army in 1761. He had attained the rank of captain when in 1784 he was appointed provisional secretary of the captaincy-general of St. Augustine, serving in that post for the next 11 years (LOCKEY, 183–84, n.2). American suspicions about Howard's role were undoubtedly justified. He was sent to New York from St. Augustine ostensibly on sick leave hut actually to keep an eye on the negotiations. John Leslie of the trading firm of Panton, Leslie & Co. wrote McGillivray from St. Augustine, 13 May 1790, concerning “our mutual friend Captain Carlos Howard, who by chance is about to make an excursion, which he has contemplated for some time past to the northern States in order to get for his health a change of climate and the benefits of the sea air.” Leslie noted that the two men were sure to meet in New York and since Howard had “seen much of the world” his advice would be useful. “If you meet in New York, it will be in his power to introduce you to the Spanish minister in case you do not carry letters from the Governors. . . . Anyhow you will find him useful in other ways, for I am persuaded that he 0103 83 will be most happy to render you every possible service in any affair in which you conceive that he can contribute to further your views or facilitate your wishes, especially in connection with any communications that you may have to make to the Spanish governors or even to the court at Madrid” (CAUGHEY, 264). McGillivray and his party arrived in New York City on to July, and Howard made every effort to insinuate himself into the negotiations. “We are by no means satisfied with the conduct of the Spanish Officer, who arrived lately from the foreign possessions of that Crown,” Hamilton stated. “We cannot prove it positively, but have every reason to think, that he has been using endeavours to check or even to frustrate our negotiations with the Creek Indians, and with this view that he has made them large presents in this city; this we consider as perfectly unwarrantable” (HAMILTON [2], 6:547). Howard himself, in his lively account of his activities in New York, stated that the United States government “appointed people to watch and follow my footsteps. . . . McGuillivray was convinced that my presence . . . contributed to the fact that the Americans did not insist on an unqualified recognition on the part of the Indians of the sovereignty of the United States as well as that a secret article concerning the settling of the question of Indian trade was deferred for two years” (Howard to Juan Nepomuceno de Quesada, governor of East Florida, 24 Sept. 1790, CAUGHEY, 281–84). The negotiations with the Greek continued in July and early August, and the Treaty of New York was signed on 7 Aug. 1790 (KAPPLER, 25–29). Joseph Stanton, Jr. (1739–1807), newly elected senator from Rhode Island, had just arrived in New York. He served in the Rhode Island legislature 1768–74 and during the Revolution as a colonel of a Rhode Island regiment and brigadier general in the Rhode Island militia. In 1790 he was a member of the Rhode Island Ratifying Convention. Theodore Foster (1752–1828), a native of Brookfield, Mass., graduated from Rhode Island College (Brown University) in 1770 and began the practice of law in Providence about 1771. He held several local positions, including judge of the court of admiralty in 1785. In June 1790 GW appointed him naval officer for Providence. At this time he had just been elected to represent Rhode Island in the United States Senate.

Friday 2d. Exercised between 5 & 7 on horse back.

About one oclock, official accounts of the safety of Major Doughty (who was sent on important business to the Chiccasaw and Choctaw Nations of Indians) were received; together with the detail of his proceedings to the Country of the former, and the misfortune that attended him in ascending the River Tenessee to the intended place of meeting the Chicasaws, by the Treachery of a Banditti composed of Cherokees, Shawanese & Creek Indians who to the Number of 40 in 4 Canoes (Doughty's party consisting of no more than 15 Soldiers) under colour of a white flag, & professions of friendship rose, fired upon, & killed five & wounded Six more of his men; obliging him (when within Six miles of Ochappo the place of Rendezvous) to retreat down the Tennessee 0104 84 & which he was able to effect by his gallant behaviour & good conduct; notwithstanding the superior force of the enemy & a pursuit of 4 hours and attempts to board the Barge in wch. he was. But being too weak to ascend the Ohio after he had entered it he was induced to follow the Currt. into the Missisippi & thence down the same to a Spanish post A [ ] de grass about [ ] Miles below the Mouth of the Ohio where he was treated with great kindness & Civility by Monsr. [ ] the Commandant. He contrived after this to see the Piemingo & other head Men of the Chicasaw Nation with whom he did the business he was sent on nearly as well as if he had got to Occhappo the place of his destination as will appear by his detail transmitted to the Secretary at War.

Received from the Committee of Enrollment two Acts—One “For giving effect to an Act entitled ‘An Act providing for the enumeration of the Inhabitants of the United States' in respect to the State of Rhode Island & Providence Plantations“—The other “An Act to authorize the purchase of a tract of Land for the use of the United States.”

Much company of both Sexes to visit Mrs. Washington this Evening.

John Doughty (1757–1826) served in the Revolution as aide-de-camp to Maj. Gen. Philip Schuyler and as a captain in the artillery. He was brevetted major 30 Sept. 1783. In 1789 he was appointed with the same rank to the artillery. He helped in the design and construction of Forts Harmar and Washington. He was sent by Knox in early 1790 to carry guarantees of American friendship to the Chickasaw (GW to Chiefs and Warriors of the Chickasaw, 30 Dec. 1790, DLC:GW). His report to Knox on his mission, 7 April 1790, is in MiU-C: Harmar Papers. Henry Knox's account of Doughty's misfortunes agrees substantially with that in GW's diary (see Knox's “Causes of the existing Hostilities between the United States, and certain Tribes of Indians North-West of the Ohio,” 26 Jan. 1792, in CARTER [4], 2:364). The secretary of war had earlier mentioned the attack in his “Summary statement of the situation of the frontiers,” 27 May 1790 (DLC: GW). The incident occurred on 22 Mar., and on 25 Mar. Doughty wrote to Maj. John P. Wyllys, describing the attack: “We fought them four hours, and then escaped in this distressed situation. I found it impossible to ascend the Ohio, or, after I reached the Mississippi, to ascend it. My wounded men were in so distressed a situation as to require immediate assistance. The only resource left me was to come to this place, where I have met with every civility” (ST. CLAIR PAPERS, 2:134). The commandant of Ansa á la grasa or Ainse à la graisse (New Madrid), to which Doughty and the surviving members of his party had fled, was Pedro Foucher (NASATIR, 285, n.1; THORNBROUGH, 231, n.2). Piomingo was a pro-American Chickasaw chief, OCCHAPPO: Occochappo (see entry for 26 Jan. 1790). ACTS: For the act providing for the census in Rhode Island, see 1 STAT. 129 (5 July 1790). The second act cited 0105 85 by GW authorized him to purchase for the federal government “the whole or such part of that tract of land situate in the state of New York, commonly called West Point, as shall be by him judged requisite for the purpose of such fortifications and garrisons as may be necessary for the defence of the same” (1 STAT. 129 [5 July 1790]).

Saturday 3d. Exercised between 9 and 11 in the Coach with Mrs. Washington and the Children.

The policy of treating Colo. McGillivray, & the Chiefs of the Creek Nation who were coming with him, with attention as they passed through the States to this City induced me to desire the Secretary at War to write to the Governors of Virginia, Maryland Pensylvania requesting that they might be provided at the expence with whatever might be deemed a proper respect that they might be kept in good humour.

Nominated, Yesterday, to the Senate, persons for the Judiciary of Rhode Island; and a Person as Naval Officer in the District of Providence, in the place of Mr. Foster, who was sent by the State as one of their Senators—also Surveyors for the smaller Ports in the District & the District of New Port.

CHIEFS: See entry for 1 July 1790. Knox's circular letter to the governors was dated 3 July 1790. The letter sent to John Eager Howard of Maryland is in MdAA. GW's appointments for Rhode Island included Henry Marchant (1741–1796), federal judge; William Channing (1751–1793), district attorney; William Peck (d. 1832), United States marshal; and Ebenezer Thompson to replace Theodore Foster (1752–1828) as naval officer of Providence. For the appointments to the Rhode Island customs service, see DE PAUW, 2:83.

Sunday 4th. Went to Trinity Church in the forenoon.

This day being the Anniversary of the declaration of Independency the celebration of it was put of until to morrow.

Monday 5th. The Members of Senate, House of Representatives, Public Officers, Foreign Characters &ca. The Members of the Cincinnati, Officers of the Militia, &ca., came with the compliments of the day to me. About One Oclk. a sensible Oration was delivered in St. Pauls Chapel by Mr. Brockholst Levingston on the occasion of the day—the tendency of which was, to shew the different situation we are now in, under an excellent government of our own choice, to what it would have been if we had not succeeded in our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to enslave us; and how much we ought to cherish the blessings which are within our reach, & to cultivate the seeds of harmony & unanimity 0106 86 in all our public Councils. There were several other points touched upon in a sensible manner.

In the afternoon many Gentlemen & ladies visited Mrs. Washington.

I was informed this day by General Irvine (who recd. the acct. from Pittsburgh) that the Traitor Arnold was at Detroit & had viewed the Militia in the Neighbourhood of it twice. This had occasioned much Speculation in those parts—and with many other circumstances—though trifling in themselves led strongly to a conjecture that the British had some design on the Spanish settlements on the Mississipi and of course to surround these United States.

This oration was part of New York's Independence Day celebration. As part of the festivities in the early afternoon, local military units “escorted the Society of the Cincinnati to St. Pauls—where an elegant oration was delivered by Brockholst Livingston, Esq., to a very numerous audience [including] The President and Vice-President of the United States Members of both Houses of Congress—a brilliant assembly of Ladies and of the most respectable citizens” ( Gaz. of the U.S. [Philadelphia], 7 July 1790). GW may have dined this evening with the Society of the Cincinnati at Bardin's. Henry Brockholst Livingston (1757–1823) was the son of William Livingston, governor of New Jersey. A graduate of Princeton in 1774, he had accompanied his brother-in-law John Jay on the latter's mission to Spain in 1779 and served at various times during the Revolution in the Continental Army. In 1783 he was admitted to the New York bar and became prominent in New York legal circles. Under the new government he became an active Antifederalist. After the Revolution, Benedict Arnold lived in England with his family until 1785. In that year, finding his inflated claims for compensation for his services to the British government during the Revolution were not successful, he sailed for the Loyalist settlement of St. John, New Brunswick, where he established a mercantile and shipping business (WALLACE [2], 288–92).

Tuesday 6th. Exercised on Horse-back betwn. 5 & 7 Oclock in the Morning. At 9 Oclock I sat for Mr. Trumbull to finish my pictures in some of his historical pieces.

Anounced to the House of Representatives (where the Bills originated) my Assent to the Acts which were presented to me on Friday last—One of which Authorises the President to purchase the whole, or such part of that tract of Land situate in the State of New York commonly called West point as shall be by him judged requisite for the purpose of such fortifications & Garrisons as may be necessary for the defence of the same.

The Visitors were few to day on Acct. of the numbers that paid their Compliments yesterday.

0107 87 HISTORICAL PIECES: John Trumbull was continuing the series of paintings depicting the events of the American Revolution that he had begun soon after the war. After considerable preparatory work in Europe, he returned to New York in 1789, “for the purpose of pursuing my work of the Revolution; all the world was assembled there, and I obtained many portraits for the Declaration of Independence, Surrender of Cornwallis, and also that of General Washington in the battles of Trenton and Princeton” (TRUMBULL [2], 88, 92, 164). See also entry for 14 Jan. 1790.

Wednesday 7th. Exercised between 5 & 7 this Morning on Horse-back.

Thursday 8th. Sat from 9 o'clock till after 10 for Mr. Jno. Trumbull, who was drawing a Portrait of me at full length which he intended to present to Mrs. Washington.

About Noon the Secretaries of State, and of the Treasury called upon me—the last of whom reported a communication made to him by Majr. Beckwith Aid de Camp to Lord Dorchester—Governor of Canada wch. he reduced to writing, and is as follow.

“Memorandum of the substance of a communication made on Thursday the eighth of July 1790 to the Subscriber by Major Beckwith as by direction of Lord Dorchester”

“Major Beckwith began by Stating that Lord Dorchester had directed him to make his acknowledgmts. for the politeness which had been shewn in respect to the desire he had intimated to pass by N York in his way to England; adding that the prospect of a War between Great Britain & Spain would prevent or defer the execution of his intention in that particular.”

“He next proceeded to observe that Lord Dorchester had been informed of a negotiation commenced on the other side of the Water through the Agency of Mr. Morris; mentioning as the subscriber understood principally by way of proof of Lord Dorchesters knowledge of the transaction that Mr. Morris had not produced any regular Credentials, but merely a letter from the President directed to himself, that some delays had intervened partly on account of Mr. Morris's absence on a trip to Holland as was understood and that it was not improbable those delays & some other circumstances may have impressed Mr. Morris with an idea of backwardness on the part of the British Ministry.“

“That his Lordship however had directed him to say that an inference of this sort would not in his opinion be well founded as he had reason to believe that the Cabinet of Great Britain entertained 0108 88 a disposition not only towards a friendly intercourse but towards an alliance with the United States.

“Major Beckwith then proceeded to speak of the particular cause of the expected rupture between Spain & Britain observing it was one in which all Commercial Nations must be supposed to favor the views of G. Britain. That it was therefore presumed, should a War take place, that the United States would find it to be their interest to take part with G. Britain rather than with Spain.”

“Major Beckwith afterwards mentioned that Lord Dorchester had heard with great concern of some depredations committed by some Indians on our Western frontier. That he wished it to be believed that nothing of this kind had received the least countenance from him. That on the contrary he had taken every proper opportunity of inculcating upon the Indians a pacific disposition towards us; and that as soon as he had heard of the outrages lately committed he had sent a message to endeavor to prevent them. That his Lordship had understd. that the Indians alluded to were a banditti composed chiefly or in great part of Creeks or Cherokees, over whom he had no influence; intimating at the sametime that these tribes were supposed to be in connection with the Spaniards.”

“He stated in the next place that his Lordship had been informed that a Captain Hart in our Service and a Mr. Wemble and indeed some persons in the Treaty at Fort Harmer had thrown out menaces with regard to the Posts on the Frontier & had otherwise held very intemperate language; which however his Lordship considered rather as effusions of individual feelings than as effects of any instruction from authority.”

“Major Beckwith concluded with producing a letter signed Dorchester; which letter contained ideas similar to those he had expressed, though in more guarded terms and without any allusion to instructions from the British Cabinet. This letter it is recollected hints at the Non-execution of the treaty of peace on our part.”

“On the subscriber remarking the circumstances that this letter seemed to speak only the Sentiments of his Lordship Major Beckwith replied that whatever reasons there might be for that course of proceeding in the present Stage of the business, it was to be presumed that his Lordship knew too well the consequence of such a step to have taken it without a previous knowledge of the intentions of the Cabinet.”

The aspect of this business in the moment of its communication 0109 89 to me, appeared simply, and no other than this; We did not incline to give any satisfactory answer to Mr. Morris who was officially Commissioned to ascertain our intentions with respect to the evacuation of the Western Posts within the Territory of the United States and other matters into which he was empowered to enquire until by this unauthenticated mode we can discover whether you will enter into an Alliance with us and make Common cause against Spain. In that case we will enter into a Commercial Treaty with you & promise perhaps to fulfil what they already stand engaged to perform. However, I requested Mr. Jefferson & Colo. Hamilton, as I intend to do the Vice-President, Chief Justice & Secretary at War, to revolve this Matter in all its relations in their minds that they may be the better prepared to give me their opinions thereon in the course of 2 or three days.

The following Gentlemen dined here to day—viz—Messrs. Wingate Strong McClay, Lee, & Johnson (No. Carolina) of the Senate and Messrs. Gilman, Aimes Sturges, Schureman, Fitzsimmons, Wynkoop, Vining, Smith, Madison, Sevier, & Sumpter of the House of representatives.

PORTRAIT: See entry for 14 Jan. 1790. George Beckwith (1753–1823), a member of a prominent Yorkshire, Eng., family, became an ensign in 1771 in the British army, achieving the rank of lieutenant in 1775, captain in 1777, and major in 1781. During the years of the American Revolution he saw extensive service in America and ended the war as aide-de-camp to Sir Guy Carleton (1724–1808). Carleton, who was raised to the peerage as the first Baron Dorchester in 1786, was made governor-in-chief of the Province of Quebec, also in 1786. When he went to Canada, Beckwith accompanied him. Between 1787 and 1790 Beckwith made four visits to the United States where he acted as an unofficial agent for Dorchester and the British ministry in acquiring information about the United States and where he carried on extensive conversations with such prominent Americans as Philip Schuyler, Alexander Hamilton, William Samuel Johnson, and John Trumbull (see JEFFERSON [1], 17:35–64). The memorandum quoted by GW is in Hamilton's handwriting and is in DLC:GW. Canadian officials had already learned of the impending crisis between Britain and Spain over the seizure of British ships in Nootka Sound through a letter from William Wyndham, Lord Grenville, secretary of state for home affairs, to Lord Dorchester, 6 May 1790, marked “Secret.” Grenville, who was concerned about the United States' position, particularly in regard to the frontier posts still held by the British, wrote Dorchester that in case war should break out, “I conceive that it would by no means be impossible to turn the tide of opinion and wishes of America in our favor in case of a Contest with Spain on the business now in question. . . . The object which we might hold out to them, particularly to the Kentucke and other Settlers at the back of the old colonies, of opening the Navigation of the Mississippi to them, is one at least as important as the possession of the Forts, and perhaps it would not be difficult to shew, that the former is much more easily 0110 90 attainable with the assistance of Great Britain against Spain, than the latter is by their joining Spain in offensive operations against this Country” (P.R.O., C.O. 42/67, f. 93–97). Two additional letters from Grenville of the same date reiterated his concern in regard to the United States (BRYMNER, 1890, 131–33). Grenville also forwarded to Dorchester Gouverneur Morris's correspondence with the duke of Leeds (see entry for 1 July 1790) with the comment that “this communication coming from Genl. Washington however vague and inexplicit it is, seems however to indicate some disposition on the part of the United States to cultivate a closer connection with this country than has hitherto subsisted since their separation from Great Britain.” Beckwith was the logical choice as an agent to present Britain's views unofficially and to sound out the administration on Grenville's, and although he had only returned to Canada from the United States in May 1790, he again set out for New York. Beckwith carried with him two sets of instructions, both dated 27 June 1790. The first instructions, which Beckwith showed to Hamilton, expressed Dorchester's hope that the difficulties between Spain and Britain would not “make any alteration in the good disposition of the United States to establish a firm friendship and Alliance with Great Britain to the Mutual advantage of both Countries; I am persuaded it can make none on the part of Great Britain, whose liberal treatment of the United States in point of Commerce sufficiently evinces her friendly disposition, notwithstanding the non execution of the Treaty on their part, which, and various misrepresentations I have always attributed to an unsettled state of their government, and of the minds of the multitude, influenced perhaps by a power not very cordial even to the United States” (P.R.O., C.O. 42/68, f. 225). The second instructions, marked “Secret,” which the secretary of the treasury did not see, instructed Beckwith to learn as much as possible about the attitudes of both the government and people in case of war but to be cautious about carrying out Grenville's suggestion regarding the navigation of the Mississippi as bait to westerners for a British connection: “You will be cautious in advancing anything specific on that head, but rather lead them to explain the different lines of policy, each party may have in view. . . . In general you may assert it as your own opinion, that in case of a War with Spain you see no reason why we should not assist in forwarding whatever their interests may require” (P.R.O., C.O. 42/68, f. 258–60). The Indian depredations that Dorchester deplored may have been the attack on Maj. John Doughty's party (see entry for 2 July 1790) or the attacks along the Scioto River (see entry for 9 July 1790). Indian raids on all the frontiers had been widespread during the spring of 1790. CAPTAIN HART: Jonathan Heart (see entry for 9 July 1790). The Treaty of Fort Harmar had been negotiated 9 Jan. 1789 by Gov. Arthur St. Clair with the Wyandots (KAPPLER, 2:18–23). William Maclay noted that this evening's entertainment “was a great dinner, in the usual style, without any remarkable occurrences. Mrs. Washington was the only woman present” (MACLAY, 310). John Sevier (1745–1815) was elected United States senator from North Carolina in 1789. Sevier in Dec. 1773 moved from his native Virginia to the North Carolina frontier and settled on the Nolichucky River in an area which in 1796 became a part of the state of Tennessee. During the Revolution he led a force of frontiersmen at King's Mountain and in 1781 and 1782 led several expeditions against Indians who were raiding the frontier. In 0111 91 the 1780s he was governor of the short-lived State of Franklin and deeply involved in the Muscle Shoals speculation. From 1796 to 1801 and 1803 to 1809 he served as governor of Tennessee.

Friday 9th. Exercised on Horse-back between 5 and 7 in the morning.

A letter from Genl. Harmer, enclosing copies of former letters; and Sundry other papers, were put into my hands by the Secretary at War. By these it appears that the frequent hostilities of some Vagabond Indians, who it was supposed had a mind to establish themselves on the Scioto for the purpose of Robbing the Boats, and murdering the Passengers in their dissent or assent of the Ohio, had induced an Expedition composed of 120 effective men of the Regular Troops under his (Harmers) command, and 202 Militia (mounted on Horses) under that of Genl. Scott of the District of Kentucky. This force rendezvoused at the Mouth of Lime-stone on the 20 of April; and intended by a detour to fall on the Scioto high up: five Miles above the Mouth of paint Creek (which runs through the finest land in the world, & Surveyed for the Officers of the Virginia line) it accordingly struck the Scioto on the 25th, 50 Miles from its mouth. But the Militia, according to custom, getting tired, & short of Provisions, became clamorous to get home; & many of them would have gone off but for the influence of Genl. Scott; however, the March was continued and on the 27th. the Troops arrived at the Mouth of the Scioto where crossing the Ohio the Militia seperated for their respective homes & the regular Troops proceeded up to their head Quarters at Fort Washington. In this expedition little was done; a small party of 4 Indians was discovered—killed & Scalped and at another place some Bever traps & Skins were taken at an Indian Camp. The detour made was about 128 miles & had the Militia crossed to the East side of the Scioto it is supposed several parties of Indians would have been fallen in with. The Scioto is 65 Miles below the Mouth of Licking.

Among the Enclosures with Genl. Harmers letter, were Captn. Harts report of the Navigations of Big beaver and the Cayahoga, and Country between; & of other waters: also Majr. Hamtrameks report of the distances &ca. from Post Vincennes on the Wabash to Detroit—Copies of which I desired to be furnished with.

Many Visitors (male & female) this Afternoon to Mrs. Washington.

Josiah Harmar (1753–1813), a native of Philadelphia, served as major, lieutenant colonel, and colonel of various Pennsylvania regiments during the Revolution and in Aug. 1784 became commander of the new United States 0112 92 Army. From that time until his resignation in 1792, he served mainly on the Ohio frontier, repelling Indian attacks against the area's few settlements. In Sept. 1790 he was to engage in an unsuccessful campaign against the Shawnee in the area of the Miami villages on the Maumee River. The letter that GW mentions was probably Harmar's letter of 9 June 1790 to Henry Knox, although GW must have obtained additional details from other papers submitted by Knox (ASP, INDIAN AFF., 1:91–92). Lt. Col. James Wilkinson wrote Harmar 7 April 1790 that for “more than one month past a party of savages has occupied the Northwestern bank of the Ohio, a few miles above the mouth of the Scioto, from whence they make attacks upon every boat which passes, to the destruction of much property, the loss of many lives, and the great annoyance of all intercourse from the northward . . . their last attack was made against five boats, one of which they captured” (ASP, INDIAN AFF., 1:91). On 30 May, Ens. Asa Hartshorne of the 1st United States Regiment reported that he and a small party had been attacked near Limestone; “in the afternoon, myself with five men went up to the place where we were attacked; we found one man, one woman, and three children, killed and scalped. . . . There are eight missing; the whole killed and missing is thirteen souls; they took none of the property but one horse” (ASP, INDIAN AFF., 1:91). Both of these documents were enclosed in Harmar's letter to Knox. Limestone was a small post town in Kentucky on the south side of the Ohio River “and on the west side of the mouth of a small creek of its name” (MORSE [2]). Charles Scott (c. 1739–1813) was born in Goochland (later Powhatan) County, Va., and served under GW in Braddock's campaign during the French and Indian War. During the Revolution he was a lieutenant colonel in the 2d Virginia Regiment, colonel of the 5th Virginia Regiment, and in 1777 was commissioned brigadier general in the Continental Army. He was brevetted major general in 1783. In 1785 he moved to Kentucky and represented Woodford County in the Virginia Assembly 1789–90. In 1791 he led Kentucky troops in the St. Clair expedition. Concerning his role in the Scioto expedition, Harmar noted in his letter to Knox that “General Scott detached a small party of horsemen, who fell in with the savages, killed them, and brought four scalps into Limestone” (ASP, INDIAN AFF., 1:91). Jonathan Heart (d. 1791) of Connecticut entered the Revolution in 1775 as a volunteer, became an ensign in 1776, a captain lieutenant in 1779, and a captain in 1780. He served as a brigade major until Nov. 1783 and in 1785 was appointed a captain in the United States Infantry Regiment. In Sept. 1789 he became a captain in the 1st United States Infantry Regiment and served with Harmar's command on the Ohio frontier. He was killed during Arthur St. Clair's battle with the western Indians 4 Nov. 1791. John Hamtramck (c.1756–1803), a native of Quebec, served during the Revolution as a major in the New York line. In 1785 he became captain of a New York company serving under Harmar on the Ohio frontier. Joining the United States forces at Vincennes in 1787 he remained as one of the fort's officers for the next six years. His “report of the distances” from Vincennes to Detroit was enclosed in a letter to Harmar of 17 Mar. 1790, and is printed in THORNBROUGH, 225–27.

Saturday 10th. Having formed a Party, consisting of the Vice-President, his lady, Son & Miss Smith; the Secretaries of State, 0113 93 Treasury & War, and the ladies of the two latter; with all the Gentlemen of my family, Mrs. Lear & the two Children we visited the old position of Fort Washington and afterwards dined on a dinner provided by Mr. Mariner at the House lately Colo. Roger Morris but confiscated and in the occupation of a common Farmer. I requested the Vice-President & the Secretary at War as I had also in the Morning the Chief Justice, to turn their attention to the Communications of Majr. Beckwith; as I might in the course of a few days, call for their opinions on the important matter of it.

MISS SMITH: probably Louisa Smith. See entry for 8 Oct. 1789. GENTLEMEN OF MY FAMILY: GW's secretaries. Tobias Lear, William Jackson, Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., David Humphreys, and Robert Lewis. Dandridge (d. 1802) was the son of Mrs. Washington's brother Bartholomew Dandridge. Mrs. Lear, Tobias Lear's wife, was Mary (Polly) Long Lear of Portsmouth, N.H. The Lears were married in April 1790 in Portsmouth, and upon their return to New York they were invited to make their home with the Washingtons. Mrs. Washington in particular apparently became very fond of young Mrs. Lear, who made herself useful to the presidential household in a number of ways. The living arrangements continued after the household moved to Philadelphia. Polly Lear died, at the age of 23, in Philadelphia, 28 July 1793 (DECATUR, 128–29). The two children were Mrs. Washington's grandchildren George Washington Parke Custis and Eleanor Parke Custis. Fort Washington, in the vicinity of present W. 183d Street in Manhattan, had fallen to the British in Nov. 1776. Later Fort Knyphausen had been constructed by the British on the site of the American works. The Morris Mansion (Jumel Mansion), constructed by Lt. Col. Roger Morris in 1765, was confiscated at the end of the Revolution as Loyalist property and was advertised in Mar. 1790 for sale at public auction: “A Farm at the 11 mile stone on New York Island late the property of Col. Roger Morris—the mansion house in point of elegance and spaciousness is equal to any in this state, and from its elevated position not only enjoys the most salubrious air, but affords a prospect extensively diversified and beautiful. The farm contains about 140 acres, the greatest part of which is mowing ground, and extends across the Island from the East to the North river. On the premises are a large coach house and barn, with a garden containing a variety of the best fruits” ( Daily Adv. [New York], 12 Mar. 1790, cited in STOKES, 5:1263). The house was to be sold on 3 May 1790. Although there are no written communications from GW on the subject of Beckwith's communications (see entry for 8 July 1790) to Adams or Knox, on 9 July Hamilton wrote Jay that “certain Circumstances of a delicate nature have occurred, concerning which The President would wish to consult you.” In view of the serious illness of Jay's father-in-law, Gov. William Livingston of New Jersey, “I cannot say the President directly asks it, lest you should be embarrassed; but he has expressed a strong wish for it” (HAMILTON [2], 6:488). On 12 July Jefferson wrote to GW that he “had a conference yesterday with Mr. Madison on the subject recommended by the President. He has the 0114 94 honor of inclosing him some considerations thereon, in all of which he believes Mr. Madison concurs” (DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters). For the enclosure, “Jefferson's Outline of Policy Contingent on War between England and Spain,” see JEFFERSON [1], 17:109–10.

Sunday 11th. At home all day dispatching some business relative to my own private concerns.

Monday 12th. Exercised on Horse back between 5 & 6 in the Morning.

Sat for Mr. Trumbull from 9 until half after ten.

And about Noon had two Bills presented to me by the joint Committee of Congress—The one “An Act for Establishing the Temporary & permanent Seat of the Government of the United States”—The other “An Act further to provide for the payment of the Invalid Pensioners of the United States.”

BILLS; 1 STAT. 130 (16 July 1790) and 1 STAT. 129 (16 July 1790). The Residence Bill, establishing a new federal district on the banks of the Potomac River for the permanent capital, had been under debate in Congress since 31 May, but the struggle over the location for the capital long preceded the bill's advent in Congress. GW's close personal involvement in the matter will be fully treated in the correspondence volumes. Under the terms of the Residence Act the president was authorized to appoint three commissioners who would “under the direction of the President” oversee the surveying and construction of the new city, a provision which guaranteed GW's continued close involvement with the Federal City for the rest of his administration. The act also provided that the capital would move from New York to Philadelphia by Dec. 1790 and remain there until Dec. 1800 when the new Federal City would presumably be finished.

Tuesday 13th. Again sat for Mr. Trumbull from 9 until half past 10 Oclock.

A good deal of Company at the Levee to day.

Wednesday 14th. Exercised on horseback from 5 until near 7 Oclock.

Had some further conversation to day with the Chief Justice and Secretary of the Treasury with respect to the business on which Majr. Beckwith was come on. The result—To treat his communications very civilly—to intimate, delicately, that they carried no marks, official or authentic; nor, in speaking of Alliance, did they convey any definite meaning by which the precise objects of the British Cabinet could be discovered. In a word, that the Secretary of the Treasury was to extract as much as he could from 0115 95 Major Beckwith & to report it to me, without committing, by any assurances whatever, the Government of the U States, leaving it entirely free to pursue, unreproached, such a line of conduct in the dispute as her interest (& honour) shall dictate.

BUSINESS ON WHICH MAJR. BECKWITH WAS COME ON: See entries for 8 and 10

Editorial Note. From the first days of his presidency, GW was determined “to visit every part of the United States” during his term of office if “health and other circumstances would admit of it” (GW to Edward Rutledge, 16 Jan. 1791, ScCMu). A month after GW returned from his New England tour, Gov. Charles Pinckney of South Carolina wrote him suggesting a tour of the southern states (14 Dec. 1789, DLC:GW), and GW replied 11 Jan. 1790 that nothing would give him more pleasure although his time was not his own (DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters).

By the following summer rumors were circulating in the South that GW would come that fall, but when William Blount of North Carolina called on GW at Mount Vernon in September, he learned that the southern tour would start by spring. “You may shortly expect to hear of pompous Orders for equiping and training the Cavalry,” Blount confidently wrote his brother in North Carolina; “and perhaps,” he added, news of GW's tour “may induce the Overseers of Roads and Ferry-Keepers to mend their Ways and repair or build new Boats. If the very greatest Attention and Respect is not paid him he will be greatly disappointed and Mortified for to the North the Contention has been who should pay him the most” (William Blount to John Gray Blount, 20 Sept. 1790, BLOUNT, 2:117–20).

Congress adjourned 3 Mar. 1791. Bad roads delayed GW's departure from Philadelphia for a while, but the need to traverse the route before “the warm and sickly months” were upon the South prompted him to leave on 21 Mar. (GW to William Washington, 8 Jan. 1791, and GW to David Humphreys, 16 Mar. 1791, DLC:GW).

Before setting off GW prepared a careful itinerary describing the dates, places, and mileages for his proposed “line of march.” His route south was to be an eastern one through Richmond and Petersburg, Va., New Bern and Wilmington, N.C., and Georgetown and Charleston, S.C., to Savannah, and his return by “an 0117 97

The World of President Washington, 1789–1797

0118 98 upper road” from Augusta through Columbia and Camden, S.C., Charlotte and Salem, N.C., and Fredericksburg. In all he was to be gone more than three months and would travel an estimated 1,816 miles (“Route & Stages of G. Washington in the yr. 1791,” GW to Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and Henry Knox, 4 April 1791, and GW to Alexander Hamilton, 13 June 1791, DLC:GW).

As on the New England tour GW planned to lodge only at public houses and to refuse all offers to stay in private homes. “I am persuaded you will readily see the necessity of this resolution both as it respects myself and others,” GW wrote his relative William Washington of South Carolina. “It leaves me unembarrassed by engagements, and by a uniform adherence to it I shall avoid giving umbrage to any by declining all invitations of residence” (8 Jan. 1791, DLC:GW). Nevertheless, lack of suitable ordinaries along several parts of his route was to oblige him to make exceptions to this rule on more than one occasion.

March 1791

Monday 21st. Left Philadelphia about 11 O'clock to make a tour through the Southern States. Reached Chester about 3 oclock—dined & lodged at Mr. Wythes—Roads exceedingly deep, heavy & cut in places by the Carriages which used them.

In this tour I was accompanied by Majr. Jackson. My equipage & attendance consisted of a Chariet & four horses drove in hand light baggage Waggon & two horses—four Saddle horses besides a led one for myself—and five Servants including to wit my Valet de Chambre, two footmen, Coach man & Postilion.

MR. WYTHES: Mary Withy's inn (see entry for 13 May 1787). The words “Servants including” were struck out by GW in MS. The coachman John Fagan, said to be “by birth a Hessian,” had been hired the previous December (Robert Lewis to John Fagan, 28 Nov. 1790, DLC:GW; CUSTIS, 424). The postilion Giles proved to be “too much indisposed to ride the journey” by the time the party reached Mount Vernon (GW to Thomas Jefferson, 1 April 1791, DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters).

Tuesday 22d. At half past 6 Oclock we left Chester, & breakfasted at Wilmington. Finding the Roads very heavy and receiving unfavourable Accts. of those between this place and Baltimore I determined to cross the [Chesapeake] Bay by the way of Rockhall and crossing Christiana Creek [Christina River] proceeded through Newcastle & by the Red Lyon to the Buck tavern 13 Miles from Newcastle and 19 from Wilmington where we dined and lodged. At the Red Lyon we gave the horses a bite of Hay—during their eating of which I discovered that one of those wch. drew the Baggage Waggon was lame and appd. otherwise much indisposed. Had him bled and afterwards led to the Buck tavern.

This is a better house than the appearances indicate.

The Red Lion Tavern, located at the site of present-day Red Lion, Del., was opened sometime after the end of the War of Independence by a Huguenot woman named Elisse Roussier. The Buck Tavern where GW had dined 3 Sept. 1774, was, according to one patron, “indifferent for bed and table—good for horses” (W.P.A. [3], 461–62, 485).

Wednesday 23d. Set off at 6 Oclock—breakfasted at Warwick—bated with hay 9 miles farther and dined and lodged at the House of one Worrells in Chester; from whence I sent an Express to Rock-hall to have Boats ready for me by 9 Oclock tomorrow Morning—after doing which Captn. Nicholson obligingly set out for that place to see that every thing should [be] prepared against my arrival.

0120 100

The lame horse was brought on, and while on the Road appd. to move tolerably well, but as soon as he stopped, discovered a stiffness in all his limbs which indicated some painful disorder. I fear a Chest founder. My riding horse also appeared to be very unwell, his appetite havg. entirely failed him.

The Winter grain along the Road appeared promising and abundant.

The village of Warwick, Md., lies in southern Cecil County near the Maryland-Delaware line.

Thursday 24th. Left Chester town about 6 Oclock. Before nine I arrivd at Rock-Hall where we breakfasted and immediately; after which we began to embark—The doing of which employed us (for want of contrivance) until near 3 Oclock and then one of my Servants (Paris) & two horses were left, notwithstanding two Boats in aid of The two Ferry Boats were procured. Unluckily, embarking on board of a borrowed Boat because She was the largest, I was in imminent danger, from the unskilfulness of the hands, and the dulness of her sailing, added to the darkness and storminess of the night. For two hours after we hoisted Sail the Wind was light and a head. The next hour was a stark calm after which the wind sprung up at So. Et. and encreased until it blew a gale—about which time, and after 8 Oclock P.M. we made the mouth of Severn River (leading up to Annapolis) but the ignorance of the People on board, with respect to the navigation of it run us aground first on Greenbury point from whence with much exertion and difficulty we got off; & then, having no knowledge of the Channel and the night being immensely dark with heavy and variable squals of wind—constant lightning & tremendous thunder—we soon grounded again on what is called Homes point where, finding all efforts in vain, & not knowing where we were we remained, not knowing what might happen, 'till morning.

GW's vessel, according to the Maryland Gazette, “did not enter the river Severn until ten o'clock, in a dark tempestuous night. She struck on a bar, or point, within about a mile from the city; and although she made a signal of distress, it was impossible, before day-light, to go to her relief” ( Md. Gaz. [Annapolis], 31 Mar. 1791). Greenbury Point marks the entrance to the Severn on the north. Horn Point is on the opposite side of the river, about a mile to the west (now part of the Annapolis suburb Eastport).

Friday 25th. Having lain all night in my Great Coat & Boots, in a birth not long enough for me by the head, & much cramped; we found ourselves in the morning with in about one mile of 0121 101

View of Annapolis in 1797, from an extra-illustrated copy of Public Men of the Revolution by William Sullivan, 1847. (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University)

Annapolis & still fast aground. Whilst we were preparing our small Boat in order to land in it, a sailing Boat came of to our assistance in wch. with the Baggage I had on board I landed, & requested Mr. Man at whose Inn I intended lodging, to send off a Boat to take off two of my Horses & Chariot which I had left on board and with it my Coachman to see that it was properly done—but by mistake the latter not having notice of this order & attempting to get on board afterwards in a small Sailing Boat was overset and narrowly escaped drowning.

Was informed upon my arrival (when 15 Guns were fired) that all my other horses arrived safe, that embarked at the same time I did, about 8 Oclock last night.

Was waited upon by the Governor (who came off in a Boat as soon as he heard I was on my passage from Rock hall to meet us, but turned back when it grew dark and squally) as soon as I arrived at Mans tavern, & was engaged by him to dine with the Citizens of Annapolis this day at Manns tavern and at his House tomorrow—the first I accordingly did.

Before dinner I walked with him, and several other Gentlemen 0122 102 to the State house, (which seems to be much out of repair)—the College of St. John at which there are about 80 Students of every description—and then by the way of the Governors (to see Mrs. Howell) home.

GW was taken to a hostelry operated by George Mann (1753–1795), called Mann's Tavern or the City Hotel. A 1787 travel journal kept by an English visitor to Annapolis described these lodgings: “Mr. Mann keeps an excellent publick house 4 rooms on a floor, & one for company 66 by 21 feet—the second story Lodging Rooms, all wainscoted to the ceiling, might vie with any tavern in England” (VAUGHAN, 60–61). The large room was probably used for GW's dinner with some of the citizens of Annapolis. The dinner at Mann's began at 3:00 P.M. “with a numerous company of inhabitants” in attendance and continued until 15 patriotic toasts had circulated around the table, each “announced by the discharge of cannon” ( Md. Gaz. [Annapolis], 31 Mar. 1791). Like the presentation of laudatory addresses, the rituals of the public dinner would occur often in the coming weeks. The governor of Maryland was John Eager Howard, and “Mrs. Howell,” whom GW stopped to see at the governor's house before dinner, must have been the governor's wife Peggy Chew Howard (see entry for 23 May 1787). St. John's College, where GW arrived about 10:00 A.M., was chartered by the Maryland General Assembly in 1784 but did not open its doors until Nov. 1789. From the school's faculty on the following day, GW received the first of the many formal congratulatory addresses that were to be pressed on him during his tour. “We the faculty of St John's College beg leave to express the sincere joy; which the honour of your presence in our infant seminary afforded us,” wrote Principal John McDowell in this typical address. “In common with all those who superintend the education of youth, we must feel a lively gratitude to the defender of liberty, the guardian of his country's peace and consequently the great patron of literature. . . . Our earnest prayer is, that a kind providence may continually watch over you and preserve a life, long indeed already, if measured by deeds of worth and fulness of honour, but too short as yet for your Country” (26 Mar. 1791, DLC:GW). In reply GW expressed satisfaction with his visit to the college and hopes for its future progress. “You will do justice to the sentiments, which your kind regard towards myself inspires,” he concluded, “by believing that I reciprocate the good wishes contained in your address, and I sincerely hope the excellence of your seminary will be manifested in the morals and science of the youth who are favored with your care” ([26 Mar. 1791], DLC: GW). Seven years later GW sent George Washington Parke Custis to St. John's to be one of those youths.

Saturday 26th. Spent the forenoon in my room preparing papers &ca. against my arrival at George Town. Dined at the Governors and went to the Assembly in the Evening where I stayed till half past ten oclock.

In the Afternoon of this day Paris and my other two horses arrived from Rock-hall.

0123 103 GW “again dined with a large company” at the governor's house, “and in the evening,” reported the Maryland Gazette, “his presence enlivened a ball, at which was exhibited everything which this little city contained of beauty and elegance” ( Md. Gaz. [Annapolis], 31 Mar. 1791).

Sunday 27th. About 9 oclock this morning I left Annapolis under a discharge of Artillery, and being accompanied by the Governor a Mr. Kilty of the Council and Mr. Charles Stuart proceeded on my Journey for George Town. Bated at Queen Ann, 13 Miles distant and dined and lodged at Bladensburgh. Many of the Gentlemen of Annapolis (among [whom] was the Chanceller of the State) escorted me to the ferry over So. River.

John Kilty (1756–1811) of Annapolis, apparently a brother of Dr. William Kilty (see entry for 8 Aug. 1788), was a member of the Maryland council 1785–91 and 1792–93. During the first years of the War of Independence he served as a lieutenant in the Maryland line and later as a captain in the Continental dragoons. GW appointed him supervisor of the revenue for Maryland in 1795 ( Md. Hist. Mag., 6 [1911], 357; MD. ARCH., 71:64, 149, 227, 301, 72:58, 153, 235, 300). The chancellor of Maryland was Alexander Contee Hanson (1749–1806) of Annapolis. In June 1776 he was appointed GW's assistant secretary at headquarters but resigned a few months later because of bad health. A justice of the Maryland General Court for many years, he was appointed chancellor in 1789 and served until his death. Queen Anne, Md., was described by the English traveler Samuel Vaughan in 1787 as a “pleasant Village” with “12 houses” and a tobacco warehouse from which about 1,100 hogsheads of tobacco were shipped annually (VAUGHAN, 60). At Bladensburg, Md., according to a local tradition, GW lodged at the Indian Queen Tavern, now called the George Washington House (DIARIES, 4:152, n.5; MD. GUIDE, 262). The South River ferry crossed to Londontown, Md. GW had used this ferry often on his way to and from Annapolis (HOWARD & SHRIVER, Map, No. 60; MD. GUIDE, 232–33).

Monday 28th. Left Bladensburgh at half after Six, & breakfasted at George Town about 8; where, having appointed the Commissioners under the Residence Law to meet me, I found Mr. Johnson one of them (& who is chief Justice of the State) in waiting & soon after came in David Stuart & Danl. Carroll Esqrs. the other two.

A few miles out of Town I was met by the principal Citizen[s] of the place, & escorted in by them; and dined at Suters tavern (where I also lodged) at a public dinner given by the Mayor & Corporation—previous to which I examined the Surveys of Mr. Ellicot who had been sent on to lay out the district of ten miles square for the federal seat; and also the works of Majr. L'Enfant who had been engaged to examine, & make a draught of the grds. 0124 104 in the vicinity of George town and Carrollsburg on the Eastern branch making arrangements for examining the ground myself tomorrow with the Commissioners.

The Residence law, which authorized the establishing of a new capital, also provided for the president to appoint three commissioners to supervise the land surveying, the layout of the Federal City in the district, and the construction of public buildings (see entry for 12 July 1790). The three commissioners, appointed by GW in 1791, were Thomas Johnson of Fredericktown, Md., Dr. David Stuart, of Hope Park in Fairfax County, and Daniel Carroll (1730–1796). Andrew Ellicott (1754–1820) was appointed by GW to survey the district lines, which he began in the late winter of 1791. Pierre Charles L'Enfant (1754–1825), born and trained in engineering and artistic design in France, volunteered as an officer of engineers in the Revolution, entering the American army during the winter encampment at Valley Forge. During the next decade his artistic activity in America included a sketch of GW and several architectural designs in Philadelphia and New York City. In 1791 GW appointed L'Enfant to design a Federal City to be built within the district. Carrollsburg, still only a paper town in 1791, was laid out c.1770 on the neck between James Creek and the Anacostia River for Charles Carroll, father of Daniel Carroll of Duddington.

Tuesday 29th. In a thick mist, and under strong appearances of a settled rain (which however did not happen) I set out about 7 Oclock for the purpose abovementioned—but from the unfavorableness of the day, I derived no great satisfaction from the review.

Finding the interests of the Landholders about George town and those about Carrollsburgh much at varience and that their fears & jealousies of each were counteracting the public purposes & might prove injurious to its best interests whilst if properly managed they might be made to subserve it—I requested them to meet me at Six oclock this afternoon at my lodgings, which they accordingly did.

To this meeting I represented, that the contention in which they seemed engaged, did not in my opinion, comport either with the public interest or that of their own; that while each party was aiming to obtain the public buildings, they might, by placing the matter on a contracted scale, defeat the measure altogether; not only by procrastination but for want of the means necessary to effect the work; That neither the offer from George town, or Carrollsburgh, seperately, was adequate to the end of insuring the object—That both together did not comprehend more ground nor would afford greater means than was required for the federal City; and that, instead of contending which of the two should have it 0125 105 they had better, by combining there offers make a common cause of it and thereby secure it to the district. Other arguments were used to shew the danger which might result from delay and the good effects that might proceed from a Union.

Dined at Colo. Forrests to day with the Commissioners & others.

Although the Residence Bill did not specify the size of the capital, the Georgetown and Carrollsburg landholders assumed that the land to be set aside in the federal district for government buildings would consist of at most a few hundred acres. According to an early plan of Thomas Jefferson, the new town would require only about 100 acres (JEFFERSON [1], 17:460–61, 463). The landholders of Georgetown believed that 400 acres located somewhere between Rock and Goose creeks could accommodate the new capital (SCISCO, 128–29). In Jan. 1790 Daniel Carroll, one of the commissioners of the federal district and owner of land in the Carrollsburg area, proposed his 160-acre paper town as an alternative (SCISCO, 132; REPS, 254). At today's meeting, GW makes the first official public pronouncement on the size of the new capital; it would encompass the sites promoted by both the Georgetown and Carrollsburg interests, making the city a project far more ambitious than either group of landholders originally conceived. Uriah Forrest (1756–1805), of Georgetown, Md., served as an officer in the Revolution and received wounds at Germantown and Brandywine. During the time he was a Federalist member of the United States House of Representatives (1793–94) he had a house built on Ordway Street near Wisconsin Avenue. In partnership with Benjamin Stoddert, Forrest owned nearly 1,000 acres of land north of Georgetown that fell within the newly surveyed federal district boundaries (BRYAN, 413).

Wednesday 30th. The parties to whom I addressed myself yesterday evening, having taken the matter into consideration saw the propriety of my observations; and that whilst they were contending for the shadow they might loose the substance; and therefore mutually agreed, and entered into articles to surrender for public purposes, one half of the land they severally possessed with in bounds which were designated as necessary for the City to stand with some other stipulations which were inserted in the instrument which they respectively subscribed.

This business being thus happily finished & some directions given to the Commissioners, the Surveyor and Engineer with respect to the mode of laying out the district—Surveying the grounds for the City & forming them into lots—I left Georgetown—dined in Alexandria & reached Mount Vernon in the evening.

GW's directions for laying out the district were based upon his proclamation dated Georgetown, 30 Mar. 1791, establishing a district ten miles square beginning at Jones Point at the mouth of Hunting Creek on the south side of Alexandria. The survey was done by “the Surveyor” Andrew Ellicott, with 0126 106 the assistance of Benjamin Banneker (see REPS, 252). The “Engineer” was Pierre L'Enfant. For the agreement dated 30 Mar. 1791, see DNA: RG 42, Proceedings of the Commissioners.

Thursday 31st. From this time, until the 7th. of April, I remained at Mount Vernon—visiting my Plantations every day—and

Was obliged also, consequent of Colo. Henry Lees declining to accept the command of one of the Regiments of Levies and the request of the Secretary of War to appoint those Officers which had been left to Colo. Lee to do for a Battalion to be raised in Virginia East of the Alligany Mountains to delay my journey on this account—and after all, to commit the business as will appear by the letters & for the reasons there-mentioned to Colo. Darke's management.

From hence I also wrote letters to the Secretaries of State—Treasury and War in answer to those received from [them] on interesting subjects—desiring in case of important occurrances they would hold a consultation and if they were of such a nature as to make my return necessary to give me notice & I would return immediately. My rout was given to them & the time I should be at the particular places therein mentioned.

The regiment of which Henry Lee was offered command was one of two regiments of six-month levies that Congress had recently authorized to be raised as part of an expeditionary force that Maj. Gen. Arthur St. Clair was preparing to lead against hostile Indians in the Ohio Valley. Lee's refusal of the command, about which GW did not definitely learn until 31 Mar., was unwelcome news, for it meant delay in officering and recruiting of the regiment's three battalions, one to be raised in Pennsylvania, one in Maryland, and one in Virginia. To minimize the delay Secretary of War Henry Knox suggested in letters of 24 and 27 Mar. 1791 that the command be offered to either Col. Josias Carvill Hall or Col. Moses Rawlings, both of Maryland, and that GW in the meantime appoint the officers for the Virginia battalion (Knox to William Jackson, 24 Mar. 1791, and Knox to GW, 27 Mar. 1791, DLC:GW). Unprepared for Lee's refusal, GW hastily approved offering the command to Hall but was reluctant to take time out of his schedule to secure the Virginia officers (William Jackson to Henry Knox, 30 Mar. 1791, and GW to Henry Knox, 1 April 1791, DLC:GW). GW settled the matter by writing to Lt. Col. William Darke of Berkeley County on 4 April to ask him to appoint the officers for the Virginia battalion and to accept command of the regiment if Hall declined it (GW to Darke, 4 and 7 April 1791, DLC:GW). Hall did decline, and Darke accepted. In the defeat that St. Clair's force suffered at the hands of the Indians near the Wabash River 4 Nov. 1791, Darke was severely wounded and his son Capt. Joseph Darke mortally wounded (William Darke to GW, 9 Nov. 1791, DLC:GW). The letters that GW wrote from Mount Vernon to Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson are dated 31 Mar. and 1 and 4 April 1791, to Secretary 0127 107 of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton 4 April 1791, and to Secretary of War Henry Knox 1, 4, and 7 April 1791 (DLC:GW). The instructions for “important occurrances” are in a letter of 4 April 1791 addressed jointly to the three cabinet members. Vice-President John Adams was not included in the consultations only because he was going to Boston (DLC:GW).

[April]

Thursday 7th. April. Recommenced my journey with Horses apparently well refreshed and in good spirits.

In attempting to cross the ferry at Colchester with the four Horses hitched to the Chariot by the neglect of the person who stood before them, one of the leaders got overboard when the boat was in swimming water and 50 yards from the Shore—with much difficulty he escaped drowning before he could be disengaged. His struggling frightned the others in such a manner that one after another and in quick succession they all got over board harnessed fastened as they were and with the utmost difficulty they were saved & the Carriage escaped been dragged after them as the whole of it happened in swimming water & at a distance from the shore. Providentially—indeed miraculously—by the exertions of people who went off in Boats & jumped into the River as soon as the Batteau was forced into wading water—no damage was sustained by the horses, Carriage or harness.

Proceeded to Dumfries where I dined—after which I visited & drank Tea with my Niece Mrs. Thos. Lee.

GW's niece at Dumfries was Mildred Washington Lee, daughter of John Augustine Washington. Her husband Thomas Lee (1758–1805), a son of Richard Henry Lee, was practicing law in the town at this time.

Friday 8th. Set out about 6 oclock—breakfasted at Stafford Court House and dined and lodged at my Sister Lewis's in Fredericksburgh.

GW reached Fredericksburg “about 1 o'clock, P.M.” The citizens of the town, “not being apprized of his approach, were disappointed in the opportunity of evincing their respect . . . by meeting him previous to his arrival” ( Phila. Gen. Adv., 22 April 1791).

Saturday 9th. Dined at an entertained [entertainment] given by the Citizens of the town. Received and answered an address from the Corporation.

Was informed by Mr. Jno. Lewis, who had, not long since been in Richmond, that Mr. Patrick Henry had avowed his interest in 0128 108 the Yazoo company; and made him a tender of admission into it whh. he declined—but asking, if the Company did not expect the Settlement of the lands would be disagreeable to the Indians was answered by Mr. Henry that the Co. intended to apply to Congress for protection—which, if not granted they would have recourse to their own means to protect the settlement—That General Scott had a certain quantity of Land (I think 40,000 acres in the Company's grant, & was to have the command of the force which was to make the establishment—and moreover that General Muhlenberg had offered £1000 for a certain part of the grant—the quantity I do not recollect if it was mentioned to me.

“An elegant dinner was prepared at the Town-Hall . . .; at 2 o'clock [GW] was waited on by some of the officers and principal inhabitants of the corporation, conducted to the place of entertainment, received by the Mayor, and introduced to those present” ( Phila. Gen. Adv., 22 April 1791). The address delivered by Mayor William Harvey and a copy of GW's response are in DLC:GW. Patrick Henry was a leading member of the Virginia Yazoo Company (MEADE [3], 422–23; see entry for 28 April 1790).

Sunday 10th. Left Fredericksburgh about 6 Oclock. Myself, Majr. Jackson and one Servant breakfasted at General Spotswoods. The rest of my Servants continued on to Todds Ordinary where they also breakfasted. Dined at the Bowling Green and lodged at Kenner's Tavern 14 Miles farther—in all 35 M.

GW left town “attended by a large company of Gentlemen, of whom he took leave a few miles distant” ( Phila. Gen. Adv., 22 April 1791). Dr. George Todd of Caroline County had died during the previous year, but his tavern at the site of present-day Villboro, Va., apparently remained open under his name. Kenner's “Red house” stood about nine miles south of John Hoomes's Bowling Green tavern and about two miles north of Burk's Bridge, where the main road to Richmond crossed the Mattaponi River (RICE, 2:176; COLLES, 189).

Monday 11th. Took an early breakfast at Kinners—bated at one Rawlings's half way between that & Richmd.—and dined at the latter about 3 Oclock. On my arrival was Saluted by the Cannon of the place—waited on by the Governor and other Gentlemen—and saw the City alluminated at Night.

GW arrived in Richmond about 2:00 P.M. and during the evening “viewd the Capitol” ( Va. Gaz. [Richmond], 13 April 1791; James Currie to Thomas Jefferson, 13 April 1791, DLC: Jefferson Papers). Beverley Randolph served as governor of Virginia 1788–91. 0129 109

A view of Richmond from William Wirt's Letters of the British Spy, 1811. (Library of Congress)

Tuesday 12th. In company with the Governor, The Directors of the James River Navigation Company—the Manager & many other Gentlemen. I viewed the Canal, Sluces, Locks & other Works between the City of Richmond & Westham. These together have brought the navigation to within a mile and half, or a Mile and ¾ of the proposed Bason; from which the Boats by means of Locks are to communicate with the tide water Navigation below. The Canal is of Sufficient depth every where but in places not brought to its proper width; it seems to be perfectly secure against Ice, Freshes & drift Wood. The locks at the head of these works are simple—altogether of hewn stone, except the gates & Gills and very easy & convenient to work. There are two of them, each calculated to raise & lower 6 feet. They cost, according to the Manager's, Mr. Harris acct. about £3,000 but I could see nothing in them to require such a sum to erect them. The sluces in the River, between these locks and the mouth of the Canal are well graduated and easy of assent. To complete the Canal from the point to which it is now opened, and the Locks at the foot of them Mr. Harris thinks will require 3 years. Received an Address from the Mayor, Aldermen & Common Council of the City of Richmond at Three oclock, & dined with the Governor at four Oclock.

In the course of my enquiries—chiefly from Colo. Carrington—I cannot discover that any discontents prevail among the people at large, at the proceedings of Congress. The conduct of the Assembly respecting the assumption he thinks is condemned by them as intemperate & unwise and he seems to have no doubt but that 0130 110 the Excise law—as it is called—may be executed without difficulty—nay more, that it will become popular in a little time. His duty as Marshall having carried him through all parts of the State lately, and of course given him the best means of ascertaining the temper & dispositions of its Inhabitants—he thinks them favorable towards the General Government & that they only require to have matters explained to them in order to obtain their full assent to the Measures adopted by it.

GW was president of the James River Company 1785–95, but in name only. Edmund Randolph, one of the original directors of the company, acted as president from 1785 to 1789, when another director, Dr. William Foushee, assumed those duties. Besides Foushee, the current directors were John Harvie and David Ross. James Harris continued as manager (see entries for 17 May 1785 and 11 Mar. 1786). GW and his party began today's tour at Harris's home and ascended the canal “in 2 fine new Batteaus of David Ross, who had his Watermen dressed in red Coaties on the Occasion.” The boats, according to Dr. James Currie of Richmond, “took . . . 7 Minutes & 4 seconds by a stop watch” to pass through the canal's two locks (Currie to Thomas Jefferson, 13 April 1791, DLC: Jefferson Papers). The address from the Richmond city officials and a copy of GW's answer are in DLC:GW. The mayor was George Nicholson (CHRISTIAN, 44). Edward Carrington, having been appointed United States marshal for Virginia 26 Sept. 1789 and supervisor of the federal revenue for the state 4 Mar. 1791, was now undertaking to perform the duties of both offices (Carrington to Alexander Hamilton, 4 April 1791, HAMILTON [2], 8:240). ASSUMPTION: State debts incurred during the War of Independence were to be assumed by the federal government under terms of a plan established by “An Act making provision for the [payment of the] Debt of the United States” (1 SWAT. 138–44 [4 Aug. 1790]). The Virginia General Assembly objected to this scheme on two principal grounds: that it would enlarge the powers of the federal government at the expense of state powers and that it would oblige Virginia, which had discharged much of its war debt, to pay part of the heavy debts that some northern states still had outstanding. Declaring the act warranted by “neither policy, justice, nor the constitution,” the assembly petitioned Congress on 16 Dec. 1790 to revise the act generally and in particular to repeal the part relating to the assumption of state debts (ASP, FINANCE, 7:90–91). EXCISE LAW: “An Act repealing, after the last day of June next, the duties heretofore laid upon Distilled Spirits imported from abroad, and laying others in their stead; and also upon Spirits distilled within the United States, and for appropriating the same” (1 STAT. 199–214 [3 Mar. 1791]).

Wednesday 13th. Fixed with Colo. Carrington (the supervisor of the district) the Surveys of Inspection for the District of this State & named the characters for them—an acct. of which was transmitted to the Secretary of the treasury.

0131 111

Dined at a public entertainment given by the Corporation of Richmond.

The buildings in this place have encreased a good deal since I was here last but they are not of the best kind. The number of Souls in the City are [ ].

The Virginia revenue district was divided into six surveys, each of which was overseen by an inspector of the revenue under the general direction of the district supervisor. Nominations for the six Virginia inspectors were forwarded today to Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton by William Jackson (DLC:GW). Tobias Lear sent Hamilton commissions for the appointees on 1 June 1791 (Hamilton to Lear and Lear to Hamilton, 1 June 1791, and Lear to GW, 5 June 1791, DLC:GW). The dinner given for GW by the citizens of Richmond was held at the fashionable Eagle Tavern on Main Street (James Currie to Thomas Jefferson, 13 April 1791, DLC: Jefferson Papers). The population of Richmond in 1790 was 3,761.

Thursday 14th. Left Richmond after an early breakfast & passing through Manchester received a salute from cannon & an Escort of Horse under the command of Captn. David Meade Randolph as far as Osbornes where I was met by the Petersburgh horse & escorted to that place & partook of a Public dinner given by the Mayor & Corporation and went to an assembly in the evening for the occasion at which there were between 60 & 70 ladies.

Petersburgh which is said to contain near 3000 Souls is well situated for trade at present, but when the James River navigation is compleated and the cut from Elizabeth River to Pasquotanck effected it must decline & that very considerably. At present it receives at the Inspections nearly a third of the Tobacco exported from the whole State besides a considerable quantity of Wheat and flour—much of the former being Manufactured at the Mills near the Town. Chief of the buildings in this town are under the hill & unpleasantly situated but the heights around it are agreeable.

The Road from Richmond to this place passes through a poor Country principally covered with Pine except the interval lands on the [James] River which we left on our left.

The small town of Manchester, established in 1769, was “a sort of suburb to Richmond,” lying on the south bank of the James River across from the city (CHASTELLUX, 2:427). David Meade Randolph (1760–1830), who lived at Presque Isle on the James River near Bermuda Hundred, was a captain of dragoons during the War of Independence. In the fall of this year GW named him to succeed Edward Carrington as United States marshal for Virginia (HENDERSON, 59–62). 0132 112 GW's welcome to Petersburg was apparently a tumultuous one. “So great was the desire of the people to see him,” reported Edward Carrington, who accompanied GW to the town, “that by the time of his arrival, there were not less than several thousands after him” (Carrington to James Madison, 20 April 1791, DLC: Madison Papers). At the dinner, held at Robert Armistead's tavern on Sycamore Street, “a number of patriotic toasts were drank, attended by a discharge of cannon,” and it was probably there that Mayor Joseph Westmore presented GW with yet another civic address ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 29 April 1791). The text of Petersburg's address and of GW's brief reply are in DLC:GW. The evening assembly was at the Mason's Hall in Blandford, which had become part of Petersburg in 1784. The town fathers had decided against a general illumination for fear of fire among the many wooden buildings (SCOTT AND WYATT, 44–47, 133–35). Petersburg's population in 1790 was 2,828. Plans to link the Elizabeth River, a branch of the James, with the Pasquotank River in northeastern North Carolina by digging a canal through the Dismal Swamp were approved by the Virginia General Assembly in 1787 and by the North Carolina General Assembly in 1790 (HENING, 12:479–94, 13:145–46; N.C. STATE REC., 25:83–93; BROWN [3], 31–39).

Friday 15th. Having suffered very much by the dust yesterday and finding that parties of Horse, & a number of other Gentlemen were intendg. to attend me part of the way to day, I caused their enquiries respecting the time of my setting out, to be answered that, I should endeavor to do it before eight O'clock; but I did it a little after five, by which means I avoided the inconveniences abovementioned.

I came twelve miles to breakfast, at one Jesse Lees, a tavern newly set up upon a small scale, and 15 miles farther to dinner and where I lodged, at the House of one Oliver, which is a good one for horses, and where there are tolerable clean beds. For want of proper stages I could go no farther. The road along wch. I travelled to day is through a level piney Country, until I came to Nottaway, on which there seems to be some good land. The rest is very poor & seems scarce of Water.

Finding that the two horses wch. drew my baggage waggon were rather too light for the draught; and, (one of them especially) losing his flesh fast, I engaged two horses to be at this place this evening to carry it to the next stage 20 Miles off in the Morning, and sent them on led to be there ready for me.

The Nottoway River joins the Blackwater River at the North Carolina line to form the Chowan River, which empties into Albemarle Sound.

Saturday 16th. Got into my Carriage a little after 5 Oclock, and travelled thro' a cloud of dust until I came within two or three miles of Hix' ford when it began to rain. Breakfasted at one Andrews' 0133 113 a small but decent House about a mile after passing the ford (or rather the bridge) over Meherrin river. Although raining moderately, but with appearances of breaking up, I continued my journey—induced to it by the crouds which were coming into a general Muster at the Court House of Greensville who would I presumed soon have made the Ho. I was in too noizy to be agreeable. I had not however rode two miles before it began to be stormy, & to rain violently which, with some intervals, it contind. to do the whole afternoon. The uncomfortableness of it, for Men & Horses, would have induced me to put up; but the only Inn short of Hallifax having no stables in wch. the horses could be comfortable, & no Rooms or beds which appeared tolerable, & every thing else having a dirty appearance, I was compelled to keep on to Hallifax; 27 miles from Andrews—48 from Olivers and 75 from Petersburgh. At this place (i.e., Hallifax) I arrived about Six Oclock, after crossing the Roanoke on the South bank of which it stands.

This River is crossed in flat Boats which take in a carriage & four horses at once. At this time, being low, the water was not rapid but at times it must be much so, as it frequently overflows its banks which appear to be at least 25 ft. perpendicular height.

The lands upon the River appear rich, & the low grounds of considerable width but those which lay between the different rivers—namely Appamattox—Nottaway—Meherrin—and Roanoke are all alike flat, poor & covered principally with pine timber.

It has already been observed that before the rain fell I was travelling in a continued cloud of dust but after it had rained sometime, the Scene was reversed, and my passage was through water; so level are the Roads.

From Petersburgh to Hallifax (in sight of the road) are but few good Houses, with small appearances of wealth. The lands are cultivated in Tobacco—Corn—Wheat & oats but Tobacco, & the raising of Porke for market, seems to be the principal dependence of the Inhabitants; especially towards the Roanoke. Cotten & flax are also raised but not extensively.

Hallifax is the first town I came to after passing the line between the two states, and is about 20 Miles from it. To this place Vessels by the aid of Oars & setting poles are brought for the produce which comes to this place and others along the River; and may be carried 8 or 10 Miles higher to the falls which are neither great nor of much extent; above these (which are called the great falls) there are others; but none but what may with a little improvement be passed. This town stands upon high ground; and it 0134 114 is the reason given for not placing it at the head of the navigation there being none but low grounds between it and the falls. It seems to be in a decline, & does not it is said contain a thousand souls.

Hicks's (Hix's) ford, now the site of Emporia, Va., was designated the seat of Greensville County when the county was formed in 1780, and seven years later a permanent courthouse was finished on the south side of the river (GAINES [1], 40). The bridge was described by an English traveler during or shortly before the Revolution as being “remarkably lofty, and built of timber” (SMYTH, 1:81). The Meherrin River is a branch of the Chowan. Halifax was laid out in 1758 as the county seat of Halifax County and during the Revolution was a frequent meeting place for the North Carolina legislature. The falls of the Roanoke River are near present-day Roanoke Rapids, N.C. The river flows into the Albemarle Sound.

Sunday 17th. Colo. Ashe Representative of the district in which this town stands, and several other Gentlemen called upon, and invited me to partake of a dinner which the Inhabitants were desirous of seeing me at & excepting it dined with them accordingly.

“The reception of the President at Halifax,” wrote Samuel Johnston of Edenton to James Iredell on 23 May 1791, “was not such as we could wish tho in every other part of the Country he was treated with proper attention.” There is a local tradition that the dinner for GW was held at the Eagle Tavern near the river (HENDERSON, 75–76). John Baptista Ashe (see entry for 1 April 1790) served in Congress 1789–93. He was later elected governor of North Carolina but died before his inauguration.

Monday 18th. Set out by Six oclock—dined at a small house kept by one Slaughter 22 Miles from Hallifax and lodged at Tarborough 14 Miles further.

This place is less than Hallifax, but more lively and thriving; it is situated on Tar River which goes into Pamplico Sound and is crossed at the Town by means of a bridge a great height from the Water and notwithstanding the freshes rise sometimes nearly to the arch. Corn, Porke and some Tar are the exports from it. We were recd. at this place by as good a salute as could be given with one piece of artillery.

Slaughter's tavern was probably operated by James Slaughter (died c.1799) of Halifax County, who was listed in the 1790 census as head of a household of 12 whites and 20 slaves (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 64). Tarboro, N.C., seat of Edgecombe County, was settled in 1732 and officially established in 1760. The town gave GW a somewhat feeble welcome, undoubtedly because the citizens learned only at eight o'clock the previous evening that GW might pass through Tarboro, and even then it was not dear 0135 115 when he would arrive, if at all (Thomas Blount to Samuel Simpson, 17 April 1791, BLOUNT, 2:168–69). The Tar River becomes the Pamlico River lower down and flows into Pamlico Sound. Floods on the river had previously carried away several wooden bridges at Tarboro, despite their considerable height and width for the times (SMYTH, 1:101).

Tuesday 19th. At 6 Oclock I left Tarborough accompanied by some of the most respectable people of the place for a few Miles. Dined at a trifling place called Greenville 25 Miles distant and lodged at one Allans 14 Miles further a very indifferent house without stabling which for the first time since I commenced my Journey were obliged to stand without a cover.

Greenville is on Tar River and the exports the same as from Tarborough with a greater proportion of Tar—for the lower down the greater number of Tar markers [makers] are there. This article is, contrary to all ideas one would entertain on the subject, rolled as Tobacco by an axis which goes through both heads. One horse draws two barrels in this manner.

Greenville, N.C., seat of Pitt County, was incorporated in 1771 as Martinsborough; its name was changed in 1786 to honor Nathanael Greene. Allen's tavern was run by Shadrach Allen (born c.1752) of Pitt County, one of the county's delegates to the state legislature 1788–89 and to the state convention of 1789 that ratified the United States Constitution. In 1790 he had 8 whites in his household and 15 slaves (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 148).

Wednesday 20th. Left Allans before breakfast, & under a misapprehension went to a Colo. Allans, supposing it to be a public house; where we were very kindly & well entertained without knowing it was at his expence until it was too late to rectify the mistake. After breakfasting, & feeding our horses here, we proceeded on & crossing the River Nuse 11 miles further, arrived in Newbern to dinner.

At this ferry which is 10 miles from Newbern, we were met by a small party of Horse; the district Judge (Mr. Sitgreave) and many of the principal Inhabitts. of Newbern, who conducted us into town to exceeding good lodgings. It ought to have been mentioned that another small party of horse under one Simpson, met us at Greensville, and in spite of every endeavor which could comport with decent civility, to excuse myself from it, they would attend me to Newburn. Colo. Allan did the same.

This town is situated at the confluence of the rivers Nuse & Trent, and though low is pleasant. Vessels drawing more than 9 feet Water cannot get up loaded. It stands on a good deal of 0136 116 ground, hut the buildings are sparce and altogether of Wood; some of which are large & look well. The number of Souls are about 2000. Its exports consist of Corn, Tobacco, Pork—but principally of Naval stores & lumber.

The home that GW mistook for a tavern was apparently that of John Allen of Craven County. who was one of Craven's representatives in the legislature 1788–94 and in the convention of 1789. He was probably the John Allen listed in the 1790 census as head of a household of 5 whites and 27 slaves and may have been a brother of Shadrach Allen (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 131–32; BLOUNT, 3:33, n.78; HENDERSON, 80). Allen's military title must have derived from state or local service (N.C. STATE REC., 22:954). The citizens of New Bern, seat of Craven County and the “place . . . generally reckon'd to be the Capital of North Carolina” despite the fact that the legislature often met elsewhere, were better prepared for GW's coming than their neighbors to the north had been (ATTMORE, 45). Three military units were mustered to welcome him. His escort from West's ferry was the recently formed Craven County Light Horse commanded by a Captain Williams. At the edge of town the New Bern Volunteers, infantrymen commanded by Capt. Edward Pasteur, one of the state's assistant United States marshals, joined the procession, and at GW's lodgings—said to be the John Wright Stanly house at Middle and New streets—“he was saluted by a discharge of fifteen guns from Captain Stephen Tinker's Company of Artillery,” followed by “fifteen vollies and a feu-de-joye from the Volunteers. In the evening the town was elegantly illuminated” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 13 May 1791: DILL, 227). The ferry over the Neuse River, where GW crossed about 1:00 P.M., was West's ferry, also called at various times in its long history Graves's, Kemp's, Curtis's, and Street's ferry (POWELL [3], 479; ATTMORE, 14–15, 21; ASBURY, 1:534, 2:628). The horsemen who crossed the Neuse with GW were members of the Pitt County Light Horse, commanded by Capt. Samuel Simpson, who served the county in the state legislature in 1792 and 1796–97 (WHEELER, 2:347). This troop was to have met GW in Tarboro, but so short was the notice given of his approach that the men apparently were unable to assemble until GW arrived in Greenville, almost halfway through their county (Thomas Blount to Samuel Simpson, 17 April 1791, BLOUNT, 2:168–69). John Sitgreaves (1757–1802) , a prominent New Bern lawyer and the town's representative in the state legislature 1786–89, was named United States attorney for the district of North Carolina by GW in June 1790 and was raised to judge of the district the following December. He was a militia officer during the War of Independence, seeing action at the disastrous Battle of Camden in 1780, and served in the Continental Congress 1784–85 (ASHE, 2:398–400). The Trent River is a relatively short tributary of the Neuse River, which rises in central North Carolina and flows into Pamlico Sound near Ocracoke Inlet, where vessels entered from the Atlantic.

Thursday 21st. Dined with the Citizens at a public dinner given by them; & went to a dancing assembly in the evening—both of 0137 117 which was at what they call the Pallace—formerly the government House & a good brick building but now hastening to ruins. The company at both was numerous—at the latter there were abt. 70 ladies.

This town by Water is about 70 miles from the Sea but in a direct line to the entrance of the river not over 35 and to the nearest Seaboard not more than 20, or 25. Upon the River Nuse, & 80 miles above Newbern, the Convention of the State that adopted the federal Constitution made choice of a Spot, or rather district within which to fix their Seat of Government; but it being lower than the back Members (of the Assembly) who hitherto have been most numerous inclined to have it they have found means to obstruct the measure but since the Cession of their Western territory it is supposed that the matter will be revived to good effect.

GW sat down to dinner with the citizens at 4:00 P.M.; he remained at the ball until 11:00 P.M. Earlier in the day he walked around New Bern and during the afternoon received an address from a committee of local freemasons representing St. John's Lodge No. 2. A general address from the town's inhabitants was also given to him apparently at West's ferry the previous day. ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 13 May 1791; HENDERSON, 84–87; both addresses and copies of GW's replies are in DLC:GW). The palace, built in 1767–70 at the urging of Gov. William Tryon (1729–1788), served as residence for North Carolina's governors until 1780 and as an occasional meeting place for the General Assembly until 1794 (DILL, 110–19, 206, 258). It was “almost in ruins” in 1784 when the German traveler Johann David Schoepf saw it. “The inhabitants of the town,” he explained, “took away everything they could make use of, carpets, panels of glass, locks, iron utensils, and the like, until watchmen were finally installed to prevent the carrying-off of the house itself. The state would be glad to sell it, but there is nobody who thinks himself rich enough to live in a brick house” (SCHOEPF, 2:128–29). William Attmore of Philadelphia who visited the palace in 1787 reported that “the Town's people use one of the Halls for a Dancing Room & One of the other Rooms is used for a School Room. . . . The King of G. Britain's Arms, are still suffered to appear in a pediment at the front of the Building; which considering the independent spirit of the people averse to every vestige of Royalty appears Something strange” (ATTMORE, 16). The question of a new capital had troubled North Carolina politics since 1777. Unable to decide the matter, the legislature referred it to the state's Ratifying Convention of 1788, which rejected the United States Constitution. On 2 Aug. 1788 the convention voted to fix the seat of government within ten miles of Isaac Hunter's tavern in Wake County near the falls of the Neuse, but to let the legislature determine the exact spot within that radius. In 1792 land was purchased and the city of Raleigh was laid out in Wake County; by the end of 1794 a small brick statehouse was erected there (N.C. STATE REC., 22:26–29, 33; LEFLER AND NEWSOME, 243–45). 0138 118

Friday 22d. Under an Escort of horse, and many of the principal Gentlemen of Newbern I recommenced my journey. Dined at a place called Trenton which is the head of the boat navigation of the River Trent wch. is crossed at this place on a bridge and lodged at one Shrine's 10 M farther—both indifferent Houses.

GW left New Bern “under a discharge of cannon.” He was undoubtedly relieved that the light horse and citizens accompanied him only “a few miles out of town” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 13 May 1791). Some of the strains of traveling were now beginning to tell. “We have, all things considered, come on tolerably well,” GW had written Tobias Lear the previous day, “yet, some of the horses, especially the two last bought, are not a little worsted by their journey; and the whole, if brought back, will not cut capers as they did at starting out” (WRITINGS, 31:284–85). At Trenton, N.C., seat of Jones County, GW is said to have dined at a tavern known as “the Old Shingle House” (W.P.A. [8], 286). There also he was greeted by more freemasons, the members of King Solomon's Lodge, who presented him with a short address (DLC:GW). No reply has been found. Shine's tavern, which a contemporary informant described as “one of the best.” was apparently run by John Shine of Jones County. He appears in the 1790 census as head of a household of nine whites and eight slaves (“memorandum of distances,” 1791, N.C. STATE REC., 15:380; ASBURY, 2:722; HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 144).

Saturday 23d. Breakfasted at one Everets 12 Miles—bated at a Mr. Foys 12 Miles farther and lodged at one Sages 20 Miles beyd. it—all indifferent Houses.

John Everit of Duplin County may have been proprietor of the place where GW breakfasted (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 190). Foy's tavern, described by an informant as “but tolerable,” was apparently operated by James Foy of Onslow County, a bachelor who owned 31 slaves (“memorandum of distances,” 1791, N.C. STATE REC., 15:380; HEARTS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 143). Robert Sage of Onslow County, whom a traveler in 1786 called “a fine jolly Englishman,” had his tavern at Holly Shelter Bay about a mile south of present-day Holly Ridge (WRIGHT, 279; POWELL [3], 233).

Sunday 24th. Breakfasted at an indifferent House about 13 miles from Sages and three Miles further met a party of Light Horse from Wilmington; and after them a Commee. & other Gentlemen of the Town; who came out to escort me into it, and at which I arrived under a federal salute at very good lodgings prepared for me, about two O'clock. At these I dined with the Commee. whose company I asked.

The whole road from Newbern to Wilmington (except in a few places of small extent) passes through the most barren country I ever beheld; especially in the parts nearest the latter; which is no other than a bed of white Sand. In places, however, before we 0139 119 came to these, if the ideas of poverty could be seperated from the Land, the appearances of it are agreeable, resembling a lawn well covered with evergreens and a good verdure below from a broom or course grass which having sprung since the burning of the woods had a neat & handsome look especially as there were parts entirely open and others with ponds of water which contributed not a little to the beauty of the Scene.

Wilmington is situated on Cape Fear River, about 30 Miles by water from its mouth, but much less by land. It has some good houses pretty compactly built—The whole undr. a hill; which is formed entirely of Sand. The number of Souls in it amount by the enumeration to about 1000, but it is agreed on all hands that the Census in this state has been very inaccurately & shamefully taken by the Marshall's deputies; who, instead of going to Peoples houses, & there, on the spot, ascertaining the Nos.; have advertised a meeting of them at certain places, by which means those who did not attend (and it seems many purposely avoided doing it, some from an apprehension of its being introductory of a tax, & others from religious scruples) have gone, with their families, unnumbered. In other instances, it is said these deputies have taken their information from the Captains of militia companies; not only as to the men on their Muster Rolls, but of the souls in their respective families; which at best, must in a variety of cases, be mere conjecture whilst all those who are not on their lists—Widows and their families &ca. pass unnoticed.

Wilmington, unfortunately for it, has a mud bank [ ] miles below, ovr. which not more than 10 feet water can be brought at common tides; yet it is said vessels of 250 Tonns have come up. The qty. of shipping, which load here annually, amounts to about 12,000 Tonns. The exports consist chiefly of Naval Stores and lumber—Some Tobacco, Corn, Rice & flax seed with Porke. It is at the head of the tide navigation: but inland navigation may be extended 115 miles farther to and above Fayettesville which is from Wilmington 90 miles by land, & 115 by Water as above. Fayettesville is a thriving place containing near [ ] Souls. 6,000 Hhds. of Tobacco, & 3000 Hhds. of Flax Seed have been recd. at it in the course of the year.

The New Hanover County tavern at which GW breakfasted was probably Jennett's. Its proprietor may have been Jesse Jennett (Jinnett) who appears in Currituck County in the 1790 census, but in New Hanover in that of 1800 (“memorandum of distances,” 1791, N.C. STATE REC., 15:380; HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 20; N.C. 1800 CENSUS, 118). The Wilmington Troop of Horse, commanded by Capt. Henry Toomer, 0140 120 met GW about 12 miles from town, and the gentlemen of the town, all on horseback, greeted him about six miles farther down the road. Stepping out of his chariot, GW mounted one of his horses and rode the remaining distance to Wilmington, preceded by four dragoons with a trumpet and followed by the rest of his escort. His servants and baggage brought up the rear of the procession. The federal salute which GW received on reaching the town was a “trippie” one—three rounds of fifteen shots each—fired by a battery of four guns under the command of Capt. John Huske. GW then, according to a newspaper account, was escorted to his lodgings “through an astonishing concorse of people of the town and country, whom, as well as the ladies that filled the windows and balconies of the houses, he saluted with his usual affability and condencension. Upon his alighting, the acclamations were loud and universal. The Ships in the harbour, all ornamented with their colours, added much to the beauty of the scene.” GW's lodgings were at Mrs. Ann Quince's house on the east side of Front Street near the river. “Authenick information” of GW's approach had arrived at Wilmington only the previous day, and “the House which was at first intended by the inhabitants for his reception and accommodation not being ready,” Mrs. Quince, widow of John Quince (died c.1776), “cheerfully made an offer to the town of her elegant House and furniture for that purpose, which was gratefully accepted.” Mrs. Quince lodged elsewhere during GW's stay. The dinner with the seven members of the town's welcoming committee, said to have been at Dorsey's tavern also on Front Street, was short. Afterwards GW “took a walk round the town, attended by them and many other gentlemen” ( Columbian Centinel [Boston]. 11 June 1791; HENDERSON, 104–7, 115). Wilmington, seat of New Hanover County, and Fayetteville, seat of Cumberland County, were both settled in the early 1730s. Wilmington was incorporated in 1739/40, and Fayetteville, first called Campbelltown, in 1762. The name was changed in 1786 to honor the marquis de Lafayette. Fayetteville's population in 1790 was 1,536 (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 9). Wilmington's exact population is not given in the 1790 census. Robert Hunter. Jr., a Scottish traveler who visited the town in 1786, reported: “The inhabitants, white and black, are estimated at 1,200—the proportion four blacks to a white” (WRIGHT, 286–87).

Monday 25th. Dined with the Citizens of the place at a public dinner given by them. Went to a Ball in the evening, at which there were 62 ladies—illuminations, Bonfires &ca.

The town's welcoming committee today presented GW with an address of the inhabitants to which GW replied briefly as usual. The address and the text of GW's remarks are both in DLC:GW. The dinner is said to have been at Jocelin's (Joslin's) tavern, and the ball at the Assembly Hall on Front Street between Orange and Ann streets. A newspaper account of the ball reported that GW “appeared to be equally surprised and delighted, at the very large and brilliant assembly of ladies, whom admiration and respect for him had collected together” ( Columbian Centinel [Boston], 11 June 1791; HENDERSON, 114–15). 0141 121

Tuesday 26th. Having sent my Carriage across the day before, I left Wilmington about 6 oclock accompanied by most of the Gentlemen of the Town, and breakfasting at Mr. Ben. Smiths lodged at one Russ' 25 Miles from Wilmington—an indifferent House.

GW crossed the Cape Fear River in a “Revenue-barge, manned by six American Captains of ships, in which the standard of the United States was displayed.” As previously arranged, the gentlemen of the town attended him in “boats from the shipping in the harbour, under their national colours,” while in the background could be heard “the firing of cannon, accompanied by the acclamations of the people, from the wharves and shipping” ( Columbian Centinel [Boston], 11 June 1791). Col. Benjamin Smith (c.1756–1826) of Brunswick County lived at Belvidere plantation about four miles west of Wilmington on the Brunswick River, an arm of the Cape Fear. Owner of 221 slaves in 1790, Smith was, despite a hotheaded tendency to duel, a prosperous and influential planter. He represented his county in the legislature for many years and from 1810 to 1811 was governor of North Carolina. During the early days of the War of Independence, he apparently served under GW in some capacity—as an aide it is often said—although he was not a commissioned officer in the Continental Army; his rank of colonel was a militia appointment made in 1789 (N.C. STATE REC., 22:358). In forwarding some letters to GW six days after this visit, Smith took the opportunity to profess his great attachment to him—“that Attachment with which I was inspired at New York & Long Island in 1776” (Smith to GW, 1 May 1791, DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters; ASHE, 2:401–5; HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 190). From Belvidere GW was escorted for ten miles by the Wilmington troop and Col. Thomas Brown (1744–1811) of neighboring Bladen County, commander of the horse for the district of Wilmington ( Columbian Centinel [Boston], 11 June 1791). Russ's tavern, run by Francis, John, or Thomas Russ of Brunswick County, was typical of the “very bad” public accommodations that GW had been warned to expect between Wilmington and his next major stop, Georgetown, S.C. (“memorandum of distances,” 1791, N.C. STATE REC., 15:380; HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 189). At Russ's this evening Congressman William Barry Grove (1764–1818) of Fayetteville arrived with an address from “the Merchants, Traders, and Principal Inhabitants” of that town. Grove had expected to present it to GW at Belvidere, but reaching that place about an hour after GW's departure, he had been obliged to ride on to Russ's ( Columbian Centinel [Boston], 11 June 1791). The address dated 15 April 1791 and a copy of GW's reply to it are in DLC:GW.

Wednesday 27th. Breakfasted at Willm. Gause's a little out of the direct Road 14 Miles—crossed the boundary line between No. & South Carolina abt. half after 12 oclock which is 10 miles from Gauses. Dined at a private house (one Cochrans) about 2 miles farther and lodged at Mr. Vareens 14 Miles more and 2 Miles short of the long bay. To this house we were directed as a Tavern, but 0142 122 the proprietor of it either did not keep one, or would not acknowledge it. We therefore were en[ter]tained (& very kindly) without being able to make compensation.

William Gause (died c.1801) of Brunswick County also ran a “very indifferent” tavern (“memorandum of distances,” N.C. STATE REC., 15:380). Listed as head of a household of 8 whites and 37 slaves in 1790, he later became a strong Methodist supporter and a good friend of Bishop Francis Asbury, who stopped at his place several times (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 189; ASBURY, 2:109, 185, 283, 324). James Cochran of All Saints Parish, Georgetown District, S.C., was living alone in 1790 according to the census (HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 50). Jeremiah Vareen, Sr., of All Saints Parish (now Horry County, S.C.), kept a public house for some years “near the Long Bay, and a little out of the road,” but apparently quit the business before this time. His son, Jeremiah Vareen, Jr., was said to be now living in the house, which was described as “a wretched one” (“memorandum of distances,” 1791, N.C. STATE REC., 15:381). Both Vareens still resided in this sparsely populated parish in 1800 (HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 50; S.C. 1800 CENSUS, 543; SCHOEPF, 2:156). The Long Bay is the part of the Atlantic Ocean that washes the curving Carolina coast between Cape Fear, N.C., and Georgetown, S. C., but on many eighteenth-century maps the name seems to apply specifically to the waters off the 16-mile stretch of sand called the Long Beach, now Myrtle Beach, S.C., and its vicinity (MOUZON, MAP).

Thursday 28th. Mr. Vareen piloted us across the Swash (which at high water is impassable, & at times, by the shifting of the Sands is dangerous) on to the long Beach of the Ocean; and it being at a proper time of the tide we passed along it with ease and celerity to the place of quitting it which is estimated 16 miles. Five Miles farther we got dinner & fed our horses at a Mr. Pauleys a private house, no public one being on the road; and being met on the Road, & kindly invited by a Docter flagg to his house, we lodged there; it being about 10 miles from Pauleys & 33 from Vareens.

Both the Long Beach and the swash, a narrow channel cutting inland from the ocean, had to be crossed at low tide (“memorandum of distances,” 1791, N.C. STATE REC., 15:381; VERME, 52–53) . On Henry Mouzon's 1775 map of the Carolinas the name “Lewis Swash” appears at the northernmost entrance to the beach, about two miles south of a house labeled “Varene.” The beach itself is labeled “Eight Mile Swash,” apparently indicating the fact that the road there was often washed over by the high tide. Johann David Schoepf, who traversed the Long Beach in 1784, noted, “Here for 16 miles the common highway runs very near the shore. Lonely and desolate as this part of the road is, without shade and with no dwellings in sight, it is by no means a tedious road. The number of shells washed up, sponges, corals, sea-grasses and weeds, medusae, and many other ocean-products which strew the beach, engage and excite the attention of the traveller at every step. . . . This beach-road consisted for the most part of shell-sand, coarse or fine. . . . So far as the otherwise 0143 123 loose sand is moistened by the play of the waves it forms an extremely smooth and firm surface, hardly showing hoof-marks” (SCHOEPF, 2:161–62). George Pawley of All Saints Parish was in 1790 head of a household of 4 whites and 15 slaves (HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 50). Dr. Henry Collins Flagg (1742–1801), a physician, lived at Brookgreen plantation on the Waccamaw River in All Saints Parish. He came to South Carolina from Rhode Island before the War of Independence and during the war was chief surgeon of Nathanael Greene's southern army. In 1784 he married Rachel Moore Allston, widow of Capt. William Allston (17381781), who developed Brookgreen (ROGERS [2], 172–73, 256; LACHICOTTE, 24, 55).

Friday 29th. We left Doctr. Flaggs about 6 oclock and arrived at Captn. Wm. Alstons' on the Waggamaw to Breakfast.

Captn. Alston is a Gentleman of large fortune and esteemed one of the neatest Rice planters in the state of So. Carolina and a proprietor of some of the most valuable grounds for the Culture of this article. His house which is large, new, and elegantly furnished stands on a sand hill, high for the Country, with his rice fields below; the contrast of which with the lands back of it, and the Sand & piney barrens through which we had passed is scarcely to be conceived.

At Captn. Alstons we were met by General Moultree, Colo. Washington & Mr. Rutledge (son of the present Chief Justice of So. Carolina) who had come out that far to escort me to town. We

Maj. Gen. William Moultrie, by John Trumbull. (Yale University Art Gallery)

0144 124 dined and lodged at this Gentlemens and Boats being provided we [left] the next morning.

William Alston (1756–1839), a veteran of Francis Marion's partisan brigade, bought 1,206 acres on the Waccamaw River in 1785 and developed it into the prosperous plantation that he called Clifton. Below his two-story mansion, his marshy rice lands were cultivated by work gangs from his force of 300 slaves, the largest holding in All Saints Parish and one of the largest in the state (GROVES, 53; LACHICOTTE, 22–24; HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 50). William Moultrie (1730–1805), William Washington (1752–1810), and John Rutledge. Jr. (1766–1819), came to Clifton to escort GW not just to Georgetown but to their own city, Charleston. Moultrie, hero of the defense of Charleston harbor against a British fleet in June 1776, became a Continental major general before the end of the war and served as governor of South Carolina 1785–87 and 1792–94. GW's kinsman William Washington was also a war hero. Born in Virginia, he distinguished himself as an infantry captain in the Virginia line during the northern campaign of 1776. Switching to the cavalry, he rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel and in Dec. 1779 was ordered to take his dragoons to the Carolinas where he proved his personal bravery in a succession of skirmishes and battles. In 1782 he married a South Carolina heiress and settled in an elegant Charleston town house. Young Rutledge, recently returned from a long gentleman's tour of Europe, was representing his father John Rutledge, Sr. (1739–1800), who, having been elected chief justice in February of this year, was now obliged to attend the court's spring circuit (John Rutledge, Sr., to GW, 15 April 1791, DLC:GW: see entry for 3 May 1791). John Rutledge, Jr., later became a controversial Federalist politician, serving in the United States Congress 1797–1803 (COMETTI, 186–219).

Saturday 30th. Crossed the Waggamaw to George town by descending the River three miles. At this place we were recd. under a Salute of Cannon, & by a Company of Infantry handsomely uniformed. I dined with the Citizens in public; and in the afternoon, was introduced to upwards of 50 ladies who had assembled (at a Tea party) on the occasion.

George Town seems to be in the shade of Charleston. It suffered during the war by the British, havg. had many of its Houses burnt. It is situated on a pininsula betwn. the River Waccamaw & Sampton Creek about 15 Miles from the Sea. A bar is to be passed, over which not more than 12 feet water can be brot. except at spring tides; which (tho' the Inhabitants are willing to entertain different ideas) must ever be a considerable let to its importance; especially if the cut between the Santee & Cowper Rivers should ever be accomplished.

The Inhabitants of this place (either unwilling or unable) could give no account of the number of Souls in it, but I should not compute them at more than 5 or 600—Its chief export Rice.

0145 125 GW was rowed to Georgetown “by seven captains of vessels, dressed in round hats trimmed with gold lace, blue coats, white jackets, &c. in an elegant painted boat. On his arriving opposite the market he was saluted by the artillery, with fifteen guns, from the foot of Broad-street; and on his landing he was received by the light-infantry company with presented arms, who immediately after he passed, fired thirteen rounds” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 17 May 1791). A committee of seven gentlemen escorted GW to his lodgings, said to be Benjamin Allston's house on Front Street, and at 2:00 P.M. they presented GW with an address from the inhabitants of Georgetown and its vicinity. Immediately afterwards he received another address from the Masonic brethren of Prince George's Lodge No. 16. Both addresses and copies of GW's replies are in DLC:GW. At the public dinner, which began at 4:00 P.M., GW sat in a chair that “was beautifully ornamented with an arch composed of laurel in full bloom.” A similarly decorated chair awaited him in the festooned assembly room where the tea party was held following the dinner, but GW “declined the formality of being placed in a manner unsocial.” Instead of sitting in the chair after being introduced to the ladies, he “seated and entertained several of them” there “in succession.” The dress of the ladies on this occasion was conspicuously patriotic. “There appeared,” said a newspaper account, “sashes highly beautified with the arms of the United States, and many of the ladies wore head-dresses ornamented with bandeaus, upon which were written, in letters of gold, either ‘Long life to the President,’ or ‘Welcome to the hero’” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791). A ball apparently followed the tea party. Georgetown, established 1735, lies at the head of Winyah Bay where the Waccamaw, Pee Dee, and Sampit rivers converge. A detachment of British soldiers occupied the town from July 1780 to May 1781, but the burning resulted from internecine warfare between Patriot and Loyalist partisans after the British departure: on 25 July 1781 Thomas Sumter sent some of his South Carolina State Troops to plunder the property of Loyalists in the Georgetown area, and a few days later a Loyalist privateer retaliated by attacking and burning the town (BASS [2], 202–3; Nathanael Greene to Continental Congress, 25 Aug. 1781, DNA: PCC, Item 155). The Santee River, which enters the Atlantic a short distance south of Georgetown, is fed by several large branches extending far into the Carolina piedmont, but its usefulness as a trade route from that rapidly developing region was limited by lack of a good harbor at its mouth. As early as 1770 a proposal was made to build a canal linking the Santee, about 100 miles above its mouth, with the headwaters of the Cooper River, which flows into Charleston harbor, and in Mar. 1786 the South Carolina General Assembly chartered a company to build such a canal. Construction, however, did not begin until 1793, and work was not completed until 1800 (SAVAGE, 240–53; PORCHER).

May

Sunday—May first. Left Georgetown about 6 Oclock, and crossing the Santee Creek [Sampit River] at the Town, and the Santee 0146 126 River 12 miles from it, at Lynchs Island, we breakfasted and dined at Mrs. Horry's about 15 Miles from George town & lodged at the Plantation of Mr. Manigold about 19 miles farther.

GW was rowed across the Sampit River “in the same manner, and by the same Captains of vessels,” as he had been rowed to Georgetown the previous day. The artillery again saluted him from the foot of Broad Street, and “on the opposite shore [he] was received by the light-infantry company” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791). The Santee River divides near its mouth into two branches, the North Santee and South Santee, between which lies Lynch's Island, a marshy area patented to Thomas Lynch, Sr. (1675–1752), in the 1730s. A causeway about two miles long was built across the island 1738–41 to connect the public ferries on the two branches, and it was rebuilt in the 1770s (ROGERS [2], 23, 43–44, 201). Harriott Pinckney Horry (1748–1830) of St. James Santee Parish, Charleston District, was the widow of Col. Daniel Horry (d. 1785), who commanded state troops at Sullivan's Island in 1776 and later led a regiment of state dragoons, but was heavily fined by the General Assembly in 1782 for swearing allegiance to the crown during the 1780–81 British occupation (MCCRADY, 145, 298, 305; S.C. Hist. and Geneal. Mag., 19 [1918], 177, 34 [1933], 199, 39 [1939], 24–25). Mrs. Horry had written to GW 14 April 1791 inviting him to stop at Hampton, her large rice plantation on the south side of the South Santee (DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters). According to one account, GW was greeted at the entrance to the house by Mrs. Horry, her mother and daughter, and several nieces, all “arrayed in sashes and bandeaux painted with the general's portrait and mottoes of welcome” (RAVENEL, 311–12). Mrs. Horry was listed in the 1790 census as holding 340 slaves in St. James Santee Parish and 40 in Charleston, where she apparently had another house (HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 37, 40). Joseph Manigault (1763–1843) of Charleston inherited about 12,000 acres on Awendaw (Auendaw, Owendow) Creek (now in Berkeley County, S.C.) from his grandfather Gabriel Manigault (1704–1781) when he came of age in 1784 ( S.C. Hist. and Geneal. Mag., 5 [1904], 220–21, 12 [1911], 115–17, 20 [1919], 205, 208). “This great tract of land,” says one South Carolina historian, “was not a beautiful, well cultivated plantation . . . but was almost entirely pine forest and swamps, devoted principally to raising scrub cattle and razorback hogs. The house . . . was an unpretentious structure which was never occupied as a home by its owner. He lived in Charleston in one of the handsomest homes in the city, on Meeting Street” (SALLEY [2], 9).

Monday 2d. Breakfasted at the Country Seat of Govr. Pinckney about 18 miles from our lodging place, & then came to the ferry at Haddrels point, 6 miles further, where I was met by the Recorder of the City, Genl. Pinckney & Edward Rutledge Esqr. in a 12 oared barge rowed by 12 American Captains of Ships, most elegantly dressed. There were a great number of other Boats with Gentlemen and ladies in them; and two Boats with Music; all of whom attended me across and on the passage were met by a number of others. As we approached the town a salute with Artillery 0147 127 commenced, and at the wharf I was met by the Governor, the Lt. Governor, the Intendt. of the City; The two Senators of the State, Wardens of the City—Cincinnati &ca. &ca. and conducted to the Exchange where they passed by in procession. From thence I was conducted in like manner to my lodgings—after which I dined at the Governors (in what I called a private way) with 15 or 18 Gentlemen.

It may as well in this as in any other place, be observed, that the country from Wilmington through which the road passes, is, except in very small spots, much the same as what has already been described; that is to say, sand & pine barrens—with very few inhabitants. We were indeed informed that at some distance from the Road on both sides the land was of a better quality, & thicker settled, but this could only be on the Rivers & larger waters—for a perfect sameness seems to run through all the rest of the Country. On these—especially the swamps and low lands on the rivers, the soil is very rich; and productive when reclaimed; but to do this is both laborious and expensive. The Rice planters have two modes of watering their fields—the first by the tide—the other by resurvoirs drawn from the adjacent lands. The former is best, because most certain. A crop without either is precarious, because a drought may not only injure, but destroy it. Two and an half and 3 barrels to the Acre is esteemed a good Crop and 8 or 10 Barrls. for each grown hand is very profitable; but some have 12 & 14, whilst 5 or 6 is reckoned the average production of a hand. A barrel contains about 600 weight, and the present price is about 10/6 & 11/. Sterg. pr. 100.

The lodgings provided for me in this place were very good, being the furnished house of a Gentleman at present in the Country; but occupied by a person placed there on purpose to accomodate me, & who was paid in the same manner as any other letter of lodgings would have been paid.

Gov. Charles Pinckney (see entry for 17 May 1787) had written to GW 26 April 1791 inviting him “to make a stage” at Snee Farm, a small tract that he owned in Christ Church Parish. “I must apologise,” said Pinckney in his letter, “for asking you to call at a place so indifferently furnished, & where your fare will be entirely that of a farm. It is a place I seldom go to, or things perhaps would be in better order” (DLC:GW). Haddrell's Point, near present-day Mount Pleasant, was the eastern terminus of the ferry that crossed Charleston harbor to the city (SALLEY [2], 11; NAMES IN S.C., 13:48–49). The recorder of Charleston was John Bee Holmes (1760–1827), a lawyer who held that position 1786–92 and 1811–19 ( S.C. Hist. and Geneal. Mag., 29 [1928], 239). Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, the governor's cousin, was brevetted a brigadier general in the Continental 0148 128 Army near the end of the Revolution after having served most of the war as a colonel (see entry for 4 Nov. 1786; ZAHNISER, 50, 70, n.58). Edward Rutledge (1749–1800), a lawyer like Holmes and the two Pinckneys, served in the Continental Congress 1774–76, was an artillery officer in the South Carolina militia for much of the Revolution, and became governor of the state in 1798. On 24 May 1791, when GW was in Columbia, S.C., he wrote a letter addressed to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and Edward Rutledge, offering either of them the seat on the United States Supreme Court that Rutledge's brother John had recently vacated to become chief justice of South Carolina. Both men declined because of distressed finances (GW to Pinckney and Rutledge, 24 May 1791, ScC; Pinckney and Rutledge to GW, 12 June 1791, DLC:GW; ZAHNISER, 111–13). The 12 captains who rowed GW across the harbor, plus a thirteenth captain who acted as coxswain of the barge, “were uniformly and neatly dressed in light blue silk jackets, and round black hats decorated with blue ribbons on which were impressed the arms” of South Carolina. “During the passage vocal and instrumental music were performed on the water by the Amateur Society, assisted by a voluntary association of singers; and upwards of forty boats attended with anxious spectators, which formed a most beautiful appearance” ( Gaz. of the U.S. [Philadelphia], 21 May 1791; SALLEY [2], 13; HENDERSON, 159, n.1). The opening stanza of the laudatory lyrics sung by the waterborne chorus—“young gentlemen of considerable vocal powers”—revealed the high pitch to which the patriotic fervor of Charleston's citizens had risen in anticipation of GW's arrival: He comes! he comes! the hero comes. Sound, sound your trumpets, beat your drums, From port to port let cannons roar, His welcome to our friendly shore (HENDERSON, 156; Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 10 and 16 May 1791). The cannon salute that GW heard as he approached the temporary steps erected for him at Prioleau's wharf were fired by the men of the Charleston battalion of artillery, who on his landing offered “to mount guard” for him during his stay, but GW “politely declined . . . saying that he considered himself perfectly safe in the affection and amicable attachment of the people.” Mingled with the sound of the cannon were the ringing bells of St. Michael's Church and “reiterated shouts of joy” from “an uncommonly large concourse of citizens” ( Gaz. of the U.S. [Philadelphia], 21 May 1791). The officials who stood with Governor Pinckney at the wharf were: Lt. Gov. Isaac Holmes (1758–1812), Charleston intendant (mayor) Arnoldus Vanderhorst (1748–1815), Sen. Pierce Butler (see entry for 15 Nov. 1789), and Sen. Ralph Izard (see entry for 10 Oct. 1789). The 12 wardens of Charleston (city councilmen) are identified in SALLEY [2], 15. The local Cincinnati turned out in full uniform as did the militia officers of the city and the entire Charleston Company of Fusiliers, who were also present at the wharf ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 16 May 1791; HENDERSON, 150–52). The Exchange, an elegant customs house built 1767–71 by the commercially ambitious Charlestonians and used as their city hall until 1818, stood on the harbor at the east end of Broad Street. From its steps GW “received the honors of the procession, to whom he politely and gracefully 0149 129 bowed as they passed in review before him.” Joining the high officials, Cincinnati, militia officers, and fusiliers in this procession were members of the city's various professions and handicrafts, each group marching in its allotted place ( Gaz. of the U.S. [Philadelphia], 21 May 1791; Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 10 May 1791; HENDERSON, 149–51, n.1). GW lodged on Church Street in the town house of Thomas Heyward, Jr. (1746–1809), who had retired in 1789 to his plantation in St. Luke's Parish, Beaufort District (see entry for 11 May 1791). The house, which was currently occupied by Mrs. Rebecca Jamieson, had been leased with its furnishings for a week by the city council at a cost of £60. The council also supplied a housekeeper, several servants, and “a proper stock of liquors, groceries, and provisions” (HENDERSON, 159–60. n.1; Gaz. of the U.S. [Philadelphia], 27 April 1791). Governor Pinckney's house was on Meeting Street near the harbor (SALLEY [2], 19–20).

Tuesday 3d. Breakfasted with Mrs. Rutledge (the Lady of the Chief justice of the State who was on the Circuits) and dined with the Citizens at a public dinr. given by them at the Exchange.

Was visited about 2 oclock, by a great number of the most respectable ladies of Charleston—the first honor of the kind I had ever experienced and it was as flattering as it was singular.

John Rutledge's wife was Elizabeth Grimké Rutledge (d. 1792). Their house stood on Broad Street between King and Legare. After the visit of the ladies, the events of the day followed a more familiar pattern. At 3:00 P.M. the city officials presented GW with a welcoming address, and half an hour later the merchants of Charleston “in a body” delivered another address. Both addresses and copies of GW's replies are in DLC:GW. At the public dinner, which began at 4:00 P.M., GW ate sitting beneath “a beautiful triumphal

Miniature of John Rutledge, by John Trumbull. (Yale University Art Gallery)

0150 130 arch” and afterwards heard 15 toasts, accompanied by cannon shots. “It is almost unnecessary to add,” observed the writer of the next day's newspaper account, “that the day and evening were spent with all that hilarity, harmony, and happy festivity, which was suited to the occasion” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 24 May 1791). The city council had repaired the bells and employed bellmen for GW's visit (HENDERSON, 160, n.1).

Wednesday 4th. Dined with the Members of the Cincinnati, and in the evening went to a very elegant dancing Assembly at the Exchange—At which were 256 elegantly dressed & handsome ladies.

In the forenoon (indeed before breakfast to day) I visited and examined the lines of Attack & defence of the City and was satisfied that the defence was noble & honorable altho the measure was undertaken upon wrong principles and impolitic.

At the Cincinnati dinner, held in the “long-room” of Edward McCrady's tavern on East Bay Street, “a choir of singers entertained the company with several pieces of vocal music,” and there were again patriotic toasts punctuated by the guns of the Charleston battalion of artillery. The evening ball, given by the city corporation, was attended by “a great number of gentlemen,” but the “brilliant assemblage of ladies” was clearly the center of attention. “The ladies,” said a newspaper account, “were all superbly dressed; and most of them wore ribbons with different inscriptions, expressive of their respect for the President, such as, ‘long live the President,’ &c. &c. Joy, satisfaction and gratitude illumined every countenance, and revelled in every heart; whilst the demonstrations of grateful respect shewn him seemed to give him the most heartfelt satisfaction, which visibly displayed itself in his countenance. The beautiful arch of lamps in front of the Exchange was illuminated; and over the entrance there was a superb transparency, in the centre Deliciis Patriae, and at the top G.W. The fusileer company was drawn up before the Exchange to maintain order, and exhibited a very pleasing appearance. In short, every circumstance of the evening's entertainment was truly picturesque of the most splendid elegance” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 24 May 1791). A supper at 10:30 P.M. finished the evening's festivities (HENDERSON, 178). Earlier in the day a delegation from the Grand Lodge of the State of South Carolina Ancient York Masons, headed by Mordecai Gist, called on GW and presented him with their address of welcome. The address dated 2 May 1791 is printed in Md. Journal (Baltimore), 24 May 1791, and Dunlap's American Daily Adv. (Philadelphia), 25 May 1791. GW's reply, which also appears in those newspapers, is in DLC:GW. The lines of attack and defense that GW toured this morning were constructed across Charleston neck, north of the city, in the spring of 1780 when British forces commanded by Sir Henry Clinton laid seige to American forces in Charleston commanded by Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln (BOATNER [1], 205–14; BOATNER [2], 462). At the time of the siege GW was much concerned about Lincoln's decision to commit all of his men to the defense of the city, leaving the rest of the South with little protection. “It is putting much to the hazard,” GW wrote Baron yon Steuben 2 April 1780; “I have 0151 131 the greatest reliance on General Lincoln's prudence; but I cannot forbear dreading the event” (DLC:GW). The key to the defense of Charleston, GW believed, was control of the harbor (GW to Benjamin Lincoln, 15 April 1780, DLC:GW; GW to John Laurens, 26 April 1780, PHi: Gratz Collection). Unfortunately, the deteriorating forts guarding the harbor were ineffective against Adm. Marriot Arbuthnot's ships, which crossed the bar in force 8 April 1780. On 12 May the American garrison surrendered. GW, nevertheless, supported Lincoln to the end. “This consolation . . . offers itself,” GW wrote him 28 April 1780 when the fate of Charleston was sealed, “that the honour of our Arms is safe in your hands, & that if you must fall, you will not fall without a vigorous struggle” (MH). Lincoln later played a prominent role at Yorktown.

Thursday 5th. Visited the Works of Fort Johnson on James's Island, and Fort Moultree on Sullivans Island; both of which are in ruins, and scarcely a trace of the latter left—the former quite fallen.

Dined with a very large Company at the Governors, & in the evening went to a Concert at the Exchange at wch. there were at least 400 lad[ie]s—he Number & appearances of wch. exceeded any thing of the kind I had ever seen.

GW visited the two forts in Charleston harbor by boat, accompanied by “several . . . gentlemen of great respectability,” including William Moultrie whose courageous defense of the sand and palmetto-log fort on Sullivan's Island 28 June 1776 earned him his status as a hero. Originally called Fort Sullivan, the post was renamed in his honor after the battle, but both it and Fort Johnson on the other side of the harbor failed to stop the British in 1780 ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 24 May 1791; BOATNER [1], 197–205, 750). Governor Pinckney's dinner, which began at 4:00 P.M., was attended by “the principal gentlemen of the civil, clerical and military professions.” At the concert “an excellent band of music played in the orchestra, and were accompanied in the vocal strain by the choir of St. Philip's church.” For this occasion the Exchange “was decorated with various ornaments—the pillars were ingeniously entwined with laurel, and the following devices inscribed in different parts of the Hall: ‘With grateful praises of the hero's fame,’ ‘We'll teach our infants' tongues to lisp his name.’ ” Several Latin mottoes were also displayed ( Gaz. of the U.S. [Philadelphia], 21 May 1791).

Friday 6th. Viewed the town on horse back by riding through most of the principal Streets.

Dined at Majr. Butlers, and went to a Ball in the evening at the Governors where there was a select company of ladies.

Saturday 7th. Before break I visited the Orphan House at which there were one hund. & Seven boys & girls. This appears to be a charitable institution and under good management. I also viewed the City from the balcony of [ ] Church from whence the 0152 132 whole is seen in one view and to advantage. The Gardens & green trees which are interspersed adding much to the beauty of the prospect.

Charleston stands on a Pininsula between the Ashley & Cowper Rivers and contains about 1,600 dwelling houses and nearly 16,000 Souls of which about 8,000 are white. It lies low with unpaved Streets (except the footways) of Sand. There are a number of very good houses of Brick & wood, but most of the latter. The Inhabitants are wealthy—Gay—& hospitable; appear happy, & satisfied with the Genl. Governmt. A cut is much talked off between the Ashley & Santee Rivers but it would seem I think, as if the accomplishment of the measure was not very near. It would be a great thing for Charleston if it could be effected. The principal exports from this place is Rice, Indigo and Tobacco; of the last from 5 to 8,000 Hhds. have been exported, and of the first from 80 to 120,000 Barrels.

The Charleston Orphan House, established by city ordinance 18 Oct. 1790, was located in rented quarters on Ellery (now Market) Street until a permanent building for the institution was completed in Oct. 1794 (DUKE ENDOWMENT, 105–6; HENDERSON, 185). GW was greeted today at the orphan house by its six commissioners, who laid out their records for inspection. After receiving GW's approbation of their management, the commissioners escorted him to the breakfast room where the children and attendants waited “in their proper places” to meet him. “On taking leave of the children,” said a newspaper account, “he very pathetically pronounced his benediction on them.” The visit ended with “a genteel breakfast in the . . . Commissioners' room” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791). GW's panoramic view of Charleston was from the second balcony of St. Michael's steeple. About 4:30 P.M. the merchants of Charleston gave an elaborate dinner for GW at the Exchange. “Upwards of 300” guests dined on “every delicacy that the country and season could afford” and sipped “wines excellent and in great variety.” In the harbor the ship America of Charleston fired a federal salute when GW arrived at the Exchange and a salute of 13 guns following each of the 17 afterdinner toasts. At 8:00 P.M. “fire-works [were] displayed on board the ship, which was illuminated with lanterns; amidst them the letter V.W. ( Vivat Washington ) were strikingly conspicuous” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791). Today the Charleston City Council passed a resolution asking GW to sit at his convenience for a portrait by John Trumbull to hang in the city hall in commemoration of his visit (resolution in DLC:GW). GW consented, and a portrait was finished by May 1792 ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791; GW to William Moultrie, 5 May 1792, DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters; TRUMBULL [2], 170–71).

Sunday 8th. Went to Crouded Churches in the Morning & afternoon—to [ ] in the Morning & [ ] in the Afternoon.

Dined with General Moultree.

0153 133 GW attended services at St. Philip's Church in the morning and at St. Michael's in the afternoon ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791; minutes of the St. Philip's vestry, 3 May 1791, DLC:GW).

Monday 9th. At Six oclock I recommenced my journey for Savanna; attended by a Corps of the Cincinnati, and most of the principal Gentlemen of the City as far as the bridge over Ashly river, where we breakfasted and proceeded to Colo. W. Washington's at Sandy-hill with a select party of particular friends—distant from Charleston 28 Miles.

To reach the Ashley River bridge GW and his escort traveled up Charleston neck, crossing the city boundary line, where they were met by Intendant Vanderhorst and the city wardens. Vanderhorst delivered a brief farewell address, to which GW replied with a few words of thanks. Then “the whole cavalcade, joined by the Intendant, moving on, they were saluted with a federal discharge from the field-pieces of the Charleston battalion of artillery, and a volley of musketry by the fusileer company, who were drawn up at some distance from the skirts of the city” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791). On the bridge, a wooden structure about three-fourths of a mile long with a draw in the middle, “a triumphal arch was constructed, adorned with flowers, laurel, &c.” Breakfast was provided by John Freazer (Frazer, Fraser) of St. Andrew's Parish, who apparently kept a tavern near the south end of the bridge ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791; S.C. Hist. and Geneal.

Lt. Col. William Washington of South Carolina, by Charles Willson Peale. (Independence National Historical Park Collection)

0154 134 Mag., 14 [1913], 203–6, 20 [1919], 83–84, 47 [1946], 211–13, 71 [1970–71], 172–73; HENDERSON, 201). Sandy Hill plantation in St. Paul's Parish, Charleston District, was inherited by William Washington's wife, Jane Reiley Elliott Washington (c. 1763—1830), from her father, Charles Elliott (1737–1781). In 1790 William Washington held 380 slaves in St. Paul's Parish ( S.C. Hist. and Geneal. Mag., 10 [1909], 245–46, 11 [1910], 60–61, 66; HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 37; SALLEY [2], 22). The select party that accompanied GW to Sandy Hill consisted of Gov. Charles Pinckney, Sen. Pierce Butler, Sen. Ralph Izard, Gen. William Moultrie, and Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 31 May 1791).

Tuesday 10th. Took leave of all my friends and attendants at this place (except General Moultree & Majr. Butler—he last of whom intended to accompany me to Savanna, and the other to Purisburgh, at which I was to be met by Boats) & breakfasting at Judge Bees 12 Miles from Sandy Hill lodged at Mr. Obrian Smiths 8 or 20 further on.

Thomas Bee (1730–1812) was nominated judge of the United States district court for South Carolina by GW 11 June 1790 and was confirmed by the Senate three days later. A wealthy aristocratic lawyer, he had played a prominent political role in the Revolution in South Carolina, serving as a member of the council of safety 1775–76, a state judge 1776–78, speaker of the state House of Representatives 1777–79, lieutenant governor 1779–80, and a member of the Continental Congress 1780–82. In 1790 he held 165 slaves on his lands in St. Paul's Parish and 19 more in Charleston, where he had a town house (GADSDEN, 154; S.C. Hist. and Geneal. Mag., 37 [1936], 87–88; HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 37, 39). O'Brian Smith (c. 1756–1811) came to South Carolina from Ireland about 1784. He later served in the state legislature and from 1805 to 1807 was a member of the United States Congress. His plantation was in St. Bartholomew's Parish, Charleston District, where in 1790 he owned 146 slaves, and he also had a town house in Charleston, where he kept 8 slaves (HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 34, 43).

Wednesday 11th. After an early breakfast at Mr. Smiths we road 20 Miles to a place called Pokitellico, where a dinner was provided by the Parishoners of Prince William for my reception; and an Address from them was presented and answered. After dinner we proceeded 16 Miles farther to Judge Haywards w[h]ere we lodged, &, as also at Mr. Smiths were kindly and hospitably entertained. My going to Colo. Washingtons is to be ascribed to motives of friendship & relationship; but to Mr. Smiths & Judge Haywards to those of necessity; their being no public houses on the Road and my distance to get to these private ones increased at least 10 or 12 miles between Charleston and Savanna.

0155 135 Pocotaligo, an Indian settlement taken over by whites in the early years of the century, was on the Pocotaligo River, a branch of the Broad River (SALLEY [2], 23). The address of the people of Prince William's Parish and a copy of GW's very brief answer are in DLC:GW. Thomas Heyward, Jr., in whose Charleston town house GW had lodged, lived at White Hall plantation on Hazzard Creek, another tributary of the Broad River. He also owned nearby Old House plantation and on his two plantations in 1790 had a total of 440 slaves. A lawyer educated at the Middle Temple in London, Heyward served in the Continental Congress 1776–78 and fought as a militia officer in 1780 at Charleston, where he was captured. He was elected a state circuit judge in 1779 and held that position until 1789, when he resigned to pursue his serious interest in agriculture at White Hall. In 1785 he helped to found and became first president of the Agricultural Society of South Carolina (SALLEY [2], 16—17, 24).

Thursday 12th. By five oclock we set out from Judge Haywards and road to Purisburgh 22 Miles to breakfast.

At that place I was met by Messr. Jones, Colo. Habersham, Mr. Jno. Houston Genl. McIntosh and Mr. Clay, a Comee. from the City of Savanna to conduct me thither. Boats also were ordered there by them for my accomodation; among which a handsome 8 oared barge rowed by 8 American Captns. attended. In my way down the River I called upon Mrs. Green the Widow of the decreased [deceased] Genl. Green (at a place called Mulberry grove) & asked her how she did. At this place (12 Miles from Purisburgh) my horses and Carriages were landed, and had 12 Miles farther by Land to Savanna. The wind & tide being both agt. us, it was 6 oclock before we reached the City where we were recd. under every demonstration that could be given of joy & respect. We were Seven hours making the passage which is often performed in 4, tho the computed distance is 25 Miles. Illumns. at night.

I was conducted by the Mayor & Wardens to very good lodgings which had been provided for the occasion, and partook of a public dinner given by the Citizens at the Coffee room. At Purisbg. I parted w' Genl. Moultree.

Purrysburg, S.C., a village first settled by Swiss colonists in 1732, is on the Savannah River about 25 miles upstream from the city of Savannah ( S.C. Hist. and Geneal. Mag., 10 [1909], 187–219, 73 [1972–73], 187–88). The five Savannah committeemen who greeted GW here had all been in the vanguard of the Revolution in Georgia. Noble Wimberley Jones (c. 1724–1805), a physician, was speaker of the Commons House of the Georgia Assembly 1768–70, but because of his vigorous opposition to royal policies, his elections to that post in 1771 and 1772 were disallowed by the royal executive. Jones later played a leading role in the council of safety and the provincial congresses and served in the Continental Congress 1781–82. 0156 136 Joseph Habersham (1751–1815), a merchant, was appointed major in a battalion of Georgia state troops in July 1775 and by 1778 was a lieutenant colonel in the Continental service. In 1795 GW appointed him United States postmaster general, a position he held until 1801. John Houstoun (1744–1796), a lawyer, was another prominent member of the council of safety and the provincial congresses. Elected to the Continental Congress in 1775, he attended only a few weeks, but was more active in political affairs at home, serving as governor of Georgia 1778–79 and 1784–85. Lachlan McIntosh (1725—1806), remembered as the man who killed Georgia signer of the Declaration of Independence Button Gwinnett in a duel in 1777 in which he himself was wounded, was well known to GW for his military services during the Revolution. Appointed a colonel by the state in Jan. 1776, he became a Continental brigadier general later that year. He was at Valley Forge and in May 1778 was given command of the Western Department. Conflicts with subordinates obliged GW to relieve him the next year, and McIntosh returned south where he fought at the sieges of Savannah and Charleston. Joseph Clay (1741–1804), a merchant and rice planter, was also a leader in the council of safety and the provincial congresses. He was appointed paymaster general for the Continental Army in the South in 1777 and later served as state treasurer. GW also was met at Purrysburg by Anthony Wayne (1745—1796), who, although a native Pennsylvanian, had been living since 1785 in Chatham County, Ga., on a 1,134-acre Savannah River plantation known as Richmond and Kew, which the state of Georgia had confiscated from its Loyalist owner and had presented to Wayne as a reward for his military services in the South (GRANGER, 114–21). Mulberry Grove, home of Catherine Littlefield Greene (see entry for 1 Oct. 1789), lay near Richmond and Kew and, like Wayne's plantation, was a confiscated Loyalist estate, which Georgia had used to reward Nathanael Greene for his wartime services. Greene settled on this 2,171-acre plantation in 1785 and began to restore its deteriorated rice fields, but made little progress before his death in June 1786, leaving his wife and children in financial difficulties (GRANGER, 71–74). Savannah officials expected GW and his escort to spend the night at Mulberry Grove. “Indeed,” wrote Mayor Thomas Gibbons to Wayne on 11 May, “it seems necessary that the President should be delayed there, because from the uncertainty of his arrival, no satisfactory provision will be made on that day. To land [at Savannah] in the Evening, will be unfavorable to the wishes of the Ladies, Citizens &c who wish to see the procession.” If GW was to come on to the city today, Wayne was instructed “to effect a Landing at Mulberry Grove, if only for an hour,” and send a warning to the city from there (MiU-C: Wayne Papers). GW's late arrival this afternoon, however, did little if anything to dampen the festivity of Savannah's welcome. Rowed by the eight captains with a ninth as coxswain, all “dressed in light blue silk jackets, black satin breeches, white silk stockings, and round hats with black ribbons having the words ‘Long live the President,’ in letters of gold,” GW was met “within ten miles of the city . . . by a number of gentlemen in several boats, and as the President passed by them a band of music played the celebrated song, ‘He comes, the Hero comes,’ accompanied with several voices. On his approach to the city the concourse on the Bluff, and the crowds which had pressed into the vessels', 0157 137 evinced the general joy which had been inspired by the visit of this most beloved of men. . . . Upon arriving at the upper part of the harbor he was saluted from the wharves and by the shipping,” and at the public wharf where he landed, he was received by Sen. James Gunn (see entry for 29 April 1790) and Congressman James Jackson (see entry for 21 Jan. 1790), who introduced him to Mayor Thomas Gibbons (1757–1826) and the aldermen of the city ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791). Gibbons, a wealthy lawyer and plantation owner and a passive Loyalist during the Revolution, served several terms as mayor of Savannah between 1791 and 1801, when he was appointed a federal judge. After a salute of 26 shots by the Chatham County Artillery Company, GW was escorted to his lodgings in St. James's Square by a long procession which included, besides the city officials, the welcoming committee, the artillery company, the local light-infantry company, officers of the militia, members of the Cincinnati, and “citizens two and two.” Dinner was to have been a small private affair either at GW's lodgings or Mayor Gibbons's house. Instead, it turned out to be a rather formal public affair at Brown's Coffeehouse, attended by numerous judges, clergymen, legislators, Cincinnati, militia field officers, and other distinguished citizens. After dinner there were 16 toasts punctuated as usual by artillery fire ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791; Thomas Gibbons to Anthony Wayne, 11 May 1791, MiU-C: Wayne Papers). The general illumination of the city this evening was elaborately done. One alderman's house displayed “no less than three hundred lights, arranged in a beautiful symmetry, with fifteen lights contained in the form of a W in front” (LEE & AGNEW, 70), and in the river the ship Thomas Wilson “with a great number of lanterns . . . made a fine appearance” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791).

Friday 13th. Dined with the Members of the Cincinnati at a public dinner given at the same place and in the evening went to a dancing Assembly at which there was about 100 well dressed & handsome Ladies.

At the Cincinnati dinner more toasts “were drank under federal salutes from the artillery company,” and it was probably there that Anthony Wayne, as president of the Georgia Cincinnati, presented its undated address of welcome to GW ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791). During his stay in Savannah, GW received more than the usual number of such addresses. Besides the address of the Georgia Cincinnati, there was an undated one from the citizens of Savannah and its vicinity; one of 12 May 1791 from the Congregational Church and Society of Midway, Ga., a town about 30 miles southwest of Savannah; one of 13 May 1791 from the mayor and aldermen of Savannah; one of 14 May 1791 from the freemasons of Georgia; and another of 14 May 1791 from John Earnst Bergman, minister of the German Congregation of Ebenezer, Ga., a town about 30 miles northwest of Savannah. GW replied to each address, except apparently the one from Bergman, which, unlike the others, was in Latin. All of these addresses and copies of the answers are in DLC:GW; a draft of the Savannah citizens' 0158 138 address and GW's signed reply to them are owned by Mr. Sol Feinstone, Washington Crossing. Pa.; GW's signed reply to the Georgia freemasons is at DMS. The evening ball was held in the Long Room of the Filature, a large building on Reynolds Square erected in the 1750S and used for silk manufacturing until about 1770 when it became a public assembly hall. GW arrived at the ball at 8:30 P.M., “and was personally introduced,” according to a newspaper account, “to 96 ladies, who were elegantly dressed, some of whom displayed infinite taste in the emblems and devices on their sashes and head dresses, out of respect to the happy occasion. The room, which had been lately handsomely fitted up, and was well lighted, afforded the President an excellent opportunity of viewing the fair sex of our city and vicinity, and the ladies the gratification of paying their respects to our Federal Chief. After a few minuets were moved, and one country dance led down, the President and his suite retired about 11 o'clock. At 12 o'clock the supper room was opened, and the ladies partook of a repast, after which dances continued until 3 o'clock” Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791).

Saturday 14th. A little after 6 Oclock, in Company with Genl. McIntosh Genl. Wayne the Mayor and many others (principal Gentlemen of the City) I visited the City, and the attack & defence of it in the year 1779, under the combined forces of France and the United States, commanded by the Count de Estaing & Genl. Lincoln. To form an opinion of the attack at this distance of time, and the change which has taken place in the appearance of the ground by the cutting away of the woods, &ca., is hardly to be done with justice to the subject; especially as there is remaining scarcely any of the defences.

Dined to day with a number of the Citizens (not less than 200) in an elegant Bower erected for the occasion on the Bank of the River below the Town. In the evening there was a tolerable good display of fireworks.

Savannah, which fell to the British 29 Dec. 1778, was attacked 9 Oct. 1779 by an American force under Benjamin Lincoln and a French force under Charles Hector, comte d'Estaing (1729—1794), but the poorly coordinated assault ended in disaster. Lachlan McIntosh, who had commanded the American reserves on 9 Oct. 1779, today gave GW and the accompanying gentlemen “an account of every thing interesting” relating to the attack ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791; BOATNER [1], 980–88; BOATNER [2], 89–91). The bower where GW dined this afternoon was described in a newspaper account as “a beautiful arbor, supported by three rows of pillars, entirely covered with laurel and bay leaves, so as to exhibit uniform green columns. The pillars were higher than the arbor, and ornamented above it by festoons, and connected below by arches covered in the same manner. The place on which it stood was judiciously chosen, presenting at once a view of the city and the shipping in the harbor, with an extensive prospect of the river and rice lands both above and below the town.” GW, as usual, was the focus of 0159 139 all attention, and there were many toasts and much firing of artillery in his honor after dinner. A concert, following the fireworks display, concluded the day's activities ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791).

Sunday 15th. After morning Service, and receiving a number of visits from the most respectable ladies of the place (as was the case yesterday) I set out for Savanna [Augusta], Escorted beyd. the limits of the City by most of the Gentlemen in it and dining at Mulberry grove—the Seat of Mrs. Green—lodged at one Spencers—distant 15 Miles.

Savanna stands upon what may be called high ground for this Country. It is extremely Sandy wch. makes the walking very disagreeable; & the houses uncomfortable in warm & windy weather as they are filled with dust whensoever these happen. The town on 3 sides is surrounded with cultivated Rice fields which have a rich and luxurient appearance. On the 4th. or back side it is a fine sand. The harbour is said to be very good, & often filled with square rigged vessels but there is a bar below over which not more than 12 Water can be brot. except at Spg. tides. The tide does not flow above 12 or 14 miles above the City though the River is swelled by it more than dble. that distance. Rice & Tobacco (the last of wch. is greatly encreasing) are the principal Exports. Lumber & Indigo are also Expord. but the latter is on the decline, and it is supposed by Hemp & Cotton. Ship timber—viz—live Oak & Cedar, is (and may be more so) valuable in the expt.

Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene, by Charles Willson Peale. (Independence National Historical Park Collection)

0160 140 The morning service was at Christ Church on Johnson Square. GW was escorted out of Savannah not only by a large number of the city's gentlemen but also by a detachment of Augusta, Ga., dragoons commanded by Maj. Ambrose Gordon (1751—1804), a Revolutionary War cavalryman formerly of Virginia. On the outskirts of the city GW halted briefly at Spring Hill, site of a British redoubt where much fighting had occurred during the 1779 Allied attack on Savannah. Today at this place James Jackson, as commander of the militia in the eastern district of Georgia, stood at the head of the local artillery and light-infantry companies, and GW received a parting salute: “39 discharges from the field pieces, and 13 vollies of platoons” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791). Before GW left Savannah today, he “politely expressed his sense of the attention shewn him by the corporation & every denomination of people during his stay” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 31 May 1791). That attention, however, was burdensome as well as flattering. Writing to Tobias Lear in the midst of his Savannah visit, GW observed that at Charleston “the continual hurry into which I was thrown by entertainments—visits—and ceremonies of one kind or another, scarcely allowed me a moment that I could call my own—nor is the case much otherwise here.” Outside the two cities “the abominably Sandy & heavy” low-country roads were the principal inconvenience. “My horses (especially the two I bought just before I left Philadelphia, & my old white horse) are much worn down,” GW wrote Lear from Savannah, “and I have yet 150 or 200 miles of heavy sand to pass before I fairly get into the upper, & firmer roads” (GW to Lear, 13 May 1791, MeHi).

Monday 16th. Breakfasted at Russells—5 Miles from Spencers. Dined at Garnets 19 further & lodged at Pierces 8 miles more in all, 42 Miles to day.

GW probably dined today with Thomas Garnett (1750–1793) of Effingham County, Ga. Born in Essex County, Va., Garnett married Rachel Willson at Ebenezer Jerusalem Church in Effingham County 8 Jan. 1772 and was commissioned a first lieutenant in the local militia 25 June 1776. Joshua Pearce (Pierce), Jr. (d. 1810), of Effingham County was GW's host for the night. Although his father was a Loyalist during the Revolution, Pearce and two of his brothers fought with the Patriots (MC CALL, 1:72, 139–40, 3:86, 183, 185; CANDLER [1], 1:145, 3:174, 178).

Tuesday 17th. Breakfasted at Skinners 17 Miles—dined at Lamberts 13–and lodged at Waynesborough (wch. was coming 6 miles out of our way) 14 in all 43 Miles. Waynesborough is a small place, but the Seat of the Court of Burkes County—6 or 8 dwelling houses is all it contains; an attempt is making (without much apparent effect) to establish an Accademy at it as is the case also in all the Counties.

Waynesboro, Ga., named in honor of Anthony Wayne, was established by an act of the General Assembly in July 1783. The same act, in obedience to a 0161 141 stipulation made in Georgia' 1777 constitution that schools should “be erected in each county and supported at the general expense of the State,” provided for an academy for Burke County at Waynesboro, an academy for Richmond County at Augusta, and a “free school” for Wilkes County at newly created Washington, Ga. (CANDLER [2], 19:248–56, pt.2; KILPATRICK, 4; COULTER, 11–12).

Wednesday 18th. Breakfasted at Fulchers, 15 Miles from Waynesborough; and within 4 Miles of Augusta met the Govr. (Telfair), Judge Walton, the Attorney Genl., & most of the principal Gentlemen of the place; by whom I was escorted into Town, & recd. under a discharge of Artillery. The distance I came to day was about 32 miles. Dined with a large company at the Governors, & drank Tea there with many well dressed Ladies.

The Road from Savanna to Augusta is, for the most part, through Pine barrans; but more uneven than I had been accustomed to since leavg. Petersburgh in Virginia, especially after riding about 30 Miles from the City of that name; here & there indeed, a piece of Oak land is passed on this road, but of small extent & by no means of the first quality.

On coming in sight of the welcoming party from Augusta, Georgia's temporary capital 1785–95, GW got out of Iris chariot, mounted a horse, and rode forward to meet Gov. Edward Telfair. After Telfair “congratulated the President on his near approach to the residence of government,” Major Gordon and the Augusta horsemen who had accompanied GW from Savannah joined the distinguished citizens of the town to form the procession that escorted GW to his lodgings on Broad Street. The cannon salute that greeted him was fired by Capt. Howell's artillery (HENDERSON, 234–38; JONES AND DUTCHER, 141). Edward Telfair (c.1735–1807), a wealthy merchant and early Revolutionary War leader, served Georgia in the Continental Congress frequently between 1778 and 1782 and was governor of the state 1786–87 and 1789–93. For today's 4:00 P. M. dinner at his residence, the Grove, Telfair invited “several federal and state Officers,” and as so often before, there were “a number of memorable and patriotic toasts.” The ladies came to the governor's house this evening for a ball given by his wife, Sally Gibbons Telfair, but GW only “attended for a short time,” apparently just long enough to meet the ladies over tea ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 16 June 1791). George Walton (1741–1804), judge of the superior court of Georgia, was, like Telfair, an early supporter of the Patriot cause in Georgia. He attended many sessions of the Continental Congress between 1776 and 1781, was wounded and captured at the seige of Savannah where he fought as a militia colonel, and served as governor of the state 1779–80 and 1789.

Thursday 19th. Received & answered an Address from the Citizens of Augusta; dined with a large Company of them at their 0162 142 Court Ho.; and went to an Assembly in the evening at the Accadamy; at which there were between 60 & 70 well dressed ladies.

The address of the Augusta citizens and a copy of GW's reply are in DLC:GW. About 3:00 P. M. GW reviewed the Augusta Light Horse, and at 4:30 P. M. he attended the public subscription dinner at the Richmond County courthouse, where again “a variety of the most patriotic toasts and sentiments were drank” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 16 June 1791; HENDERSON, 241–42). This evening's ball was held “in the large room” of the Richmond Academy on Bay Street. According to the Augusta Chronicle, the ball was attended by “the largest number of Ladies ever collected at this place” (BELL AND CRABBE, 29).

Friday 20th. Viewed the ruins, or rather small remns. of the Works which had been erected by the British during the War and taken by the Americans—also the falls, which are about 2 Miles above the Town; and the Town itself.

These falls (as they are called) are nothing more than rapids. They are passable in their present state by boats with Skilful hands, but may at a very small expence be improved, by removing a few rocks only to straighten the passage. Above them there is good boat navigation for many Miles; by which the produce may be, & in some measure is, transported. At this place, i.e., the falls, the good lands begin; & encrease in quality to the westward & No. ward. All below them, except the Interval lands on the River and Rice Swamps wch. extend from them, the whole Country is a Pine barren. The town of Augusta is well laid out with wide & spacious Streets. It stands on a large area of a perfect plain but is not yet thickly built, tho' surprizingly so for the time; for in 1783 there were not more than half a dozen dwelling houses; now there are not less than [ ] containing about [ ] Souls of which about [ ] are blacks. It bids fair to be a large Town being at the head of the present navigation, & a fine Country back of it for support, which is settling very fast by Tobacco planters. The culture of which article is encreasing very fast, and bids fair to be the principle export from the State; from this part of it, it certainly will be so.

Augusta, though it covers more ground than Savanna, does not contain as many Inhabitts. the latter having by the late census between 14 & 1500 hundred Whites and about 800 blacks.

Dined at a private dinner with Govr. Telfair to day; and gave him dispatches for the Spanish Govr. of East Florida, respecting the Countenance given by that Governt. to the fugitive Slaves of 0163 143 the Union—wch. dispatches were to be forwarded to Mr. Seagrove, Collector of St. Mary's, who was requested to be the bearer of them, and instructed to make arrangements for the prevention of these evils and, if possible, for the restoration of the property—especially of those Slaves wch. had gone off since the orders of the Spanish Court to discountenance this practice of recg. them.

Forts Grierson and Cornwallis were erected at Augusta after Loyalist forces occupied the town in June 1780. Both works fell in the spring of 1781 when besieged by Patriot militia aided by the Continental troops of Henry Lee's Legion (BOATNER [1], 49–51; BOATNER [2], 75–77). Under the terms of an act passed by the Georgia General Assembly 13 Feb. 1786, the falls of the Savannah River were to have been cleared for navigation and a lock built at the lower end. This improvement scheme collapsed when the land tax that was to finance the work was repealed the following year (JONES AND DUTCHER, 446; CANDLER [2], 19:534–40, pt.2). Augusta in 1791 was reported to have 250 houses and 1,100 people within its boundaries (JONES AND DUTCHER, 137). The private dinner with Governor Telfair may have been the occasion for presenting a congratulatory address to GW that Telfair signed today at the statehouse. Telfair's address and a copy of GW's reply are in DLC:GW. The fugitive slave problem, which GW discussed at length with Telfair during his stay in Augusta, had troubled Georgia planters for years, but particularly since 1783 when Spain regained the Floridas from Great Britain. Under an old Spanish policy any American slave who crossed the St. Marys River into East Florida was granted freedom, and it was only after many protests from the Georgians that authorities in Spain consented to a change. By a letter of 28 Aug. 1790 from Juan Nepomuceno de Quesada, newly appointed governor of East Florida, the American Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson learned that the Spanish monarch had given orders “not to permit, under any pretext, that persons sold in slavery in the United states introduce themselves, as free, into the province of East Florida” (Quesada to Jefferson, 28 Aug. 1790, and Jefferson to José Ignacio de Viar, 27 Oct. 1790, JEFFERSON [1], 17:341n, 638–39). The new policy, however, did not satisfy Georgia's planters, for it applied only to the future and no mention was made of returning slaves lost since 1783 (Edward Telfair to Thomas Jefferson, 12 Jan. 1790, JEFFERSON [1], 18:491–92). Jefferson was reluctant to push the matter further, considering it a relatively trivial affair that might jeopardize the more important goal of inducing Spain to open the Mississippi River to American traffic, but the final decision was left to GW and Telfair. Jefferson promised the Georgia governor in a letter of 26 Mar. 1791 that when GW reached Augusta “you will have an opportunity of explaining to him the extent of the losses complained of, and how far they could probably be recovered, even were the dispositions of your [Spanish] neighbors favourable to the recovery, and what those dispositions may actually be” (JEFFERSON [1], 19:429–33, 519). Although GW acquiesced in Telfair's arguments, the instructions he wrote today for James Seagrove, collector for the port of St. Marys, Ga., show that he shared much of Jefferson's cautious attitude toward the matter. Seagrove's “first care” was to insure that the Spanish king's new orders to stop sheltering 0164 144 American slaves were fully enforced by Governor Quesada; his second, to seek the return of any slaves who had fled to Florida since the announcement of the new orders; and his third, to recover the slaves lost since 1783. “This last instruction,” GW warned, “will require peculiar delicacy, and must be entered on with caution and circumspection, or not to be taken up at all” (GW to Seagrove, 20 May 1791, DLC:GW). Seagrove, a Savannah merchant whom GW had named to his rather unremunerative post in Aug. 1789, adhered to GW's injunction. While conferring with Quesada at St. Augustine in early August, he apparently brought up only the first two “cares” and succeeded in making detailed arrangements for returning future fugitives to their masters and in convincing Quesada to issue an order to penalize East Florida inhabitants who harbored runaways. Seagrove, however, failed in the request that he made for immediate restoration of slaves who had entered East Florida since the date of the king's orders. Not “even a single Slave,” Quesada replied, had come into his province between the date of the royal orders and their promulgation in East Florida. Even if slaves had fled into Florida, however, his instructions would not allow them to be returned (Seagrove to Quesada, 2 and 7 Aug. 1791, and Quesada to Seagrove, 6 Aug. 1791, all enclosed in Thomas Jefferson to Edward Telfair, 15 Dec. 1791, DLC: Jefferson Papers). Seagrove's skill in carrying out this mission was apparently a factor in his being appointed federal agent to the Creeks in September of this year (SMITH [7], 42–43). GW's tour of the town today included a stop at the Richmond Academy, where “he honored the examination of the students with his presence, and was pleased to express himself handsomely of their performances” (BELL AND CRABBE, 29; CORDLE, 79–80; HENDERSON, 243–47).

Saturday 21st. Left Augusta about 6 oclock, and takg. leave of the Governor & principal Gentlemen of the place at the bridge over Savanna river where they had assembled for this purpose, I proceeded in Company with Colos. Hampton & Taylor, & Mr. Lithgow a Committee from Columbia (who had come on to meet & conduct me to that place) & a Mr. Jameson from the Village of Granby on my rout.

Dined at a house about 20 Miles from Augusta and lodged at one Oden about 20 miles farther.

GW crossed the Savannah River bridge into South Carolina “under the salute of Major Gordon's horse and Captain Howell's artillery” (BELL AND CRABBE, 29). The members of the Columbia committee were Wade Hampton (c.17511835), the recently elected sheriff of Camden District; Thomas Taylor (1743–1833), one of the original commissioners of Columbia; and Robert Lithgow (Lythgoe), a newly appointed town commissioner. Hampton and Taylor both distinguished themselves as militia colonels under Thomas Sumter during the latter part of the War of Independence. Earlier in the war Hampton was a junior officer in the South Carolina line, serving until the state fell to the British in 1780. He then took an oath of loyalty to the crown, an oath that he soon broke to join Sumter's partisans. An aggressive 0165 145 land speculator, he became one of the wealthiest planters in the state, served in the United States Congress 1795–97 and 1803–5, and participated as a major general in the War of 1812. Taylor, who with a brother provided the land on which Columbia was laid out in 1786, was a member of the state's first provincial congresses 1775–76, served in the militia in 1779, and joined Sumter as a captain in Aug. 1780. After the war he served frequently in the legislature, and although an opponent of the federal constitution in 1788, he raised an influential voice against nullification in 1830 (TAYLOR, 204–11). Robert Lithgow, apparently a Columbia merchant, was a judge of the Richland County court as well as a town commissioner (GREEN [2], 176). Granby's representative may be Archibald Jamison, who appears in the 1790 census as a resident of the north part of Orangeburg District, which included Granby; Dr. Van de Vastine Jamison, who is also listed in the northern part of the district, lived near Orangeburg well to the east of Granby (HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 94, 98; NAMES IN S.C., 13 [1966], 52–55). The house at which GW dined was the Piney Woods House, a log tavern near present-day Trenton, S.C. The house belonged to Capt. Van Swearingen of Edgefield County, a veteran of the Revolution. Swearingen's daughter Frances Swearingen apparently inherited the tavern about this time and ran it with her husband Ezekiel McClendon (NAMES IN S.C., 11 [1964], 44). ODEN: The census of 1790 lists four families of Odens, three of Odums, and one of Odem in Edgefield County (HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 62–63, 65–66). The house is said to have been near present-day Ridge Spring (SALLEY [2], 25).

Sunday 22d. Rode about 21 Miles to breakfast, and passing through the village of Granby just below the first falls in the Congaree (which was passed in a flat bottomed boat at a rope ferry) I lodged at Columbia, the newly adopted Seat of the Government of South Carolina about 3 miles from it, on the No. side of the river, and 27 from my breakfasting stage.

The whole Road from Augusta to Columbia is a pine barren of the worst sort, being hilly as well as poor. This circumstance added to the distance, length of the Stages, want of water and heat of the day, foundered one of my horses very badly.

Beyond Granby 4 miles, I was met by sevl. Gentlemen of that place & Wynnsborough; and on the banks of the River on the No. Side by a number of others, who escorted me to Columbia.

Breakfast may have been at Lee's Stage Tavern near present-day Batesburg and Leesville (SALLEY [2] 25). Granby, called Congarees before the Revolution, began in 1718 as an Indian trading post and was at this time the seat of Lexington County. Eclipsed by its newer neighbor, Columbia, the village later disappeared (GREEN [2], 15–22). GW crossed the Congaree River, a major branch of the Santee, at Friday's ferry, which was started in 1754 by Martin Fridig (Friday) and was purchased in 1785 by Wade Hampton and one of his brothers. On 10 Feb. 1791 the General Assembly authorized the Hamptons to build a toll bridge at the ferry, a project that was to have been completed before GW's arrival, and 0166 146 provided that the president of the United States should cross without paying the toll. Work was begun promptly, but a flood destroyed the bridge as it neared completion (GREEN [2], 113–21). It was “about sun set” when GW reached the ferry. Nevertheless, “the banks of the river at that place were lined with the neighbouring inhabitants, who anxiously waited for the President's arrival.” The gentlemen from Granby and from Winnsboro, a town about 28 miles north of Columbia, met GW before he reached Granby and escorted him without stopping through the village to the ferry. The Winnsboro group was headed by Brig. Gen. Richard Winn (1750–1818), the revolutionary soldier for whom the town was named when it was incorporated in 1785 ( Dunlap's American Dailey Adv. [Philadelphia]. 24 June 1791). As GW approached the statehouse in Columbia, a body of light horse commanded by a Captain Kershaw “formed on the left, near the edge of the woods, and saluted him with much respect; he was then conducted to a house commodiously prepared for his reception, where a few gentlemen, and the officers of the troops were introduced” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 24 June 1791). Columbia was ordered laid out as the new state capital by the General Assembly in 1786, and the executive offices were moved there in late 1789. The General Assembly first met in the new statehouse 4 Jan. 1790 (GREEN [2], 146–55).

Monday 23d. Dined at a public dinner in the State house with a number of Gentlemen & Ladies of the Town of Columbia, & Country round about to the amt. of more than 150, of which 50 or 60 were of the latter.

At noon today GW received “the gentlemen of Columbia, Granby, Winnsboro', Camden, Statesburgh, Bellville and Orangeburgh, and their vicinity (who were present at Columbia) . . . . . At four o'clock he was conducted to the room of the representatives in the state-house, where were assembled sixty-seven ladies, who upon his entering the room, arose and made an elegant appearance, to whom he was individually introduced. The ladies were then led by the gentlemen (there being present 153) to the Senate room, where they set down together in a well conceived arrangment: to a farmer's dinner, where plenty abounded.” GW left the statehouse after several toasts were given, but returned at 8:00 P. M. for a ball that lasted until 11:00 P. M. ( Dunlap's Daily American Adv. [Philadelphia], 24 June 1791).

Tuesday 24th. The condition of my foundered horse obliged me to remain at this place, contrary to my intention, this day also.

Columbia is laid out upon a large scale; but, in my opinion, had better been placed on the River below the falls. It is now an uncleared wood, with very few houses in it, and those all wooden ones. The State House (which is also of wood) is a large & commodious building, but unfinished. The Town is on dry, but cannot be called high ground, and though surrounded by Piney & Sandy land, is, itself, good. The State house is near two miles 0167 147 from the River, at the confluence of the broad River & Saluda. From Granby the River is navigable for Craft which will, when the River is a little swelled, carry 3000 bushels of Grain—when at its usual height less, and always some. The River from hence to the Wateree below which it takes the name of the Santee is very crooked; it being, according to the computed distance near 400 miles—Columbia from Charleston is 130 miles.

GW dined today “in private with a few gentlemen” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 24 June 1791). The Broad and Saluda rivers meet at Columbia to form the Congaree, which is joined by the Wateree River lower down to form the Santee.

Wednesday 25th. Set out at 4 'Oclock for Cambden (the foundered horse being led slowly on). Breakfasted at an indifferent house 22 miles from the town (the first we came to) and reached Cambden about two oclock, 14 miles further where an address was recd. & answered. Dined late with a number of Gentlemen & Ladies at a public dinner. The Road from Columbia to Cambden, excepting a mile or two at each place, goes over the most miserable pine barren I ever saw, being quite a white sand, & very hilly. On the Wateree with in a mile & half of which the town stands the lands are very good—the culture Corn Tobacco & Indigo. Vessels carrying 50 or 60 Hhds. of Tobo. come up to the Ferry at this place at which there is a Tobacco Warehouse.

An address from the citizens of Columbia, Granby, and vicinity, bearing today's date, was presented to GW before he left town by Alexander Gillon (1741–1794), a wealthy merchant and early revolutionary leader who had been embroiled in much controversy as a commodore in the South Carolina navy during the war. Gillon was one of the original commissioners of Columbia, a member of the General Assembly 1783–91, and a member of the United States Congress 1793–94. The address and a copy of GW's reply are in DLC:GW. The welcoming address from the citizens of Camden and vicinity apparently was presented to GW by the town's intendant and patriarch, Col. Joseph Kershaw (c.1723–1791), a militia veteran of the Revolution. The address and a copy of GW's reply are in DLC:GW. GW, according to local tradition, lodged in Camden at the house of Adam Fowler Brisbane (1754–1797), a Lancaster County justice, and the public dinner was probably at the house of Col. John Chesnut (1743–1813), a veteran of the South Carolina line and prominent indigo planter, who discussed agriculture at some length with GW during his stay in town. A month later GW sent Chesnut a drill plow from Mount Vernon to try in sowing indigo seed (GW to Chesnut, 26 June 1791, anonymous donor). At the dinner GW “was introduced to the ladies individually. The ladies rose after the 2d or 3d toast, and the President sat till near twelve o'clock” ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 17 June 1791). In all there were 17 toasts, including 2 given after 0168 148 GW retired for the night (KIRKLAND AND KENNEDY, 307–12, 351–52; REYNOLDS AND FAUNT, 186, 196–97, 251).

Thursday 26th. After viewing the british works about Cambden I set out for Charlotte. On my way—two miles from Town—I examined the ground on wch. Genl. Green & Lord Rawden had their Action. The ground had but just been taken by the former—was well chosen—but he not well established in it before he was attacked; which by capturing a Videt was, in some measure by surprize. Six miles further on I came to the ground where Genl. Gates & Lord Cornwallis had their Engagement wch. terminated so unfavourably for the former. As this was a night Meeting of both Armies on their March, & altogether unexpected each formed on the ground they met without any advantage in it on either side it being level & open. Had Genl. Gates been ½ a mile further advanced, an impenitrable Swamp would have prevented the attack which was made on him by the British Army, and afforded him time to have formed his own plans; but having no information of Lord Cornwallis's designs, and perhaps not being apprised of this advantage it was not siezed by him.

Cambden is a small place with appearances of some new buildings. It was much injured by the British whilst in their possession.

After halting at one Suttons 14 M. from Cambden I lodged at James Ingrams 12 Miles farther.

Camden became an important outpost for the British army when it occupied South Carolina after the fall of Charleston in May 1780, and much fighting occurred in the vicinity during the ensuing 12 months. About 2:30 A. M. on 16 Aug. 1780 a British force under Lord Cornwallis and an American one under Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates, both advancing to attack the other at daylight, met by accident in the pine woods north of Camden. Cornwallis, although hampered by swamps on either flank and Saunders Creek less than a mile to his rear, deployed his troops, and at dawn British regulars attacked and routed the Virginia militia at the east end of Gates's position. The battle rapidly became a full-blown disaster for the Americans despite a courageous stand by Maryland Continentals under Johann Kalb (1721–1780), the Bavarian-born French army officer known as Baron de Kalb in America. Kalb, mortally wounded in the fighting, was buried at Camden. On the way out of town today, GW paused “a few minutes” at his grave ( Md. Journal [Baltimore], 17 June 1791; BOATNER [1], 159–70, 570–71; BOATNER [2], 456–58). The fortifications that GW viewed in Camden were built by the British after the battle of 16 Aug. 1780. Incorporated into the defenses were Joseph Kershaw's stockaded house, the local jail, and the town's powder magazine (BOATNER [2], 458–60). The battle between Nathanael Greene and Francis, Lord Rawdon, the young acting commander of British forces in South Carolina and Georgia, occurred 25 April 1781 at Hobkirk's Hill, a sandy ridge where Greene camped 0169 149 with his army to await reinforcements and supplies after finding Camden's defenses too strong for the force that he had on hand. Rawdon in a daring move assembled all available troops in Camden and made a surprise attack on the American camp about 10:00 A. M. on 25 April. Although several Continental units broke, the 5th Virginia Regiment held, enabling Greene to make a short orderly retreat. Rawdon, having failed to destroy the American army, abandoned Camden on 10 May. The British, Greene informed GW 14 May 1781, “left . . . with great precipitation after burning the greater part of their baggage and Stores and even the private property belonging to the Inhabitants. They also burnt the Gaol, mills and several other buildings, and left the Town little better than a heap of rubbish” (MiU-C: Greene Papers; BOATNER [1], 503–8; BOATNER [2], 458–59). William Loughton Smith of Charleston found Camden when he stopped there on 9 May 1791 to be “a pretty town of about seventy houses and some very good buildings,” but at the site of Gates's defeat, he noted, “the marks of balls against the trees” were still visible (SMITH [6], 75). Jasper Sutton of Lancaster County, stepfather of John Chesnut, settled near Granny's Quarter Creek about 1757. In 1790, according to the census, he held 17 slaves. James Ingrain of Lancaster County lived near Hanging Rock, a geological landmark south of present-day Heath Springs. The 1790 census credits him with 3 slaves (SALLEY [2], 27–28; HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 23, 25; KIRKLAND AND KENNEDY, 366; BOATNER [2], 478).

Friday 27th. Left Ingrams about 4 Oclock, and breakfasting at one Barrs 18 miles distant lodged at a Majr. Crawfords 8 Miles farther. About 2 miles from this place I came to the Corner where the No. Carolina line comes to the Rd. from whence the Road is the boundary for 12 Miles more. At Majr. Crawfords I was met by some of the Chiefs of the Cutawba Nation who seemed to be under apprehension that some attempts were making or would be made to deprive them of part of the 40,000 Acres wch. was secured to them by Treaty and wch. is bounded by this Road.

Nathan Barr of Lancaster County kept a tavern a short distance north of the present-day town of Lancaster. During the Revolution he served in the militia as a lieutenant. The head of a household of 11 whites in 1790, he held no slaves (SALLEY [2], 28; HEADS OF FAMILIES, S.C., 24). Robert Crawford (1728–1801) of Lancaster County, a militia officer during the War of Independence, lived on the north side of Waxhaw Creek. His household in 1790 consisted of 11 whites and 15 slaves (SALLEY [2], 28–30; S.C. Hist. & Geneal. Mag., 50 [1949], 57; HEADS Of FAMILIES, S.C., 23). The Catawba Indians were granted by the Treaty of Augusta in 1763 a tract of land 15 miles square in this part of South Carolina, a total of 144,000 acres embracing the sites of present-day Fort Mill and Rock Hill, S.C. Much of the tract the Catawba leased to white settlers for long terms, but as the settlers grew steadily in number, the Catawbas began to worry about the security of their land. In 1782 Catawba representatives appealed to the Continental Congress to protect their tract from forcible intrusion or alienation “even with their own consent.” Congress, deeming the problem to be a South Carolina one, referred it to the state's legislature, which in 1786 0170 150 took steps to safeguard the Catawbas' rights (BROWN [4], 250–51, 279–94). GW apparently did not interfere in this matter although the Catawba continued to press their case with him. Writing to Secretary of War James McHenry from Mount Vernon 18 July 1796, GW complained that “I have already, been incommoded, at this place, by a visit of several days, from a party of a dozen Cuttawbas; & should wish while I am in this retreat, to avoid a repetition of such guests” (NhD). The road on the boundary line between the two Carolinas followed that line for eight miles. It did not form part of the Catawba boundary line but did pass through the eastern corner of the tract before entering North Carolina (SALLEY [2], 28–29).

Saturday 28th. Sett off from Crawfords by 4 Oclock and breakfasting at one Harrisons 18 Miles from it & got into Charlotte, 13 miles further, before 3 oclock. Dined with Genl. Polk and a small party invited by him, at a Table prepared for the purpose.

It was not, until I had got near Barfs that I had quit the Piney & Sandy lands—nor until I had got to Crawfords before the Lands took quite a different complexion. Here they began to assume a very rich look.

Charlotte is a very trifling place, though the Court of Mecklenburg is held in it. There is a School (called a College) in it at which, at times there has been 50 or 60 boys.

GW apparently breakfasted with Isaiah Harrison of Mecklenburg County, N.C., who lived between McAlpine and Sixmile creeks a short distance southeast of present-day Pineville, N.C. In 1790 he was head of a household of seven whites and two slaves (RAY, 365, 367, 369, 380–81; HENDERSON, 287, n.2). Thomas Polk (c.1732–1794) of Mecklenburg County became a justice of the county when it was formed in 1762 and a commissioner and treasurer of Charlotte when it was established six years later. A colonel in the North Carolina line during the War of Independence, he was at Brandywine and Valley Forge but resigned in June 1778 after failing to obtain a desired promotion (Polk to GW, 26 June 1778, DNA: RG 93, Ms. File No. 14498). He was appointed Continental commissary of purchases for the southern army in 1780, and in Feb. 1781 Nathanael Greene designated him brigadier general of militia for the Salisbury, N.C., district. The General Assembly, however, consented to give him only the title of colonel commandant of the district, an action that prompted him to resign in May. Polk lived on a plantation on Sugar Creek near present-day Pineville and in 1790 owned 47 slaves (RAY, 358, 369, 380–81, 414). Charlotte, reported William Loughton Smith who visited there three weeks before GW did, “does not deserve the name of a town, it consists only of a wretched Court House, and a few dwellings falling to decay. There is a good tavern kept by Mason, where, however, I paid the dearest bill on the road” (SMITH [6], 74). There was a school at Charlotte chartered as Queen's College by the colonial assembly in 1771, and although the charter was subsequently disallowed by the crown, it remained open and was chartered by the state assembly in 1777 as Liberty Hall Academy. By 1780, however, this 0171 151 academy was in “an entire state of decay,” and four years later it was moved to Salisbury, N.C. (LEFLER AND NEWSOME, 135).

Sunday 29th. Left Charlotte about 7 Oclock, dined at a Colo. Smiths 15 Miles off, and lodged at a Majr. Fifers 7 Miles farther.

Martin Phifer, Jr. (1756–1837), of Mecklenburg County lived at Red Hill plantation on Irish Buffalo Creek, now in Cabarrus County, a short distance west of present-day Concord. Appointed captain of a company of North Carolina light horse by the General Assembly in April 1776, he was in Continental service from Mar. 1777 to April 1780. His household, according to the 1790 census, consisted of 7 whites and 16 slaves (HENDERSON, 294, n.3; HEITMAN [1], 327; HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 161).

Monday 30th. At 4 Oclock I was out from Major Fifers; and in about 10 Miles at the line which divides Mecklenburgh from Rowan Counties, I met a party of horse belonging to the latter, who came from Salisbury to escort me on. (It ought to have been mentioned also that upon my entering the State of No. Carolina, I was met by a Party of the Mecklenburgh horse—but these being Near their homes I dismissed them). I was also met 5 Miles from Salisbury by the Mayor of the Corporation, Judge McKoy, & many others; Mr. Steel, Representative for the district, was so polite as to come all the way to Charlotte to meet me. We arrived at Salisbury about 8 Oclock, to breakfast, 20 miles from Captn. Fifers. The lands between Charlotte & Salisbury are very fine, of a reddish cast and well timbered, with but very little under wood. Between these two places are the first meadows I have seen on the Road since I left Virga.; & here also, we appear to be getting into a Wheat Country.

This day I foundered another of my horses.

Dined at a public dinner givn. by the Citizens of Salisbury; & in the afternoon drank Tea at the same place with about 20 ladies, who had been assembled for the occasion.

Salisbury is but a small place altho' it is the County town, and the district Court is held in it; nor does it appear to be much on the encrease. There is about three hundred Souls in it and tradesmen of different kinds.

The Rowan County Troop of Horse was commanded by Capt. Montfort Stokes (1762–1842), a revolutionary veteran who later became a United States senator and governor of North Carolina. The mayor of Salisbury, Spruce Macay (McCay, McCoy, McKay, McKoy), was appointed a judge for the frontier counties of Washington and Sullivan in 1782 and in Dec. 1790 became a judge of the state superior court, a position that he retained until his death in 1808 (N.C. STATE REC., 16:175, 21:854). John Steele (1764–1815) 0172 152 of Salisbury served in the United States Congress 1789–93 and was appointed comptroller of the United States Treasury by GW in 1796. All three men were prosperous planters and slaveholders. In 1790 Stokes had 15 slaves, Macay 19, and Steele 16 (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 176). As GW entered Salisbury today, he “was saluted by about forty boys in uniform, who had chosen officers, and arranged themselves for that purpose,” and on arriving at his lodgings, he received a salute from the local artillery company. Breakfast is said to have been at Capt. Edward Yarborough's tavern on Main Street, and the public dinner and the tea at Joseph Hughes's Hotel (HENDERSON, 298–99, 302, 305–6; RUMPLE, 178–81). The dinner concluded with the customary patriotic toasts accompanied by the firing of cannon ( State Gaz. of N.C. [Edenton], 10 June 1791; HENDERSON, 303–4). An address from the inhabitants of Salisbury was presented to GW apparently during the morning. It and a copy of GW's reply are in DLC:GW. GW's impressions of Salisbury are confirmed by William Loughton Smith's remarks about the town in his journal. Salisbury, observed Smith who stopped there 6 May 1791, “consists of about forty or fifty straggling houses in an open pretty plain; it looks like a poor place and has but little business. The Court House is not half finished: the town contains about 300 inhabitants among them a great number of children” (SMITH [6], 74).

Tuesday 31st. Left Salisbury about 4 Oclock; at 5 Miles crossed the Yadkin, the principal stream of the Pedee, and breakfasted on the No. Bank (while my Carriages & horses were crossing) at a Mr. Youngs; fed my horses 10 miles farther, at one Reeds; and about 3 oclock (after another halt) arrived at Salem; one of the Moraviann towns 20 miles farther—In all 35 from Salisbury.

The Road between Salisbury & Salem passes over very little good land, and much that is different; being a good deal mixed with Pine, but not Sand.

Salem is a small but neat Village; & like all the rest of the Moravian settlements, is governed by an excellent police—having within itself all kinds of artizans. The number of Souls does not exceed 200.

From Salisbury GW was escorted by the Rowan County Troop of Horse to Long's ferry on the Yadkin River, where he crossed ( State Gaz. of N.C. [Edenton], 10 June 1791). The Yadkin and the smaller Uwharrie River join in Montgomery County, N.C., to form the Pee Dee River. Young and Reed lived in the part of Rowan County that later became Davidson County. There are several listings for each name in the 1790 Rowan County census (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 169, 172–76; RUMPLE, 118–22). On the road to Salem GW was met by three Moravian ministers who had ridden out to greet him, Frederic William Marshall, John David Koehler, and Christian Ludwig Banzien. As the party approached the town, “several tunes were played” by some of the community's renowned musicians,” partly by trumpets and French horns, partly by the trombones.” At the Salem Tavern on Main Street, where GW lodged, he stepped out of his chariot and, according to the town's official diary, “greeted those who stood around in a 0173 153 friendly manner, showing his good will especially to the children who were there. Then he talked on various matters with several Brethren who accompanied him to the room that had been prepared for him. At first he said that he was leaving in the morning, but when he heard that the Governor of this State had expressed a wish to wait on him the next day he decided to rest here over one day. He sent word to our musicians that he would like some music during his evening meal, and it was furnished to him” (Salem Diary, 1791, FRIES, 5:2324). Salem, now part of Winston-Salem, was founded by Moravian settlers in 1776 near two other North Carolina towns previously established by them, Bethabara and Bethania.

[June]

Wednesday June 1st. Having received information that Governor Martin was on his way to meet me; and would be at Salem this evening, I resolved to await his arrival at this place instead of halting a day at Guilford as I had intended.

Spent the forenoon in visiting the Shops of the different Trades Men—The houses of accomodation for the single men & Sisters of the Fraternity & their place of worship. Invited Six of their principal people to dine with me—and in the evening went to hear them Sing, & perform on a variety of instruments Church music.

In the Afternoon Governor Martin as was expected (with his Secretary) arrived.

Alexander Martin (1740–1807), governor of North Carolina 1782–85 and 1789–92, was a bachelor who lived at Danbury plantation on the Dan River in Rockingham County about 40 miles northeast of Salem. During the War of Independence he served as a colonel in the North Carolina line but resigned in Nov. 1777 after being tried for and acquitted of cowardice at the Battle of Germantown. Guilford Court House was 27 miles east of Salem. During the morning tour of Salem, GW was especially impressed by the waterworks, a system of pipes that brought water from nearby streams to every house in the town. At 2:00 P.M., a time set by GW, Rev. Frederic William Marshall read and presented him an address from the United Brethren of Wachovia, the official name of the North Carolina Moravians. GW “in the same manner gave his answer, couched in favorable terms” (Salem Diary, FRIES, 5:2324–25; SMITH [6], 73). The Moravian address dated 31 May 1791 is in DLC:GW; GW's answer is in NcWsM, and a copy in DLC:GW. Governor Martin accompanied GW to the “singstunde [song service] in the evening, the singing being interspersed with instrumental selections, and they expressed their pleasure in it. In the evening the wind instruments were heard again, playing sweetly near the tavern.” Music was also furnished for the dinner with the six Brethren (Salem Diary, 1791, FRIES, 5:2325). 0174 154 Many people from the neighborhood and the other Moravian congregations came to Salem to see GW during his stay in town, and according to the Salem diary, “the President gladly gave them opportunity to gratify their wish” (Salem Diary, FRIES, 5:2325).

Thursday 2d. In company with the Govr. I set out by 4 Oclock for Guilford. Breakfasted at one Dobsons at the distance of eleven Miles from Salem 1 and dined at Guilford 16 Miles farther, where there was a considerable gathering of people who had receivd notice of my intention to be 2 there to day & came to satisfy their curiosity.

On my way I examined the ground on which the Action between Generals Green and Lord Cornwallis commenced and after dinner rode over that where their lines were formed 3 and the scene closed in the retreat of the American forces 4 —The first line of which 5 was advantageously drawn up, and had the Troops done their duty properly, the British must have been sorely galded in their advance, if not defeated.

The Lands between Salem and Guilford are, in places, very fine; but upon the whole can 6 not be called 7 more than midling—some being very 8 bad.

On my approach to this place (Guilford) I was met by a party of light horse which I prevailed on the Governor to dismiss, and to countermand his orders for others to attend me through the State.

William Dobson of Stokes County ran a popular tavern at the site of present-day Kernersville, N.C., where he had settled about 1770. William Loughton Smith, who stopped at Dobson's tavern on the morning of 5 May 1791, reported that he “got a very good breakfast” there. Dobson, he added, “has a very decent house; his wife, who sat down to breakfast with me, is a huge fat woman of about eighty, whom he calls ‘Honey’ “ (SMITH [6], 72). Guilford Court House, established in 1774 as the seat of Guilford County, was designated 11 years later as site of the town of Martinville, but the small community that developed around the courthouse disappeared after 1809 when the county court moved to nearby Greensboro (ARNETT, 18). The battle at Guilford Court House occurred 15 Mar. 1781. Having evaded Cornwallis's regulars for three weeks, Nathanael Greene took a stand with his army on the road south of the courthouse and invited attack on the favorable terrain there. When the British advanced, the North Carolina militia in the center of the American front line fired one volley and fled in disorder, but the Continentals on the flanks and in the second line fought well, inflicting heavy casualties on the British until Greene ordered a withdrawal later in the day. Two days after the battle, Cornwallis, having won the field but at the cost of 532 dead and wounded out of a force of about 1,900 men, was obliged to begin retreating toward the coast (BOATNER [1], 460–71; BOATNER [2], 350–54). “Although the honors of the field did not fall to your lot,” GW wrote 0175 155 Greene 18 April 1781, “I am convinced you deserved them. The chances of War are various and the best concerted measures, and the most flattering prospects may, & often do deceive us, especially while we are in the power of Militia” (owned by Mr. Sol Feinstone, Washington Crossing, Pa.). In the manuscript of the diary for 2 June–4 July GW made many changes and corrections, inserting words between lines and crossing out parts of the text, apparently intending to recopy the diary. The changes consist primarily of corrections in grammar and syntax. Although a few of the changes were obviously made as GW was writing the entry, the majority of the revisions appear to have been made at a later time, probably after his return from his southern tour. GW's changes have been incorporated into the present text and the original wording of the corrected passages is indicated in numbered notes.

1.“from Salem” inserted above line.

2.“to be” substituted for “of being.”

3.“up” deleted.

4.“in the retreat of the American forces” inserted above line.

5.“which” substituted for “the American Troops.”

6.“can” inserted above line.

7.“be called” added above line.

8.“being very” inserted above line.

Friday 3d. Took my leave of the Governr. whose intention was to have atten[d]ed me to the line, but for my request that he would not; and about 4 Oclock proceeded on my journey. Breakfasted at troublesome Iron works (called 15, but which 1 is at least) 17 Miles from Guilford partly in Rain and from my information or for 2 want of it was obliged to travel 12 miles further than I intended to day—to one Gatewoods within two Miles of Dix' ferry over the Dan, at least 30 Miles from the Iron works.

The Lands over which I passed this day were of various qualities and as I approached the Dan, were a good deal covered 3 with pine.

In conversing with the Governor on the State of Politics in No. Carolina I learnt with pleasure that opposition to the Genl. Government, & the discontents of the people were subsiding fast and that he should, so soon as he received the Laws which he had written to the Secretary of State for, issue his proclamation requiring all Officers & members of the Governmt. to take the Oaths prescribed by Law. He seems to condemn the Speculators in Lands and the purchases from the State of Georgia, & thinks as every sensible & disinterested man must that schemes of that sort must involve the Country in trouble—perhaps in blood.

The Troublesome Iron Works, built by William Patrick in 1770, were on Troublesome Creek in southern Rockingham County, about a mile and a half north of present-day Monroeton (POWELL, [3], 500; BOATNER [2], 371–72). 0176 156 William Loughton Smith toured the works on 4 May 1791 and found that “the buildings, large reservoir of water, creek, and the people at work, with the noise of the machinery of the mills and the rapid currents which work them, have a pleasing and singular appearance just as you ascend the hill which overlooks them, after traveling a number of miles through the woods” (SMITH [6], 72). GW apparently lodged with Dudley Gatewood, of Caswell County, who in 1790 had been appointed one of the trustees responsible for extending the navigation of the Roanoke River above the falls (HEADS OF FAMILIES, N.C., 79; N.C. STATE REC., 25:107). Dix's ferry, located near the site of present-day Danville, Va., was established in 1766 to run from the land of John Dix (died c.1784) on the north side of the Dan River across to Lewis Green's land. By 1777 John Dix owned the land on both banks, and by 1791 the ferry had passed to Col. William Dix of Pittsylvania County, who also kept a tavern nearby (HENING, 8:193, 9:334–35; SMITH [6], 71). The Dan River is a main branch of the Roanoke.

1.“which” inserted above line.

2.“for” inserted above line.

3.“covered” substituted for “grown.”

Saturday 4th. Left Mr. Gatewoods about half after Six oclock and between his house & the Ferry passed the line which divides the States of Virginia and No. Carolina—dining at one Wisoms 16 Miles from the Ferry, lodged at Hallifax old Town. The Road from Dix' ferry to Wisom's, passes over very hilly (& for the most part) indifferent land, being a good deal mixed with pine though it is said here that 1 pine when mixed with Oak, & more especially with 2 hiccory is not indicative of a poor 3 Soil. From Wisom's to Hallifax old Town the Soil is good, & of a reddish cast.

Having this day passed the line of No. Carolina, and of course finished my tour thro' the three Southernmost States a general 4 description of them may be comprised in the 5 few following 6 words.

From the Sea board to 7 the falls of all the Rivers which water this extensive region, 8 the lands, except the Swamps, on the Rivers, and the lesser streams which empty into them; & the interval lands higher up the Rivers 9 is, with but few exceptions, neither more nor less 10 than a continued pine barren 11 very thinly inhabited. The part next the Sea board, for many miles, is a dead level & badly watered. That above it is 12 hilly & not much better watd. but 13 if possible, less valuable on account of its hilliness and because they are 14 more inconvenient to Market supposing them 15 as capable as the lands below 16 of producing 17 Beef Porke Tar, pitch & Turpentine. The Lands above the falls of the several 18 Rivers from information, and as far as 19 my own observation has extended, is of a very superior kind from these 20 being of a greasy red, with large oaks, intermixed with hiccory Chestnut 0177 157 &ca. producing, 21 Corn Tobo., Wheat, Hemp & other articles in great abundance & are generally 22 thickly inhabited comparitively speaking with those below.

In the lower Country (next the Seaboard) in the States of So. Carolina & Georgia, Rice, as far up as the low Swamps extend is almost the sole article that is raised for market; Some of the planters of which, grow 23 as much Corn as, with the Sweet Potatoes, support their people; The middle Country—that is—between the Rice lands and the falls of the Rivers & a little above them, is cultivated chiefly in Corn & Indigo and the upper Country in Tobacco, Corn, Hemp & in some 24 degree the smaller grains.

It is nearly the same in No. Carolina, with this difference however 25 that, as not much rice is planted there, especially in the Northern parts of the State, Corn, some Indigo, with naval Stores & Porke, are substituted in its place, but as Indo. is on the decline Hemp, Cotton &ca. are comg. in its place. 26

The Inland navigations of the Rivers of these three States, may be improved (according to the ideas I have formed of the matter) 27 to a very extensive degree—to great & useful purpose and at a very moderate expence compared with the vast utility of the measure; 28 inasmuch as the falls in all of 29 them are trifling and their lengths great; (quite to the Mountns.) 30 penetrating the Country in all directions by their lateral branches 31 and in their present State except at the falls wch. as has been observd before are trifling except that of the Pedee 32 navigable for vessels carrying sevl. Hhds. of Tobo. or other Articles in proportion.

The prices at which the Rice lands in the lower parts of the <st.> 33 are held is very great—those of them wch. have been 34 improved, comd. 35 from 20£ to 30£ Sterlg. £50 has been given for some and from £10 to 15 is the price of it 36 in its rude state. The Pine barrens adjoining these sell from one to two dollars pr. Acre 37 according to Circumstances. The interval Lands on the River below the falls, & above the Rice Swamps also command a good price but not equal to the abe. & the pine barrens less than those below. 38 The lands of the upper Country sell from 4 to 6 or 7 dollars according to the quality and Circumstances thereof.

In the upper part of No. Cara. Wheat is pretty much grown, & the Farmers seem disposed to try Hemp but the Land Carriage is a considerable drawback having between 2 & 300 Miles to carry the produce either to Chs. Town, Petersburgh or Wilmington wch. are their three great Marts though of late Fayettesville receives a gd. deal of the bulky Articles & they are 39 water borne from thence to Wilmington.

0178 158

Excepting the Towns, (and some Gentlemens Seats along the Road from Charleston to Savanna) 40 there is not, within view of the whole road I travelled 41 from Petersburgh to this place, a single house which has anythg. of an elegant appearance. They are altogether of Wood & chiefly of logs—some 42 indd. have brick chimneys but generally the chimnies 43 are of Split sticks filled with dirt between them.

The accomadations on the whole Road (except in the Towns, 44 and even there, as I was informed 45 for I had no opportunity of Judging, lodgings having been provided for me in them 46 at my own expence) we found extremely indifferent—the houses being small and badly provided either for man or horse; though extra exertions when it was known I was coming, 47 wch. was generally the case, were made to receive me. It is not easy to say on which road—the one I went or the one I came—the entertainment is most indifferent—but with truth it may be added, 48 that both are bad, and to be accounted for from the kind of travellers which use them; which with a few exceptions only on the uppr. Rd. 49 are no other than 50 Waggoners & families removing; who, generally, take their provisions along with them. The people however appear to have abundant means to live well the grounds where they are settled yielding grain in abundance and the natural herbage a multitude of meat with little or no labr. to provide food for the support of their Stock—especially in Georgia where it is said the Cattle live through the winter without any support from the owners of them.

The manners of the people, as far as my observations, and means of information extended, were orderly and Civil. And they appeared to be happy, contented and satisfied with the genl. 51 governmt. under which they were placed. Where the case was otherwise, it was not difficult to trace the cause to some demago[g]ue, or speculating character. In Georgia the dissatisfied part of them at the late treaty with the Ck. Indians were evidently Land Jobbers, who, Maugre every principle of Justice to the Indians 52 & policy to their Country would, for their own immediate emolument, strip the Indns. of all their territory if they could obtain the least countenance to the measure. But it is to be hoped the good sense of the State will set its face against such diabolical attempts: And it is also to be wished and by many it was said it might be expected—that the Sales by that State to what are called the Yazoo Companies would fall through.

The discontents which it was supposed the last Revenue Act 0179 159 (commonly known by the Excise Law) would create subside as fast as the law is explained and little was said of the Banking Act.

GW apparently dined today with Francis Wisdom (died c.1794) of Pittsylvania County (HEADS OF FAMILIES, VA., 42, 99; SMITH [6], 71). Halifax Old Town, established as Peytonsburg in 1759, lay south of Elkhorn Creek in eastern Pittsylvania County (GAINES [4], 6). “Halifax Old Town,” remarked William Loughton Smith who breakfasted there 3 May 1791, “has no other pretension to the name than by containing two or three old houses, inhabited by some wretched old women” (SMITH [6], 71). GW, nevertheless, found a tavern in which to lodge this night (Richard N. Venable Diary, ViHi). The town no longer exists. LATE TREATY WITH THE CK. INDIANS: See entry for 1 July 1790. YAZOO COMPANIES: See entry for 28 April 1790. LAST REVENUE ACT: “An Act repealing, after the last day of June next, the duties heretofore laid upon Distilled Spirits imported from abroad, and laying others in their stead; and also upon Spirits distilled within the United States, and for appropriating the same” (1 STAT. 199–214 [3 Mar. 1791]). BANKING ACT: “An Act to incorporate the subscribers to the Bank of the United States” (1 STAT. 191–96 [25 Feb. 1791]).

1.“here that” added above line.

2.“with” inserted above line.

3.“a poor” substituted for “the poverty of the.”

4.“general” inserted above line.

5.“the” substituted for “a.”

6.“following” inserted above line.

7.“the Sea board to” added above line.

8.“this extensive region” substituted for “these three States, quite to the sea board.”

9.“than the Rice swamps extend” deleted.

10.“neither more nor less” substituted for “no other.”

11.“with” deleted.

12.“That above it is” substituted for “The residue is more.”

13.“& not much better watd. but” substituted for “and.”

14.“less valuable on account of its hilliness and because they are” substituted for an illegible line; the rest of the substitution reads “because they are hilly & broken &.”

15.“supposing them” substituted for “if they are.”

16.“as the lands below” inserted above line.

17.“any Thing but” deleted.

18.“several” inserted above line.

19.“as far as” added above line.

20.“superior kind from these” substituted for “different kind.”

21.“yielding” inserted above line, however, GW did not cross out “producing.”

22.“generally” inserted above line.

23.“grow” substituted for “raise.”

24.“some” substituted for “a.”

25.“however” inserted above line.

26.“but as Indo. is on the decline Hemp, Cotton &ca. are comg. in its place” added at the end of sentence.

0180 160

27.“of the matter” inserted above line.

28.“the measure” substituted for “them.”

29.“in all of” substituted for “of.”

30.“quite to the Mountns.” added in parentheses above line.

31.“by their lateral branches” inserted above line.

32.“wch. as has been observd. before are trifling except that of the Pedee” inserted above line for an entry GW made illegible by marking through it.

33.“in the lower parts of the St.” inserted above line.

34.“those of them wch. have been” substituted for “that wch. is.”

35.“comd.” substituted for “is.”

36.“is the price of it” inserted above line.

37.“pr. Acre” inserted above line.

38.“& the pine barrens less than those below” inserted above line.

39.“they are” substituted for “is.”

40.Parentheses added before “and” and after “Savanna.”

41.“I travelled” inserted above line.

42.“some” substituted for “many.”

43.“the chimnies” substituted for “they.”

44.“in the Towns” substituted for “as before.”

45.“was informed” substituted for “am told.”

46.“in them” added above line.

47.“when it was known I was coming” substituted for “where I was expected.”

48.GW inserted “affirmed” above line but did not mark through “added.”

49.“on the uppr. Rd.” inserted above line.

50.“no other than” inserted above line.

51.“genl.” added above line.

52.“to the Indians” inserted above line.

Sunday 5th. Left the old Town about 4 Oclock A.M.; & breakfasting at one Pridies (after crossing Banister River 1½ Miles) abt. 11 Miles from it, came to Staunton River about 12; where meeting Colo. Isaac Coles (formerly a member of Congress for this district &) who pressing me to it, I went to his house about one mile off to dine and to halt a day, for the refreshment of myself and horses; leaving my Servants and them at one of the usually indifferent Taverns at the Ferry that they might give 1 no trouble, or be inconvenient to a private family.

The Banister River, a branch of the Dan River, was apparently crossed at a bridge near present-day Meadville, Va. (SMITH [6], 71). The Staunton River is the main branch of the Roanoke. “Pridie's,” where William Loughton Smith spent the night of 2 May 1791, was in his opinion “a sorry tavern; I had for company an idiot, the landlord's brother, who was himself but one remove from it, and I was waited on by an ugly broken backed old negro woman. My fare was indifferent, and . . . I was kept awake a great part of the night by bugs and fleas, and the united groaning and grunting of hogs under the window” (SMITH [6], 71). The landlord may be Richard Preddy (Priddy), of Halifax County, who appears in the census lists of 1782 and 0181 161 1785, or Robert Priddy for whom an inventory was recorded in the Halifax County court in 1795 (HEADS OF FAMILIES, VA., 23, 87; TORRENCE, 345). Isaac Coles of Halifax County (see entry for 26 Dec. 1789) probably met GW at Coles Ferry about ten miles southeast of present-day Brookneal, Va. Coles, observed William Loughton Smith in May, “is a man of genteel fortune, and has a pretty considerable plantation here, with other estates” (SMITH [6], 70).

1.“give” substituted for “be.”

Monday 6th. Finding my Horses fared badly at the ferry for want of Grass, & Colo. Coles kindly pressing me to bring them to his Pasture, they were accordingly brought there to take the run of it till night. Dined at this Gentlemans to day also.

The Road from Hallifax old Ct. Ho. or town to Staunton River passes for the most part over thin land a good deal mixed with Pine.

Tuesday 7th. Left Colo. Coles by day break, and breakfasted at Charlotte Ct. Ho. 15 Miles 1 where I was detained sometime to get Shoes put on such horses as had lost them. Proceeded afterwards to Prince Edward Court House 20 Miles further.

The Lands from Coles ferry on 2 Staunton to Charlotte Ct. Ho. are in genl. good; & pretty thickly settled. They are 3 cultivated chiefly in Tobo. wheat & Corn, with Oats & flax. The Houses (tho' none elegt.) are in genl. decent, & bespeak 4 good livers; being for the most part weatherboarded & Shingled, with brick Chimnies—but from Charlotte Ct. Ho. 5 to Prince Edward Ct. Ho. the lands are of an inferior quality with few 6 inhabitants 7 in sight of the Road. 8 It is said they are thick settled off it, the Roads by keeping the Ridges pass on the most indifferent ground.

Richard N. Venable (1763–1838), a Peytonsburg lawyer who was at Charlotte Court House on 6 June 1791, noted in his diary the “great Anxiety in the people to see Genl. Washington. Strange is the impulse which is felt by almost every breast, to see the face of a Great good man & one of whom we have heard much spoken” (Richard N. Venable Diary, ViHi). Established in 1765, Charlotte Court House remains the seat of Charlotte County (GAINES [2], 7). Prince Edward Court House, established 1754, was at the site of present-day Worsham, about six miles south of Farmville, the present county seat (GAINES [3], 41). Venable was at Prince Edward Court House today and reported that the way where GW was expected to pass was crowded with people “anxious to see the Saviour of their Country & object of their love” (Richard N. Venable Diary, ViHi).

1.“15 Miles” inserted above line.

2.“Coles ferry on” inserted above line.

3.“They are” substituted for “&.”

0182 162

4.“bespeak” substituted for “indicative of.”

5.“Ct. Ho.” added above line.

6.“or no” deleted.

7.“with” deleted.

8.“Tho” deleted.

Wednesday 8th. Left Prince Edward Ct. Ho. as soon as it was well light, & breakfasted at one Treadways 13 Miles off. 1 Dined at Cumberland Ct. Ho. 14 Miles further and lodged at Moores Tavern within 2 miles from 2 Carters ferry over James River.

The road from Prince Edward Court Ho. to Treadways was very thickly settled, although the land appeared thin, and the growth in a great degree pine, & from Treadways to Cumberland Ct. Ho. they were equally well settled on better land, less mixed, and in places not mixed at all, 3 with pine. The buildings appear to be better.

Cumberland Court House (now Cumberland, Va.) was established as the seat of Cumberland County in 1777. GW probably dined at the Effingham Tavern, a popular establishment opposite the courthouse (GAINES [5], 39–41; W.P.A. [4], 490). Carter's ferry became the site of Cartersville in Oct. 1790, when the Virginia General Assembly authorized trustees to lay out the town on 27 acres of land that John Woodson (d. 1793) owned at the south landing. Established in 1744, the ferry was originally designated to run between “the land of Ashford Hughes, on the north side of James river,” and “the land of Robert Carter” (apparently the deceased Robert “King” Carter) on the opposite shore, but by 1763 the land on both banks, including the ferry, belonged to the Hughes family, the family into which John Woodson married (HENING, 5:250, 6:16, 13:155, 171; WMQ, 1st ser., 11 [1902–3], 52–53).

1.“off” inserted above line.

2.“from” substituted for “of.”

3.“in” deleted.

Thursday 9th. Set off very early from Moores but the proper ferry boat being hauled up, we were a tedious while crossing in one of the Boats used in the navigation of the River; being obliged to carry one carriage at a time, without horses 1 & crossways the Boat on planks. Breakfasted at a Widow pains 17 2 Miles on the No. side of the River, and lodged at a Mrs. Jordans a private house where we were kindly entertained and to which we were driven by necessity having Rode not less than 25 miles from our breakfasting stage though very bad Roads in a very sultry day witht. any refreshments 3 & by missing the right road had got to it.

From the River to the Widow Pains, & thence to Andersons bridge over the North Anna Branch of Pamunky, the Lands are 0183 163 not good, nor thickly settled on the Road but are a good deal mixd. w. Pine; 4 nor does the Soil & growth promise much (except in places) from thence for several miles further; but afterwards, throughout the County of Louisa, which is entered after passing the Bridge, the River over which it is made dividing it from Goochland they are much better & continued so with little exception quite to Mrs. Jordons.

GW apparently breakfasted with Jane (Jean) Smith Chichester Payne of White Hall, Goochland County, widow of Col. John Payne (1713–1784), whom she married in 1757 ( Va. Mag., 6 [1898–99], 315–16, 427—38, 31 [1923], 174). GW's lodgings were at Jerdone Castle, home of Sarah Macon Jerdone of Louisa County, whose husband Francis Jerdone (1720–1771) had been a prominent merchant ( Va. Mag., 62 [1954], 208; WMQ, 1St ser., 6 [1897—98], 37–38). GW was mistaken about Anderson's bridge. It was on the South Anna River near the mouth of Deep Creek and lay entirely in Louisa County, being about a mile northeast of the Goochland County line. The South Anna roughly parallels the boundary between Louisa and Goochland but forms no part of it. The North Anna River, which GW crossed the next day, forms Louisa's northern border with Orange and Spotsylvania counties. Both the South and North Anna are branches of the Pamunkey River.

1.“without horses” added above line.

2.“17” substituted for “15.”

3.“witht. any refreshments” inserted above line.

4.“but are a good deal mixd. w. Pine” inserted above line.

Friday 10th. Left Mrs. Jordans early, & breakfasting at one Johnstons 7 Miles off reached Fredericksburgh after another (short) halt about 3 Oclock & dined and lodged at my Sister Lewis's.

The Lands from Mrs. Jordans to Johnsons, and from thence for several miles further are good but not rich afterwards (as you approach nearer to Rappahannock River) they appear to be of a thinner quality & more inclined to black Jacks.

GW reported to Tobias Lear that he arrived at Fredericksburg “in good health, but with horses much worn down” (GW to Lear, 12 June 1791, CSmH). BLACK JACKS: Quercus marilandica, blackjack oak, is adapted to barren and sterile soils.

Saturday 11th. After a dinner with several Gentlemen whom my Sister had envited to dine with me I crossed the Rappahannock & proceeded to Stafford Ct. House where I lodged.

Sunday 12th. About Sun rise we were off—breakfasted at Dumfries and arrived at Mt. Vn. to D.

0184 164

From 1 Monday 13th. until Monday the 27th. (being the day I had appointed to meet the Commissioners under the residence Act, at George town) I remained at home; and spent my time in daily rides to my severl. farms and in receiving 2 many visits.

1.“From” inserted at the beginning of the line.

2.“in receiving” substituted for “during it had.”

Monday 27th. Left Mount Vernon for George town before Six Oclock; and according to appointment met the Commissioners at that place by 9—then 1 calling together 2 the Proprietors of the Lands on which the federal City was proposed 3 to be built who had agreed to cede them on certain conditions at the last meeting I had 4 with them at this place but from some misconception with respect to the extension of their grants had refused to make conveyances and recapitulating the principles upon which my comns. to them at the former meeting were made and giving some explanations of the present State of matters & the consequences of delay in this business they readily waved their objections & agd. to convey to the utmost ex[t]ent of what was required.

After their meetings with GW in late March 1791 five of the landholders protested the large size of the proposed Federal City. GW called this meeting today to warn the owners, some of whom were speculators, that there might not be a capital there at all if they did not abide by their agreement (see entry for 30 Mar. 1791).

1.“at that place by 9—then” substituted for “and.”

2.“together” inserted above line.

3.“proposed” substituted for “intended.”

4.“I had” added above line.

Tuesday 28th. Whilst the Commissioners were engaged in preparing the Deeds to be signed by the subscribers 1 this afternoon, I went out with Majrs. L'Enfant and Ellicot to take a more perfect view of the ground, in order to decide finally on the spots on which to place the public buildings and to direct how 2 a line which was to leave out a Spring (commonly known by the name of the Cool Spring) belonging to Majr. Stoddart should be run.

THE SPOTS: GW accepted L'Enfant's suggestions for placing the Capitol “on the west end of Jenkins heights which Stand as a pedestal waiting for a monument,” while the president's house, “situated on that ridge which attracted your attention . . . will see 10 or 12 Miles down the potowmak,” thus “adding to the sumptousness of a palace the convenience of a house and the agreableness of a country seat” (L'Enfant to GW, 22 June 1791, DLC: L'Enfant Papers).

1.“to be signed by the subscribers” added in place of “for signing.”

2.“how” inserted above line.

0185 165

Original plan for the city of Washington (1800) from Kenneth W. Leish's White House, New York, 1972. (Boston Athenaeum)

Wednesday 29th. The Deeds which remained unexecuted yesterday were signed to clay and the Dowers of their respective wives 1 acknowledged according to Law.

This being 2 accomplished, I called the Several subscribers together and made known to them the Spots on which I meant to place the buildings for the P. & Executive departments of the Government and for the Legislature of Do. A Plan 3 was also laid before them of the City in order to convey to them general ideas of the City—but they were told that some deviations from it 4 would take place—particularly in the diagonal Streets or avenues, which would not be so numerous; and in the removal of the Presidents house more westerly for the advantage of higher ground. They were also told that a Town house, or exchange wd. be placed on some convenient ground between the spots designed for the public buildgs. before mentioned. And it was with much pleasure that a general approbation of the measure seemed to pervade the whole.

0186 166 On 22 June 1791 L'Enfant sent GW “the plan here anexed, for the Intended federal city,” regretting that “due to the shortness of time . . . together with the hurry with which I had it drawn” it was neither complete nor entirely accurate (DLC: L'Enfant Papers).

1.“of their respective wives” substituted for “of the several different.”

2.“done” deleted.

3.“Plan” inserted for “Map.”

4.“from it” inserted above line.

Thursday 30th. The business which brot. me to George town being finished & the Comrs. instructed with respect to the mode of carrying the plan into effect—I set off this morning a little after 4 oclock in the prosecution of my journey towards Philadelphia; and being desirous of seeing the nature of the Country North of Georgetown, and along the upper road, I resolved to pass through Frederick town 1 in Maryland & York & Lancaster in Pennsylvania & accordingly.

Breakfasted at a small village called Willamsburgh in which stands the Ct. House of Montgomerie County 14 M. from George Town. Dined at one Peters's tavern 20 2 miles further and arrived at Frederick town about Sun down—the whole 3 distance 43 miles.

The road by wch. I passed 4 is rather hilly, but the lands are good, and well timbered. From Monocasy to F. T. 4 Miles they are very rich & fine. 5 The Country is thicker 6 settled and the farm Houses of a better kind 7 than I expected to find. This is 8 well calculated for small grain of wch. a good deal is now 9 on the grd. but thin—owing as the farmers think 10 to the extreme drought of the Spring 11 though more, it appeared to me, to the frosts & want of Snow to cover their fds. during the Winter.

Williamsburg (now Rockville), Md., was established in 1784 but had been the site of the Montgomery County courthouse since 1777. Peter's tavern was on Bennett Run near present-day Urbanna, Md. Its proprietor may have been Enoch or Richard Peter of Frederick County, Md. (HOWARD & SHRIVER, MAP; HEADS OF FAMILIES, MD., 68, 72). GW arrived in Frederick at 7:25 P.M. “So sudden and unexpected was the visit of this amiable and illustrious character,” declared a newspaper account, “as to leave it entirely out of the power of the citizens to make the necessary preparations for his reception. On notice being given of his arrival, the bells of the Lutheran and Calvinist churches were rung—fifteen rounds from Cannon-Hill were discharged—and a band of music serenaded him in the evening. He was politely invited to spend the succeeding day in town; but answered (as an apology for not accepting the invitation), that public business obliged him to hasten to Philadelphia” ( The Mail, or Claypoole's Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 9 July 1791, BAKER [2], 224–25). GW is said to have lodged at Brother's tavern (DIARIES, 4:201, n. 3); Henry Brother was a tavernkeeper in Frederick in the 1790s (SCARF [3], 1:486–87). 0187 167

1.“town” added above line.

2.“20” substituted for “9.”

3.“the whole” inserted above line.

4.“by wch. I passed” added above line.

5.This sentence inserted above line.

6.“is thicker” substituted for “better.”

7.“and the farm Houses of a better kind” added above line.

8.“This is” substituted for “it, being.”

9.“is now” substituted for “was.”

10.“think” substituted for “thought.”

11.“of the Spring” inserted for “but.”

[July]

Friday July 1st. Received an Address from the Inhabitants of Frederick town and about 7 Oclock left it. Dined at one Cookerlys 13 Miles off & lodged at Tawny town only 12 Miles farther—being detained at the first stage by rain and to answer the address wch. had been presented to me 1 in the Morning. Tawny town is but a small place with only the Street through wch. the road passes, built on. The buildings are principally of wood. Between Cookerly's & this place we crossed the little & great Pipe Cks.—branches of Monocasy. 2 The latter (about half way betwn. them) 3 is a considerable stream and from its appearance capable of Navigation. The lands over wch. we travelled this day are remarkably fine—but, as was observed yesterday the fields were 4 thinly covered with grain—owing, as I conceive, to the cause already mentioned. The farm houses are good mostly of Stone 5 and the settlers compact with good Barns & meadows appertaining to them.

The address of the Frederick inhabitants and a copy of GW's answer are in DLC:GW. Cookerly's tavern, located at the site of present-day New Midway, Md., may have been operated by Jacob or John Cookerly of Frederick County, Md. (HOWARD & SHRIVER, MAP; HEADS OF FAMILIES, MD., 59, 61). Taneytown, Md., was founded about 1740.

1.“to me” added above line.

2.“branches of Monocasy” inserted above line.

3.“betwn. them” and parentheses inserted above line.

4.“the fields were” added above line.

5.“mostly of Stone” inserted above line.

Saturday 2d. Set out a little after 4 Oclock and in 1 abt. 6 Miles crossed the line wch. divides the States of Maryland & Pennsylvania— 2 the Trees on wch. 3 are so grown up 4 tht. I could not perceive the opening 5 though I kept a lookout for it. 9 Miles from Tawny town, Littles town is past, they are of similar appe. 0188 168 but the latter is 6 more insignificant than the former. Seven Miles farther we came to Hanover (commonly called McAlisters town) a very pretty village with a number of good brick Houses & Mechanics 7 in it. At this place, in a good Inn, we breakfasted and in 18 Miles more reached York Town 8 where we dined and lodged.

The Country from Tawny Town to York town 9 is exceedingly pleasant thickly inhabited 10 and well improvd. The dwelling Houses, Barns & meadows being good. After dinner in company with Colo. Hartley & other Gentlemen I walked through the principal Streets of the Town and drank Tea at Col. Hartleys. The Ct. Ho. was illuminated.

Littlestown, Pa., was founded in 1765 by the German settler Peter Klein; Hanover, Pa., was founded about 1763 by Col. Richard McAllister (d. 1795), a Scotch-Irish innkeeper who served in the Continental Army during the War of Independence. GW arrived at York about 2:00 P.M. and lodged at Baltzer Spangler's tavern on Market Street. He was greeted by the ringing of bells and a salute from the Independent Light Infantry Company commanded by Capt. George Hay. “In the evening,” reported one citizen, “there was a general illumination, and in the court house in each pane was set a light” (JORDAN, 46–48).

1.“with” deleted.

2.“but” deleted.

3.“on wch.” inserted above line.

4.“up” inserted above line.

5.“the opening” substituted for “it.”

6.“they are of similar appe. but the latter is” inserted above line.

7.“go Mechanics” added above line.

8.“Town” added at end of line.

9.“town” inserted above line.

10.“thickly inhabited” inserted above line.

Sunday 3d. Received, and answered an address from the Inhabitants of York town—& there being no Episcopal Minister present 1 in the place, I went to hear morning Service performed 2 in the Dutch reformed Church—which, being in that language 3 not a word of which I understood I was in no danger of becoming 4 a proselyte to its religion 5 by the eloquence of the Preacher.

After Service, accompanied by Colo. Hartley & half a dozen other Gentlemen, I set off for Lancaster. Dined at Wrights Ferry where I was met by Genl. Hand 6 & many of the principal characters of Lancaster 7 & escorted to the town by them, arriving 8 abt. 6 oclock.

The Country from York to Lancaster is 9 very fine, thick settled, and well cultivated. About the ferry they are extremely 10 rich. 0189 169 The river Susquehannah at this place is more than a mile wide and some pretty views on the banks of 11 it.

The address from the citizens of York and a copy of GW's reply are in DLC: GW. The church service was at the German Reformed Church on Market Street that burned six years later (JORDAN, 47). Wright's ferry, established by the Quaker settler John Wright after his arrival in 1726, crossed the Susquehanna River to Columbia, Pa., the town laid off by his grandson Samuel Wright in 1788. This area was one of several proposed in 1789 as the site of the new national capital (ESPENSHADE, 42, 201–11). Edward Hand (1744–1802), physician, politician, and former major general in the Continental service, was appointed an inspector of revenue earlier this year by GW (Hand to GW, 18 April 1791, DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters). The time of GW's arrival in Lancaster, according to one of the town's residents, was 6:30 P.M. “The colors,” she reported, “were fixed in the cupola of the Court House, and all the Bells rung at his entrance” (LANDIS [2], 222).

1.“ present ” inserted above line.

2.“performed” added above line.

3.“that language” substituted for “Dutch <illegible>.”

4. “becoming” substituted for “being ad.”

5.“religion” added above line.

6.“Genl. Hand” inserted above line.

7.“Lancaster” substituted for “that place.”

8.“arriving” substituted for “whence I arrived.”

9.“in general” deleted.

10.“extremely” inserted above line for “very.”

11.“the banks of” added above line.

Monday 4th. This being the Anniversary of American Independence and being kindly requested to do it, I agreed to halt here this day and partake of the entertainment which was preparing for the celebration of it. In the fore noon I walked about 1 the town. At half passed 2 oclock I received, and answered an address from the Corporation and 2 the complimts. of the Clergy of different denominations. Dined between 3 & 4 Oclock. Drank Tea with Mrs. Hand about

“This morning before day the cannon was fired, the drums beat and fifes played” (LANDIS [2], 222). The address from the inhabitants of Lancaster is in DLC:GW, and GW's answer is in PHi: William Smith Papers. A copy of the reply can also be found in DLC:GW. The dinner was held in the Lancaster County courthouse. The tea given by Catharine Ewing Hand (d. 1805) was apparently attended by a number of the town's ladies (LANDIS [2], 222). With this entry GW's account of his southern tour ends. He returned to Philadelphia on 6 July 1791, his approach being announced as it had been so often during the past weeks “by the firing of cannon, and the ringing of bells” ( Dunlap's American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 7 July 1791).

1.“about” substituted for “down.”

2.“received” deleted.

Whiskey Insurrection September–October 1794

Editorial Note. GW's brief journal for 30 Sept.–20 Oct. 1794 records his journey from Philadelphia to western Pennsylvania with the militia raised to suppress the so-called Whiskey Insurrection that erupted in the fall of 1794 in the Pennsylvania counties of Westmoreland, Fayette, Washington, and Allegheny. The Excise Act, passed by Congress 3 Mar. 1791, had imposed substantial duties on domestically distilled spirits and provided an elaborate system for efficient collection. 1 Under the law the United States was divided into fourteen districts or surveys, each under a supervisor of the revenue. Inspectors were to be appointed for each district to serve under the supervisor and an elaborate system of penalties and forfeitures was devised to deal with infractions of the law. Considered as a necessary revenue measure by the Federalists, the legislation did not have an easy passage through Congress. Such antiadministration congressmen as Josiah Parker maintained that the excise would “convulse the Government; it will let loose a swarm of harpies, who, under the denomination of revenue officers, will range through the country, prying into every man's house and affairs, and like a Macedonian phalanx bear down all before them.” In Sen. William Maclay's view the measure was “the most execrable system that ever was framed against the liberty of a people. . . . War and bloodshed are the most likely consequence of all this.” 2

Public opposition to the collection of the excise was evident before 1794. Popular enough with affluent easterners, the laws

1 An Act repealing, after the last day of June next, the duties heretofore laid upon Distilled Spirits imported from abroad, and laying others in their stead; and also upon Spirits distilled within the United States, and for appropriating the same” (1 STAT. 199–214 [3 Mar. 1791]). Two additional acts, passed in 1792 and 1794, supplemented the original Excise Act: “An Act concerning the Duties on Spirits distilled within the United States” (1 STAT. 267–71 [8 May 1792]); and “An Act making further provision for securing and collecting the Duties on foreign and domestic distilled Spirits, Stills, Wines and Teas” (1 STAT. 378—81 [5 June 1794]).

2 ANNALS OF CONGRESS, 2: 1891–92; MACLAY, 375–76, 377.

0191 171 evoked only sullen compliance in western counties of the southern and middle states where small distilleries abounded and there were large numbers of individually operated stills. Already disenchanted with the course of events under the new government—the drain of specie to the east, an Indian policy considered ineffectual by frontier areas, the operation of the militia laws, failure to open the Mississippi to western trade—westerners made the excise law the focus for dissatisfaction.

Sporadic outbreaks of opposition in 1792 prompted GW to issue a proclamation, 15 Sept. 1792, condemning activities that tended “to obstruct the operation of the laws of the United States for raising a revenue upon spirits distilled within the same.” 3

Over the next two years opposition continued to grow, with much of the agitation centered in the four western counties of Pennsylvania—Washington, Westmoreland, Fayette, and Allegheny—constituting the state's federal Survey No. 4. Beginning peacefully enough with petitions and memorials requesting repeal, in July 1794 the situation suddenly erupted into violence. The immediate cause of the outbreak was the attempt by federal revenue officers to serve processes issued by the United States District Court at Philadelphia against distillers who had not registered the previous year. One of the provisions of the excise law which westerners found most obnoxious was the requirement that such cases be tried in a district court, usually held at a considerable distance from the residence of the accused. Although legislation was pending to remedy the situation, United States Marshal David Lenox was sent to western Pennsylvania to serve the processes under the original law. He presented the documents without incident in Fayette, Cumberland, and Bedford counties, but in Westmoreland on 15 July 1794 while he was accompanied on his rounds by Col. John Neville, inspector of the revenue for Survey No. 4, he met armed opposition. Quickly serving as many of his processes as possible, he retreated to Pittsburgh. Somewhat later in the day, Neville's house on Bower Hill was attacked by

3 The proclamation appeared in the National Gazette, 29 Sept. 1792. For opposition to the excise before the summer of 1794, see Hamilton to GW, 5 Aug. 1794, DLC: Hamilton Papers; FINDLEY; BALDWIN [3], 76–104; HAMILTON [2], 12:305–10, 311–13, 330–33, 336–42, 344–47. On 24 Feb. 1794 GW issued another proclamation offering a reward for the apprehension of members of a band of armed men who had attacked the collector for Westmoreland and Fayette counties ( Pittsburgh Gaz., 22 Mar. 1794).

0192 172

Title page of Hugh H. Brackenridge's account of the Whiskey Insurrection, from Washington's library. (Boston Athenaeum)

0193 173 a group of armed men and Neville appealed for state militia to put down the rioters. On 17 July the house was again attacked and this time burned. 4

Word of the violence quickly reached Philadelphia, and on 2 Aug. GW and members of the cabinet met with Gov. Thomas Mifflin and state officials Jared Ingersoll, attorney general, Thomas McKean, chief justice, and Alexander Dallas, secretary of the commonwealth, to consider whether the situation warranted calling out the Pennsylvania militia—a step the state officials plainly opposed. 5 According to an account by Secretary of State Edmund Randolph, the cabinet advised GW to present information on the violence in Westmoreland to one of the associate justices of the Supreme Court or to the district judge of Pennsylvania. “This step was urged by the necessity of understanding without delay all the means, vested in the President for suppressing the progress of the mischief. A caution, however, was prescribed to the attorney—general, who submitted the documents to the judge; not to express to him the most distant wish in the President, that the certificate should be granted.” GW decided the documents should be presented to Associate Justice James Wilson. Hamilton advised that if Wilson issued the required certificate, “it will follow that a competent force of Militia should be called forth and employed to suppress the insurrection and support the Civil Authority.” A “competent force” appeared to Hamilton to be 12,000 militia. Since Mifflin had stated in the 2 Aug. conference that Pennsylvania's militia forces would be inadequate, Hamilton advised that New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia also be requested to furnish troops. Associate Justice James Wilson issued the required certificate on 4 Aug. stating that the evidence laid before him indicated that “in the counties of Washington and Alleghany in Pennsylvania, Laws of the United States are opposed, and the Execution thereof obstructed by Combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary

4 For the attacks on Bower Hill, see BALDWIN [ 3 ], 110–28; Hamilton to GW, 5 Aug. 1794, DLC: Hamilton Papers; FINDLEY, 84–91.

5 PA. ARCH., 2d ser., 4:122–24. Probably the best account of the progress of the insurrection to the beginning of August is Hamilton's lengthy and detailed description of events in his letter to GW of 5 Aug. 1794, DLC: Hamilton Papers. The letter was printed in Dunlap and Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser [Philadelphia], 21 Aug. 1794.

0194 174 Course of judicial Proceedings, or by the Powers vested in the Marshal of that District.” 6

On 7 Aug. GW issued a proclamation recapitulating the events in Pennsylvania's western counties and, citing as his authority the 2 May 1792 Militia Act, stated his determination “under the circumstances of the case, to take measures for calling forth the Militia . . . and I have accordingly determined to do so, feeling the deepest regret for the occasion, but withal, the most solemn conviction, that the essential interests of the Union demand it.&