GEORGE WASHINGTON BICENTENNIAL EDITION

THE WRITINGS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON

From the Houdon Bust , modeled from life at Mount Vernon in 1785. Here reproduced by permission of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union

THE WRITINGS OF George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources 1745–1799

Prepared under the direction of the United States George Washington Bicentennial Commission and published by authority of Congress

John C. Fitzpatrick , Editor

LC

Volume 1 1745–1756

United States Government Printing Office Washington

PRINTED JANUARY, 1931

LC LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RECEIVED APR 5 1932 DIVISION OF DOCUMENTS

FOREWORD

The people of the United States are justly proud of their literary men and women. They likewise are proud of their outstanding statesmen. Literary power and statesmanship were combined in George Washington, the greatest political leader of his time and also the greatest intellectual and moral force of the Revolutionary period. Everybody knows Washington as a quiet member of the Virginia Assembly, of the two Continental Congresses, and of the Constitutional Convention. Few people realize that he was also the most voluminous American writer of his period, and that his principles of government have had more influence on the development of the American commonwealth than those of any other man .

Unfortunately, Washington for many years was interpreted to his countrymen chiefly through warped biographies written upon a great deal of legendary assumption. Until very recently no readable biography of George Washington in reasonable compass made him stand for what he was—the most potent human and intellectual force in a firmament of American intellect. Nowadays good biographies of Washington are available, written from the sources. Many of them are devoted to a particular phase of his activity—the military side, the political side, the personal side. Hence when the United States George Washington Bicentennial Commission began its work it did not attempt to inspire new biographies. It selected as its most important literary duty the making Washington better known, by spreading abroad his own thoughts and plans and hopes and inspirations in the exact form in which he framed them .

Thus one of the first decisions of the Commission was to provide an edition of Washington's writings as complete as 0006 iv possible, in a form which would make it available for the present generation and forever hereafter. Of the two previous editions of Washington's Writings the first, a hundred years ago, was the twelve-volume edition, edited by Jared Sparks, a pioneer in collecting and publishing historical documents. Proper canons in historical editing were not yet developed, and it hurt the feelings of Sparks if the great man misspelled or seemed to him ungrammatical. Therefore the Sparks edition can not be relied upon to tell us what Washington actually did say. The edition of Worthington C. Ford, forty years ago, was scholarly and carefully edited, but materials were then lacking for a complete edition, the production was limited by commercial considerations, and it is now out of print .

The Commission has set out to publish a definitive edition of all the written and printed words of George Washington in the form in which they left his hands, including several volumes of General Orders, almost the whole of which up to now had remained in manuscript only. Most of his original writings of every kind are fortunately preserved in the Library of Congress. Other libraries and private owners of manuscripts have permitted photostats to be made for inclusion in the great publication. When this series is completed, therefore, almost the whole of his reported thoughts will be within the reach of readers, investigators, and writers .

The George Washington Commission takes great satisfaction in rendering this public service; for as the publication of the new series progresses it will become more and more clear that the reputation of George Washington as a soldier, statesman, and man is enhanced by the record of everything that he is known to have committed to pen and paper .

One deviation has been made from the plan of including all of Washington's writings in this edition. The Diary has been recently published by a skillful editor, enlivened by interesting 0007 v notes. It has therefore been left out of the new set. On the other hand, the General Orders, which are of great significance for the history of the Revolution, are now for the first time made available in print, and will be distributed in the order of their dates .

What is the message from Washington revealed by this complete and scholarly edition? First of all it includes Washington's own graphic records of his experiences on the frontier while it was still in the possession of the Indians. Throughout the series will be found letters and documents showing that he was the American of his time who had the liveliest sense of the absolute necessity of occupying the West and making it a part of an American commonwealth .

The materials on his activity as a man of affairs, which are here brought into relief, bring home to the reader the picture of Washington as a landowner, land developer, and land cultivator. A much neglected side of his character is Washington as an engineer. His countrymen have not realized how modern he was in his engineering operations—as reclaimer of the Dismal Swamp; as advisor and engineer of the Potomac and James River Canal; as the first advocate of a combined highway and waterway from the Atlantic Coast to the Ohio River; as a bank director; as an investor; as one of the earliest Americans to recognize the possibilities of power transportation by water; and the first to suggest that air navigation might be very useful to the people of the United States .

What Washington says for himself will also be the foundation of our appreciation of his great abilities and immense services as the leader of the Continental Army. He was a thoroughly modern soldier, intensely interested in drill and tactics and plans of campaign, but equally unwearied in recruiting and supply and offecering and in maintaining the morale of his troops. All the efforts to show that Washington had no 0008 vi military genius will fade away under the searchlight of this publication of his military material, much of it for the first time

If nothing had been written by others about Washington's leadership in forming a new nation, his papers and correspondence while President would forever establish him as a great constructive statesman. His private virtues are set forth from the earliest boy's letters down to the last entry that he made in his diary. Washington with his wife's children and grandchildren stands out as dearly as Washington at Yorktown .

The United States George Washington Bicentennial Commission is undertaking to throw light upon the character of Washington in many ways. None will be more enduring than this collection of his own words and thoughts. The addresses, the pageants, the public meetings, and the memorials of every kind which the Commission will encourage and support, will call public attention to the most striking of the events in his life. But a hundred years after 1932, Washington will still be appealing to the sense, the interest, the public spirit, and the patriotism of that later age, by the great thoughts of his mind, by his great hopes for his country, and by the simple, straightforward, elevated, manly, and patriotic spirit of which these Writings will be the imperishable record .

President of the United States .

Chairman of the George Washington Bicentennial Commission .

Washington , D. C., November 19, 1930 .

UNITED STATES GEORGE WASHINGTON BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION

President of the United States

HERBERT HOOVER

Chairman

Vice President of the United States , Charles Curtis

Speaker of the House of Representatives , Nicholas Longworth

United States Senate

Simeon D. Fess , Vice Chairman Ohio

Arthur Capper Kansas

Carter Glass Virginia

Lee S. Overman North Carolina

House of Representatives

Willis C. Hawley Oregon

John Q. Tilson Connecticut

Joseph W. Byrns Tennessee

R. Walton Moore Virginia

Presidential Commissioners

Mrs. Anthony Wayne Cook Pennsylvania

Mrs. John Dickinson Sherman Colorado

Henry Ford Michigan

George Eastman New York

C. Bascom Slemp Virginia

Wallace McCamant Oregon

Albert Bushnell Hart Massachusetts

Bernard M. Baruch New York

Executive Committee

The Senate and House Commissioners

C. Bascom Slemp

Mrs. Anthony Wayne Cook

Bernard M. Baruch

Historian

Prof. Albert Bushnell Hart

Associate Directors

Representative Sol Bloom

Lieut. Col . U.S. Grant , 3D

Executive Secretary

William Tyler Page

ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON THE WRITINGS

Dr. J. Frankin Jameson , Chairman

Chair of American History and Chief of Manuscripts Division Library of Congress

Professor Randolph G. Adams

Librarian William L. Clements Library

University of Michigan

President J. A. C. Chandler

William and Mary College

Dr. Tyler Dennett

Editor, United States Department of State

Dr. Charles Moore

Chairman United States Commission of Fine Arts

George W. Ochs-Oakes, Esq.

Editor, New York Times

Brigadier General John M. Palmer

United States Army, Retired

Victor H. Paltsits

Chief of Manuscript Department New York Public Library

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Foreword iii

Introductory note xxxv

1745

School exercises 1

1748

Journey over the mountains 5

1749

To Lawrence Washington, May 5 Health—Journey to Williamsburg—Ferry at the Rappahannock farm. 13

1749–50

To John— 14

To Robin— 15

To Sally— 16

To Richard— 17

To Mrs. Lawrence Washington Arrival of Lawrence Washington in England. 18

To Lord Fairfax Surveying. 18

Memorandum 18

Poetry 19

Memorandum 20

1751–52

Barbadoes Journal 20

1752

To William Fauntleroy, Sr., May 20 22

0012 xii

1753–54

Journey to the French commandant 22

Speech to Indians at Logstown 24

Memorandum 31

1754

To Robert Dinwiddie, Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, March 9 Difficulties encountered in recruiting—Need of clothing for soldiers. 31

To William Fairfax, March 22 Assembling of militia. 33

To Richard Corbin, March Asks for commission as lieutenant colonel. 34

To Robert Dinwiddie, March 20 Acknowledges the commission—About to march—As to promotions. 35

Journal of march toward the Ohio, March–April 36

Speech to the Indians at Wills Creek 38

To Governor Dinwiddie, April 25 Ward's surrender—Speech to the Half King—Difficulties encountered on his march—The council of war—Attitude of the Indians. 40

To Horatio Sharpe, Governor of Maryland, April 27 Surrender of Ensign Ward to French—Progress of his march—Apology for writing. 43

To Robert Dinwiddie, May 9 Difficulties of transporting stores—Reinforcements of French—The southern Indians 45

To Robert Dinwiddie, May 18 Activity of the French—The Half King—As to a road to Red Stone Creek—Requests some treaty goods. 47

To Robert Dinwiddie, May 18 Discontent of the officers—Desires to serve voluntarily—Clogs upon the expedition. 49

Speech to the Half King 51

To Colonel Joshua Fry, May 23 Slow progress of the advance—Strength of the French—Demands of the Indians—Letter from the Half King. 52

To Robert Dinwiddie, May 27 News from the Half King—Retreat to the Meadows—Arrival of Gist—Services of the Indians must be purchased. 53

0013 xiii

Journal, May 27 55

To Colonel Joshua Fry, May 29 58

To Robert Dinwiddie, May 29 No intention of resigning command—The question of pay—Would prefer to serve as a volunteer—British and Virginia officers compared—Combat with the French—Death of Jumonville; his instructions and conduct—Sense of the Half King—To arouse the Indians—Awaiting an attack—The prisoners sent to Winchester. 59

To Robert Dinwiddie, May 29 French cadet prisoners—The Jumonville affair. 68

To John Augustine Washington, May 31 Fight at the Great Meadows—Is fortifying himself—The Mingoes expected—Escaped unhurt 70

To Robert Dinwiddie, June 3 Arrival of the Half King—French negotiations with the Indians—Scalps sent to Indian tribes—Montour's services—Intelligence from French deserters. 71

To Robert Dinwiddie, June 10 Appointment of Innes—Disputes as to relative rank. 74

To Robert Dinwiddie, June 12 Deficiency in supplies—Movement of the Indians—Intelligence from Fort Duquesne—Promotions suggested—Peyrouny—Court-martial of Captain Trent—Arrival of Captain Mackay, and questions of rank. 76

Journal—Speech to the Indians, June 18–21 84

To William Fairfax, August 11 Resolution of the Virginia council—Impossibility of performance—Want of provisions—No recruiting money—Little dependence on traders for supplies 89

To Colonel James Innes, August 12 March to join him. 95

To Robert Dinwiddie, August 20 Army matters requiring attention—Commissions for officers—Deserters and martial law. 96

To Robert Dinwiddie, August 21 Recommends Mr. Wright—Unequal cost of county musters. 98

To Thomas Lee, August Navigation of the Potomac. 100

To Robert Dinwiddie, September Recruiting—Soldiers' accounts. 102

0014 xiv

To the Speaker of House of Burgesses, October 23 Reply to thanks of the House. 103

To the Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Burgesses Reply of officers of Virginia Regiment. 103

To Colonel William Fitzhugh, November 15 Cannot return to service—Reduction of officers. 104

1755

To Robert Orme, March 15 Thanking the General for appointment, which he accepts. 107

To Robert Orme, April 2 Condition of accepting appointment. 109

To John Robinson, April 20 Motive for joining the expedition—His losses at Fort Necessity—Asks recompense. 112

To William Byrd, April 20 Reason for serving under General Braddock. 113

To Carter Burwell, April 20 Financial losses in the service. 114

To William Fairfax, April 23 Meeting of governors at Alexandria. 116

To Mrs. George William Fairfax, April 30 Opening a correspondence. 117

To William Fairfax, May 5 Joins General Braddock—Reasons for the route taken by the army. 118

To Thomas, Lord Fairfax, May 6 Requests a loan. 119

To John Augustine Washington, May 6 His journey to camp—Relations with the General—The horse Gist. 119

To Mrs. Mary Washington, May 6 Meeting with Braddock. 120

To Mrs. John Carlyle, May 14 Opening a correspondence. 121

To Major John Carlyle, May 14 Absurdity of route taken by army—Delays. 121

0015 xv

To Mrs. George William Fairfax, May 14 The General at Alexandria—Prospect of delay—Is sent to Williamsburg. 122

To John Augustine Washington, May 14 Boots—Little prospect of an advance—French engaged by Governor Shirley—Relations with the General—Incidents of journey. 123

To Colonel Augustine Washington, May 14 Meeting with Braddock—Sent to Colonel Hunter for money. 124

Memorandum, May 15 125

To John Hunter, May 16 Money for the expedition. 125

To Mr. Belfour, May 16 Need of money. 126

To Robert Orme, May 22 Efforts to obtain money. 126

Memorandum, May 22 127

To Robert Orme, May 23 Money. 128

Memorandum, May 27 128

To John Augustine Washington, May 28–30 Character of militia—Severe drought—Suggests his nomination as burgess. 128

Memorandum, May 30 131

To William Fairfax, June 7 Arrival at camp—Impatience of the General—Assistance from Pennsylvania—Troops about to march—News from the north. 133

To George William Fairfax, June 7 Horses. 135

To Mrs. Mary Washington, June 7 Butter—Her visit to Mount Vernon. 135

To Major John Carlyle, June 7 March of the troops. 136

To Mrs. John Carlyle, June 7 Correspondence. 137

To Mrs. George William Fairfax, June 7 Correspondence. 137

0016 xvi

To John Augustine Washington, June 7 Movement of the troops—Camp sickness. 138

To John Augustine Washington, June 14 Plantation affairs. 139

To Samuel Washington, June 14 Deep Run tract. 141

To John Augustine Washington, June 28 Is taken with fever and compelled to leave the army—The troops discard baggage—Council of officers—His opinion requested, and accepted Position of Dunbar's troops—No letters from his friends—News from the army. 141

To Robert Orme, June 30 Advance of Dunbar's regiment—Prospect of his joining the General. 146

To Colonel James Innes, July 2 Forwarding letters; illness. 147

Memorandum, July 9 147

To Colonel James Innes, July 15 Provision for receiving the General. 148

To Robert Dinwiddie, July 18 Braddock's defeat—Conduct of the Virginia troops—Cowardice of the regulars—The killed and wounded—Consequence of the defeat—Dunbar's hasty retreat. 148

To Mrs. Mary Washington, July 18 Braddock's defeat. 150

To John Augustine Washington, July 18 Rumor of his death—On his way to Mount Vernon. 152

To Robert Orme, July 28 Arrival home. 153

To Benjamin Grymes, July 31 Missing property. 154

To Robert Jackson, August 2 Reflections on the defeat. 155

To Augustine Washington, August 2 Offers his services—His former experiences—Operations suggested. 156

To Each County Lieutenant in the Northern District, August 2 Militia muster. 158

0017 xvii

To Colin Campbell, August 2 Militia muster. 158

To Mrs. Mary Washington, August 14 Reasons for accepting a command. 159

To Warner Lewis, August 14 Unable to journey to Williamsburg—Is not inclined to offer his services—Powers and responsibilities of the commander—Difficulties to be encountered. 159

To Charles Lewis, August 14 Coming campaign. 163

General Instructions for the Recruiting Officers of the Virginia Regiment, September 3 163

To Lieutenant Austin Brockenbrough, September 3 Orders. 166

To Captain Peter Hogg, September 6 Orders. 166

To Major Andrew Lewis, September 6 Orders. 167

Memorandum, September 6 168

To Charles Dick, September 6 His resignation. 168

Orders for Commissary Charles Dick, September 6 169

Instructions for Major Andrew Lewis, September 6 170

To Captain Robert Spotswood, September 6 Orders. 171

Memorandum 171

To Robert Dinwiddie September 11 Recruiting—Suggestions for supplying troops. 171

Memorandum 174

To Captain David Bell, September 15 Orders. 175

Memorandum 175

Orders, Fort Cumberland, September 17, 18 175–177

To Captain Joshua Lewis, September 18 Orders. 178

0018 xviii

Orders, Fort Cumberland, September 19 178

To Captain Andrew Montour, September 19 Employment of Indians. 180

To Commissary Charles Dick, September 20 Orders. 180

Instructions to Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, September 20 181

Memorandum 182

To Captain Peter Hogg, September 24 Orders. 182

Memorandum 184

To Captain Thomas Waggener, October 3 Orders. 184

To Francis Triplett, Cadet, October 3 Orders. 184

To Major John Carlyle, October 3 Orders. 185

Memorandum 185

Orders, Fredericksburg, October 5 185

To Captain Henry Woodward, October 6 Orders. 186

Orders to Ordinary Keepers, on Captain Woodward's Route to Fort Cumberland, October 6 Orders. 187

Memorandum 187

To Robert Dinwiddie, October 8 Recruiting—Lack of a Militia law—Money required. 188

To John Robinson, October 8 Frontier situation. 190

To Major Andrew Lewis, October 8 Orders. 190

To Captain Thomas Waggener, October 8 Orders. 191

To Colonel Henry Lee, October 8 Orders. 191

0019 xix

To Major John Carlyle, October 8 Need of Militia. 192

To Captain Thomas Waggener, October 8 Orders. 192

Memorandum 193

To Captains William Cocke and John Ashby, October 10 Orders. 193

To Captain William Vance of the Militia, October 10 Orders. 194

Impress Warrant, October 10 195

Orders for the Recruits of the Two Companies of Rangers, October 10 195

To Colonel Thomas Bryan Martin, October 10 196

Instructions to Commissary Jones, October 10 196

To Andrew Montour, October 10 Inviting him to join the army—Will reward him suitably. 197

To Christopher Gist, October 10 Appointment to command. 198

To the Officer Appointed to Receive the Recruits at Alexandria, October 10 Instructions. 199

Orders Given to Captain John Harden, Commanding the Militia; and Lieutenant John Lemon, Commanding the Rangers, at Winchester, October 11 200

To Robert Dinwiddie, October 11 Raising militia forces—Orders disobeyed—Distress of the inhabitants —Necessity of a military law—Reported incursion of Indians—State of the back settlements—Need of a commissary. 200

Advertisement, October 13 208

To Captain John Ashby, October 14 Orders. 209

Orders, Winchester, October 14, 15 209, 210

To Major John Carlyle, October 16 Supplies. 211

0020 xx

To Lieutenants John Hall and John King, October 16 Orders. 211

To Captain William Peachy, October 16 Orders. 212

Orders, Winchester, October 16, 17 212, 213

To Governor Dinwiddie, October 17 Necessity of conciliating the Indians—Methods adopted by the French—Progress of recruiting. 214

Orders, October 18 Winchester. 216

Orders to Captain Christopher Gist, October 18 Orders. 217

To Robert Calender, October 20 Assistance to Gist. 218

To Commissary Jones, October 20 Orders. 218

To the Commanding Officer of the Troops Which Shall Arrive Here from Fredericksburg and Alexandria, October 20 Orders. 219

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, October 20 Orders. 219

To Commissary Charles Dick, October 20 Orders. 220

To Major John Carlyle, October 21 Wagons. 220

Orders to Captain William Cocke, October 23 221

To George William Fairfax, October 23 Stations of troops. 221

Evening Orders, Pearsall's, October 23 222

To Lieutenant Bacon, October 26 Orders. 222

Orders, Fort Cumberland, October 26 223

To Commissary Allen McLean, October 26 Orders. 224

Orders, Fort Cumberland, October 27 225

0021 xxi

To Major Andrew Lewis, October 27 Orders. 225

To Captains William Cocke and John Ashby, October 27 Orders. 226

Orders, Winchester, October 28 227

To Ensign William Fleming, October 28 Orders. 228

To Captain David Bell, October 28 Orders. 228

To Captain Peter Hogg, October 28 Instructions. 229

To Lieutenant Richard Bacon, October 28 Orders. 230

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, October 29 Orders. 230

To Commissary Charles Dick, October 29 Orders. 232

Orders, Winchester, October 29 232

To Captain Robert Spotswood, October 31 Orders. 233

To Paymaster Alexander Boyd, November 1 Pay of troops. 234

To Commissary Thomas Walker, November 11 Orders. 235

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, November 18 Obedience to be enforced—Reward for deserters—Commissioners to the Cherokees. 235

To Captain Robert Stewart, November 18 Orders. 238

To Lieutenant Austin Brockenbrough, November 18 Orders. 238

To Paymaster Alexander Boyd, November 18 Orders. 239

To Ensign Dennis McCarthy, November 22 Recruiting conduct. 239

0022 xxii

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, November 28 Provisions—Fort Cumberland—Command of forces—Negligence of recruiting officers. 240

To Captain Peter Hogg, November 28 Desertions—Supplies—Pay for troops. 242

Orders, Alexandria, December 3 243

To Captain Joshua Lewis, December 3 Orders. 243

Memorandum 244

To Captain William Bronaugh, December 3 Orders. 244

To Commissary Thomas Walker, December 3 Beef—Purchase of provisions. 245

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, December 3 Erection of fort opposite Cumberland—Desertions—Embassy to Indians—Pay—Recruiting directions. 246

To Paymaster Alexander Boyd, December 3 Orders. 248

To Robert Dinwiddie, December 5 Captain Dagworthy—Need of a mutiny act—Supplies and recruitment—Deserters. 248

To Lieutenant George Frazier, December 5 Orders. 252

To Richard Washington, December 6 Opening a business correspondence—Supplies wanted—Invoice of goods. 253

To Captain Robert Stewart, December 8 Instructions. 255

To Doctor James Craik, December 16 Orders. 255

Orders, Winchester, December 20–25 256, 257

To Major Andrew Lewis, December 27 Orders. 258

To Captain Peter Hogg, December 27 Recruiting allowances—Stoppages—Mutiny and desertion act—Pay for troops—Carpenters and smiths—Recruiting. 258

Orders, Winchester, December 28 261

0023 xxiii

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, December 28 Shirley's opinion on Dagworthy's claim—Recruiting accounts—Pay—Exercise of troops. 261

To Captain William Cocke, December 28 Orders. 263

To Captain John Ashby, December 28 Ashby's wife—Clothing. 264

Orders, Winchester, December 30, 31 265, 266

To Captain Christopher Gist, December 31 Orders. 267

1756

Orders, Winchester, January 3 267

To Robert Hunter Morris, Governor of Pennsylvania, January 5 Obtaining intelligence—Inactivity of Pennsylvania—Vigorous measures needed. 268

Orders, Winchester January 6–9 Address to Officers of the Virginia Regiment, January 8. 269–276

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, January 9 Orders. 276

To Captain Thomas Waggener, January 9 Orders. 278

To Captain Robert Stewart, January 9 Orders. 280

To Alexander Boyd, January 10 Orders. 280

Orders, Winchester, January 10 281

Instructions for Commissary Thomas Walker, January 10 282

To Captain Peter Hogg, January 10 Discharges and recruiting accounts—Surgeon—Military matters. 283

To Robert Dinwiddie, January 13 Expedition against the Shawnee Town—Forts to be constructed—Changes suggested in government of army—Appointments. 285

To Robert Dinwiddie, January 14 Dagworthy's neglect of orders—Proposes to visit Governor Shirley—Dagworthy's pretensions examined. 288

0024 xxiv

To Captain Charles Lewis, January 27 Dagworthy—Advice. 291

To Lieutenant George Frazier, January 27 His duty. 292

To Commissary Thomas Walker, February 1 Command dispute—Stores. 293

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, February 1 Punishment of deserters—To visit Boston—Directions to be enforced in his absence. 294

To Robert Dinwiddie, February 2 Want of artillery—Commission for holding courts-martial. 296

Notes on Journey to Boston, February 4–March 14 298

To Robert Dinwiddie, April 7 Incursion of the enemy—Vigorous measures called for—Inhabitants should be called in—Failure of Major Lewis's expedition—Death of Douville; his instructions. 300

To John Robinson, April 7 Frontier situation—Reinforcements—Indian warfare. 304

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, April 7 Measures to protect the frontier. 306

To Lieutenant John Blagg, April 7 Orders. 307

To Captain David Bell, April 8 Orders. 308

To Robert Hunter Morris, April 9 Attack by French and Indians—Union of colonies—Resignation suggested. 309

To Captain David Bell, April 10 Orders. 310

Orders, Winchester, April 12 311

To Robert Dinwiddie, April 16 Recruiting—The situation—Formation of Virginia Regiment—Draft. 311

To John Robinson, April 16 Timidity of inhabitants prevents pursuit of Indians—A plan for organizing army—Marksmen only should be drafted. 314

To Captain John Mercer, April 17 Orders. 316

0025 xxv

To Robert Dinwiddie, April 18 Representations against the Virginia troops. 317

To Robert Dinwiddie, April 19 Defeat and death of Mercer. 318

To Captain Henry Harrison, April 19 Orders. 319

To Lord Fairfax, April 19 Need of militia. 320

To Lieutenant William Stark, April 20 Ammunition—News from Ashby's Fort. 321

To Ensign Edward Hubbard, April 20 Orders. 322

Orders, Winchester, April 21 322

To Lord Fairfax, April 21 Need of militia. 323

To the Commanding Officers of Prince William and Fairfax Urging on the militia. 323

To Captain Henry Harrison, April 21 Orders. 324

To Robert Dinwiddie, April 22 Distress of the inhabitants—Again urges vigorous measures—Ashby's letter and reported move of the Indians. 324

Advertisement, April 22 327

To Captain Henry Harrison, April 23 Orders. 327

To Ensign Edward Hubbard, April 23 Orders. 328

To Robert Dinwiddie, April 24 Alarm of the inhabitants—Militia called out—Indians should be employed—Dishonorable cabals in neighborhood. 329

To John Robinson, April 24 Charges against troops—The proposed chain of forts—Reasons for a defensive campaign—Position of Fort Cumberland—Location of others. 331

To Captain David Bell, April 25 Orders. 336

0026 xxvi

To Captain Henry Harrison, April 26 Orders. 337

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, April 26 Orders. 337

To John Robinson, April 27 Chain of forts discussed—Fort proposed at Winchester—Panic of the people. 338

To Robert Dinwiddie, April 27 Deserted condition of frontier settlements—Indians are useful—A fort at Winchester—Disadvantageous position of Fort Cumberland. 340

Orders, Winchester, April 29 344

Memorandums Respecting the Militia 344

Orders, Winchester, May 1, 2 353, 354

To Robert Dinwiddie, May 3 Indians have retired—Militia should be ordered back—A definite plan of operations should be formed—Disposal of forces a disadvantage—Mutiny act criticized. 354

To Captain Robert Stewart, May 3 Orders. 358

Evening Orders, Winchester, May 3 359

To Captain Henry Woodward, May 4 Orders. 360

To Captain John Dalton, May 4 Orders. 360

To Captain James Hamilton, May 4 Orders. 361

Orders, Winchester, May 4 361

To Captain Nicholas Minor, May 4 Orders. 362

To Captain Henry Woodward, May 5 362

To Lieutenant William Stark, May 7 Orders. 363

To Captain Robert Stewart, May 8 Pay—Sick—Recruits—Stores. 364

Orders, Winchester, May 9 365

To Captain Robert Stewart, May 10 Tools—Ten Tents—Surgeon. 366

0027 xxvii

To Captain William Cocke, May 12 Orders. 367

To Lieutenant Colonel Henry Peyton, May 12 Orders. 368

Council of War, May 14 369

Orders for the Militia, May 15 371

To Captain Nicholas Minor, May 16 Orders. 372

To Captain Thomas Waggener, May 16 Orders. 373

To Colonel Henry Peyton, May 16 Orders. 373

To Captain William Woodford, May 16 Orders. 374

To Captain John Field, May 17 Orders. 375

To Captain Nicholas Minor, May 17 Orders. 375

To Colonel Henry Peyton, May 17 Orders. 376

To Captain James Hamilton, May 17 Orders. 377

To Alexander Boyd, May 18 Accounts—Soldiers' pay. 377

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, May 18 Chain of forts—Accounts—Reward and punishment—Stores—Drinking and swearing—Indians. 379

Advertisement, May Return of inhabitants to their farms. 384

To Robert Dinwiddie, May 23 Desertion among militia; two examples—Associators expected—Short terms of service under new levies—Progress in the construction of forts. 385

Evening Orders, Winchester, May 26 389

To Captain Robert Stewart, June 2 Virginia troops not to be marched out of the colony—Pay. 389

To Captain William Cocke, June 4 Provisions—Cowardice of men. 390

0028 xxviii

To Captain Charles Lewis, June 4 Orders—Swearing and drinking. 391

To Robert Dinwiddie, June 25 The chain of forts—Drafts of militia—Maryland builds a fort. 392

Orders, Fort Cumberland, July 6–12 395, 398

To Captain Robert McKenzie, July 13 Orders. 398

To Captain Thomas Waggener, July 13 Placed in command of company to construct forts. 399

Instructions for Captain Peter Hogg, July 21 400

To Captain Peter Hogg, July 21 Accounts—Reprimand—Clothing—Recruiting allowance—Conduct—Tools. 402

Memorandum, July 21 405

Orders, Winchester, July 21 406

To Captain John McNeill, July 21 Enlistments—Orders. 406

To Major John Baylis, July 21 Orders. 407

To Captain Thomas Waggener, July 21 Fort plans—Warns against surprise. 407

Orders, Winchester, July 22 408

To Captain Robert Stewart, July 22 Plans of forts inclosed—Location of proposed forts described—Visit of Indians. 409

To Captain Robert Stewart, July 27 Tools—March Fort gate—Surgeon. 411

To Captain Thomas Waggener, July 29 Fort building—Protection of inhabitants—Supplies. 412

Orders, Winchester, July 304 13

Speech to the Tuscaroras, August 1 414

To Robert Dinwiddie, August 4 Council of officers on location of forts—Defeat of Rutherford——Enlistment of servants—Weakness of regiment—Desertion—Reenlisting—Indians. 415

0029 xxix

To John Robinson, August 5 Question of accounts—Fort Cumberland; its disadvantageous location—Payment for apprehension of deserters—Payment of soldiers—Dissatisfaction. 424

To Captain Thomas Waggener, August 5 Distribution of forces. 435

To Colonel Adam Stephen, August 5 Allotment of troops—Discrepancy in returns. 436

To Captain Robert McKenzie, August 5 Stations of troops—Supplies—Returns. 438

Orders, Winchester, August 7, 8 440–442

To Captain-Lieutenant John McNeill, August 12 Orders. 442

To Robert Dinwiddie, August 14 Demand for reinforcements—Opinion of council of war—Murders of the inhabitants—Reported attack on Port Cumberland—Requests leave of absence. 443

Address to his command 446

To Lord Fairfax, August 29 Position of the back settlements—His weakness—Need of a company. 447

Orders, Winchester, August 30 449

Answers in Major Stevens's case, August 451

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, September 6 Dinwiddie on Fort Cumberland—The Southern Indians—Loss of a horse, and directions as to strays. 453

To Captain Thomas Waggener, September 6 Returns—Enlistment of servants—Beef—Training. 457

To Captain David Bell, September 6 Rangers—Barracks. 459

To Robert Dinwiddie, September 8 As to enlisting servants—Rangers and Indians—Deserters—Frontiers should be protected. 460

To Robert Dinwiddie, September 23 Matters concerning the Virginia regiment—Fort Cumberland—The new chain of forts—Number of troops required—Regulation of publicans. 466

Morning Orders, Winchester, September 23–25 472, 473

0030 xxx

To Mrs. George William Fairfax, September 23 Making of shirts. 473

To Robert Dinwiddie, September 28 Appointment of a commissary—The new forts. 473

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, September 28 Repairing fort—Wagons. 275

To Mrs. George William Fairfax, September–October Journey to Williamsburg. 476

To Robert Dinwiddie, October 10 Indian matters—Examination of forts—Condition of the militia. 477

To Major David Lewis, October 18 Criticizing his refusal to comply with a request for troops. 481

To Lieutenant Colonel Adam Stephen, October 23 Dinwiddie on Fort Cumberland—Council of officers ordered—Offensive campaign to be preferred. 482

Orders, Winchester, October 23, 28 485, 486

Speech to Captain Johnne, Catawbas, October 28 486

Remarks on the Council of War, November 5 487

Location of the Forts, November 9 490

To Robert Dinwiddie, November 9 Inspection of forts—Disadvantages of militia—The garrisons—Wretched state of inhabitants—Vigorous campaign urged—Indians—Rewards for taking up deserters—Council on forts. 492

To John Robinson, November 9 Militia—Timidity of militia—Inability of Virginia Regiment to protect inhabitants—Plan of defense—Mutiny and desertion—Panic on the frontier—Use of Indians. 499

Orders, Winchester, November 9 507

To Robert Dinwiddie, November 24 Explains terms in letter which Governor criticized. 507

To Robert Dinwiddie, December 2 Effects of the governor's orders—Stores at Fort Cumberland—Drafts of militia. 511

To Robert Dinwiddie, December 4 Wholesale desertion; the plot disclosed. 515

To Captain John McNeill, December 7 Enlistment of servants. 516

0031 xxxi

To Captain Abraham Bosomworth, December 8 Enlistment of a deserter. 518

To Robert Dinwiddie, December 10 Capture of deserters—Recruiting servants—Condition of soldiers. 518

To the Commanding Officer on the South Branch, December 13 Waste of provisions. 520

To Captain William Bronaugh, December 17 Orders. 521

To Captain Robert Stewart, December 17 Rank dispute. 522

To Robert Dinwiddie, December 19 The governor's orders—Matters relating to the troops—Lord Loudoun's letter examined. 522

To John Robinson, December 19 The governor's orders—Lord Loudoun prejudiced—Money needed. 527

Instructions to Captain George Mercer, December 530

To John Robinson, December Assembly incensed against the regiment—Difficulties of his position—Is willing to resign—Characters of officers. 531

To the Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Burgesses, December 533

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

The Houdon bust of Washington Frontispiece

School exercises Facing page 2

Map of journey to French commandant Facing page 31

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

For the past century all we have known of the George Washington manuscripts has been the less than fifty per cent of them that have been published since his death. The first extensive publication was by Jared Sparks, president of Harvard College, in 1834–1837, in twelve volumes, and the second by Worthington C. Ford, in 1889–1893, in fourteen volumes. Sparks printed upwards of twenty-five hundred letters and documents; Ford, by eliminating many that Sparks printed, and including new material, added about five hundred to the total, so that both Ford and Sparks together have published from three to four thousand only of Washington's letters. (An actual count of the total number of letters and documents written or signed by Washington has never been made, but a conservative estimate would place the number at from eight to ten thousand.) Neither of these editions is satisfactory, though they have been for years the available basis of our knowledge of George Washington. Ford's work was hampered by the exigencies of commercial restrictions. Sparks suffered from an editorial hypnosis to which it is unnecessary now to call attention, as his peculiar theory of editing aroused controversy at the time and has been thoroughly discredited. It is hopelessly at variance with accepted canons of historical ethics. A comparison of the textual exactness of this Bicentennial Edition with any of the important letters printed in Sparks 0034 xxxvi will make the matter clear. Fifty-two years after Sparks came Ford's new edition of Washington's Writings, free from Sparks's editorial tampering with the original text. This edition, though but two volumes more than Sparks's, because of a closer adherence to the originals, a judicious selection, and inclusion of additional material, became at once the standard. Practically all of the published biographies of Washington have been based upon this less than fifty per cent of Washington's writings and not upon research in his surviving manuscripts. The lives of Washington by John Marshall, Jared Sparks, Washington Irving, and Worthington C. Ford are about the only biographies that have been prepared from Washington's original papers. A number of valuable studies of special phases of Washington's activities have been published in recent years, based upon painstaking research among the original records; but, in general, the numerous lives of our First American are the product of a complacent examination of the letters printed by Sparks and Ford.

The present publication of Washington's Writings by the United States Bicentennial Commission on the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of George Washington is a fulfillment of the fundamental purpose of the Commission to develop a clearer understanding, realization, and knowledge of George Washington by making available all of his essential writings, unhampered by the commercial limitations necessarily existent in all private publishing enterprises. Practically all of the letters printed by Sparks and Ford are included herein, and corrected by the original texts.

All of Washington's general orders of the Revolutionary War are included in this Bicentennial Edition. Only a small number of the orders have been heretofore published, in widely separated places, and this complete publication of them 0035 xxxvii chronologically with the letters presents a clearer picture of the military side of the Revolution.

Extra care has been taken where these originals are in Washington's handwriting, and such documents are starred (*). Where letters are in draft form and in the writing of a secretary, alterations made by Washington therein are duly noted. Strict adherence to the original text has disclosed new and valuable information as to Washington's character upon which it is not the province of the editor to enlarge; but he ventures to call attention to one of many interesting developments: In a number of the Colonial-period letters, dealing with various military difficulties, tobacco shipments and sales, will be found an intensity of feeling which interferes with Washington's clarity of expression, while the letters devoted to less moving subjects are not so drivingly reckless of syntax.

Few established facts of history will be greatly disturbed by this comprehensive publication, but the new information as to Washington's personality, found in these hitherto unpublished letters, and bringing those formerly published into exact textual accord with the originals, discloses how far afield biographers of Washington have wandered. Even in so small a point as spelling, this publication will furnish instructive study to those who wish to follow Washington's progressive improvement, not only in etymology but in syntax as well. Criticism of Washington's spelling, like other criticism of the man, is due to lack of knowledge of the facts. The worst spelling will be found in the Colonial letters, but even a superficial examination of the letters of his contemporaries will show that Washington, while no better a speller, was often no worse than his friends. Governors of Virginia, such as Dinwiddie and Fauquier, British generals like Forbes and Sir John St. Clair, the Speaker of the Virginia House of Burgesses, Jefferson, and 0036 xxxviii Madison were no whit more perfect, according to twentieth-century standards. Washington “spelled like a gentleman”— and the gentlemen of those early days were not good spellers. It seems proper to mention at this point the much-referred-to action of Washington in improving, in his later years, the phraseology of some of his early letter-book records.

Strangely enough, it has not been noticed that these early letter books, which are entirely in Washington's handwriting and corrected by him, have been recopied by an amanuensis (who incorporated Washington's corrections) into another record made nearly thirty years later . Both the correcting and copying were done at Mount Vernon, after the Revolutionary War, and appear to be Washington's temporary surrender to the pressure brought to bear upon him to allow a life of himself to be written. He had steadfastly refused to permit this, and declined to entertain the suggestion of David Humphreys that he write his own life. But the corrections and recopying justify the assumption that Washington did, for a time, attempt to put his papers in shape for a biographical contingency. The correction of his early letters has been made the occasion of criticism and an implied charge of egoism which can not be made to lie against any other period of his life. Instead of being an attempt to disguise his early letter-writing deficiencies, the full facts show it to be nothing but a common-sense editing to make the texts plain for his nephew, Robert Lewis, who recopied them into volumes. Coupled with this was, more than likely, a desire to bring all his letters into mechanical uniformity with the beautiful Varick Transcripts of his Revolutionary War correspondence.

This 1784–85 copying (the date is difficult to fix exactly) was none too carefully made, and does not seem to have been closely compared with the originals. Whether or not these 0037 xxxix originals, some of which have survived, were destroyed by Washington himself as valueless, after the 1784–85 copying, or whether they disappeared in one of the many later accidents that have happened to the Washington manuscripts, can not be known, but their nonexistence is regrettable. It thus curiously developed that pressure to obtain a biography of Washington may have been the cause of destruction of valuable biographical material. Although the Washington Papers in the Library of Congress are probably ninety-eight per cent of those that have survived, difficulties exist in gathering and selecting the material for a comprehensive edition of his writings. The missing two per cent has been diligently sought, and much of it recovered and made available through the photo, static process; but any given letter of Washington may exist in several different forms, and, during the Revolutionary War, these forms are sometimes as many as five distinct records. There is (1) the draft by Washington or his secretary; (2) a letter-book copy (in Colonial times, a letter book in Washington's handwriting, and sometimes a second letter-book copy made at a later date); (3) the Varick Transcripts of the Revolutionary War correspondence; (4) the transcript made in the office of the Secretary of the Continental Congress of such letters as were sent to that body; and, finally, (5) the actual letter that was signed and sent. Each one of these forms varies in minor verbal particulars (the human vagaries of the different copyists), and, even if it were possible to show these variations in type, the value of so doing is decidedly questionable. In this dilemma preference has been given, first, to the text of the letter as sent, wherever that text has been available; second, to the draft in Washington's writing, or the draft corrected by him; and, third, to the contemporary letter-book record, as the most exact duplicate of the letter sent.

0038 xl

“Item To my nephew Bushrod Washington I give and bequeath all the papers in my possession, which relate to my Civil and Military Administration of the Affairs of this Country: I leave to him also, such of my private papers as are worth preserving; and at the decease of my Wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and bequeath my library of Books and Pamphlets of every kind.”

This extract from Washington's will marks the beginning of the second important phase in the story of the Washington manuscripts. The first was, naturally, the creative period, when the papers were being brought into existence, and in this first phase there are many minor points of interest in such matters as paper economies, sealing wafers, quills, penmanship and ink, secretarial indorsements, and filing methods. The Washington manuscripts were bequeathed by Bushrod Washington to his nephew, George Corbin Washington, from whom they were acquired by the United States Government in two purchases in the years 1834 and 1849. The first lot, which consisted of the larger part of the manuscripts and many printed books, was obtained for $25,000; the second purchase secured the remaining manuscripts for $20,000. Just why a division of the papers was made and what was the distinction drawn at the time is not entirely clear, but some notion of a separation of the official or public papers from Washington's private and personal ones seems to have been an influence. This peculiarly childish idea operated in the acquirement of other groups of papers of American statesmen and has caused considerable vexation, difficulties, and loss, both financial and historical, to the Government and the Nation. The officially stated purpose in purchasing the Washington Papers was to complete the Government's records; but the official care exercised in the transaction, in the physical transfer of the papers into Government custody, does not bespeak the existence of an active sense 0039 xli of responsibility in this regard. While it is regrettable that the transaction was not handled more meticulously, it is a matter of rejoicing that no great calamity has overtaken the papers since they were obtained by the Government, for they form to-day the noblest group of American historical personal papers extant.

The total price paid for the Washington Papers, $45,000, is small in comparison with the value of these manuscripts in the autograph market to-day. Any single one of a dozen selected documents would sell for more than $45,000 could it be legally offered for sale at the present time, so that from the crude commercial viewpoint alone the Government's wisdom in purchasing these manuscripts is beyond question; their historical value to the American people is demonstrated by the use made of them. The annual records of the Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress show that for years historians and students of the beginnings of America have been consulting the Washington manuscripts oftener than those of the many other prominent characters whose papers are in the custody of that division.

The Washington Papers now fill over four hundred volumes of manuscripts. Curiously, too, this tremendous mass of written records (at a conservative estimate 75,000 folios), which normally would have presented many difficult problems of arrangement and classification, has maintained a simple integrity that typifies in a clean-cut way the career of the man it records.

Physically these records may be visualized as grouped in:

1. Bound notebooks and diaries; many in their original bindings.

2. Bound account books.

3. Bound letter record books.

4. Letterpress copies.

5. The Varick Transcripts, in original bindings.

6. Drafts of letters from and original letters to Washington.

0040 xlii

Numbers 4 and 6 were repaired, mounted, and placed in temporary bindings by the Library of Congress nearly thirty years ago, and fill two hundred and ninety-nine volumes. This is an artificial and arbitrary grouping of the records; a natural grouping that presents Washington's life activities with satisfactory clearness is:

1. Juvenile school exercises.

2. Survey notes and memoranda.

3. Account books.

4. Diaries.

5. Business correspondence:

(a) Mount Vernon management.

(b) Landholdings.

6. Military records:

(a) French and Indian War.

(b) Revolutionary War.

(c) War with France, 1798–99.

7. Presidential records.

8. Personal miscellany:

(a) Family.

(b) Friends.

(c) Political.

The earliest papers, the school exercises and letters, survive by mere chance; the diary habit, early acquired and steadily adhered to throughout life, is an example of characteristic carefulness of record, and Washington's official experience with the royal governor, Robert Dinwiddie, early taught him the need for record care. His difficulties with the English factors and merchants, over tobacco sold and invoices of goods purchased, still further developed Washington's appreciation of record value, and the vast number of long invoices of goods in his writing are a monument to his business exactitude. Another important revelation is that many of the difficulties encountered by Washington during the Revolutionary War, 0041 xliii in supplying the troops, in enlisting recruits, in enforcing discipline, and even in the personal jealousies and conflicting ambitions of his officers, were only reproductions, on a larger scale, of precisely the same problems with which he had struggled in his career as a Colonial colonel on the Virginia frontier, and parallel them with surprising exactness.

The Revolutionary War period and Washington's election as Commander in Chief of the Continental Army marks the beginning of the second important phase, or period of record-creation, in Washington's career, and the evolution of a recording and filing system among the many hectic activities of the Continental Army Headquarters is an interesting study. The letters written at the beginning of the war were drafted by the aides-de-camp and laboriously copied into homemade, rudely manufactured letter books; but by 1776 the correspondence had become so voluminous and involved that the letter-book method broke down, was discarded, and the simple one of filing the drafts of letters written was adopted. These drafts were drawn up by an aide or secretary from a rough memorandum by Washington, a verbal direction, or, in some instances, were written out by Washington himself. This latter, if no changes, erasures, or interlineations had been made, became the letter that was sent, after a secretary had taken a copy for the file. If changes were made the altered draft became the record copy, from which a fair copy was drawn, signed by Washington, and sent. Instances when the letter sent is marred by pen corrections are rare; but most of the drafts have been altered more than once. These alterations were often due to the necessity of presenting the idea in better form; a concession to the supersensitive dignity of Congress, State authorities, or the overdeveloped sense of importance of some of the higher Army officers; difficulties quite as often 0042 xliv of temperamental, official personalities as of refractory words and sentences. The editor, from long experience with the Washington Papers, is personally of opinion that most of the verbal changes found in the aides' and secretaries' drafts are the literary struggles of those young gentlemen to clearly express Washington's thought, and that distinct changes of that thought usually emanated from Washington himself. Some phases of the method of filing and storing Headquarters papers are plain from a study of the papers themselves; but it is also plain that the method was not entirely satisfactory to the Commander in Chief, though, like everything else at the time, it was the best he could get. There are interesting and sometimes amusing side lights noticeable, and it is possible to visualize, to some extent, the atmosphere of Headquarters by an examination of the drafts of Washington's letters, quite apart from the subject matter of the drafts themselves. There were, usually, from four to six aides at a time at Headquarters during the war, but as many as twelve have been present; at other times there have been so few that major and brigadier generals, transient visitors, and even Mrs. Washington did copying work under pressure of circumstances. In the early years of the war (1775–76) certain lines of correspondence seem to have been assigned to certain aides; Stephen Moylan, for instance, wrote most of the letters relating to fitting out the armed vessels (“Washington's fleet,” as it was called), and later, when young Alexander Hamilton served as aide, it is noticeable that the letters to Congress, to governors, and State legislatures were usually drafted by him. The commanding officer of the Commander in Chief's Guard did a great deal of secretarial work. During the strenuous periods of the war as many as ten to fifteen letters a day went out from Headquarters, and it is amusing to note how, with the arrival of each new aide, the bulk of the drafts, for some days, are in his writing. The older 0043 xlv and seasoned aides seemed to have put everything possible upon the “new broom,” who accepted the situation without demur. In a week or so the new man began to grasp the situation, and his emancipation, or refusal to remain a quill-driving dray horse, is shown by the drafts again becoming fairly apportioned among all the aides present. The drafts of so many of Washington's letters being in the writing of his aides gave rise, in the past, to the idea that he could not write a good letter and that all credit for his compositions belongs to his aides, secretaries, and later to his Cabinet officers. Like other criticisms of Washington, this, when examined, falls to the ground. The young men who acted as aides-de-camp were all exceptional individuals. From the group, in later years, came United States Cabinet officers, diplomats, and State officials of note; they were all positive characters, and, if they are to be given credit for Washington's letters, their drafts would surely show different styles of composition. It can hardly be maintained that such positive characters as Alexander Hamilton, Edmund Randolph, John Laurens, Jonathan Trumbull, Tench Tilghman, and James McHenry, to mention only a few, all had the same literary style; and it is necessary only to read a few dozen of the letters here printed to catch their undeviating swing and mannerisms, regardless of which aide drafted them. It is plain, therefore, that Washington dominated his correspondence and can not be denied complete responsibility for it. Sufficient examples are found among the letters of his ability to condense and improve his aides' drafts with simple, more forceful English.

Washington's plain, easy-flowing penmanship could hardly have been slow, though it seems not to have been a rapid hand. It is too round and smooth to be slow, but there are among his manuscripts few examples of what may be called a swift pen movement. The attempt to explain the even pen stroke of 0044 xlvi Washington's writing by attributing it to the use of a gold pen and pointing to the actual pen for proof belongs with many other exalted traditions that have no basis in fact. The history of pen manufacturing forbids its acceptance. Like others of his time, Washington cut his own quill pens, and the even writing stroke is caused by his never-varying pen-cutting method. Nearly always Washington stressed the point of legibility in writing, when considering the qualifications of candidates for aides; but in some cases, like that of Robert Hanson Harrison, he waived this point in favor of more important things. There was much quiet humor in George Washington, and it has been inexcusable to deny him this human touch, which he had in good measure. Humor will be found in the correspondence here printed, not abundantly, it is true, but more than could be rightfully expected in letters largely devoted to serious affairs. A glance at the faint but delightfully quizzical curve at the corners of the lips of the Houdon bust is convincing, and one of the documentary evidences is the indorsement on an undated letter from a person who tried to borrow £500 on the strength of a remarkable vision that came to him in a dream. Washington wrote: “From Mr. Thomas Bruff, without date and without Success.”

The Revolutionary War correspondence, which is by far the largest group in all of the Washington Papers, was docketed and filed by a system not entirely clear; but there are indications that it was cumbersome and not satisfactory to Washington. Many of the letters bear his indorsement, and all were folded for filing in the three-section, double cross-fold, with the indorsement docket at the top of the middle section. It was not until 1781 that Headquarters records underwent their first comprehensive arrangement. This was done by Richard Varick, whom Washington had appointed his recording secretary. 0045 xlvii The work performed by Varick and the corps of trained writers which he assembled systematized the Headquarters file for the first time during the war, and was a small part of the military reorganization that brought the Continental Army to its highest point of efficiency. The forty-four volumes in which Washington's letters from 1775 to 1783 are recorded are known as the Varick Transcripts. This transcribing, begun in 1781, caught up with the Headquarters correspondence in 1782, and from then on went forward as a part of the daily business. The arrangement of the mass of records that had accumulated at Headquarters in six years was a difficult problem, to the solution of which Washington contributed, though Richard Varick deserves full credit. The letters written by Washington were handled first; the tremendous mass of letters and reports sent to him were left as filed until the major problem could be solved. The solving of it, and the difficulties surmounted, is an appealing story to those interested in business efficiency.

These copies, which furnish an accurate check upon the drafts of the Revolutionary period, were transcribed in specially made blank books, folio size, averaging over five hundred pages to the volume, bound in undressed calf with laced, vellum backs.

The Headquarters records shared in all the risks and vicissitudes of the war, and one of the duties of the Commander in Chief's Guard was to see to their safety, in packing and transporting Headquarters impedimenta, whenever and wherever the Army moved. Washington's appreciation of the value of his papers is to be found in his correspondence. It shows that he was well aware of the fact that, despite the utmost precaution, the records at Headquarters were never entirely safe from prying eyes.

0046 xlviii

The last duty of the last detail of the Commander in Chief's Guard was to transport all the papers from Rocky Hill, New Jersey, to Mount Vernon, where a special vault was built for their storage.

The records and letters that accumulated during Washington's two terms as President of the United States were brought from Philadelphia with the rest of the household effects and added to the mass already there. The letters-sent record of the Presidential period was officially entered in letter books as the Government business developed day by day and a large part of this record is in the writing of Tobias Lear, the President's private secretary; other portions are in that of Bartholomew Dandridge, while David Humphreys, George Washington Craik (the son of Dr. James Craik), and Albin Rawlins and others are the copyists of the letters after March, 1797.

In his first administration Washington received a letterpress-copying machine, a gift from John de Neufville & Son, the Holland merchants who had fitted out the Bon Homme Richard for John Paul Jones. Washington had paper specially made for this machine, and the thin sheets on which a large number of his autograph letters were copied all bear his private watermark. These tissue-paper press copies form a special group, marked out by its physical characteristics.

The last distinct group of the Washington Papers consists of those created by the pseudo war with France in 1798–99, for which Washington was appointed Lieutenant General and Commander in Chief of the troops to be raised. A part of these records, which consist largely of lists of officers and candidates for commissions in the United States Army, with sundry comment and analysis of qualifications, is found in the Alexander Hamilton Papers, in the Library of Congress.

0047 xlix

The Washington manuscripts remained at Mount Vernon until after the death of Mrs. Washington, a granddaughter of whom is authority for the statement that, shortly before her demise, Martha Washington destroyed her correspondence with the General. This seems to be the first disaster sustained by the Washington manuscripts. The next came in the destruction of the Lund Washington correspondence, destroyed by his widow in compliance with Lund's deathbed request.

After the Washington manuscripts came into the custody of Bushrod Washington, he gave away various documents in a spirit of friendly compliment, but with what appears historically as reckless and thoughtless indifference. This was the beginning of a series of spoliations which ended only when the United States acquired the collection. The greatest loss came as a result of the first publication of Washington's Writings by Jared Sparks. Sparks attempted this work at Mount Vernon, but, without a select library at his command, it soon became evident that this was impossible. He prevailed upon Bushrod Washington to permit him to take the records from Mount Vernon to Cambridge, Massachusetts, and, after some hesitancy, Bushrod permitted it. The acquiescence was unfortunate. Bushrod Washington died and title to the Washington manuscripts passed to George Corbin Washington, while the manuscripts were still in Sparks's possession and where they remained until after the Government purchased the first lot in 1834. The story of William Sprague's devastating appropriation of hundreds of choice Washington manuscripts, as told in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of the United States, does not agree with Sparks's account of the matter written in 1836. The discrepancies in dates need explanation, and the only positive point is that Sprague helped himself liberally, if 0048 l at times ignorantly, and did not always leave copies of what he took. Bushrod Washington is said to have given Sprague permission, but this responsibility was not attributed to Bushrod until after his death; also the evidence is not conclusive that these papers were taken from and the copies left at Mount Vernon. Sparks's letter to George Corbin Washington in 1835, after the Government's purchase of the papers, regarding some missing diaries, is also difficult to interpret in the light of the inscribed diary leaf in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The larger portion of Sprague's collection passed in a lump to Simon Gratz, of Philadelphia, and finally came to rest in the society just mentioned. From the time the Washington manuscripts came into the custody of the United States the collection has remained intact. Though several unfortunate transfers of groups of the records to various Government departments have been made, no losses have been experienced. One of these transfers came about through the unsupervised enthusiasm of John C. Hamilton, who was commissioned by the Government to prepare and publish the writings of Alexander Hamilton. In the progress of this work he was naturally obliged to use the Washington Papers, and he calmly transferred from those papers many of the important letters, sent by Hamilton to Washington, to the Hamilton manuscripts (then also owned by the Government), thus leaving for the historian unexpected and disconcerting gaps in the Washington manuscripts.

But by far the most damaging shift of material occurred when Colonel Frederick G. Ainsworth obtained the sanction of Congress for removing all of the military muster rolls, returns, orderly books, and similar records to the custody of the Record and Pension Division of the War Department, of which he was then the chief.

0049 li

The Department of State, which had the custody of the Washington Papers (a national archives or public-records department not existing), acquitted itself well in the r⁁ole of custodian. Jared Sparks had had the manuscripts bound into volumes, and in these bindings they remained for over a half century. There were no losses or damage suffered in the seventy years or so of the Department of State guardianship (1834–1903), though one curious incident did occur. When the craze for signatures of prominent individuals was rampant, an unknown vandal cut the signature of Major André from the brave but pathetic letter to Washington, begging the favor of a soldier's death and not one on a gibbet. The mutilation was discovered and official action taken which frightened the unknown thief into slipping the cut signature back into the volume, but the most expert manuscript repairing has not succeeded in concealing this mutilation.

In 1903, through the efforts of Worthington C. Ford, then Chief of the Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress, the Washington manuscripts (along with certain other groups of historical records) were transferred by Executive order from the Department of State to the Library of Congress. As transferred, the manuscripts were still as they had been bound by Jared Sparks. This binding was decidedly crude and, though it was a protection against loss, it was, decidedly, a contributory damaging element. After some years the Library of Congress undertook to repair and mount the manuscripts in the best known manner, and it is expected they will be in their final, permanent form in 1932.

In preparing the WRITINGS for the press, the editor has received cordial assistance from all sides, which is the more gratifying, showing how deep and warm is the interest of the general public in George Washington.

0050 lii

The thanks of the editor are especially due to Dr. Worthington C. Ford, whose labors in precisely this same field are fully comprehended and well appreciated.

To Dr. J. Franklin Jameson, Chief of the Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress, whose indefatigable and conscientious efforts in gathering photostat copies of Washington's letters that have become separated from the collection and to aid in perfecting these Writings , special acknowledgments are due. To the Advisory Committee on the Writings, created and selected by Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, the editor acknowledges his indebtedness for suggestion and helpful discussion. These thanks are due to the committee not only as a whole but to each of the individual members.

Special acknowledgment is made to the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union for unusual favors and, above all, for the privilege of reproducing pictures of the Houdon bust, which is not only our most perfect representation of Washington's features but is in itself an absolutely accurate character presentation of the greatest American.

To Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, who bore the brunt of much of the difficult preliminary arrangements, and whose persistent activity was a large factor in the decision to publish these Writings , my acknowledgments are sincerely tendered.

To the many private individuals who generously contributed copies and facsimiles of Washington letters in their possession, the editor feels peculiarly grateful; the willingness with which these copies were furnished was inspiring. Specific acknowledgment is made in the footnotes to each of these many individuals, who are too numerous to be mentioned with proper courtesy in a long list of names. The dealers in manuscripts throughout the country who cooperated with cheerfulness to the request for texts of Washington letters in their possession, 0051 liii have proved themselves worthy the honor of handling George Washington letters. Not one who contributed did so in a grudging manner, and the editor takes real pleasure in acknowledging their assistance.

To the various historical societies, libraries, and the officials thereof, whom I am proud to consider as friends, I extend all the thanks I can express. The table of symbols post will show to some slight degree the extent to which these collections have been drawn upon to round out the Writings , but it does not show the generous cooperation displayed by all of the organizations there listed.

And, lastly, it is more than proper that mention should be made of the aid and comfort given by those energetic personalities of the George Washington Bicentennial Commission who have been ready at all times to smooth over difficulties and forward the work: The Honorable Simeon D. Fess, Honorable Sol Bloom, Lieutenant Colonel U.S. Grant, 3d, Honorable R. Walton Moore, and Honorable William Tyler Page.

John C. Fitzpatrick .

Washington , D.C., November 25, 1930 .

0052 lv

TABLE OF SYMBOLS

The following symbols have been used to denote the place of deposit of Washington letters not found in draft or letter-book form in the Washington Papers in the Library of Congress:

Indicating that the letter is in Washington's own handwriting *

Connecticut Historical Society [C.H.S.]

Chicago Historical Society [CH.H.S.]

Clements Library, University of Michigan [C.L.]

Harvard College Library [HV.L.]

Haverford College [HD.C.]

Historical Society of Pennsylvania [H.S.P.]

Huntington Library [H.L.]

John Carter Brown Library, Rhode Island [J.C.B.]

Maine Historical Society [M.H.S.]

Maryland Historical Society [MD.H.S.]

Massachusetts Historical Society [MS.H.S.]

J.P. Morgan Library [M.L.]

New York Historical Society [N.Y.H.S.]

New Hampshire Historical Society [N.H.H.S.]

New York Public Library [N.Y.P.L.]

New York State Library [N.Y.S.L.]

Rhode Island Historical Society [R.I.H.S.]

Rhode Island Society of the Cincinnati [R.I.S.C.]

Society of the Cincinnati [S.C.]

University of Pennsylvania Library [U.P.]

Virginia Historical Society [V.H.S.]

Virginia State Library [V.S.L.]

THE WRITINGS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON

*SCHOOL EXERCISES “August 13th 1745. 1 GEORGE WASHINGTON” *GEOMETRY

The earliest surviving writings of George Washington, other than a few signatures on title pages of books, are the school exercises found among his papers. There are four groups of these exercises, and though the line of demarcation between the groups is not always clear, we are forced to accept them as they now stand. The Department of State repaired and sumptuously bound two of these groups and by so doing emphasized them above the unbound groups. The first is titled “Washington's School Copy Book” (a volume of 30 leaves, 60 pages). The second is titled “Forms of Writings and Rules of Civility” (17 leaves, 34 pages). The third is an unbound bound school exercise book (102 leaves, 204 pages), generally known as “School Copy Book No. 2,” and the fourth an unbound book of “Early Survey Exercises” (8 leaves, 16 pages) dating 1749.

The extracts are from the bound “School Copy Book.” The “Forms of Writings,” which, from internal evidence, dates approximately 1745, contains models, or forms, for a promissory note, a bill of exchange, a tobacco receipt, a bail bond, a penal bill, judgment bond, etc.; also a servant's indenture, deed of gift, a short will, with notes on the differences to be observed in wills made in England and in France; a land conveyance, land lease, a Virginia land patent, etc. The last 10 pages of the “Forms of Writings” contain the well-known Rules of Civility and Decent Behaviour in Company and Conversation, which have been too often printed with explanatory notes to need comment here.

Unbound “School Exercise Book No. 2” certainly antedates the bound “School Copy Book,” for the first pages now surviving (the original first pages are missing) begin with more elemental exercises, to wit, multiplication, decimals, and interest. After these come geometrical exercises, which cover the same ground as that in the bound “School Copy Book,” pass on into trigonometry, and finally into surveying, where the problems are much more practical and advanced. It thus seems that the first part of these unbound exercises is the earliest of Washington's school work and that the last half may be of a later date than the “School Copy Book” of 1745.

One of the Seven Sciences, and a very useful and Necessary Branch of the Mathematick; whose Subject is greatness: for as Number is the Subjeck of Arithmetick, so that of Geometry is Magnitude, which hath its beginning from Point, that is a 0055 2 Thing Supposed to be indivisible, and the Original of all Dimension. By it is explained the Nature, Kind and Property of continued Magnitude that is a Line, a Superficies and a Solid of which in their proper Order.

GEOMETRICAL DEFINITIONS

1st. A Point is void of length Breadth and Depth as the Point

A—A.

2d. A Line is made by the moving of a Point and has length only as A B which is the first kind of Magnitude

A—B

3d. A Superfices is made by the moving of a line and has length and breadth as A B C D is the Second Kind of quantity.

* * * * * 2

There are 16 definitions which carry through to those of a solid cube and sphere. After the definitions come six geometric theorems, for each of which the proper principle of Euclid is cited. No axioms are stated as is the practice to-day; Washington's teacher, whoever he may have been, evidently believed in a memory tenacity of arbitrary rules. The geometrical problems with neatly drawn diagrams are not different from those taught to-day, except that they are not so succinctly put and are mainly problems of construction, bearing directly upon practical survey work. After 29 of these problems the survey exercises begin.

SURVEYING

Is the Art of Measuring Land and consists of 3 Parts 1st, The going round and Measuring a Piece of Wood Land 2d. Plotting the Same and 3d To find the Content thereof and first how to Measure a Piece of Land.

* * * * * 3

After the survey problems, which are many, with neatly drawn plots of fields with trees and water courses, there are problems in solid measure, in gauging, in finding the cycle of the sun, the exact date of Easter, etc.

Page from Washington's “School Exercise Book”

SOLID MEASURE

Is that of Timber, Stone Digging and Liquods; and the Rule for Working is

To MULTIPLY the Length and Breadth together, and that Product by the Depth or thickness and the Last Product will be the Content in Cubick Inches which if Timber or Stone divide by 1725 (the Cubick Inches in a Foot Solid) and the Quotient gives the Content in Solid Feet.

EXAMPLE

If a Tree be 16 Foot Long and 18 perches Square, how many Solid feet Doth it Contain.

16 18 12 18 192 144 18 324 192 640 2916 324 1728)62200(36 5184 10368 10368 Ansr. 36 Solid Feet

* * * * *

GAUGING

There is a near affinity between the art of Measuring Timber and that of Gauging Liquors for both are Perform'd by 0058 4 Cube or Solid Measure for as often as there are found 1720 Solid or Cubick Inches in a Piece of Timber, (of what form Soever) so many Solid Feet as it Said to Contain: So likewise in the Art of Gauging so many times as 282 (the Solid Inches in a Beer or Ale Gallon) are found in any Vessel of Such Liquor; So many Gallons is Such a Vessel Said to hold. And so of Wine but in that the Divisor alters, it being 231 Sclid or Cubick Inches and the Gallon of Dry Measure contains 272¼ Cubucal Inches.

* * * * *

Mensuration OF PLAIN SUPERFICES SUCH AS PLANK, WAINSCOT, PAINTINGS, GLASS, &c.

The general rule is

To MULTIPLY the Length by the Breadth the Product is the Content: but in Measuring Plank it is Usual to Multiply the Length in feet by the Breadth In Inches and Divide by 12 the Quotient is the Content in Square feett.

* * * * *

A DESCRIPTION OF THE LEAP YEAR. DOMINICAL LETTER, GOLDEN NUMBER, CYCLE OF THE SUN, ROMON INDICTION, EPACT &C. WITH MEMORIAL VERSES ON THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND CIVIL KALENDER.

The Golden Number or Prime is a Circular Revolution of 19 years in which term of years it hath been anciently Supposed that the Sun and Moon do make all the Variety of Aspects one to another

* * * * *

GEOGRAPHICAL DEFINITIONS

Defin 1st. The Globe of the Earth is a Spherical Body Composed of Earth and Water &c. Divided in to Contenants Islands and Seas.

2d. A Contenent is a great Quantity of Land not Divided nor Separated by the Sea wherein are many Kingdoms and 0059 5 Principalities; as Europe Asia Africa is one Continent and America Another.

* * * * *

7 The Ocean is a general Collection of the Waters wch environeth the Earth on every side.

* * * * *

The Provinces of North America are New France New Jersey Carolina North and South New England Maryland Terra Florida New York Virginia Mexico or New Spain Pensylvania The Chief Islands are Icelands Hispaniola Jamaica Greenland Cuba Barbadoes and the rest of the Caribee Isclands Colofornia Porto Rico

* * * * * 4

The book ends with astronomical exercises, the names of the stars, the constellations, and the method of using a globe.

*JOURNEY OVER THE MOUNTAINS 5

This journey with George William Fairfax, seven years Washington's senior, was undertaken on the authority of the Hon. William Fairfax, agent for Thomas, Lord Fairfax, to lay out his lordship's lands in the Shenandoah for leaseholders. James Genn and, apparently, several other older men composed the party. The journal is the earliest of Washington's diaries.

1748

Fryday March 11th 1747/8. 6 Began my Journey in Company with George Fairfax, 7 Esqr., we travell'd this day 40 Miles 8 to Mr. George Neavels 9 in Prince William County

The double date was the English custom, largely a commercial necessity in dealing with Continental Europe, because England did not adopt the Gregorian calendar, as had Europe, until 1752. The proper date in this instance is 1748.

George William Fairfax (1725–1787) was the eldest son of the Hon. William Fairfax and his second wife, Sarah Walker. He took up his permanent residence at his father's estate, Belvoir, just below Mount Vernon. He became a burgess for Frederick County, 1748–49, and married Sarah, eldest daughter of Col. Wilson Gary, in December, 1748, who became, on the death of her father-in-law's third wife, Deborah Clarke, mistress of Belvoir. He was colonel of Frederick militia, 1755–56, and held various customs offices. He went to England in 1773 on business, and the Revolutionary War broke out before he returned. He was sympathetic toward the Colonial cause, and there are grounds for belief that, had he been in America at the time, he would have aligned himself with the colonists. He died at Bath, England, April 3, 1787.

They had set out from Belvoir, crossed the Occoquan Ferry, and struck into the old road leading from the head of Quantico to the Prince William Courthouse of the day at Cedar Run; whence they pushed on west to George Neavil's ordinary.

George Neavil, whose will was proved in Fauquier in 1774, lived and kept an ordinary at the junction of two important north and south interior highways, namely: (1) that which Washington was about to follow leading north from the falls of the Rappahannock at Falmouth, through the thoroughfare of Cedar Run to Ashbys Gap of the Blue Ridge, and (2) the older Indian trail originally known as the Shenandoah Hunting Path and later as the Carolina Road, which led south from Williams Gap Of the Blue Ridge, skirted the Bull Run Mountain on the east, and at Neavil's turned west to cross the Rappahannock at Normans Ford above the Great Fork, Both these roads had been avenues by which, during the 15 years prior to Washington's journey, pioneers had migrated from the tidewater to settle the upper Piedmont. Until 1759 this tavern was in Prince William. It was mentioned by Archdeacon Burnaby, as well as by other literary eighteenth-century travelers in Virginia, and still stands in the village of Auburn in Fauquier County. The confusion of Neavil's and West's ordinaries is cleared, and authority for the location of both, based upon local records, may be found in Fauquier Historical Society Bulletin , vol. 1, p, 66.

0060 6

Saturday March 12th This Morning Mr. James Genn 10 the surveyer came to us we travelI'd over the Blue Ridge 11 to Capt. Ashby's 12 on Shannondoah River, Nothing remarkable happen'd

James Germ was, in 1748, the county surveyor of Prince William County, who lived on the Falmouth Road some distance south of Neavil's. It was the rendezvous with him which determined the route via Neavil's. Genn was an experienced wilderness surveyor. In 1746 he had been engaged in the work of running the Northern Neck back line from the head spring of Conway (Rapidan) in the Blue Ridge to the head spring of Potomac in the Alleghanies, and in 1747 he had surveyed Lord Fairfax's South Branch and Greenway Court Manors. It was to subdivide the former into lots to be leased to tenants that the present expedition was on foot.

They followed the trail through what became Fauquier, over the route subsequently adopted for the Winchester Road, and crossed the Blue Ridge at Ashby, Bent. This route was subsequently laid down by Dalrymple on the 1755 edition of the Fry and Jefferson map.

This was Capt. John Ashby, who kept the original Shenandoah Ferry where the Winchester road still crosses that river. He was the eldest son of Thomas Ashby, for whom Ashbys Bent of the Blue Ridge was named.

Sunday March 13 Rode to his Lordships Quarter 13 about 4 Miles higher up y. River we went through most beautiful Groves of Sugar Trees and spent the best part of the Day in admiring the Trees and richness of the Land

This was the future Greenway Court, where Lord Fairfax was to establish his residence a year after Washington's journey. It had been laid out as a quarter in the summer of 1747.

0061 7

Monday 14th We sent our Baggage to Capt. Hites 14 (near Frederick Town) 15 went ourselves down the River about 16 Miles to Capt. Isaac Penningtons (the Land exceeding Rich and Fertile all the way produces abundance of Grain Hemp Tobacco &ca.) in order to lay of some Lands on Cates Marsh and Long Marsh 16

Jost Hite disputed the claim of Lord Fairfax to certain lands in the so-called Northern Neck of Virginia.

Frederick Town, the same as Winchester.

Cates and Long Marsh are formed by small streams which flow from the foothills of North Mountain to the Shenandoah; Long Marsh is named on several maps.— Toner .

Tuesday 15th We set out early with Intent to Run round the sd. Land but being taken in a Rain and it Increasing very fast obliged us to return it clearing about one oClock and our time being too Precious to Loose we a second time ventur'd out and Worked hard till Night and then return'd to Penningtons we got our Supper and was lighted into a Room and I not being so good a Woodsman as the rest of my Company striped myself very orderly and went into the Bed as they called it when to my Surprize I found it to be nothing but a Little Straw-Matted together without Sheets or any thing else but only one thread Bear blanket with double its Weight of Vermin such as Lice Fleas &c. I was glad to get up (as soon as the Light was carried from us) I put on my Cloths and Lay as my Companions. Had we not been very tired I am sure we should not have slep'd much that night I made a Promise not to Sleep so from that time forward chusing rather to sleep in the open Air before a fire as will appear hereafter.

March the 15th. Survey'd for George Fairfax Esqr. a Tract of Land lying on Cares Marsh and Long Marsh… 17

Wednesday 16th We set out early and finish'd about one oClock and then TravelI'd up to Frederick Town where our

George William Fairfax. Henry Ashby and Robert Taylor are given as chainmen, Robert Ashby as marker and William Lindsy as pilot.

0062 8 Baggage came to us we cleaned ourselves (to get Rid of the Game we had catched the Night before) and took a Review of the Town and thence return'd to our Lodgings where we had a good Dinner prepar'd for us Wine and Rum Punch in Plenty and a good Feather Bed with clean Sheets which was a very agreeable regale

Thursday 17th Rain'd till Ten oClock and then clearing we reached as far as Major Campbells 18 one of there Burgesses about 25 Miles from Town nothing Remarkable this day nor Night but that we had a Tolerable good Bed [to] lay on.

Maj. Andrew Campbell; his last service as burgess from Frederick County had been in 1745.

Fryday 18th We Travell'd up about 35 Miles to Thomas Barwicks 19 on Potomack where we found the River so excessively high by Reason of the Great Rains that had fallen up about the Allegany Mountains they told us which was then bringing down the melted Snow and that it would not be fordable for several Days it was then above Sixx foot Higher than usual and was rising we agreed to stay till Monday we this day call'd to see the Fam'd Warm Springs 20 we camped out in the field this Night Nothing Remarkable happen'd till Sonday the 20th.

Berwicks or Barwicks above Harpers Perry.

Warm Springs, now Bath or Berkeley Springs, Morgan County, W. Va.

Sonday 20th finding the River not much abted we in the Evening Swam our horses over and carried them to Charles Polks in Maryland for Pasturage till the next Morning

Monday 21st We went over in a Canoe and travelI'd up Maryland side all the Day in a Continued Rain to Collo Cresaps 21 right against the Mouth of the South Branch about 40

Col. Thomas Cresap, one of the famous American frontiersmen. Finally settled at what came to be known as Old Town, on the Maryland side of the Potomac, just above the junction of the North Branch and South Branch.

0063 9 Miles from Polks I believe the worst Road that ever was trod by Man or Beast

Tuesday 22d Continued Rain and the Freshes kept us at Cresaps.

Wednesday 23d Rain'd till about two oClock and Clear'd when we were agreeably surpris'd at the sight of thirty odd Indians coming from War with only one Scalp We had some Liquor with us of which we gave them Part it elevating there Spirits put them in the Humour of Dauncing of whom we had a War Daunce there manner of Dauncing is as follows Viz They clear a Large Circle and make a Great Fire in the middle then seats themselves around it the Speaker makes a grand speech telling them in what Manner they are to Daunce after he has finished the best Dauncer jumps up as one awaked out of a Sleep and runs and Jumps about the Ring in a most comical Manner he is followed by the Rest then begins there Musicians to Play the Musick is a Pot half [full] of Water with a Deerskin Streched over it as tight as it can and a goard with some Shott in it to Rattle and a Piece of an horses Tail tied to it to make it look fine the one keeps Rattling and the other Drumming all the while the others is Dauncing

Fryday 25th Nothing Remarkable on thursday but only being with the Indians all day so shall slip it this day left Cresaps and went up to the mouth of Patersons Creek and there swam our Horses over got over ourselves in a Canoe and traveld up the following Part of the Day to Abram Johnstones 15 Miles from the Mouth where we camped

Saturday 26 Travelld up the Creek to Solomon Hedges Esqr one of his Majestys Justices of the Peace for the County of Frederick where we camped when we came to Supper there was neither a Cloth upon the Table nor a knife to eat with but as good luck would have it we had knives of [our] own.

0064 10

Sunday 27th Travell'd over to the South Branch attended with the Esqr 22 to Henry Vanmetriss 23 in order to go about Intended Work of Lots

Solomon Hedges.

Henry Van Metre or Meter.

Monday 28th Travell'd up the Branch about 30 Miles to Mr. James Rutlidges Horse Jockey and about 70 Miles from the Mouth

Tuesday 29th This Morning went out and Survey'd five Hundred Acres of Land and went down to one Michael Stumps on the So Fork of the Branch on our way Shot two Wild Turkies.

Thursday 31st Early this Morning one of our Men went out with the Gun and soon Returned with two Wild Turkies we then went to our Business run of three lots and returned to our Camping place at Stumps

March 31st Lot 4th. this Lot survey'd myself Beginning at a Pine by a Rock…

APRIL

Fryday April the 1st This Morning Shot twice at Wild Turkies but kill'd none run of three Lots and returned to Camp

Saterday 2d Last Night was a blowing and Rainy night Our Straw catch'd a Fire yt. we were laying upon and was luckily Preserv'd by one of our Mens awaking when it was in a [blaze] we run of four Lots this Day which Reached below Stumps…

Sunday 3d Last Night was a much more blostering night than the former we had our Tent carried Quite of with the Wind and was obliged to Lie the Latter part of the night without covering there came several Persons to see us this day one of our Men Shot a Wild Turkie

Monday 4th this morning Mr. Fairfax left us with Intent to go clown to the Mouth of the Branch we did two Lots and was 0065 11 attended by a great Company of People Men Women and Children that attended us through the Woods as we went showing there Antick tricks I really think they seemed to be as Ignorant a Set of People as the Indians they would never speak English but when spoken to they speak all Dutch 24 this day our Tent was blown down by the Violentness of the Wind

German emigrants who had come up the Shenandoah Valley from Pennsylvania.

* * * * *

Wednesday 6th Last Night was so Intolerable smoky that we were obliged all hands to leave the Tent to the Mercy of the Wind and Fire this day was attended by our afored Company untill about 12 oClock when we finish'd we travell'd down the Branch to Henry Vanmetris's on our Journey was catched in a very heavy Rain we got under a Straw House untill the Worst of it was over and then continued our Journey

Thursday 7th Rain'd Successively all Last Night this Morning one of our men Killed a Wild Turkic that weight 20 Pounds we went and Sudvey'd 15 Hundred Acres of Land and Return'd to Vanmetris's about 1 oClock about two I heard that Mr Fairfax was come up and at I Peter Casseys about a Miles of in the same Old Field I then took my Horse and went up to see him we eat our Dinners and Walked down to Vanmetris's we stayed about two Hours and Walked back again and slept in Casseys House which was the first Night I had slept in a House since I came to the Branch

Fryday 8th we breakfasted at Casseys and Rode down to Vanmetris's to get all our Company together which when we had accomplished we Rode down below the Trough in order to Lay of Lots there we laid of one this day The Trough is [a] couple of Ledges of Mountain Impassable running side and side together for above 7 or 8 Miles and the River down between them you must Ride Round file back of the Mountain 0066 12 for to get below them we Camped this Night in the Woods near a Wild Meadow where was a Large Stack of Hay after we had Pitched our Tent and made a very Large Fire we pull'd out our Knapsack in order to Recruit ourselves every [one] was his own Cook our Spits was Forked Sticks our Plates was a Large Chip as for Dishes we had none

Saterday 9th Set the Surveyor to work whilst Mr Fairfax and myself stayed at the Tent our Provisions being all exhausted and the Person that was to bring us a Recruit disappointing us we were oblige to go without untill we could get some from the Neighbours which was not till about 4 or 5 oClock in the Evening we then took our Leaves of the Rest of our Company Road Down to John Colins in order to set off next Day homewards

Sunday 10th We took our farewell of the Branch and traveli'd over Hills and Mountains to 1 Coddys on Great Cacapehon about 40 Miles

Monday 11th We Travell'd from Coddys down to Frederick Town where we Reached about 12 oClock we dined in Town and then went to Capt. Hites and Lodged

Tuesday 12th We set of from Capt. Hires in order to go over Wms. Gap about 20 Miles and after Riding about 20 Miles we had 20 to go for we had lost ourselves and got up as High as Ashbys Bent we did get over Wms. Gap that Night 25 and as low as Wm. Wests 26 in Fairfax County 18 Miles from the Top

Crossing the Blue Ridge at Williams (now Snickers) Gap, they followed the Shenandoah Hunting Path south to West's ordinary at the head of the Bull Run Mountain; thence they struck southeast by a forest trail which ultimately became the Colchester Road, and so reached Belvoir and Mount Vernon. His diaries show that Washington pursued this same route many times thereafter.

West's ordinary, kept successively for three generations by William, Charles, and Thomas West, and after the Revolution known as Lacys, is a landmark still standing at the head of the Bull Run Mountain, near the modern village of Aldie, in what was Fairfax County in 1748, but 10 years later became Loudoun. It is indicated by name on the 1755 edition of the Fry and Jefferson map, as well as on Thomas Jefferson's map of 1787.

0067 13 of the Ridge This day [we] see a Rattled Snake the first we had seen in all our Journey.

Wednesday the 13th of April 1748 Mr Fairfax got safe home and I myself safe to my Brothers 27 which concludes my Journal.

Lawrence Washington's; Mount Vernon on the Potomac.

*To LAWRENCE WASHINGTON 28

From facsimile in M.D. Conway's Barons of the Potomack and the Rappahannock (New York: 1892), p. 97, from original, then in the W. F. Havemeyer collection.

May 5, 1749.

Dear Brother: I hope your Cough is much mended since I saw you last, if so likewise hope you have given over the thoughts of leaving Virginia.

As there is not an absolute occasion of my coming down, hope you'l get the Deeds acknowledged without Me; my Horse is in very poor order to undertake such a journey, and is in no likelihood of mending for want of Corn sufficient to support him, tho if there be any certainty in your Assemblys not rising untill the latter end of May, will if I can be down by then. As my Mothers term of Years is out at that Place at Bridges Creek, 29 she designs to Settle a Quarter on that Piece at Deep Run, 30 but seems backward of doing it untill the Right is made good, for fear of accidents.

Her husband's property, Augustine Washington's homestead in Westmoreland County, where George Washington was born.

On the Rappahannock River, above Fredericksburg.

Its reported here that Mr. Spotswood intends to put down the Ferry that is kept at the Wharf where he now lives, and that Major Francis Talliaferro intends to petition the Assembly for an Act to have it kept from his House over against my Mothers Quarter, and right through the very Heart and best of the Land; 31 whereas he can have no other view in it but for the Conveniency of a small Mill he has on the Water side, that

The river farm of Mrs. Mary Washington on the Rappahannock.

0068 14 will not Grind above three Months in the twelve and the great inconveniency and prejudice it will be to us, hope it will not be granted, besides, I do not see where he can Possibly have a Landing Place on his side that will ever be sufficient for a Lawful Landing (by reason of the steepness of the Banks;) I think we suffer enough with the Free Ferry, without being troubled with such an unjust and iniwuitous Petition as that, but hope as its only a flying report he will consider better of it and drop his pretentions. I should be glad (if its not too much trouble) to hear from you in the mean while remain with my Love to my Sister 32 Dear Sir, Your Affectionate Brother.

Ann Fairfax, Mrs. Lawrence Washington.

*To — —

[1749–50]

Dear Sir: I should receive a Letter or Letters from you by the first and all appertunitys with the greatest sense or mark of your esteem and affection whereas its the greatest Pleasure I can yet forsee of having in fairfax to hear from my Intimate friends and acquaintances as I hope you in Particular will not Bauk me of what I so ardently Wish for. 33

This and the six following undated letters are entered in the small memorandum book that contains the diary of the “Journey Over the Mountains, 1748.” They seem to have been entered at a period after that journey had been made and the dates therefore would fall in the years 1749–50, when Washington was surveying in Frederick County for Lord Fairfax and others. The fumbling composition of this letter and the repetition of thought in those to John, Robin, and Sally justify the suggestion that Washington was merely practicing letter writing and that these letters were not actually sent. The letters to Mrs. Lawrence Washington and to Lord Fairfax, however, are less open to this doubt.

*To — —

[1749–50]

Dear Friend John: As its the greatest mark of friendship and esteem you can shew to an absent Friend In often Writing 0069 15 to him so hope youl not deny me that Favour as its so ardently wish'd and Desired by me. its the greatest pleasure I can yet forsee of having in fairfax to hear from my friends Particularly yourself was my affections disengaged I might perhaps form some pleasures in the conversasion of an agreeable young Lady as there is one now Lives in the same house with me [but as that only serves to make me more dull by putting me oftener in Remembrance of the other] but as that is only nourishment to my former Affa for by often seeing her brings the other into my remembrance where as perhaps was she not often (unaviodably) presenting herself to my view I might in some measure eliviate my sorrows by burrying the other in the grave of oblivion I am well convinced my heart stands in defiance of all others but only he thats given it [for much] care enough to dread a second assault and from a different Quarter tho I well know let it have as many attacks as it will from others they cant be more fierce than it has been I could wish to know whether you have taken your intended trip downwards or not if you wish what Success as also to know how my friend Lawrence drives on in his art of courtship as I fancy you mgt. both nearly guess how it will respectively go with each of you.

*To — —

[1749–50]

Dear Friend Robin: As its the greatest mark of friendship and esteem Absent Friends can shew each other in Writing and often communicating their thoughts to his fellow Companions makes me endeavor to signalize myself in acquainting you from time to time and at all times my situation and employments of Life and could wish you would take half the Pains of contriving me a letter by any oppertunity as you may be well assured of its meeting with a very welcome reception my Place 0070 16 of Residence is at present at His Lordships 34 where I might was my heart disengag'd pass my time very pleasantly [agreeably] as theres a very agreeable Young Lady Lives in the same House (Colo. George Fairfax's Wife's Sister) 35 but as that's only adding Fuel to fire it makes me the more uneasy for by often and unavoidably being in Company with her revives my former Passion for your Low Land Beauty whereas was I to live more retired from young Women I might in some measure eliviate my sorrows by burying that chast and troublesome Passion in the grave of oblivion or etarnall forgetfulness for as I am very well assured that's the only antidote or remedy that I ever shall be releivd by or only recess than can administer any cure or help to me as I am well convinced was I ever to attempt any thing I should only get a denial which would be only adding grief to uneasiness.

Greenway Court.

Probably Sarah Fairfax, later the wife of John Carlyle, of Alexandria.

*To — —

1749–50]

Dear Sally: This comes to Fredericksburg fair in hopes of meeting with a speedy Passage to you if your not there which hope you'l get shortly altho I am almost discouraged from Writing to you as this is my fourth to you since I receivd any from yourself I hope [tho I am out of Sight youl not lett me be out of Mind] you'l not make the Old Proverb good out of sight out of Mind as its one of the greatest Pleasures I can yet foresee of. having in Fairfax in often hearing from you hope you'l not deny it me

I pass the time of much more agreeabler than what I imagined I should as there's a very agreeable Young Lady lives in 0071 17 the said house where I reside (Colo. George Fairfax's wife Sister) that in a great measure cheats my sorrow and dejectedness tho not so as to draw my thoughts altogether from you Parts I could wish to be with you down there with all my heart but as it is a thing almost Impractakable shall rest my self where I am with hopes of shortly having some minutes of your transactions in your Parts which will be very welcomely received by your

*To — —

[1749–50]

Dear Richard: The receipt of your kind favor of the 2d of this Instant afforded me unspeakable pleasure as I am convinced I am still in the Memory of so Worthy a friend a friendship I shall ever be proud of Increasing you gave me the more pleasure as I receiv'd it amongst a parcel of Barbarian's and an uncooth set of People the like favour often repeated would give me Pleasure altho I seem to be in a Place where no real Satis: be had since you receid my Letter in October Last I have not sleep'd above three Nights or four in a bed but after walking a good deal all the Day lay down before the fire upon a Little Hay Straw Fodder or bairskin whichever is to be had with Man Wife and Children like a Parcel of Dogs or Catts and happy's he that gets the Birth nearest the fire there's nothing would make it pass of tolerably but a good Reward a Dubleloon is ray constant gain every Day that the Weather will permit my going out and sometime Six Pistoles the coldness of the Weather will not allow my making a long stay as the Lodging is rather too cold for the time of Year I have never had my cloths of but lay and sleep in them like a Negro except the few Nights I have lay'n in Frederick Town

*To MRS. LAWRENCE WASHINGTON 36

This letter is in draft form, in the diary of the “Journey Over the Mountains, 1748.” Lawrence Washington, husband of Ann Fairfax, had journeyed to England. The draft is unfinished, which raises the question of the draft being merely an exercise or of a letter actually sent. By “my return down” Washington could have meant to Fredericksburg or Westmoreland.

[1749–50]

I heartily Congratulate you on the happy News of my Brothers safe arrival in health in England and am joy'd to hear that his stay is likely to be so short. I hope you'll make Use of your Natural Resolution and contendhess as they are the only remedys to spend the time of with ease and pleasure to yourself. I am deprived of the pleasure of waiting on you (as I expected) by Aguee and Feaver which I have had to Extremety since I left which has occasioned my Return D[own?].

*To LORD FAIRFAX

[1749–50]

My Lord: I went last Tuesday not knowing your Lordship had that very day set out for Neavels to see whether you had any further Commands or directions to give concerning the Surveying of Cacapehon and as your Lordship was not at Home I was inform by Colo. G. Fairfax that you had not any Directions in Particular more than were given to the other Surveyors as Your Lordship had mentioned therefore have made bold to Proceed on General Directions from as [a pity to Miss four or five Days of such weather as we now have] the Missing this Oppertunity of Good Weather maybe of considerable Hindrance I shall wait on your Lordship at Frederick Court in November to obey your further Pleasure and am my Lord &c.

MEMORANDUM

[1749–50]

*Mem To Survey the Lands at the Mouth of Little Cacapehon 37 and the Mouth of Fifteen Mile Creek 38 for the Gentlemen of the Ohio Com: 39

The Great and Little Cacapehon, Virginia tributaries to the Potomac. They are now sometimes called Great and Little Capon.

Fifteen-Mile Creek, a Maryland tributary to the Potomac, which it joins about 15 miles above Hancock, Md.

The Ohio Company, predecessor of the Potomac Company. An Indian trade and western land venture in which Washington's half brother Lawrence was an organizer. Thomas Lee, father of Richard Henry Lee, was made president. John Hanbury, a London merchant, from whom George Washington later purchased supplies for Mount Vernon, bought shares. A grant of half a million acres of land between the Monongahela and Kanawha Rivers was obtained from the Crown. It was in this region that Governor Dinwiddie made his grant to the Virginia officers and soldiers for their French and Indian War service, and the lands afterwards obtained by Washington on the Kanawha under Dinwiddie's proclamation might easily have been considered as coinciding with the Ohio Company grant. Christopher Gist was employed by the company to examine and report on these lands and act as an agent. In 1750 the company built the storehouse at Wills Creek and at Red Stone on the Monongahela. The fort begun by Capt. William Trent under Governor Dinwiddie's orders was another of the company's activities. This was an important factor in influencing the so-called French encroachments which resulted in the building of Fort Duquesne, the Jumonville skirmish, the capitulation of Fort Necessity, and Braddock's defeat. The Ohio Company was merged into what is known as Walpole's Grant, and the Revolutionary War put an end to the entire scheme.

POETRY

[1749–50]

*From your bright sparkling Eyes, I was undone; Rays, you have more transparent than the sun, A midst its glory in the rising Day, None can you equal in your bright array; Constant in your calm and unspotted Mind; Equal to all, but will to none Prove kind, So knowing, seldom one so Young, you'l Find Ah! woe's me, that I should Love and conceal, Long have I wish'd, but never dare reveal, Even though severly Loves Pains I feel; Xerxes that great, was't free from Cupids Dart, And all the greatest Heroes, felt the smart. 40

This acrostic seems properly attributed to Frances Alexander, though whether it was left unfinished through a diverted interest or lack of ability can not be known. Both effusions have the merit of being original efforts; they are in the memorandum book which contains the “Journey Over the Mountains, 1748.”

* * * * *

*Oh Ye Gods why should my Poor Resistless Heart Stand to oppose thy might and Power At Last surrender to cupids feather'd Dart And now lays Bleeding every Hour For her that's Pityless of my grief and Woes And will not on me Pity take Ile sleep amongst my most Inveterate Foes And with gladness never with to Wake In deluding sleepings let my Eyelids close That in an enraptured Dream I may In a soft lulling sleep and gentle repose Possess those joys denied by Day

*MEMORANDUM

[1749–50]

When I see my Brother Austin 41 to Enquire of Him whether He is the Acting Attorney for my Brother and as my Brother Lawrence left Directions with the Hon: W Fx to remit his Pay as Agetant whether it would not be more proper to keep it to Pay the Notes of Hands thats Daily coming against him and to Write Word to Williamsburg to Acquaint his Hon. my B: A: to Write him Word

Augustine Washington was called Austin by George. The memorandum, undated, is in the diary of the “Journey Over the Mountains, 1748,” and seems connected with Lawrence Washington's trip to England. Lawrence held the post of one of the district adjutants of Virginia.

*BARBADOES JOURNAL

1751–52 42

The journal kept by Washington when he accompanied his half brother Lawrence to the island of Barbadoes is the worst mutilated of all the surviving diaries. Whole pages are missing and in many instances only a scrap or silver of a page exists. Maj. Lawrence Washington traveled to Barbadoes in hopes of benefiting his pulmonary complaint, but the venture was unsuccessful. The above extracts are the only ones of prime importance in the journal in relation to George Washington.

NOVEMBER

17th. Was strongly attacked with the small Pox: sent for Dr. Lanahan whose attendance was very constant till my recovery and going out which was not 'till thursday the 12th of December.

* * * * *

0075 21

DECEMBER

12th. Went to Town visited Majr. Clarke's Family (who kindly visited me in my illness and contributed all they cou'd in sendg. me the necessary's required in the disorder) and dined with Majr. Gaskens a half Br. to Mrs. Clarke:

22d. Took my leave of my Br. 43 Majr. Clarke &ca. and Imbar[ked] in the Industry Captn. John Saund[ers] for Virginia wai'd anchor and got out of Carlile Bay abt. 12.

Lawrence Washington's health did not improve and Bermuda was suggested as possessing certain climatic advantages. It was arranged that George should return to Virginia; that Lawrence should go to Bermuda, and, after a time, if his health improved, George would bring Mrs. Lawrence Washington out to him. The experiment failed; Lawrence's health did not improve, and George did not return to Bermuda. Lawrence's strength gradually failed; he returned to Virginia from Bermuda in 1752, and died at Mount Vernon on July 26 of that year.

[2]3d. Met with a brosk Trade Wind and pretty large Swell wch made the Ship rowl much and me very sick. at 2 P. M Espy'd a Sail In the Latitude of Martineca bearing clown for the Island.

1751/2 JANUARY

[26th,] Abt. Sun's Rising ad got to the Mouth of York River abt, 11 P. M, and was met by pilot boat……Hired…Williamsburg…Letters to the Gover 44 …had just gone to greensprin…Diner as I got to the great…polls; upon his return (which…at Night) I waited upon and wa[s] received Graceously he enquired kindly after the health of my Br. and invited me to stay and dine…

Gov. Robert Dinwiddie.

0076 22

To WILLIAM FAUNTLEROY, SR.

May 20, 1752.

Sir: I should have been down long before this, but my business in Frederick detained me somewhat longer than I expected, and immediately upon my return from thence I was taken with a violent pleurise, which has reduced me very low; but purpose, as soon as I recover my strength, to wait on Miss Betsy, 45 in hopes of a revocation of the former cruel sentence, and see if I can meet with any alteration in my favor. I have enclosed a letter to her, which should be much obliged to you for the delivery of it. It have nothing to add but my best respects to your good lady and family.

Text is from Paul Leicester Ford's True George Washington . William Fauntleroy, sr., was the son of Moore Fauntleroy and the grandfather of Miss Betsy. Ford point, out the absurdity of the idea that she was the “Lowland Beauty” referred to by Washington four years before this letter was written. In 1752 Washington was 20 years old and Betsy 15. In November of that year Washington was appointed adjutant for the southern district of Virginia, which included the counties of Princess Anne, Norfolk, Nansemond, Isle of Wight, Southampton, Surry, Brunswick, Prince George, Dinwiddie, Chesterfield, Amelia, and Cumberland. In February, 1753, Washington asked to be transferred to the adjutancy of the Northern Neck and Eastern Shore, which included Westmoreland, King George, Stafford, Fairfax, Prince William, and others. This request was granted in November of that year.

*JOURNEY TO THE FRENCH COMMANDANT, 46

Dinwiddie acted in this matter on instructions sent the Colonial governors by Lord Haldernesse (August 28) to warn the French that encroachment on the Ohio lands, claimed by the British, would not be permitted. The Virginia governor was the first to move in the matter. Dinwiddie's commission to Washington, his instructions and passport were printed by Sparks (vol. 2, Appendix, pp. 328, 329). On Washington's return to Williamsburg (Jan. 16, 1754) he wrote out his report from the rough journal notes he made while on his journey. Dinwiddie immediately sent it to the printer, much to Washington's surprise, and this imprint, the original edition of the journal, printed in 1754 by William Hunter at Williamsburg, is extremely rare. An English edition was published by T. Jeffreys in London in 1754.

1753

Wednesday, October 31, 1753.

I was commissioned and appointed by the Honourable Robert Dinwiddie , Esq; Governor, &c., of Virginia , to visit 0077 23 and deliver a letter to the Commandant of the French forces on the Ohio, and set out on the intended Journey the same day: The next, I arrived at Fredericksburg , and engaged Mr. Jacob Vanbraam , 47 to be my French interpreter; and proceeded with him to Alexandria , where we provided Necessaries. From thence we went to Winchester , and got Baggage, Horses, &c; and from thence we pursued the new Road to Wills-Creek , 48 where we arrived the 14th of November .

Van Braam was a Hollander, and had served under Lawrence Washington in the Carthagena expedition. He had been fencing master to Washington.

Now Cumberland, Md.

Here I engaged Mr. Gist 49 to pilot us out, and also hired four others as Servitors, Barnaby Currin and John Mac-Quire , Indian Traders, Henry Steward , and William Jenkins ; and in company with those persons, left the Inhabitants the Day following.

Christopher Gist. His journal, which varies in particulars from Washington's, will be found in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society , Series 3, vol 5, p. 102.

The excessive Rains and vast Quantity of Snow.

* * * * *

November 22, 1753.

As I got down before the Canoe, I spent some time in viewing the Rivers, and the Land in the Fork; 50 which I think extremely well situated for a Fort, as it has the absolute Command if both Rivers. The Land at the Point is 20 or 25 Feet above the common Surface of the Water; and a considerable Bottom of flat, well-timbered land all around it, very convenient for Building: The Rivers are each a Quarter of a Mile, or more, across, and run here very near at right Angles: Aligany bearing N. E. and Monongahela S. E. The former of these two is a very rapid and swift running Water; the other deep and still, without any perceptible Fall.

Junction of the Monongahela and Allegheny Rivers, the present site of Pittsburgh.

0078 24

About two Miles from this, on the South East Side of the river, at the Place where the Ohio Company intended to erect a Fort, lives Shingiss , 51 king of the Delawares : We called upon him, to invite him to Council at the Loggs -Town. 52

Shingiss, at first a friend of the English, but later joined with the French. The Pennsylvania Gazette of Jan. is, 1756, carried an advertised reward for his head.

Logstown. supposed to have been on Big Beaver Creek, Pa., 17 miles below the forks of the Ohio. It was built by the French as a trading post for the Indians. Its name describes it.

As I had taken a good deal of Notice Yesterday of the Situation at the Forks , my Curiosity led me to examine this more particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for Defence or Advantages; especially the latter: For a Fort at the Forks would be equally well situated on the Ohio , and have the entire command of the Monongahela ; which runs up to our Settlements and is extremely well designed for Water Carriage, as it is of a deep still Nature. Besides a fort at the Fork might be built at a much less Expence, than at the other Place.

Nature has well contrived this lower Place, for Water Defence; but the Hill whereon it must stand being about a Quarter of a Mile in Length, and then descending gradually on the Land Side, will render it difficult and very expensive, to make a sufficient Fortification there.—The whole Flat upon the Hill must be taken-in, the Side next the Descent made extremely high, or else the Hill itself cut away: Otherwise, the Enemy may raise Batteries within that Distance without being exposed to a single Shot from the Fort.

* * * * *

SPEECH TO INDIANS AT LOGSTOWN 53

This speech was delivered by Washington to the Haft King and intended for the Six Nations through him. The Long House was the usual name of the largest cabin or wigwam of the Six Nations. It was the council house and there appear to have been several so called in different parts of the country of the Six Nations.

November 26, 1753.

We met in Council at the Long-House , about 9 o'clock, where I spoke to them as follows:

0079 25

Brothers, I have called you together in Council by order of your Brother, the Governor of Virginia , to acquaint you, that I am sent, with all possible Dispatch, to visit, and deliver a Letter to the French Commandant, of very great Importance to your Brothers, the English ; and I dare say, to you their Friends and Allies.

I was desired, Brothers, by your Brother the Governor, to call upon you, the Sachems of the Nations, to inform you of it, and to ask your Advice and Assistance to proceed to the nearest and best Road to the French . You see, Brothers, I have gotten thus far on my Journey.

His Honour likewise desired me to apply to you for some of your young Men, to conduct and provide Provisions for us on our Way; and be a safe-guard against those French Indians who have taken up the hatchet against us. I have spoken thus particularly to you Brothers, be. cause his Honour our Governor treats you as good Friends and Allies;' and holds you in great Esteem. To confirm what I have said, I give you this String of Wampum. 54

Wampum was a certain kind of shell, comparatively rare, which had been given a ceremonial value by the Indians; it was used in making treaty belts and for personal decoration. After the coming of the white man it seems to have taken on a monetary value. Its use appears to have been more extensive among the Algonquin Tribes than any others, and it does not appear to have been known to the western or plains Indians.

December 4, 1753.

This is an old Indian Town, 55 situated at the Mouth of French Creek on Ohio ; and lies near N. about 60 Miles from the Loggs -Town, but more than 70 the Way we were obliged to go.

Venango; the French name o[ this place was Chiningue. The exact location is a matter of doubt. Croghan places it on the south side of the river, or left hand in descending. It is represented on the map in Father Abraham's Almanac (1761). There was another Chiningue (the Shenango of the English) on the Allegheny.— Ford .

We found the French Colours hoisted at a House from which they had driven Mr. John Frazier , an English Subject. I immediately repaired to it, to know where the Commander resided. There were three Officers, one of whom, Capt. Joncaire , informed me, that he had the Command of the Ohio : But that there was a General Officer at the near Fort, where he 0080 26 advised me to apply for an Answer. He invited us to sup with them; and treated us with the greatest Complaisance.

The Wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the Restraint which at first appeared in their Conversation; and gave a Licence to their Tongues to reveal their Sentiments more freely.

They told me, That it was their absolute Design to take possession of the Ohio , and by G— they would do it: For that altho' they were sensible the English could raise two Men for their one; yet they knew their Motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any Undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted Right to the River, from a Discovery made by one La Salle 60 Years ago; and the Rise of this Expedition is, to prevent our settling on the River or Waters of it, as they had heard of some Families moving-out in Order thereto.

* * * * *

December 11, 1753.

At 11 o'Clock we set out for the Fort, and were prevented from arriving there till the 11th by excessive Rains, Snows, and bad Travelling, through many Mires and Swamps. 56 These we were obliged to pass, to avoid crossing the Creek, which was impossible, either by fording or rafting, the Water was so high and rapid.

Gist's diary is more definite as to the route.

* * * * *

December 12, 1753.

I prepared early to wait upon the Commander, and was received and conducted to him by the second Officer in Command. I acquainted him with my Business, and offered my Commission and Letter: Both of which he desired me to keep till the Arrival of Monsieur Riparti Captain, at the next Fort, who was sent for and expected every Hour.

0081 27

This Commander is a Knight of the military Order of St. Lewis , and named Legardeur de St. Pierre . 57 He is an elderly Gentleman, and has much the Air of a Soldier. He was sent over to take the Command immediately upon the Death of the late General, and arrived here about seven Days before me.

Legardeur de St. Pierre had just returned from an expedition toward the west when he was sent to succeed the dying Marin. He afterwards served under Dieskau and was killed in the “bloody morning scout” just before the Battle of Lake George (1775). His full name was Legardeur de St. Pierre de Repentigny, the last probably being the Riparti just mentioned.— J. G. Shea .

At 2 o'Clock the Gentleman who was sent for arrived, when I offered the Letter, &c, again; which they received, and adjourned into a private Apartment for the Captain to translate, who understood a little English . After he had done it, the Commander desired I would walk-in, and bring my Interpreter to peruse and correct it; which I did.

13th. The chief Officers retired, to hold a Council of War; which gave me an Opportunity of taking the Dimensions of the Fort, and making what Observations I could.

* * * * *

December 15, 1753.

The Commandant ordered a plentiful Store of Liquor, Provision, &c., to be put on Board our Canoe; and appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every Artifice which he could invent to set our own Indians at Variance with us, to prevent their going 'till after our Departure. Presents, Rewards, and every Thing which could be suggested by him or his Officers.—I can't say that ever in my Life I suffered so much Anxiety as I did in this Affair:

* * * * *

December 16, 1753.

We had a tedious and very fatiguing Passage down the Creek. Several Times we had like to have been staved against Rocks; and many Times were obliged all Hands to get out and 0082 28 remain in the Water Half an Hour or more, getting over the Shoals. At one Place the Ice had lodged and made it impassable by Water; therefore we were obliged to carry our Canoe across a Neck of Land, a quarter of a Mile over. We did not reach Venango , till the 22d, where we met with our Horses.

* * * * *

December 23, 1753.

Our Horses were now so weak and feeble, and the Baggage so heavy (as we were obliged to provide all the Necessaries which the Journey would require) that we doubted much their performing it; therefore myself and others (except the Drivers, who were obliged to ride) gave up our Horses for Packs, to assist along with the Baggage. I put myself in an Indian walking Dress, 58 and continued with them three Days, till I found there was no Probability of their getting home in any reasonable Time. The Horses grew less able to travel every Day; the Cold increased very fast; and the Roads were becoming much worse by a deep Snow, continually freezing: Therefore as I was uneasy to get back, to make Report of my Proceedings to his Honour, the Governor, I determined to prosecute my Journey the nearest Way through the Woods, on Foot.

Hip-length leggings of skin and a knee-length coat, belted at the waist, after the style of what became known as the “hunting shirt” during the Revolution.

Accordingly I left Mr. Vanbraam in Charge of our Baggage; with Money and Directions to Provide Necessaries from Place to Place for themselves and Horses, and to make the most convenient Dispatch in Travelling.

I took my necessary Papers; pulled off my Cloaths; and tied myself up in a Match Coat. 59 Then with Gun in Hand and

So called because made of skins that were matched in putting them together. There was a coarse woolen cloth, known as “match cloth,” which was used by the English in imitation of the Indian skin coat. It is, of course, impossible to say whether Washington's coat was of skins or cloth.

0083 29 Pack at my Back, in which were my Papers and Provisions, I set-out with Mr. Gist , 60 fitted in the same Manner, on Wednesday the 26th.

The Day following, just after we had passed a Place called the Murdering -Town 61 (where we intended to quit the Path, and steer across the Country for Shannapins Town) we fell in with a Party of French Indians, who had lain in Wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not 15 steps off, but fortunately missed. We took this Fellow into Custody, and kept him till about 9 o'clock at Night; 62 Then let him go, and walked all the remaining Part of the Night without making any Stop; that we might get the Start, so far, as to be out of the Reach of their Pursuit the next Day, since we were well assured they would follow our Tract as soon as it was light. The next Day we continued travelling till quite dark, and got to the River about two Miles above Shannapins . We expected to have found the River frozen, but it was not, only about 50 Yards from each Shore; The Ice I suppose had broken up above, for it was driving in vast Quantities.

Gist says (December 26) that “I was unwilling he [Washington] should undertake such a travel, who had never been used to walking before this time.” They traveled 18 miles the first day.

Murthering Town, on the southeastern fork of Beaver Creek. Gist mentions meeting but one Indian and his account of the attempted murder places the occurence much later in the day and under different circumstances than those so casually mentioned by Washington. Washington and Gist reached Piney Creek at the end of their all-night march.

Gist's account describes this affair differently.

There was no Way for getting over but on a Raft; Which we set about with but one poor Hatchet, and finished just after Sun-setting. This was a whole Day's Work. Then set off; But before we were Half Way over, we were jammed in the Ice, in such a Manner that we expected every Moment our Raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. I put-out my setting Pole to try to stop the Raft, that the Ice might pass by; when the Rapidity 0084 30 of the Stream threw it with so much Violence against the Pole, that it jerked me out into ten Feet Water: but I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the Raft Logs. Notwithstanding all our Efforts we could not get the Raft to either Shore; but were obliged, as we were near an Island, to quit our Raft and make to it.

The Cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist had all his Fingers, and some of his Toes frozen; but the water was shut up so hard, that we found no Difficulty in getting-off the Island, on the Ice, in the Morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's . 63

John Frazier.

* * * * *

January 1, 1754.

Tuesday the 1st Day of January, we left Mr. Frazier's House, and arrived at Mr. Gist's at Monongahela the 2d, where I bought a Horse, Saddle, etc: the 6th we met 17 Horses loaded with Materials and Stores, for a Fort at the Forks of Ohio , and the Day after some Families going out to settle: This Day we arrived at Wills Creek, after as fatiguing a Journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad Weather. From the first Day of December to the 15th, there was but one Day on which it did not rain or snow incessantly: and throughout the whole Journey we met with nothing but one continued Series of cold wet Weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable Lodgings: especially after we had quitted our Tent, which was some Screen from the Inclemency of it.

On the 11th I got to Belvoir: where I stopped one Day to take necessary Rest; and then set out and arrived at Williamsburgh the 16th; when I waited upon his Honour the Governor with the Letter I had brought from the French Commandant; and to give an Account of the Success of my Proceedings.

* * * * *

Map Made by Washington to Accompany His Report to Dinwiddie on His Journey to the French Commandant

*MEMORANDUM 64

This inscription was placed upon the map which Washington drew and presented to Governor Dinwiddie with his manuscript transcription of his journal of his journey to the French commandant at Fort Le Bœuf. The original map is in the Public Record Office, London. It was found by Worthington C. Ford and reproduced in the Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings (1927–28), vol. 61, p. 71, from which the accompanying illustration is made.

[January 17, 1754.]

The French are now coming from their Forts on Lake Erie and on the Creek 65 to Venango 66 to Erect another Fort. And from thence they design to the Forks of Monongehele and to the Logs Town, and so to continue down the River building at the most convenient places in order to prevent our Settlements &ca.

French Creek, Pa.

Venango, an Indian town at the junction of French Creek and Allegheny River.

N.B. A Little below Shanapins Town 67 in the Fork 68 is the place where we are going immediately to Build a Fort as it commands the Ohio and Monongehele.

Shanapins, a Six Nations town, just above Fort Duquesne on the Allegheny River.

Where Capt. William Trent started an English fort, which the French captured, completed, and named Fort Duquesne. Afterwards it became Fort Pitt and Pittsburgh.

*To ROBERT DINWlDDIE

Alexandria, March 9, 1754.

Honble. Sir: In my last by Mr. Smart, I slightly mentioned the objection many had against Enlisting (to wit) not knowing who was to be pay Master or the times for payment: It is now grown a pretty general Clamour, and some of those, who were amongst the first Enlisters, being needy, and knowing it to be usual for His Majesty's Soldiers to be paid once a Week, or at most every Fortnight, are very importunate to receive their Due: I have soothed and quieted them as much as possible, under pretence of receiving your Honour's Instructions in this particular at the arrival of the Colonel.

0087 32

I have increased my number of Men to abt. 25, and dare venture to say, I should have had several more, if the excessive bad weather did not prevent their meeting agreeable to their Officer's Commands.

We daily Experience the great necessity for Cloathing the Men, as we find the generality of those, who are to be Enlisted, are of those loose, Idle Persons, that are quite destitute of House, and Home, and, I may truly say, many of them of Cloaths; which last, renders them very incapable of the necessary Service, as they must unavoidably be expos'd to inclement weather in their Marches, &c., and can expect no other, than to encounter almost every difficulty, that's incident to a Soldier's Life. There is many of them without Shoes, others want Stockings, some are without Shirts, and not a few that have Scarce a Coat, or Waistcoat to their Backs; In short, they are as illy provided as can well be conceiv'd, but I really believe every Man of them, for their own Credits sake, is willing to be Cloathed at their own Expense. They are perpetually teazing me to have it done, but ! am not able to advance the money provided there was no risque in it, which there certainly is, and too great for me to run; tho' it would be nothing to the Country, as a certain part of their pay might be deducted and appropriated to that use: Mr. Carlyle, 69 or any of the merchants here, would furnish them with proper necessarys, if there was a certainty of any part of their pay stopt to reimburse the Expense. But I must here in time put a kirb to my requests, and remember that I ought not to be too importunate; otherwise I shall be as troublesome to your Honour, as the Soldiers are to me: there is nothing but the necessity of the thing could urge me to be thus free, but I shall no more exagerate this affair to your

John Carlyle.

0088 33 Honour, as I am well assured, whatever you think for the Benefit or good of the Expedition, you will cause to have done. 70

Ford dates this letter March 7, but the original is plainly March 9.

[V.H.S.]

*To WILLIAM FAIRFAX 71

Hon. William Fairfax was the son of Henry Fairfax, of Yorkshire, England, and grandson of Thomas, the fourth Lord Fairfax. His father died when he was young, and he was educated under the care of his uncle, Lord Lonsdale. At the age of 21 he entered the army, and served in Spain. He went also to the East Indies, and after his return engaged in the expedition against Providence Island, at that time in possession of the pirates. He was appointed governor of the island, after its reduction, and married, in the year 1724, the daughter of Thomas Walker, a major in the army, who had accompanied the expedition, and received the appointment of chief justice of the Bahama Islands. The climate not agreeing with the health of Mr. Fairfax, he removed to New England, where he resided, holding an office of considerable trust and emolument, till he was desired by his kinsman, Lord Fairfax, to remove to Virginia and become the agent for managing his large tract of lands in that colony. His first residence was in Westmoreland County, where he remained several years; but he afterwards established himself at Belvoir, on the Potomac River, a little below Mount Vernon. He died at that place on Sept. 3, 1757. He was a gentleman of great worth and respectability, held the offices of lieutenant of the county of Fairfax, and collector of the customs of South Potomac, and was one of the King's Council in Virginia, which last station he retained many years, and was for a considerable time president of the council. From him have descended the various branches of the Fairfax family in Virginia. By his second wife, Sarah Walker, he had four children, George William, Thomas, Anne, and Sarah; by his third wife, Deborah Clarke, of Salem, Mass., he had three children, Bryan, William, and Hannah. Hon. William Fairfax was an early, constant, and valued friend to Washington, and it was, doubtless, chiefly through his influence with the governor and council that Washington obtained his appointment as one of the adjutants of Virginia and his commissions in the Virginia forces.— Sparks .

Alexandria, [March] 22, 1754.

Dr. Sir: I wrote to you in Frederick not knowing your Intention of going to Stafford, desiring that all your Men &c. might be in readiness to march by the middle or last of next week at furthest for Ohio: I have just receiv'd the Governor's Orders (which was sent upon the arrival of Captn Trent's 72 express) to dispatch with all expedition thither, with the men already raiz'd and such Officers as I see proper: therefore, I shall do

Capt. William Trent, of Pennsylvania, in the employ of Governor Dinwiddie. His fears, disclosed by this express, of an attack by the French were amply justified a little later.

0089 34 myself: the Honour of calling upon you for one; I expect several others up this Day, together with three Sloops from York James River, and Eastern Shore with recruits; those who cannot be in readiness to go, are to stay and march with Coln. Fryer 73 who is to bring out the remainder of the Men, Artillery &c. I shou'd be glad you wou'd repair to Alexandria imediately upon the receipt of this in your way to Winchester that we may consult on proper Means.

Col. Joshua Fry. He ]lad been put in command of this expedition by Governor Dinwiddie, with instructions to build forts and hold the Ohio country against the French. He died May 31 from an accidental fall from his horse, and the actual management of the expedition devolved upon Washington.

P.S. I suppose you have read or heard of the Governor's command requiring all officers to be and appear at Alexandria the 20th inst.

[N.Y.P.L.]

To RICHARD CORBIN

March, 1754.

Dear Sir: In a conversation with you at Green Spring, you gave me some room to hope for a commission above that of major, and to be ranked among the chief officers of this expedition. The command of the whole forces is what I neither look for, expect, nor desire; for I must be impartial enough to confess, it is a charge too great for my youth and inexperience to be entrusted with. Knowing this, I have too sincere a love for my country, to undertake that which may tend to the prejudice of it. But if I could entertain hopes, that you thought me worthy of the post of lieutenant-colonel, and would favor me so far as to mention it at the appointment of officers, I could not but entertain a true sense of the kindness.

I flatter myself, that, under a skilful commander, or man of sense, (whom I most sincerely wish to serve under,) with my own application and diligent study of my duty, I shall be able 0090 35 to conduct my steps without censure, and, in time, render myself worthy of the promotion, that I shall be favored with now. I am, &c. 74

Ford assigns this letter to an early day in March on account of Governor Dinwiddie statement that on March I he had appointed Colonel Fry to command the expedition. Richard Corbin, of Laneville, King and Queen County, Ford notes as the member of file governor's council, and refers to Marshall's The Life of George Washington , Second Edition, vol. 1, p. 3. Green Spring was below Williamsburg, on the lames River. Ford also quotes Corbin's reply to this letter: “Dear George: I enclose you your commission. God prosper you with it. Your friend, Richard Corbin.”

To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Alexandria, March 20, 1754.

Sir: I was favored with your letter by Mr. Stewart, enclosing a lieutenant-colonel's commission, and I hope my future behaviour will sufficiently testify the true sense I have of this kindness.

At present there are about seventy-five men at Alexandria, near fifty of whom I have enlisted. 75 The others have been sent by Messrs. Polson, 76 Mercer, 77 and Waggener 78 a to this place. Very few officers have repaired hither yet, which has occasioned a fatiguing time to me, in managing a number of selfwilled, ungovernable people. I shall implicitly obey your commands, and march out with all expedition. Major Carlyle 79 is now preparing wagons for the conveyance of provisions, which till now could not move, on account of the heavy roads.

To encourage enlistments, Dinwiddie issued a proclamation granting 200,000 acres of land on the Ohio to be divided among officers and men who served in this expedition.

Ensign William Polson.

Lieut. John Mercer.

Lieut. Thomas Waggener.

Maj. John Carlyle.

I doubt not but your Honor has been informed before this of Mr. Vanbraam's 80 ill success in Augusta, by the express, who was sent from thence for that purpose.

Jacob Van Braam had been sent to Augusta County to receive the 50 recruits expected to be enlisted by Colonel Patten, the county lieutenant.— Ford .

0091 36

Major Muse's 81 promotion, and Messrs. Rose and Bently's declining, will occasion a want of officers; in which case I would beg leave to mention Mr. Vanbraam for a command, who is the oldest lieutenant, and an experienced soldier. Unless the officers come in, I shall be obliged to appoint him to that office, till I have your Honor's further directions. It would be conferring a very great obligation on him, were you to confirm the appointment. I verily believe his behaviour would not render him displeasing to you. I have given Captain Stephen 82 orders to be in readiness to join us at Winchester with his company, as they were already in that neighbourhood, and raised there.

George Muse, a North Carolina major) later a lieutenant colonel and one of the four district adjutants of Virginia.

Adam Stephen.

I have nothing further to add at present, but my sincere thanks for the indulgent favors I have met with, and I am &c. 83

Text is from the Dinwiddie Papers .

JOURNAL OF MARCH TOWARD THE OHIO, 1754 84

The original notes and memoranda, made by Washington on his march toward the Ohio, were captured by the French at Fort Necessity. They were sent to Paris, translated, and a year later (1756) published by the French Government in such form as would argue the justice of the French seizure of the Ohio region. The publication appeared under the title Mémoires Contenant le Précis des Faits . The French publication was quickly translated back into English and republished in London; it was brought to America and an edition issued by Hugh Gaine, New York (1757). Washington wrote of this publication:

“I am really sorry, that I have it not in my power to answer your request in a more satisfactory manner. If you had favored me with the journal a few days sooner, I would have examined it carefully, and endeavored to point out such errors as might conduce to your use, my advantage, and the public satisfaction; but now it is out of my power.

“I had no time to make any remarks upon that piece, which is called my journal. The enclosed are observations on the French notes. They are of no use to me separated, nor will they, I believe, be of any to you; yet I send them unconnected and incoherent as they were taken, for I have no opportunity to correct them.

“In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept no regular one during that expedition; rough minutes of occurrences I certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely metamorphosed; some parts left out, which I remember were entered, and many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and things egregiously miscalled; and the whole of what I saw Englished is very incorrect and nonsensical; yet, I will not pretend to say that the little body, who brought it to me, has not made a literal translation, and a good one.

“Short as my time is, I cannot help remarking on Villilers' account of the battle of, and transactions at, the Meadows, as it is very extraordinary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent. He says the French received the first fire. It is well known, that we received it at six hundred paces' distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to retreat in a most disorderly manner after the capitulation. How is this consistent with his other account? He acknowledges, that we sustained the attack warmly from ten in the morning until dark, and that he called first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were not totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account had adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that we looked upon his offer to parley as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches, and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vainglory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and second proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other terms than such as we obtained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly, deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word assassination, I do aver, and will to my dying moment; so will every officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called it the death, or the loss, of Sieur Jumonville. So we received and so we understood it, until, to our great surprise and mortication we found it otherwise in a literal translation.

“That we left our baggage and horses at the Meadows is certain; that there was not even a possibility to bring them away is equally certain, as we had every horse belonging to the camp killed or taken away during the action; so that it was impracticable to bring any thing off, that our shoulders were not able to bear; and to wait there was impossible, for we had scarce three days' provisions, and were seventy miles from a supply; yet, to say we came off precipitately is absolutely false; notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer their Indians to pillage our baggage, and commit all kinds of irregularity, we were with them until ten o'clock the next day; we destroyed our powder and other stores, nay, even our private baggage, to prevent its falling into their hands, as we could not bring it off”

Sparks prints this letter in his appendix to volume a, of the Writings of Washington , but gives no date or other identification. It has not, since, been found. Rupert Hughes's George Washington (vol. I) facsimiles the title-page of the French publication and the last page of the articles of capitulation at Fort Necessity, printed therein.

March 31, 1754.

On the 31st March , I received from his Honour a Lieutenant Colonel's Commission in the Virginia Regiment, whereof Joshua Fry, 85 Esquire, was Colonel, dated the 15th, with Orders to take the troops, which were at that time quartered at

Colonel Fry's instructions were “to be on the defensive, but if opposed by the enemy to desire them to retire; if they should still persist, to repel force by force.”— Dinwiddie to Governor Hamilton , Apr. 27, 1754.

0092 37 Alexandria under my command, and to march with them towards the Ohio, there to aid Captain Trent 86 in building Forts,

Capt. William Trent, a Pennsylvanian, in the employ of Virginia.

0093 38 and in defending the possessions of his Majesty against the attempts and hostilities of the French. 87

Washington's instructions are in the Dinwiddie Papers (Virginia Historical Society), vol. 1, p, 59.

* * * * *

April the 2d. Every Thing being ready, we began our march 88 according to our Orders, the 2d of April , with two Companies of Foot, commanded by Captain Peter Hog , 89 and Lieutenant Jacob Vanbraam , 90 five subalterns, two Sergeants, six Corporals, one Drummer, and one hundred and twenty soldiers, one Surgeon, 91 one Swedish Gentleman, 92 who was a volunteer, two wagons, guarded by one Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporal and twenty-five Soldiers.

The march is indicated by Washington's expense account, submitted after the surrender at Fort Necessity, July 3, 1754. As well as may be made out from this document, the route was from Alexandria, through Loudoun County, crossing the Blue Ridge at Vestals Gap, the Shenandoah at John Vestals Ferry, and thence to Winchester; from Winchester to Edwards Fort, on the South Branch of Great Cacapehon Creek; from Edwards to Pearsalls, on the South Branch of the Potomac; across that river at Cresaps, and thence up to Wills Creek. Washington'a expense account was made up from recollection, “having lost all my papers in ye engagement,” i.e., Fort Necessity.

Capt. Peter Hog (or Hogg). He later was appointed by Lord Dunmore deputy attorney general of Dunmore, now Shenandoah County, Va.

The same Van Braam who had accompanied Washington to Fort Le Bœuf the preceding year. The responsibility for allowing Washington to sign the capitulation of Fort Necessity, while it contained the acknowledgment of having murdered Jumonville, is placed upon Van Branre. His carelessness in translating allowed the phrase “dans l'assassinat du Sieur de Jumonville” to pass unnoticed.

Dr. James Craik.

Carolus Gustavus de Spiltdorph. He later became a lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment and was killed at the Monongahela.— Toner .

We left Alexandria on Tuesday noon and pitched our tents about four miles from Cameron, 93 having marched six miles.

Cameron, at the head of Hunting Creek. An ordinary, or inn, was there, and it became the general meeting place of militia musters and other gatherings, A race track was one of its attractions.

* * * * *

SPEECH TO THE INDIANS AT WILLS CREEK 94

This and the four following speeches are taken from the French publication of Washington's journal of March-April, 1754, Mémoires Contenant le Précis des Faits (1756), which is printed by Ford, and also in the The Diaries of George Washington (Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union, 1925).

April 23, 1754.

To the Half-King, 95 and the Chiefs and Warriors of the Shawanese and Loups our Friends and Brethren. I received your speech by Brother Bucks who came to us with the two young men six days after their departure from you. We return

The Half King was Tanacharisson, a Seneca chief, called “Half King” because of the allegiance he owed to the Six Nations. He was with Washington at the Jumonville fight and seems to have died in October, 1754.

0094 39 you our greatest thanks and our hearts burn with love and affection towards you, in gratitude for your steadfast attachment to us, as also your friendly speech, and your wise counsels. This young man will inform you where he found a small part of our army, making towards you, clearing the roads for a great number of our warriors, who are ready to follow us, with our great guns, our ammunition and provisions. I cannot delay letting you know the thoughts of our hearts, I send you back this young man, with this speech, to acquaint you therewith, and the other young man I have sent to the Governor of Virginia, to deliver him your speech and your wampum, and to be an eyewitness of the preparations we are making, to come in all haste to assist you, whose interest is as dear to us as our lives. We know the character of the treacherous French, and our conduct shall plainly show you how much we have it at heart. I shall not be satisfied if I do not see you before all our forces are met together at the Fort which is in our way, wherefore, I desire with the greatest earnestness, that you and Scruneyattha, or one of you, should come as soon as possible to meet us on the road, and to assist us in council. To assure you of the sincerity of my speech, and of the good will we bear you, I present you with these strings of wampum, that you may remember how much I am your Friend and Brother. Signed Go Washington Conotocarious. 96

This was the name the Indians had given to Washington. It had been bestowed by them on his great-grandfather, John Washington, the emigrant, who had been, as George was, a colonel of Virginia militia. It meant “devourer of villages.” George fell heir to the title when he first became known to the Indians.

To GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE

Will's Creek, April 25, 1754.

Sir: Captain Trent's 97 ensign, Mr. Ward, 98 has this day arrived from the Fork of the Monongahela, and brings the disagreeable account, that the fort, on the 17th instant, was surrendered at the summons of Monsieur Contrecœur to a body of French, consisting of upwards of one thousand men, who came from Venango with eighteen pieces of cannon, sixty batteaux, and three hundred canoes. They gave him liberty to bring off all his men and working-tools, which he accordingly did the same day.

Capt, William Trent.

Ensign Edward Ward.

Immediately upon this information I called a council of war, to advise on proper measures to be taken in this exigency. A copy of their resolves, with the proceedings, I herewith enclose by the bearer, whom I have continued express to your Honor for more minute intelligence.

Mr. Ward has the summons with him, and a speech from the Half-King, which I also enclose, with the wampum. He is accompanied by one of the Indians mentioned therein, who were sent to see where we were, what was our strength, and to know the time to expect us out. The other young man I have prevailed upon to return to the Half-King with the following speech. 99

The speech of April 23, ante .

I hope my proceedings in these affairs will be satisfactory to your Honor, as I have, to the utmost of my knowledge, consulted the interest of the expedition and good of my country; whose rights, while they are asserted in so just a cause, I will defend to the last remains of life.

Hitherto the difficulties I have met with in marching have been greater, than I expect to encounter on the Ohio, when 0096 41 possibly I may be surrounded by the enemy, and these difficulties have been occasioned by those, who, had they acted as becomes every good subject, would have exerted their utmost abilities to forward our just designs. Out of seventy-four wagons impressed at Winchester, we got but ten after waiting a week, and some of those so badly provided with teams, that the soldiers were obliged to assist them up the hills, although it was known they had better teams at home. I doubt not that in some points I may have strained the law; but I hope, as my sole motive was to expedite the march, I shall be supported in it, should my authority be questioned, which at present I do not apprehend, unless some busybody intermeddles. 1

By the militia law of Virginia the commander could impress provisions, boats, wagons, draft horses, utensils, tools, and the like. necessary to facilitate military movements and operations. But no article could be impressed till its value had been appraised and an estimate of the proper allowance for its daily use had been made by two reputable persons under oath. A receipt for the same was then to be given in writing to the owner by the commanding officer. (See Hening's Statutes at Large , vol. 6, P. 114.) Under the difficulties of the service mentioned in the text, it was doubtless not possible to comply literally in every instance with these formalities of the law. Although the troops now raised were volunteers, and enlisted for a special purpose, yet they were regulated in every respect by the militia laws of the colony. This was the cause of great inconvenience and embarrassment to Washington afterwards, particularly in regard to discipline, as the militia laws were ill suited to troops in active service.— Sparks .

Your Honor will see by the resolves in council, that I am destined to the Monongahela with all the diligent despatch in my power. We will endeavour to make the road sufficiently good for the heaviest artillery to pass, and when we arrive at Red-stone Creek, fortify ourselves as strongly as the short time will allow. I doubt not that we can maintain a possession there, till we are reinforced, unless the rising of the waters shall admit the enemy's cannon to be conveyed up in canoes, and then I flatter myself we shall not be so destitute of intelligence, as not to get timely notice of it, and make a good retreat.

I hope you will see the absolute necessity for our having, as soon as our forces are collected, a number of cannon, some of 0097 42 heavy metal, with mortars and grenadoes to attack the French, and put us on an equal footing with them.

Perhaps it may also be thought advisable to invite the Cherokees, Catawbas, and Chickasaws to march to our assistance, as we are informed that six hundred Chippewas and Ottawas are marching down Scioto Creek to join the French, who are coming up the Ohio. In that case I would beg leave to recommend their being ordered to this place first, that a peace may be concluded between them and the Six Nations; for I am informed by several persons, that, as no good harmony subsists between them, their coming first to the Ohio may create great disorders, and turn out much to our disadvantage.

As I had opportunities I wrote to the governors of Maryland and Pennsylvania, acquainting them with these advices, and enclosed the summons and Indian speech, which I hope you will not think me too forward in doing. I considered that the Assembly of Maryland was to sit in five days, that the Pennsylvania Assembly is now sitting, and that, by giving timely notice, something might be done in favor of this expedition, which now requires all the force we can muster. 2

Governor Dinwiddie had likewise written to the governors of all the provinces, from New York to South Carolina, setting forth the alarming state of affairs in Virginia, and pressing for assistance. But nothing was done. Several of the governors brought the matter before their assemblies, with moving appeals to their patriotism and sympathy. The evil was too distant to be felt, and was little heeded. Pennsylvania and Maryland were more immediately concerned, as their frontiers were threatened. In both these colonies the assemblies passed money bills for general protection, but so clogged with what the governors called attacks upon the prerogative that they would not sign them. Governor Dinwiddie's official dignity was severely tried in the affair of the, £10,000 granted by the Virginia Legislature. By the bill making the grant, a committee was appointed to act in concert with the governor in appropriating the money. In writing to the board of trade, he says: “I would by no means have given my assent to the bill, if his Majesty's service had not immediately called for a supply.” He held that appropriating the money for the defense of the colony was vested wholly in the hands of the governor. He wrote at the same time to the Earl of Halifax: “I am sorry to find the House of Burgesses in a republican way of thinking; and, indeed, they do not act in a proper constitutional way, but make encroachments upon the prerogative of the crown, in which some former governors have submitted too much to them; and, I fear, without a very particular instruction, it will be difficult to bring them to order.”— Sparks . (See the Dinwiddie Papers , March 12.)

0098 43

By the best information I can get, I much doubt whether any of the Indians will be in to treat in May. Are the Indian women and children, if they settle amongst us, to be maintained at our expense? They will expect it. 3

Text is from the Dinwiddie Papers .

To HORATIO SHARPE

Wills Creek, April 27, 1754.

May it please your Excellency: It is with the greatest concern I acquaint you, that Mr. Ward, 4 ensign in Captain Trent's company was obliged to surrender his small fortress in the Forks of Monongahela, at the summons of Captain Contrecœur, 5 commander of the French forces who fell down from Vengano with a fleet of 360 canoes and battoes, conveying upwards of one thousand men, eighteen pieces of artillery, and large stores of provisions and other necessaries; Mr. Ward having but an inconsiderable number of men (not exceeding 30 and no cannon to make a proper defence was forced to give up the fort on the 17th instant. They suffered him to draw out his men, arms, and working tools, and gave leave that he might retreat to the inhabitants with them. I have heard of your excellency's great zeal for his majesty's service, and for all our interests on the present occasion; therefore I am persuaded you will take proper notice of the Indians' moving speech and think their unshaken fidelity worthy your consideration.

Edward Ward.

After Contrecœur took possession of the partially built works, on April 17, he completed the fort and named it Duquesne.

I have arrived thus far with a detachment of 159 men; col Fry with the remainder of the regiments and artillery is daily expected. In the mean time we shall advance slowly across the mountains, making the roads as we march, fit for the carriage [of] the great guns &c. and are designed to proceed as far as 0099 44 the mouth of Red Stone Creek 6 which enters the Monogahela about 37 miles above the fort (the French have taken) from whence we have water carriage down the river; there is a store house built by the Ohio Company at the place, which for the present may serve as a receptacle for our ammunition and provisions.

Red Stone Creek empties into the Monongahela in Fayette County, Pa. The old Ohio Company erected a storehouse near the mouth of the creek and Col. James Burd built a fort there in 1758. It was indifferently called Red Stone and Burds Fort. The town of Brownsville is now on the site.

Besides the French herein mentioned we have credible information that another party are coming up Ohio. We also have intelligence that 600 of the Chippoways and Ottoway Indians are marching down Scioto Creek to join them.

I ought first to have begged pardon of your excellency for this liberty of writing, as I am not happy enough to be ranked among those of your acquaintance. It was the glowing zeal I owe my country that influenced me to impart these advices and my inclination prompted me to do it to you as I know you are solicitous for the public weal and warm in this interesting cause; that should rouse from the lethargy we have fallen into, the heroick spirit of every free-born English man to attest the rights and privileges of our king (if we don't consult the benefit of ourselves) and resque from the invasions of a usurping enemy, our Majesty's property, his dignity, and land.

I hope sir, you will excuse the freeness of my expressions, they are the pure sentiments of the heart of him who is with all imaginable regard and due respect, Your Excellency's most obt. etc.

N.B. I herewith have inclosed for your Excellency's perusal a copy of the Summons from the French officers, and also the Indina's speech which was delivered to and brought by Mr. Ward. 7

From the Baltimore Repository (March, 1811), where the text was first printed. It was printed again in the Magazine of American History (1881). In both instances the date is given as April 24, and it is so dated by Ford, but Washington wrote a similar letter, under date of April 27, to Gov. lames Hamilton, so it is more reasonable to assign that date to his letter to Sharpe. The letter to Governor Dinwiddie, reporting the same occurrences, is dated April 25. Washington's journal, published by the French, Mémoires Contenant le Précis des Faits , mentions these letters under the entry for April 23, but the probability of a French error is strong. Washington's letter to Hamilton is printed by Sparks (vol. 2, p. 11).

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Little Meadows, May 9, 1754.

Honble Sir: I acquainted your Honour by Mr. Ward with the determination, which we prosecuted 4 Days after his Departure, as soon as Waggons arrived to Convey our Provisions. The want of proper Conveyances has much retarded this Expedition, and at this time unfortunately delay'd the Detachment I have the Honour to command. Even when we came to Wills's Ck., my disappointments were not less than before, for there I expected to have found a sufficient number of pack Horses provided by Captn. Trent, conformable to his Promise, Maj. Carlyles Letters and my own, (that I might prosecute my first intention with light, expeditions Marches) but inst'd of th't, there was none in readiness, nor any in expectation, that I could perceive, which reduced me to the necessity of wait'g till Waggons c'd be procur'd from the Branch, 8 (40 Miles distant). However, in the mean time, I detach'd a party of 60 Men to make and amend the Road, which party since the 25th of Ap'l, and the main body since the 1st Inst't, have been laboriously employ'd, and have got no further than these Meadows, ab't 20 Miles from the new Store, 9 where we have been two Days making a Bridge across, and not done yet.

The South Branch of the Potomac River.

The Ohio Company's post at Wills Creek, erected in 1752 on the Virginia side of the Potomac.

The great difficulty and labour, that it requires to amend and alter the Roads, prevents our March'g above 2, 3, or 4 Miles 0101 46 a Day, and I fear, (tho no diligence shall be neglected), we shall be detained some considerable time before it can be made good for the Carriage of the Artillery with Colo. Fry.

We Daily receive Intelligence from Ohio by one or other of the Traders, that are continually retreating to the Inhabitants with their Effects; they all concur, that the French are reinforced with 800 Men; and this day, by one Kalender, I received an acc't, which he sets forth as certain, that there is 600 at the Falls of Ohio, from whence they int'd to move up to the lower Shawno Town, at the mouth of Sciodo Ck. to Erect other Fortresses. He likewise says, that the forces at the Forks are Erect'g their works with their whole Force, and as he was coming met at Mr. Gist's new settlem't Monsieur La Force with 4 Sold'rs, who, under the specious pretence of hunting Deserters, were reconnoitring and discovering the Country. He also brings the agreeable news, that the Half King has receiv'd, and is much pleas'd with, the speech I sent them, and is now upon their March with 50 Men to meet us. The French down the River are sending presents and invitations to all the neighbouring Indians, and practising every means to influence them in their Interest.

We have heard nothing from the Catawbas, or any of the Southern Indians, tho' this is the time we mostly need their assistance. I have not above 160 Effective Men with me, since Captain Trent's have left us, who I discharg'd from this Detach't, and order'd them to wait your Honour's Com'ds at Captn Trent's for I found them rather injurious to the other Men, than Serviceable to the Exp'n, till they could be upon the same Establish't with us, and come under the rigor of the Martial Law. I am, &c.

[V.H.S]

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Gr. xing of Yaughyaughgane, May 18, 1754.

Honble. Sir: I receiv'd your Honour's favour by Mr. Ward, who arriv'd here last Night, just as two Indians from the Ohio Did.

Which Indians contradict the Report of the French having receiv'd reinforcements, tho' they agree that 800 Men are very shortly expected; those that are there, are busily imploy'd in Erecting the Fort, which they have removed to the point I recommended for the Countrys use, whose Walls they have now made two fathom thick, and have raised it Breast high.

They are daily sending Scouts out, some of which ab't 5 days ago was seen within 6 or 7 Miles of our Camp; but as I did not receive timely Notice of it, they have escap'd, unless they have fallen in with a party sent out ab't 8 days ago to Red Stone, to reconnoitre the country thereabouts, and to get Intelligence of the motions of the French.

It is imagin'd the Half King will be here in two or three Days, but to hurry him I have sent the Indian, that came up with Mr. Ward, with a short speech, acquainting him with my desire of his coming as expeditiously as possible, to receive the Speech which your Honour sent by Mr. Ward, and that Colo. Fry wrote me I was to deliver: when he arrives I will endeavour to send him on to meet your Honour at Winchester.

These Indians, and all the Traders that I have been able to get any information from, of late, agree that it is almost impracticable to open a Road, that a Waggon can pass from this to Red Stone C'k: but most of them assure me, that (except one place) Water Carriage may be had down this River, which 0103 48 will be a most advantageous discovery if it proves so, as it will save 40 Miles Land carriage over almost impassable Roads and Mount's.

The Water is now so high, that we cannot possible cross over wit h our Men, which likewise secures us from any imediate Attacks of the Enemy: therefore I have Resolved to go down the River to this Fall, which is at the Turkey foot; to inform myself concerning the Nature and difficulty attending this Fall, in order thereto, I have provided a Canoe, and shall; with an Officer and 5 Men, set out upon this discovery to morrow Morning.

Captn. Trents Men, who by their refractory Behaviour obliged me to seperate them from the other Soldiers, has now left the new Store and dispers'd, contrary to my positive orders till they received your Honour's Commands.

As I shall have frequent communications with the Indians, which is of no Effect with' Wampum, I hope your Honour will order some to be sent; indeed, we ought to have Shirts, and many other things of this sort, which is always expected by every Indian that brings a Message, or good report. Also the Chiefs, who visit and converse in Council, look for it: if it would not be thought too bold in me, I would recommend some of the Treaty Goods being sent for that purpose with, or after Colo. Fry: This is the method the French pursue, and a trifle judiciously bestow'd, and in season, may turn to our advantage. If I find this River is navigable, I am convinced it cannot but be agreeable to y'r Honour building Canoes in order to convey our Artillery down; as the Roads to tiffs place are made as good as it can be, having spent much time and great Labour upon it, I believe waggons may travel now with 15 or 1800 wt in them by doubling at one or two pinches only.

[V.H.S.]

To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Great Crossing of the Youghiogany, May 18, 1754.

Sir: I am heartily concerned, that the officers have such real cause to complain of the Committee's resolves; and still more to find my inclinations prone to second their just grievances.

I have endeavoured, as far as I was able, to see in the best light I could the trifling advantages that may accrue; yet nothing prevents their throwing down their commissions, (with gratitude and thanks to your Honor, whose good intentions of serving us we are all well assured of,) but the approaching danger, which has too far engaged their honor to recede till other officers are sent in their room, or an alteration made regarding their pay, during which time they will assist with their best endeavours voluntarily, that is, without receiving the gratuity allowed by the resolves of the Committee.

Giving up my commission is quite contrary to my intention. Nay, I ask it as a greater favor, than any amongst the many I have received from your Honor, to confirm it to me. But let me serve voluntarily; then I will, with the greatest pleasure in life, devote my services to the expedition without any other reward, than the satisfaction of serving my country; but to be slaving dangerously for the shadow of pay, through woods, rocks, mountains,—I would rather prefer the great toil of a daily laborer, and dig for a maintenance, provided I were reduced to the necessity, than serve upon such ignoble terms; for I really do not see why the lives of his Majesty's subjects in Virginia should be of less value, than of those in other parts of his American dominions; especially when it is well known, that we must undergo double their hardship.

I could enumerate a thousand difficulties that we have met with, and must expect to meet with, more than other officers 0105 50 who have almost double our pay; but as I know you reflect on these things, and are sensible of the hardships we must necessarily encounter, it would be needless to enlarge.

Besides, as I have expatiated fully (and, perhaps, too warmly) in a letter to Colonel Fairfax, who, I suppose, will accompany you to Winchester, upon the motives that occasion these my resolves, I shall not trouble you with them; for the subject leads me too far when I engage in it. 10

The text is from Sparks; the original eludes the editor.

Another thing resolved by the Committee is, that only one sergeant and one corporal be allowed to a company; with whom it is as much impossible to do the necessary duty, as it is to conquer kingdoms with my handful of men.

Upon the whole, I find so many clogs upon the expedition, that I quite despair of success; nevertheless, I humbly beg it, as a particular favor, that your Honor will continue me in the post I now enjoy, the duty whereof I will most cheerfully execute as a volunteer, but by no means upon the present pay. 11

“Now, Colonel Washington, I shall more particularly answer what relates to yourself, and I must begin with expressing both concern and surprize to find a gentleman, whom I so particularly considered, and from whom I had so great expectations and hopes, appear so differently for himself, and give me leave to say, mistakenly, as I think, concurring with complaints in general so illfounded. I am sensible of your difficulties and you may believe I shall not let your merits pass unnoticed. I believe you sincerely attached to your country's welfare and prosperity, which, you know, very much depends on the success of your present expedition, and this I persuade myself will sweeten the toils; that you will hereafter reflect on with pleasure, and engage you to think of nothing less than resigning your command, or countenancing in any sort the discontent that could never be more unreasonable or pernicious that at present.”— Dinwiddie to Washington , May 25, 1754.

I hope what I have said will not be taken amiss; for I really believe, were it as much in your power, as it is your inclination, we should be treated as gentlemen and officers, and not have annexed to the most trifling pay, that ever was given to English officers, the glorious allowance of soldier's diet,—a pound of pork, with bread in proportion, per day. Be the consequence 0106 51 what it will, I am determined not to leave the regiment, but to be amongst the last men that quit the Ohio, even if I serve as a private volunteer, which I greatly prefer to the establishment we are now upon. I am, &c.

SPEECH TO THE HALF KING

Youghiogheny River, May 19, 1754.

I despatched the young Indian who had returned with Mr Ward, 12 to the Half-King, with the following speech.

Ensign Edward Ward.

To the Half-King, &c . My Brethren, It gives me great pleasure, to learn that you are marching to assist me with your counsels; be of good courage, my brethren, and march vigorously towards your brethren the English; for fresh forces will soon join them, who will protect you against your treacherous enemy the French. I must send My friends to you, that they acquaint you with an agreeable speech which the Governor of Virginia has sent to you: He is very sorry for the bad usage you have received. The swollen streams do not permit us to come to you quickly, for that reason I have sent this young man to invite you to come and meet us: he can tell you many things that he has seen in Virginia, and also how well he was received by the most prominent men; they did not treat him as the French do your people who go to their Fort; they refuse them provisions; this man has had given him all that his heart could wish; for the confirmation of all this, I here give you a Belt of Wampum. 13

When the Indians arrived, they brought their families with them, as they had been invited to do, and so proved rather a source of weakness than of strength. Later they complained that Washington had used them hardly. They were quick to sense situations, and before Fort Necessity was besieged they deserted the Virginians.

To COLONEL JOSHUA FRY 14

The text is from Sparks. The whereabouts of the original is unknown and no draft or copy is in the Washington Papers .

May 23, 1754.

Sir: This day I returned from my discoveries down the Youghiogany, which, I am sorry to say, can never be made navigable. We traced the watercourse near thirty miles, with the full expectation of succeeding in the much desired aim; but, at length, we came to a fall, which continued rough, rocky, and scarcely passable, for two miles, and then fell, within the space of fifty yards, nearly forty feet perpendicular.

As I apprehended there would be difficulty in these waters, I sent the soldiers forward upon the road, when I left the camp, which was as soon as they could cross; therefore, no time has been lost; but the roads are so exceedingly bad, that we proceed very slow.

By concurring intelligence, which we received from the Indians, the French are not above seven or eight hundred strong, and by a late account we are informed, that one half of them were detached in the night, without even the Indians' knowledge, on some secret expedition; but the truth of this, though it is affirmed by an Indian lately from their fort, I cannot yet vouch for, nor tell where they are bound.

I would recommend, in the strongest terms possible, your writing to the Governor for some of the treaty goods, or any others suitable for the Indians. Nothing can be done without them. All the Indians that come expect presents. The French take this method, which proves very acceptable; besides, if you want one or more to conduct a party, to discover the country, to hunt, or for any particular service, they must be bought; their friendship it not so warm, as to prompt them to these services gratis; and that, I believe, every person, who is acquainted with 0108 53 the nature of Indians, knows. The Indian, that accompanied me down the river, would go no further than the Forks, about ten miles, till I promised him a ruffled shirt, which I must take from my own, and a match-coat. He said the French always had Indians to show them the woods, because they paid well for so doing; and this may be laid down as a standing maxim amongst them. I think were the goods sent out, and delivered occasionally, as you see cause, that four or five hundred pounds' worth would do more good, than as many thousands given at a treaty.

I hope I may be excused for offering my opinions so freely, for I can aver we shall get no intelligence, or other services from them, unless we have goods to apply to these uses. I am, &c.

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

G't Meadows, May 27, 1754.

Hon'ble Sir: the 25th Ult., by an Express from Colo. Fry, I receiv'd the News of your Honour's arrival at Winchester, and advice of seeing the Half King and other Chiefs of the 6 Nations. I have by sundry Speeches and messages invited him, Monacatoocha, &c., to meet me, and have reason to expect he is on his Road, as he only purpos'd to settle his People to planting, at a place chosen up Yaughyaughgane for that purpose. but fearing something might have retarded his March, I imediately, upon the arrival of the Express, despatch'd a Messenger with a speech. He is not returned yet. Ab't 4 Days ago I receiv'd a message from the Half [King] of which the following is a copy exactly taken:

“To the forist, his Majesties Commander Offiverses to horn this meay concern:

On acc't of a freench armey to meat Miger Georg Wassiontton therfor my Brotheres I deesir you to be awar of them for deisin'd to strik ye 0109 54 forist English they see ten days since they marchd I cannot tell what nomber the half King and the rest of the Chiefs will be with you in five dayes to consel, no more at present but give my serves to my Brothers the English

The Half-King

John Davison .” 15

Davison was an interpreter. Washington copied the letter verbatim, to protect himself, as much probably as to amuse Dinwiddie, in event of the exact meaning of the intelligence being called into question later.

This acc't was seconded in the Evening by another that the French were at the x'ing of Yaughyaughgane abt 18 Miles. I hereupon hurried to this place as a convenient spot. We have, with Nature's assistance, made a good Intrenchment, and, by clearing the Bushes out of these Meadows, prepar'd a charming field for an Encounter. I detach'd, imediately upon my arrival here, small light partys of horse (Wag'n Horses) to reconnoitre the Enemy, and discover their strength and motion, who return'd Yesterday with't seeing any thing of them nevertheless, we were alarm'd at Night, and remain'd under Arms from two o'Clock till near Sun rise. We conceive it was our own Men, as 6 of them Deserted, but can't be certain whether it was them or other Enemys. Be it as it will, they were fired at by the Centrys, but I believe without damage.

This morning Mr. Gist arriv'd from his place, where a Detachment of 50 men was seen Yesterday at Noon, com'd by Monsr. La force. He afterwards saw their tracks within 5 Miles of our Camp. I imediately detach'd 75 Men in pursuit of them, who, I hope, will overtake them before they get to red Stone, where their Canoes Lie. Mr. Gist being an Eye-witness of our proceedings, hereupon and waiting for this with't my knowing till just now that he intended to wait upon your Honr. obliges me to refer your Hon'r to him for particulars. 0110 55 As I expect my Messenger in to Night from the Half King, I shall write more fully tomorrow by the Express that came from Colo. Fry.

But before I conclude I must take the Liberty of mentioning to your Honour the gt. necessity there is for having goods out here to give for Services of the Indians; they all expect it and refuse to Scout or do any thing without; saying these Services are paid well by the French. I really think was 5 or 600 Pounds worth of proper goods sent, it wd. tend more to our Interest than so many thousands given in a Lump at a treaty. I have been obliged to pay Shirts for what they have already done which I cannot continue to do.

The numbers of the French have been greatly magnified, as your Honour may see by a Copy of the enclos'd journal, who I sent out to gain Intelligence. I have receiv'd letters from the Governors of Pensylvania and Maryland, Copys of which I also send. I am, &c.

[V.H.S.]

JOURNAL

May 27, 1754.

About eight in the Evening I received an express from the Half-King , who informed me, that as he was coming to join us, he had seen along the road, the tracks of two men, which he had followed, till he was brought to a low obscure place; that he thought the whole Party of French was hidden there. That very moment I sent out forty men, and ordered my ammunition to be put in a place of safety, fearing it to be a Stratagem of the French to attack our Camp: I left a guard to defend it and with the rest of my men, set out in a heavy rain, and in a night as dark as pitch, along a path scarce broad enough for one man; we were sometime fifteen or twenty minutes out of the path, before we could come to it again, and we would often 0111 56 strike against each other in the darkness: All night long we continued our route, and on the 28th, about sun-rise, we arrived at the Indian Camp, where, after holding a council with the Half-King , we concluded to attack them together; so we sent out two men to discover where they were, as also their position, and what sort of ground was therabout; after which, we prepared to surround them marching one after the other, Indian fashion: We had advanced pretty near to them, as we thought, when they discovered us; I ordered my company to fire; my fire was supported by that of Mr. Waggoner , 16 and my company and his, received the whole fire of the French , during the greater part of the action, which only lasted a quarter of an hour, before the enemy were routed.

Lieut., later Capt. Thomas Waggoner.

We killed Mr. de Jumonville , the Commander of the party, as also nine others; we wounded one, and made twenty-one prisoners, among whom were M. la Force , M. Drouillon , and two cadets. 17 The Indians scalped the dead, and took away the greater part of their Arms, after which we marched on with the prisoners under guard, to the Indian camp, where again I held a council with the Half-King ; and there informed him, that the Governor was desirous to see him, and was expecting him at Winchester ; he answered that, he could not go just then, as his People were in too imminent a danger from the French , whom they had attacked; that he must send runners to all the allied nations, inviting them to take up the Hatchet. He sent a young Delaware Indian to the Delaware Nation, and gave him also a French scalp to carry to them. This man desired to have a part of the presents which were allotted to them, but the remaining part he said might be kept for another opportunity. He said he would go to his own family, and to several others, and bring them to Mr. Gist's, whither he desired

M. Drouillon held the rank of major; the two cadets were de Boucherville and du Sablé; La Force was a French subaltern.

0112 57 me to send men and horses to assist them in coming to our camp. After this I marched on with the prisoners. They had informed me that they had been sent with a summons to order me to retire —A plausible pretence to discover our camp, and to obtain knowledge of our forces and our situation! It was so clear that they had come to reconnoitre what we were that I admired their assurance, when they told me they were come as an Embassy; their instructions were to get what knowledge they could of the roads, rivers, and of all the Country as far as the Potowmack . And instead of coming as an Embassador, publicly, and in an open manner, they came secretly, and sought after the most hidden retreats, more fit for deserters than for Embassadors; they encamped there and remained hidden for whole days together, at a distance of not more than five miles from us; they sent spies to reconnoiter our camp; the whole body turned back 2 miles; they sent the two messengers mentioned in the instructions to inform M. de Contrecœur of the place where we were, and of our disposition, that he might send his detachments to inforce the summons as soon as it should be given.

Besides, an Embassador has princely attendants, whereas this was only a simple petty French officer; an Embassador has no need of spies, his person being always sacred: and since their intention was so good, why did they tarry two days, five miles distance from us, without acquainting me with the summons, or at least, with something that related to the Embassy? That alone would be sufficient to excite the strongest suspicions, and we must to do them the justice to say, that as they wanted to hide themselves, they could not have picked out better places than they had done.

The summons is so insolent, and savors so much of Gasconnade, that if it been brought openly by two men, it would have been an excessive Indulgence to have suffered them to return.

0113 58

It was the opinion of the Half-King in this case that their intentions were evil, and that it was a pure pretence; that they had never intended to come to us otherwise than as enemies; and if we had been such fools as to let them go, they would never have helped us to take any other Frenchmen.

They say they called to us as soon as they had discovered us; which is an absolute falsehood for I was then marching at the head of the company going towards them and can positively affirm, that, when they first saw us, they ran to their arms, without calling; as I must have heard them had they so done. 18

This account of the Jumonville fight, which is credited with starting the French and Indian War, as it was called in America, is taken from the French publication, Mémoires Contenant le Précis der Faits , which the French changed in certain particular to suit their purposes. It should be compared with Washington's unaltered account of the skirmish in his letter to Governor Dinwiddie, May 29, post .

*To COLONEL JOSHUA FRY

Camp on the Great Meadows, May 29, 1754.

Sir: This by an immediate express, I send to inform you, that Yesterday I engag'd a party of French, whereof 11 were killed and 20 taken, with the loss of only 1 of mine killed and 2 or 3 wounded, among which was Lieutenant Waggener: 19 by some of their Papers we can discover, that large detach'ts. are expected every day, which we may reasonably suppose are to attack us, especially since we have began.

The Jumonville skirmish.

This is therefore to acquaint you with the necessity of a Reinforce't, which I hope you will detach imediately, as you can be in no manner of danger in your March; for the French must pass our Camp, which I flatter myself is not practicable with't my having intelligence thereof, especially as there will be Indians always scouting; if there does not come a sufficient Reinforcement. we must either quit our Gd, and retreat to you, or 0114 59 fight very unequal Numbers, which I will do, before I will give up one Inch of what we have gained. The great haste I am in, to dispatch the bearer, prevents me from being particular at this time. I shall conclude, Six, with assuring you how sincerely concerned I am for your indisposition 20 which I hope you'll soon recover from, and be able to join us, with the Artillery, that we may attack the French [in] their forts. I am, &c.

Colonel Fry died at Wills Creek two days after this letter was written, and the command of the expedition devolved on Washington, as second in rank. Reinforcements were forwarded, so that the whole number of troops under his immediate command amounted to somewhat more than 300. The death of Colonel Fry was considered an essential loss to the service. He was born in Somersetshire, England, and educated at Oxford. Excelling in the mathematical sciences, he was at one time professor of mathematics in the College of William and Mary; and, after resigning that station, he was a member of the House of Burgesses, and otherwise employed in public affairs, particularly in running the boundary line at the westward between Virginia and North Carolina. In concert with Peter Jefferson he made a map of Virginia, which had much repute. By these employments he had gained such a knowledge of the interior country, as, with other qualifications, pointed him out for this command. He was one of the commissioners from the government of Virginia for making a treaty with the Indians at Logstown, June, 1752.— Sparks .

[V.H.S.]

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Camp at the Great Meadows, May 29, 1754.

Hon'ble. Sir: To answer your Honour's letter of the 25th, 21 by Mr. Birney, 22 1 shall begin with assuring you, that nothing was farther from my intention than to recede, tho' I then press'd, and still desire, that my Services may be voluntary, rather than on the present Pay. I am much concern'd, that your Honour should seem to charge me with ingratitude for

Dinwiddie's letter of the 25th began: “I can assure you I am concern'd, and no less surpriz'd by yr. Letr. of the 18th of this Mo. Such ill-timed Complaints, and, as I conceive, not altogether found in such real Cause, as I am sorry to find you think they are. You certainly judge very rightly of the importance of the Service, and that yr. Honrs. are engag'd too far to recede from it…There is not so great Provocation to withdraw y'rselves…as you seem to think at Present. The first Objectn. to the Pay, if made at all, sh'd have been made before engaging in the Service.”

Thomas Birney was a blacksmith who had lived some years among the Twightwees. Dinwiddie used him as a messenger.— Ford .

0115 60 your generous, and my undeserved favours; for I assure you, Hon'ble Sir, nothing is a greater stranger to my Breast, or a Sin that my Soul abhors, than that black and detestable one Ingratitude. I retain a true sense of your kindnesses, and want nothing but oppertunity to give testimony of my willingness to oblige you, as far as my Life or fortune will extend.

I cou'd not object to the Pay before I knew it. I dare say your Honour remembers the first estimation allow'd a Lieut.-Colo. 15/ and Maj'r 12/6, which I then complain'd very much off; till your Honour assur'd me that we were to be furnish'd with proper necessary's and offer'd that as a reason why the pay was Less than British: after this, when you were so kind to preferr me to the Com'd I now have, and at the same time acquainted me, that I was to have but 12/6 This, with some other Reasons, induced me to acquaint Colo. Fairfax with my intention of Resigning, which he must well remember, as it happ'd at Belhaven 23 ; and was there that he dissuaded me from it, and promised to represent the trifling pay to your Honour who would endeavour (as I at the same time told him that the Speaker thought the Officers' pay too small) to have it enlarg'd.

Later Alexandria.

As to the Numbers that applied for Commissions, and to whom we were preferr'd; I believe, had those Gentlemen been as knowing of this Country, and as Sensible of the difficulties that would attend a Campaign here as I then was, I conceive your Honour w'd not have been so troublesomely sollicited as you were; yet I do not offer this as a reason for quitting the Service. for my own part I can answer, I have a Constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most severe tryals, and, I flatter myself, resolution to Face what any Man durst, as shall be prov'd when it comes to the Test, which I believe we are upon the Borders off.

0116 61

There is nothing, Sir, (I believe) more certain, than that the Officers on the Canada Expedition had British pay allowed, whilst they were in the Service. 24 Lieut. Wag'r, Capt. Trent, and several others, whom I have convers'd with on that Head, and were engag'd in it, affirm it for truth: Therefore, Honble. Sir, as this can't be allow'd; suffer me to serve Volunteer, which, I assure you, will be the next reward to British pay; for, as my Services, so far as I have knowledge, will equal those of the best Officer, I make it a point of Hon'r to serve for less, and accept a medium.

The Louisburg expedition of 1746, on which the Massachusetts colonials were paid at the same rate as the British regulars.— Sparks . The Virginia militia law of 1748 fixed the pay of the troops in tobacco; but when the trouble with the French began the pay was established as: Colonels, 153.; lieutenant colonels, 12s. 6d.; majors, 10s.; captains, 84.; lieutenants, 4s.; ensigns, 3s.; surgeons, 4s.; privates, 8d. and a pistole on enlisting.— Ford .

Nevertheless, I have communicated your Honour's Sentiments to them; and, as far as I could put on the Hypocrite, set forth the advantages that may accrue, and advised them to accept the Terms, as a refusal might reflect dishonour upon their Character, leaving it to the World to assign what reason they please for quitting the Service. I am very sensible of the pernicious consequences that will attend their resigning, as they have by this gain'd some experience of the Military Art, have a tolerable knowledge of the Country, being sent most of them out at different times with partys; and now are accustom'd to the hardships and fatigues of Living as we do, which, I believe, were it truly stated, w'd prevent your Honour from many troublesome Sollicitations from others for Cora's. This last motive has and will induce me to do what I can to reconcile matters; tho' I really believe there is some, that will not remain long with't an alteration. They have promised to consider of it, and give your Honour an answer. I was not ignorant of the allow'e, which Colo. Fry has for his Table; but, being a depend't 0117 62 there myself deprives of the pleasure of inviting an Officer, or Friend, which to me w'd be more agreeable, than the Nick Nacks I shall meet with there.

And here I cannot forbear answering one thing more in your Honrs. Letter on this head; which (too) is more fully express'd in a paragraph of Colo. Fairfax's to me, as follows;—“If, on the British Establishment, Officers are allow'd more Pay, the Regimentals they are oblig'd annually to furnish, their necessary Table and other incidents, being consider'd, little or no savings will be their Portion.”

I believe it is well known we have been at the expense of Regimentals (and it is still better known) that Regimentals, and every other necessary, that we were under an indispensable necessity of purchasing for this Expedition, were not to be bought for less in Vir'a curr'y, than British officers could get for sterling money; which they ought to have been, to put upon a parity in this respect. Then Colo. Fairfax observes, that their Table and other Incident charges prevents them from saving much; if they don't save much, they have the enjoyment of their Pay, which we neither have in one sense nor the other. We are debarr'd the pleasure of good Living; which, Sir (I dare say with me you will concur) to one who has always been used to it; must go somewhat hard to be confin'd to a little salt provision and water; and do duty, hard, laborious duty, that is almost inconsistent with that of a Soldier, and yet the same Reductions as if he were allow'd luxuriously: My pay, accord'g to the British Establish't and common exchange, is near 22/ p'r Day; in the R'm of that, the Committee (for I can't in the least imagine y'r H'r had any h'd in it) has provided 12/6, so long as the service requires me; whereas one half of the other is ascertain'd to the British officers for ever; now if we sh'd be fortunate enough to drive the French from 0118 63 Ohio, as far as your Honour w'd please have them sent to, in any short time, our Pay will not be sufficient to discharge our first expences.

I would not have your Honour imagine from this, that I have said all these things to have the Pay encreas'd, but to justify myself, and shew your Honour that our complaints are not frivolous, but founded upon strict Reason: for my own part, it is a matter almost indifferent whether I serve for full pay, or as a generous Volunteer; indeed, did my circumstances corrispond with my Inclination, I sh'd not hesitate a moment to prefer the Latter; for the motives that lead me here were pure and Noble. I had no view of acquisition, but that of Honour, by serving faithfully my King and Country.

As your Honour has recommended Mr. Willis, 25 you may depend I shall with pleasure do all that I can for him. But above all, Sir, you may depend I shall take all possible means of procuring intelligence, and guarding against surprises; and be assur'd nothing but very unequal numbers shall engage me to submit or Retreat.

Francis Willis.

Now, Sir, as I have answer'd your Honour's Letter, I shall beg leave to acq't you with what has happen'd since I wrote by Mr. Gist. I then acquainted you, that I had detach'd a party of 75 Men to meet with 50 of the French, who, we had Intelligence, were upon their March towards us to Reconnoitre &ca. Ab't 9 O'clock the same night, I receiv'd an express from the Half King, who was Incamp'd with several of his People ab't 6 Miles of, that he had seen the Tract of two French Men x'ing the road, and believ'd the whole body were lying not far off, as he had an acc't of that number passing Mr. Gist.

I set out with 40 Men before 10, and was from that time till near Sun rise before we reach'd the Indian's Camp, hav'g 0119 64 March'd in [a] small path, a heavy Rain, and a Night as Dark as it is possible to conceive. We were frequently tumbling one over another, and often so lost, that 15 or 20 Minutes' search would not find the path again.

When we came to the Half King, I council'd with him, and got his assent to go hand in hand and strike the French. Accordingly, himself, Monacatoocha, 26 and a few other Indians set out with us; and when we came to the place where the Tracts were, the Half King sent two Indians to follow their tracts, and discover their lodgement, which they did ab't half a mile from the Road, in a very obscure place surrounded with Rocks. I thereupon, in conjunction with the Half King and Monacatoocha, form'd a disposition to attack y'm on all sides, which we accordingly did, and, after an Engagement of ab't 15 Minutes, we killed 10, wounded one, and took 21 Prisoners. Amongst those that were killed was Monsieur Jumonville, the Commander, princip'l Officers taken is Monsieur Druillong and Mons'r La force, who your Honour has often heard me speak of as a bold Enterprising Man, and a person of great sublity and cunning. With these are two Cadets.

Monakatoocha; also known as Scarrooyady. He was an Oneida and Mingo chief.

These Officers pretend they were coming on an Embassy; but the absurdity of this pretext is too glaring, as your Honour will see by the Instructions and Summons inclos'd. These Instructions were to reconnoitre the Country, Roads, Creeks, &ca. to Potomack, which they were ab't to do. These Enterprising Men were purposely choose out to get intelligence, which they were to send Back by some brisk dispatches, with mention of the Day that they were to serve the Summons; which could be through no other view, than to get sufficient Reinforcements to fall upon us immediately after. This, with several other 0120 65 Reasons, induc'd all the Officers to believe firmly, that they were sent as spys, rather than any thing else, and has occasion'd my sending them as prisoners, tho' they expected (or at least had some faint hope, of being continued as ambassadors)

They, finding where we were Incamp'd, instead of coming up in a Publick manner, sought out one of the most secret Retirements, fitter for a Deserter than an Imbassador to incamp in, and s[t]ay'd there two or 3 Days, sent Spies to Reconnoitre our Camp, as we are told, tho' they deny it. Their whole Body mov'd back near 2 miles, sent off two runners to acquaint Contrecœur with our Strength, and where we were Incamp'd. &ca. Now 36 Men w'd almost have been a Retinue for a Princely Ambassador, instead of Petit, why did they, if their designs were open, stay so long within 5 Miles of us, with't delivering his Ambassy, or acquainting me with it; His waiting c'd be with no other design, than to get Detachm't to enforce the Summons, as soon as it was given, they had no occasion to send out Spys, for the Name of Ambassador is Sacred among all Nations; but it was by the tract of these Spys, they were discover'd, and we got Intelligence of them. They w'd not have retir'd two Miles back with't delivering the Summons, and sought a sculking place (which, to do them justice, was done with g't Judgment) but for some especial reason: Besides The Summons is so insolent and savours so much of Gascoigny that if two Men only had come openly to deliver it. It was too great Indulgence to have sent them back.

The Sense of the Half King on this Subject is, that they have bad Hearts, and that this is a mere pretence; they never design'd to have come to us but in a hostile manner, and if we were so foolish as to let them go again, he never would assist us in taking another of them. Besides, looseing La Force, I really think, w'd tend more to our disservice, than 50 other Men, as 0121 66 he is a Person whose active Spirit, leads him into all parlys, and brought him acquainted with all parts, add to this a perfect use of the Indian Tongue, and g't influence with the Indians. He Ingenuously enough confess'd, that as soon as he saw the Commission and Instructions that he believ'd and then said he expected some such tendency, tho' he pretends to say he does not believe the Commander had any other but a good design. 27

This skirmish and the subsequent assassination acknowledgment in the capitulation at Fort Necessity created so great a stir at the time and has been productive of such discussion since that a comparison of this letter with the account published by the French in Mémoires Contenant le Précis des Faits , is illuminative of the method used by the French in coloring Washington's narrative to suit their purposes.

In this Engagement we had only one Man kill'd, and two or three wounded, among which was Lieutt. Waggener slightly, a most miraculous escape, as Our Right Wing was much expos'd to their Fire and receiv'd it all.

The Half King receiv'd your Honour's speech very kind, but desird me to inform you that he could not leave his People at this time, thinking them in great Danger. He is now gone to the xing for their Familys to bring to our camp and he desird I wd send some Men and Horses to assist them up; which I have accordingly done; sent 30 men and upwards of 20 Horses. He says if your Honr. has any thing to say you may communicate by me, &ca.; and that if you have a present for them it may be kept to another occasion, after sending up some things for their imediate use. He has declar'd to send these Frenchmen's Scalps with a Hatchet to all the Nations of Indian's in union with them, and did that very day give a Hatchet and a large Belt of Wampum to a Delaware Man to carry to Shingiss: he promis'd me to send down the River for all the Minsgo's and Shawnesse to our Camp, where I expect him to morrow with 30 or 40 men with their Wives and Children, to confirm what he has said here, he has sent your Honour a string of Wampum.

0122 67

As these Runners went off to the Fort on Sunday last, I shall expect every hour to be attack'd, and by unequal numbers, which I must withstand if there are 5 to 1 or else I fear the Consequence will be we shall loose the Indians if we suffer ourselves to be drove Back, I despatch'd an express imediately to Colo. Fry with this Intelligence desiring him to send me Reinforcements with all imaginable dispatch.

Your Honour may depend I will not be surprized let them come what hour they will; and this is as much as I can promise, but my best endeavour's shall not be wanting to deserve more, I doubt not if you hear I am beaten, but you will at the same [time,] hear that we have done our duty in fighting as long [as] there was a possibility of hope.

I have sent Lieut't. West, 28 accompanied with Mr. Sprilldorph and a guard of 20 Men, to conduct the Prisoners in, and I believe the Officer's have acquainted him what answer to return y'r Honour.

Lieut. John West, jr.

Monsieur La Force, and Monsieur Druillong beg to be recommend to your Honour's notice, and I have promis'd they shall meet with all the favour thats due to Imprison'd officer's: I have shew'd all the respect I co'd to them here, and have given some necessary cloathing, by which I have disfurnish'd myself, for having brought no more than two or three Shirts from Will's C'k that we might be light I was ill provided to furnish them. I am, &c.

N.B. I have neither seen nor heard any particular acc't of the Twigtwees since I came on these water's, we have already begun a Palisado'd Fort and hope to have it up tomorrow. I must beg leave to acq't. your honr. that Captn. Vanbraam and Monsr Peyrorny has behav'd extremely well since they came out, and I hope will meet w'h your Hon'r's fav'r.

[V.H.S.]

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Camp at the Great Meadows, May 29, 1754.

Sir: The bearer hereof, Monsieur Drouillong with Monsieur La-Force and two Cadets, I beg leave to recommend to your Honour's particular Notice, as Prisoners of War, and Officers whom I had the Honour of taking.

I have assur'd them, that they will meet with all the Respect and favour due to their Charact'r and Personal merit; and I hope they will do me the justice to acquaint your Honour that I neglected no means that was in my power to render their confinement easy here.

Lieut. West is preferred to conduct these Gentlemen, with 16 Private Prisoners, to your Honour at Winchester, who will acq't you with the profound respect with which I am etc. 29

To Washington's mortification Dinwiddie refused to abide by the articles of capitulation of Fort Necessity in regard to these French prisoners on the ground that the French after that capitulation captured eight English, offered them for sale, and afterwards sent them to Canada. “On hearing of this, I detained the seventeen prisoners, the officer, and two cadets, as I am of opinion, after they were in my custody, Washington could not engage for their being returned. I have ordered a flag of truce to be sent to the French, offering the return of their officer and the two cadets for the two hostages they have of ours.” The two hostages were Van Braam and Robert Stobo, who were finally sent to England by the Governor of Canada. Drouillon, La Force, and the cadets were kept in Virginia for a long time.

[V.H.S.]

To ROBERT DINWIDDIE 30

From the original, in private hands. Dinwiddie's secretary has indorsed the date as May 29.

[May 29, 1754.]

Honble. Sir: Since writing the other, [letter] I have still stronger presumption, indeed almost confirmation, that they 31 were sent as Spyes, and were order'd to wait near us till they were truly informd of our Intentions, situation, strength &ca.

Jumonville's party.

0124 69 and were to have acquainted the Commander therewith, and laid lurking hear for Reinforcements before they served the Summons, if it at all.

I doubt not but they will 32 endeavour to amuse your Honour with many smooth Stories, as they did me but were confuted in them all and by circumstances too plain to be denied almost made ashamed of their assertions. I dare say your Honour will treat them with respect which is due to all unfortunate Persons in their Condition. But I hope you will give no Ear to what they will have an oppertunity for displaying to the best advantage, having none by to contradict their reports.

Messrs. Drouillon and La Force.

I have heard, since they went away, that they should say they call'd to us not to Fire; but that I know to be False, for I was the first Man that approached them, and the first whom they saw, and immediately upon it ran to their Arms, and fir'd briskly till they were defeated.

We have heard of another being killed by the Indians, that made his Escape from us; so that we are certain of 33 that are kill'd and taken. 33 I thought it expedient to acquaint your Honor with the above, as I fancy they will have the assurance of asking the Priviledges due to an Embassy, when in strict justice they ought to be hang'd as Spyes of the worst sort, being authorizd by their Commander, at the expense of a Character, which shd be Sacred to all Nations, and never trifled with or used in an Equivocal way. I am, &c.

Contrecœur's orders in Mémoires Contenant le Précis des Faits put the strength of Jumonville's party at 35. Two of them had been sent back by Jumonville the day before the fight. Their tracks were seen by Half King and reported to Washington. Washington's justification of his surprise attack insists too much upon the embassy character afterwards claimed by the French. The situation plainly resolves itself into that of two armed forces, each convinced that the other is an active enemy, scouting for each other in the woods. At the time and under the circumstances, it was humanly impossible to prevent firing the moment contact was established.

To JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON

Camp At Great Meadow, May 31, 1754.

Since my last arrived at this place, where three days ago we had an engagement with the French, that is, a party of our men with one of theirs. Most of our men were out upon other detachments, so that I had scarcely 40 men remaining under my command, and about 10 or 12 Indians; nevertheless we obtained a most signal victory. The battle lasted about 10 or 15 minutes, with sharp firing on both sides, till the French gave ground and ran, but to no great purpose. There were 12 killed of the French, among whom was Mons. de Jumonville, their commander, and 21 taken prisoners, among whom are Mess. La Force and Drouillon, together with two cadets. I have sent them to his honour the Governor, at Winchester, under a guard of 20 men, conducted by Lieutenant West. We had but one man killed, and two or three wounded. Among the wounded on our side was Lieutenant Waggener, but no danger, it is hoped, will ensue. We expect every hour to be attacked by superior force, but, if they forbear one day longer, we shall be prepared for them. We have already got entrenchments, are about a pallisado which I hope will be finished to-day. The Mingoes have struck the French and I hope will give a good blow before they have done. I expect 40 odd of them here tonight, which, with out fort and some reinforcements from Col. Fry, will enable us to exert our noble courage with spirit.

P.S. I fortunately escaped without any wound, for the right wing, where I stood, was exposed to and received all the enemy's fire, and it was the part where the man was killed, and the rest wounded. I heard the bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound. 34

From the London Magazine (August, 1754). Horace Walpole's Memoirs of George the Second relates that the King, on hearing that Washington described the sound of whistling bullets as “charming,” said: “He would not say so, if he had been used to hear many.” There is a reference to this also in Gordon's History , vol. 2, P. 203.

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Camp, June 3, 1754.

Honorable Sir: The Half-King, 35 with about 25 Families, cont'g near 80 persons, including women and children, arriv'd here last night. He has given me some acc't of the Twightwees, Wyandotts and several other Nations of Indians, which I have transmitted to your Honour by an express, as you enquir'd circumstantially in your last, and I was then unable to give any acc't at all of them.

The Half King was a Seneca chief named Tenacharison. He was called “Half King” because he was not wholly free, but owed certain allegiance to the Five Nations. He was with Washington at the Jumonville skirmish. He was an old man and appears to have died in October, 1754.

The French, early in the spring, sent a speech to the Wyandotts, Twigtwees and their Allies, and desir'd them to take up the Hatchet and start to Ohio and their cut of [f] the Inhabitants with all the English thereon. This the big Kettle 36 acquainted the Half-King with, and at the same time assur'd him with their good intentions of assisting the 6 Nations and their Brothers, the English, ag't the French, and that they only waited to see us begin. I have enclosed the speech of the Chiefs, to which was added another from the Warriors, informing that they were busy in councilling with the Chippeways, Ottoways, &c., and striving to bring all into the same mind with themselves. They desire the 6 Nations, Virginians, and Pennsylvanians, not to doubt but that they shall accomplish their designs in this, and when they do, [I] will send word thereof.

Big Kettle was Grand-Chaudiere, probably the same as Canajachreesa, a Seneca chief. Hanna's Wilderness Trail (vol. 1, p. 345) says the Pennsylvanians called him “Broken Kettle” and the Virginians “Big Kettle.”

Monacatoocha was sent by the Half-King ab't 5 nights ago to the Logs Town, with 4 French scalps, two of which was to be sent to the Wyandotts, &c., and the other two to the 6 Nations, 0127 72 telling them that the French had tricked them out of their lands, for which, with their Brothers, the English, who joyn'd hand in hand, they had let them feel the wait of their Hatchet, which was but triflings yet, as it only lay'd on 30 for that they int'd with their Brothers, to drive the French beyond the Lakes. Monacatoocha has orders to draw all the Indians from Ohio, and then repair to our Camp.

I proposed to the Half-King sending their women and children into the Inhabitants, for, as they must be supported by us, it may be done at less expense there than here; beside this, there may another good attend it, their children may imbibe the principles of love and friendship in a stronger degree, which, if taken when young, is generally more firm and lasting. He told me he would consider of it and give answer when Monacatoocha arrived. I hope this will be agreeable to your Honour who I wrote to before on this head without receiv'g an answer. We find it very difficult procuring provisions for them, as they [share] equally with our own men, which is unavoidable witho't turning them adrift entirely.

Montour 37 would be of singular use to me here at this moment, in conversing with the Indians, for I have no Person's that I can put any dependence in. I make use of all the influence I can to engage them warmly on our side, and flatter myself that I am not unsuccessful, but for want of a better acquaintance with their customs, I am often at a loss how to behave, and should be relieved from many anxious fears of offend'g them if Montour was here to assist me; and as he is in the governm'nts employ't, I hope your Hon'r will think with me, his services cannot be apply'd to so g't advantage as here upon this occasion.

Capt. Andrew Montour, a French Huron half-breed. Dinwiddie employed him as an interpreter.

0128 73

There was 3 French Deserters, met a few days [ago] (one an Englishman) at Loyal henning, 38 going to Virg'a, by one Crawford, 39 a Man of veracity, who was assur'd by them that there was two Major traders confined in Irons at the Fort when Sieur De Jumonville was Detach'd; and at the same time that he departed for this, another Party of 50 was sent down Ohio to Kill or take Prisoners of all the English they'd meet with, They also assure us that Jumonville has all chosen Men fixed upon for this Enterprise. They likewise confirm the report the prisoners gave, that 1,100 men were now in the Fort, and Reinforce'ts expected.

Loyalhanna, Pa. Ford points out the many variations in spelling under which it appears.

Possibly William or his brother, Valentine Crawford.

If the whole Detach't of the French behave with no more Resolution than this chosen Party did, I flatter myself we shall have no g't trouble in driving them to the d Montreal. Tho' I took 40 men under my com'd when I marched out, yet the darkness of the night was so great, that by wandering a Little from the main body 7 were lost, and but 33 ingag'd. There was also but 7 Indians with arms, two of which were Boys one Dinwiddie, Y'r Hon'rs God Son, who behav'd well in action. There were 5 or 6 Indians, who served to knock the poor, unhappy wounded in the head, and bereiv'd them of their scalps. So that we had but 40 men, with which we tried and took 32 or 3 men, besides others, who may have escaped. One, we have certain acc't did.

We have just finish'd a small palisado'd Fort, 40 in which, with my small numbers, I shall not fear the attack of 500 men.

Fort Necessity.

There is three separate strings of Wampum, which the Half-King has desir'd me to send. One is from the Wyandott Chiefs to confirm what they said; another is from the Warriors, to confirm theirs; and the other (white) is from Monacatoocha; 0129 74 and since writing the above there has arrived two Indians from Moskingam, who inform [me] that the Wyandotts, &c., are ready to strike so soon as they hear the 6 Nation's and English have.

[H.S.P.]

*To ROBERT DINWlDDIE 41

Ford ( Writings of Washington , vol, 1, p. 96, note) finds that both Sparks and the editor of the Dinwiddie Papers have confused this letter. Sparks combines three letters as one and the editor of the Dinnwiddie Papers printed parts of two letters as one. Ford's rearrangement is as logical as can be devised and is here followed. Photostats of the originals in the Dinwiddie Papers show that there were two distinct letters and that the last part of one and the first part of the other are now missing. The first eight and a half lines of the letter have been retraced by an unknown individual and the indorsement dates it “10 June 1752.”

June 10, 1754.

Hon'ble Sir: Your's of the 1st, 2nd and 4th Ulto I received by the Post, and return your Honour my hearty thanks for your kind congratulation on our late success, which I hope to improve without risquing the imputation of rashness or hazarding what a prudent conduct wou'd forbid. I rejoice that I am likely to be happy under the command of an experienced Officer and man of Sense, it is what I have ardently wish'd for. 42 I shall here beg leave to return my grateful thanks for your favour in promoting me to the Command of the Regiment, believe me, Hon'ble Sir, when I assure you my Breast is warm'd with every generous sentiment that your goodness can inspire; I want nothing but opportunity to testifie my sincere regard for your Person, to whom I stand indebted for so many unmerited favours.

Col. James Innes, of North Carolina, a personal friend of Governor Dinwiddie, who appointed him to command the expedition after Col. Joshua Fry's death. Washington was given command of the Virginia troops. Ford states that Innes did not reach Winchester until June 20 and that the North Carolina troops, which started with him, disbanded before Winchester was reached.

Your Honour may depend I shall myself, and will endeavour to make my Officers shaw Capt. McKay 43 all the respect due to

Capt. James MacKay, or McKay. He was an officer in the British Army and refused to take orders from provincial officers who ranked him. He was with Washington at Fort Necessity and signed that capitulation, ahead of the Virginia colonel.

0130 75 his Rank and merit, but should have been particularly oblig'd if your Honour had declar'd whether he was under my Command or Independent of it; however, I shall be studious to avoid all disputes that may tend to publick prejudice, but as far as I am able, I will inculate harmony and unanimity. I hope Capt. McKay will have more sense than to insist upon any unreasonable distinction, tho' he and His have Com'ns from his Majest; let him consider tho' we are greatly inferior in respect to profitable advantages, yet we have the same Spirit to serve our Gracious King as they have, and are as ready and willing to sacrifice our lives for our Country's as them; and here once more and for the last time, I must say this Will be a cancer that will grate some Officers of this Regiment beyond all measure, to serve upon such different terms, when their Lives, their Fortunes, and their Characters are equally, and I dare say as effectually expos'd as those who are happy enough to have King's Commissions. I have been sollicitous on this head, have earnestly endeavour'd to reconcile the Officers to their appointment, and flatter myself I have succeeded, having heard no mention thereof lately. I consider'd the pernicious consequences that would have attended a disunion, therefore, was too much attach'd to my Country's Interest to suffer it to ripen after I rec'd your advising Letters. 44

Dinwiddie had written to Colonel Fry in May and to Washington in June, urging care in dealing with the officers of the independent companies, but did not definitely commit himself upon the vital point of rank and power.

I am very thankful to you for ordering an assortment of Indian goods, which we daily find still more necessary. I shall take care, while they are under my direction, that they are judiciously applied, and shall be particularly careful in consulting Mr. Croghan 45 and Mr. Montour, by whom I shall be advised in all Indian affairs agreeably to your directions.

Col. George Croghan, Indian agent for Pennsylvania; came to America from Ireland and settled on the Juniata River above Harrisburg. He was trading with the Indians as early as 1746 and was trusted by them. In 1754 Dinwiddie employed him as an interpreter.

0131 76 I shall with great pleasure wear the medal, which you were pleased to compliment me with, and shall present the others to Indian chiefs, as I have already done one to the Half-King.

[V.H.S.]

To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

[June 12, 1754.] 46

Washington neglected to date this letter. Ford notes that Dinwiddie's answer of June 27 permits the date of this to be fixed as June 12. Sparks combines this and the letter of June 10 as one letter.

We have been extremely ill used by Major Carlyle's 47 deputies, which I am heartily sorry for, since he is a gentleman so capable of the business himself, and has taken so much pains to give satisfaction. He, I believe, has been deceived, and we have suffered by those under him, and by those who have contracted for provisions. We have been six days without flour, and there is none upon the road for our relief that we know of, though I have by repeated expresses given him timely notice. We have not provisions of any sort enough in camp to serve us two days. Once before we should have been four days without provisions, if Providence had not sent a trader from the Ohio to our relief, for whose flour I was obliged to give twenty-one shillings and eight pence per hundred.

Maj. John Carlyle, of Alexandria, and commissary of the Virginia forces at this time.

In a late letter to Major Carlyle, I have complained of the tardiness of his deputies. I likewise desired, that suitable stores of ammunition might be sent up speedily, for till that is done we have it not in our power to attempt any advantageous enterprise; but must wait its arrival at Red-stone, for which I shall set off the moment provisions arrive to sustain us on the march. Major Carlyle mentioned a contract he had made with Mr. Croghan for flour, likewise Mr. Croghan's offer of 0132 77 furnishing more if required. I have therefore desired to have all that Mr. Croghan can furnish.

The Indians are drawing off from the River daily, one of whom last night brought news of Monacatoocha. He went from Logstown about five nights ago with the French scalps, and four hatchets, with which he intended to visit the four tribes of Indians between this and Lake Erie, and present to each tribe a scalp and hatchet, and at the same time acquaint them that it was expected, as the English and Six Nations had hand-in-hand struck the French, they would join our forces. This messenger likewise says, that Monacatoocha was determined not only to counsel with the chiefs of those tribes, but with their great warriors also, which is customary in these cases, and was to return as soon as possible, which he imagined would be in fifteen days; but in case he should not return in that time, he left orders for the Indians at Logstown to set off for Red-stone Creek, so that they all would meet at Red-stone to join their brothers the English. He also desired there might be no attack made against the French fort, till he should return, by which time he hoped all the forces would be gathered, and then they would make a general attack together, and gain a complete victory at once.

The Half-King has sent messengers to other places for warriors, who are to meet us also at Red-stone Creek. Besides these, he has sent two messengers, by the advice of Mr. Croghan, Mr. Montour, and myself, one to invite the Shawanese to come and receive one of their men, who was imprisoned in Carolina, and to counsel with us, and the other to the Delawares for the same purpose, as we hear both these nations have accepted the hatchet against us. This report was first brought by an Indian sent from Logstown to the Half-King, and since confirmed by nine French deserters, who arrived at our camp to-day. These 0133 78 men farther say, that the fort at the Fork is completed, and proof against any attempts, but with bombs, on the land side. There were not above five hundred men in it, when they left it, but they suppose by this time two hundred more are arrived. Nine hundred were ordered to follow them, who might be expected in fourteen or fifteen days.

I was as much disappointed when I met these persons to-day, as ever I was in my life. By misunderstanding the scouts that brought me intelligence, that is, mistaking ninety for nine, I marched out at the head of one hundred and thirty men (the major part of the effective men in the regiment), full with the hope of procuring another present of French prisoners for your Honor. Judge then my disappointment at meeting nine only, and those coming for protection. I guarded against all casualties, that might happen to the camp, and ordered Major Muse 48 to repair into the fort, and erect the small swivels for the defence of the place, which he could do in an hour's time.

Maj. George Muse.

Agreeably to your desire I shall here mention the names of the gentlemen, who are to be promoted. Lieutenant George Mercer 49 will worthily succeed to a captaincy. Captain Vanbraam 50 has acted as captain ever since we left Alexandria. He is an experienced, good officer, and very worthy of the command he has enjoyed. Mr. James Towers is the oldest ensign, for whom you will please to send a lieutenancy. To Captain Stephen 51 I have already given a major's commission, finding one blank among Colonel Fry's papers. If merit, Sir, will

Later a captain and aide-de-camp to Washington; still later a lieutenant colonel of the Second Virginia Regiment. He was the son of John Mercer of Marlboro. Served also with Braddock. Became a burgess in 1761, and went to England as agent for the Ohio Company in 1763; returned to Virginia as stamp collector, but declined to serve. Was appointed lieutenant governor of North Carolina in 1767, Mercer returned to England prior to the Revolution and died there in 1784.— Ford .

Jacob Van Braam, a Hollander. He taught Washington fencing and has been blamed, probably too harshly, for the presence of the word “assassin” in the Fort Necessity capitulation.

Adam Stephen.

0134 79 entitle a gentlemen to your notice, Mr. Peyrouny 52 may justly claim a share of your favor. His conduct has been governed by the most consummate prudence, and all his actions have sufficiently testified his readiness to serve his country, which I really believe he looks upon Virginia to be. He was sensibly chagrined, when I acquainted him with your pleasure, of giving him an ensigncy. This he had twelve years ago, and long since commanded a company. He was prevailed on by Colonel Fry, when he left Alexandria, to accept the former commission, and assist my detachment, as I had very few officers, till we all met on the Ohio, which commission he would now have resigned, and returned to Virginia, but for my great dissuasion to the contrary. I have promised to solicit your Honor to appoint him adjutant, and continue him ensign, which will induce a very good officer to remain in the regiment. The office of adjutant, Sir, is most necessary to a regiment, in distributing the daily orders, receiving all reports, and seeing orders executed. In short, an adjutant is an indispensable officer. Should you be pleased to indulge me in the request, I shall look upon it in a very particular light, as I think the personal merit of the gentlemen, his knowledge of military duty, and his activity will render him highly worthy of the favor. An ensign is still wanting, whom I hope you will send, if you know of any one suitable for the office. A young man in the camp, who came with Captain Lewis, 53 has solicited, but I am yet ignorant of his character and qualities. He is a volunteer, and recommended by Captain Lewis.

William, Chevalier La Peyronie, an ensign, later a lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment; he was wounded at Fort Necessity and killed at the Monongahela.

Capt. George Lewis.

In a letter by Mr. Ward, you acquainted me, that you had given orders to Colonel Fry to examine into the proceedings of Captain Trent, and his lieutenant, Frazier, 54 by a court-martial.

Lieut. John Frazier, who lived at the mouth of Turtle Creek. He was absent from the post when Ensign Ward surrendered to the French.

0135 80 I shall be glad if you will repeat your orders and instructions to me, or rather to Colonel Innes; for an officer cannot be tried by those of his own regiment only, but has a right to be heard in a general court-martial. Captain Trent's behaviour has been very tardy, and has convinced the world of what they before suspected, his great timidity. Lieutenant Frazier, though not altogether blameless, is much more excusable, for he would not accept of the commission, till he had a promise from his captain, that he should not reside at the fort, nor visit it above once a week, or as he saw necessary.

Queen Aliquippa 55 desired that her son, who is really a great warrior, might be taken into council, as he was declining and unfit for business, and that he should have an English name given him. I therefore called the Indians together by the advice of the Half-King, presented one of the medals, and desired him to wear it in remembrance of his great father, the King of England, and called him by the name of Colonel Fairfax, which he was told signified the first of the council . This gave him great pleasure. I was also informed, that an English name would please the Half-King, which made me presume to give him that your Honor, and call him Dinwiddie; interpreted in their language, the head of all . I am, &c.

Queen Aliquippa, of the Delawares.

P.S. These deserters corroborate what the others said and we suspected. LaForce's 56 party were sent out as spies, and were to show that summons if discovered, or overpowered, by a superior party of ours. They say the commander was blamed for sending so small a party.

La Force, a French subaltern, who was ranging the woods for deserters. Washington knew of this from his Indian scouts, and in May had sent out a small force to find and order La Force to withdraw. La Force afterwards was with Jumonville; was captured and sent to Williamsburg.

Since writing the aforegoing, Captain Mackay, with the Independent Company, has arrived, whom I take to be a very 0136 81 good sort of a gentleman. For want of proper instructions from your Honor, I am much at a loss to know how to act, or proceed in regard to his company. I made it my particular study to receive him (as it was your desire) with all the respect and politeness, that were due to his rank, or that I was capable of showing; and I do not doubt from his appearance and behaviour, that a strict intimacy will ensue, when matters shall be put in a clear light. But at present, I assure you, they will rather impede the service, than forward it; for, as they have commissions from the King, they look upon themselves as a distinct body, and will not incorporate and do duty with our men, but keep separate guards, and encamp separately. I have not offered to control Captain Mackay in any thing, nor showed that I claimed a superior command, except in giving the parole and countersign, which must be the same in an army consisting of different nations, to distinguish friends from foes. He knows the necessity of this yet does not think he is to receive it from me. Then who is to give it? Am I to issue these orders to a company? Or is an independent captain to prescribe rules to the Virginia regiment? This is the question. But its absurdity is obvious.

It now behooves you, Sir, to lay your absolute commands on one or the other to obey. This is indispensably necessary, for nothing clashes more with reason, than to conceive our small bodies can act distinctly, without having connexion with one another, and yet be serviceable to the public. I do not doubt that Captain Mackay is an officer of sense, and I dare say will do the best for the service; but, Sir, two commanders are so incompatible, that we cannot be as useful to one another, or the public, as we ought; and I am sincerely sorry, that he has arrived before your instructions by Colonel Innes, who I doubt not will be fully authorized how to act. But as we have no news of 0137 82 Colonel Innes, I have, in the mean time, desired Major Carlyle to send this by an immediate express to you, who, I hope, will satisfy these doubts.

Captain Mackay and I have lived in the most perfect harmony since his arrival, and have reasoned on this calmly; and, I believe, if we should occasion to exert our whole force, we shall do as well as divided authority can do. We have not had the least warmth of dispute. He thinks you have not a power to give commissions, that will command him. If so, I can very confidently say, that his absence would tend to the public advantage. I have been 57 particularly careful of discovering no foolish desire of commanding him, neither have I intermeddled with his company in the least, or given any directions concerning it, except on these General the Word, Countersign, and place to repair to in case of an Alarm, none of which he thinks he sh'd receive. I have testified to him in the most serious manner the pleasure I sh'd take in consulting and advising with him upon all occasions, and I am very sensible, with him we shall never differ when your Honour decides this, which I am convinced your own just discernment and consideration will make appear, the impossibility of a Med'm. The nature of the thing will not allow of it. 58

The original from this point is in the Dinwiddie Papers . The commencement of the letter is missing and the text of this missing first part is taken from Ford, who seems to have derived it from Sparks. Ford is of opinion that this letter should he dated June 15.

“As I am afraid of disputes from the officers of the Independent companies to prevent that I have ordered Col. Innes to command in chief and you are to be second in command; have sent a brevet commission of Lieut.-Col. to Capt. Clarke to be third in command, and the same to Capt. MacKay to be fourth in command of this expedition, and have desired Col. Innes to allow their Lieutenants to rank with our Captains. This is only feathers in their caps to prevent ill blood in regard to rank.”— Dinwiddie to Washington , June 25. Captain Clarke commanded one of the New York independent companies.— Ford . This was ingenuous of Dinwiddie. The troublemaking point was that MacKay, a regular officer in the British Army, refused to take orders from a provincial officer, no matter of what rank. Innes was not a British regular. Washington experienced the same difficulty two years later with Captain Dagworthy.

0138 83

It must be known who is to Command before orders will be observed, and I am very confident your Honour will see the absurdity and consider the Effects of Capt. Mackay's having the direction of the Regiment, for it would certainly be the hardest thing in Life if we are to do double and trible duty, and neither be entitled to the Pay or Rank of Soldiers. That the first Column of the Virginia Regiment has done more for the Interest of the Expedition than any other Company or Corps that will hereafter arrive, will be obvious to them all. This, Hon'ble Sir, Capt. Mackay did not hesitate one moment to allow since he has seen the Work we have done upon the Roads &c. We shall part tomorrow. I shall continue my March to Red Stone, while the Company remains here; but this, Sir, I found absolutely necessary for the Publick Interest. Capt. Mackay says, that it is not in his power to oblige his Men to work upon the Road, unless he will engage them a Shilling Sterling a Day, which I would not choose to do; and to suffer them to March at their ease, whilst our faithful Soldiers are laboriously employed, carry's an air of such distinction that it is not to be wondered at if the poor fellows were to declare the hardship of it. He also declares to me that this is not particular to his Company only, but that no Soldiers subject to Martial law can be obliged to do it for less. I, therefore, shall continue to compleat the work we have begun with my poor fellows; we shall have the whole credit, as none others have assisted. I hope from what has been said your honour will see the necessity of giving your speedy orders on this head, and I am sensible you will consider the Evil tendency that will accompany Captn. Mackay's com[mandin] g for I am sorry to observe this is what we always hoped to enjoy; the Rank of Officers, which to me, Sir, is much dearer than the Pay.

0139 84

Captn. Mackay brought none of the Cannon, very little Ammunition, about 5 Days allowance of Flower, and 60 Beeves. Since I have spun a letter to this enormous size, I must go a little further and beg your Honour's patience to peruse it. I am much grieved to find our Stores so slow advancing. God knows when we shall [be] able to do any thing for to deserve better of our Country. I am etc.

The Contents of this Letter is a profound Secret.

[V.S.L.]

JOURNAL SPEECH TO THE INDIANS 59

This speech was in answer to a speech of the Indians addressed to the Governor of Virginia by a council of about 40 chiefs of the Six Nations, Loups, and Shawnees. The Halt King was present.

On the march to Red Stone, June 18, 1754.

Brethren: We are very glad to see you, and sorry that you are disquieted by such reports that: The English intend to injure you, or any of your allies; this report we know must have been forged by the French, who are always treacherous, and asserting the greatest falsehoods whenever they think they will turn out to their advantage; they speak well, promise fine things, but all from the lips only; whilst their heart is corrupt, and full of venomous poison. You have been their children and they have done everything for you, but they no sooner thought themselves strong enough than they returned to their natural pride and drove you off from your lands, declaring you had no right on the Ohio. The English, your real friends, are too generous to think of ever using the Six Nations, their faithful allies, in such a manner; after you had gone to the Governors of Virginia and Pennsylvania they (at your repeated request) sent an army to maintain your rights; to put you again in possession of your lands, and to take care of your wives and children, 0140 85 to dispossess the French, to maintain your rights and to secure the whole country for you; for these very ends are the English arms now employed; it is for the safety of your wives and your children that we are fighting; and as this is the only motive of our conduct we cannot reasonably doubt of being joined by the rest of your forces to oppose the common enemy. Those who will not join us shall be answerable for whatever may be the consequence, we only desire your brethren to choose the side which seems most acceptable to them. The Indians of the Six Nations are those who have the most interest in this war, for them it is that we fight.; and it would greatly trouble me to do them the least harm; we have engaged in this war to assist and protect you; our arms are open to receive you and our hands ready to feed your families during the war. The Governor of Virginia has often desired that they might be sent to him that he may see them in person, feed and clothe them according to their own desire; but as you could not decide to send them to him, we are ready to share all our provisions with you, in a friendly manner and to take such measures and give such orders that enough shall be brought to maintain your wives and children. Such con duct will evidently prove how much more the English love and esteem their faithful allies the Six Nations, than the French do; as we have drawn the sword in your cause and in your defence, hesitate no longer, delay not a moment, but put all your wives and children under our protection, and they shall find plenty of provisions; in the meanwhile set your young men and your warriors to sharpening their hatchets, to join and unite with us vigorously in our battles. The present, my Brethren, which I offer you is not so considerable as I could wish, but I expect in a short time, a quantity of goods, which are to be at my disposal, to reward those who shall have shown themselves brave and active on this occasion; I shall, moreover recompense them most generously. 0141 86 Be of good Courage, my brethren, deliver your Country and secure it to your children; let me know the thoughts of your Hearts on this affair, that I may give an account of your sentiments to your great Friend and Brother, the Governor of Virginia. To assure you of my sincerity and esteem I present you this belt of wampum.

June 20, 1754.

The Council still continued.

When the Delawares knew that they were suspected of being in the French Interest, they demanded the Reason why they had been sent for, and what they should tell the French at their Return.

I answered them, it was to let them understand, that we were to come at their reiterated requests to assist them with Sword in Hand; that we intended to put them in the Possession of those Lands which the French had taken from them.

And as they had often demanded our Assistance, as our ancient and faithful Allies, I invited them to come and place themselves under our Protection, together with their Women and Children.

* * * * *

On the march to Red Stone, June 21, 1754.

Met very early, and I spoke first to the Delawares in the following manner.

Brethren; By your open and generous conduct on this occassion you have made yourself dearer to us than ever; we return you our thanks, that you did not go to Venango, when the French first invited you there; their treating you in such a childish manner, as we perceive they do, raises in us a just and strong resentment. They call you their children, and speak to you as if you were children in reality and had no more understanding than such. Consider well my brethren, and compare all their speeches, and you will find that all it tends to, is to tell you, I am going to open your eyes, to unstop your ears and 0142 87 such like words to no purpose, and only proper to amuse children. You also observe brethren that if they deliver a speech, or make a promise, and confirm it with a belt, they imagine it binds them no longer than they think it consistent with their interest to stand to it. They have given one example of it; and I will point it out to you, in the leap which they say they have made over the barrier which you had set for them; which ought to stir you up, my Brethren, to just anger, and cause you to embrace the favourable opportunity that we offer you, as we are come at your request, to assist you, and by means of which, you may make them leap back again with more speed than they advanced. (A string of wampum.) The French are continually telling you not to give heed to ill reports that are told you concerning them, who are your fathers. If they did not know in their very hearts, how richly they deserve it on account of their injustice to you, why should they suspect that they are accused? Why should they take so much care to forewarn you, in order to hinder you from believing what is told you concerning them? As to what they say of us, our conduct alone will answer in our behalf. Examine the truth yourselves. You know the roads leading to our habitations, you have lived amongst us, you can speak our language; but in order to refute whatever may be said against us and to assure you of our brotherly love; we once more invite your old men, your wives and your children, to take refuge under our protection and in our arms, in order to be plentifully fed, whilst your warriors and young men join with ours and espouse together the common cause. (A string of wampum.) Brethren we thank you with all our hearts, for having declared unto us your resolution of accomplishing the engagements which you entered into at the treaty of Logstown 60 and we can do no otherwise than praise

This so-called treaty of Logstown was probably the conference held at that place in 1752 with Shawnees, Mingos, and Delawares, at the instance of Governor Dinwiddie and in the interests of the Ohio Company. The Indians confirmed, to an extent, a grant of land made by the Six Nations, west of the Alleghanies, and bound themselves not to molest white settlements on the southwest of the Ohio.

0143 88 your generous conduct with regard to your Grandsons the Shawanese; it gives us infinite pleasure. We are greatly obliged for the advice given you by Onondaga, charging you to hold fast the chain of friendship by which we are bound; I dare say, that, had he known, how nearly you were interested in this war, or that it was for love of you, and at your request, that we have taken up arms, he would have ordered you to declare and to act immediately against the common enemy of the Six Nations In order to assure you of my affection, and to confirm the truth of what I have said, I present you with two great strings of wampum.

June 21, 1754.

Immediately after the Council was over, notwithstanding all that Mr. Montour could do to dissuade them, the Delawares as also the Half-King, and all the other Indians returned to the Great Meadows; but though we had lost them, I still had spies of our own people, to prevent any surprise. As I was told that if I sent a belt of wampum and a speech, it might bring back the Half-King and his young men, I sent the following speech by Mr. Croghan:

'Tis but lately since we were assembled together; we were sent here by your Brother the Governor of Virginia , at your own Request in Order to succour you, and fight for your Cause; wherefore my Brethren, I must require that you and your young Men come to join and encamp with us, that we may be ready to receive our Brother Monacatoocha, whom I daily expect; That this Request may have its desired Effect, and make a suitable Impression upon your Minds I present you with this String of Wampum. 61

The speech was ineffective. The Indians did not join Washington, for they had seen the weakness of his force and they knew the strength of the French.

The French publication of Washington's journal, Mémoires Contenant le Précis des Faits , ends abruptly June 27. Learning that another reinforcement had reached Fort Duquesne, a council of war decided that it was useless to continue the march toward that fort and recommended a retreat, as Washington's force was already dangerously far from support. July 1 the retrograde movement had reached the Great Meadows. A French force from Fort Duquesne was in pursuit of the retreating English, which they overtook July 3. Governor Dinwiddie's report of the ensuing action to the lords of trade is printed by Ford (vol. 1, p. 119), who also prints (pp. 120–121) (in French) the articles of capitulation of Fort Necessity, from the Mémoires Contenant le Précis des Faits .

This capitulation has been the subject of much discussion. Article VI recites “…ils pourront à cette fin y laisser des gardiens, en tel nombre qu'ils voudrom, avec conditions qu'ils donneront parole d'honneur de ne plus travailler à aucun etablissement dans ce lieu cy, en deça de la hauteur des terres pendant une annće a compter de ce jour.” The lack of exactness here is evident. The English, permitted to return to the site of Fort Necessity, were not to rebuild the “etablissement,” nor to erect fortifications in the surrounding country or beyond the mountains; this restriction could also apply to the force which surrendered and marched off from Fort Necessity; but it is a strained interpretation to insist that this could mean an agreement not to serve against the French for one year; there can be no quibble over the definition of the word “etablissement.” There can be no doubt whatever as to the word “l'assassinat” in Article VII. Capt. James MacKay, who signed the capitulation ahead of Washington, by virtue of his claim to superior rank, wrote to the Virginia colonel September 28, “I had several disputes about our capitulation but satisfied every Person that mentioned that subject as to the Artickles in Question, that they were owing to a bad Interperter and Contrary to the translation made to us when we sign'd them?' What Washington wrote regarding this follows: “That we were wilfully, or ignorantly, deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word ‘assassination,’ I do aver, and will to my dying moment; so will every officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called it the ‘death,’ or the ‘loss,’ of the Sieur Jumonville. So we received and so we understood it, until, to our great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation.” (See Sparks's Writings of Washington , vol. 2, Appendix, p. 464.)

The Alexandria Gazette of July 19, 1754, prints an account of the fight and capitulation at Fort Necessity. It agrees, generally, with Washington's journal, but estimates the French losses at an absurdly high total. The French force is given at 900, Washington's at 300, and the estimate of French dead was 300, one-third of the entire attacking force. The Gazette further stated that the enemy were burying their dead all night, after the surrender, and that many still remained unburied when daylight came.

The Pennsylvania Journal of July 25, 1754, printed a translation of the articles of capitulation and translated Article VI as follows: “And as the English have few oxen or horses, they are free to hide their effects, and come and search for them when they have met with their horses; and that they may for this end have guardians in what number they please, upon condition that they will give their word of honour not to work upon any building in this place, or any part this side of the mountain, during a year, to be accounted from this day.”

* * * * *

To WILLIAM FAIRFAX

Alexandria, August 11, 1754.

Honble. Sir: Since my last to you, I have received, by Mr. Splitdorph, the letter therein alluded to, of the 1st Inst. the contents of which are nearly the same with the other received from the Governour four days before dated the 3d Inst. The following is an exact copy of it.

The Council met yesterday, and, considering the present state of our forces, and having reason to think that the French will be reinforced next spring, it was resolved, that the forces should immediately march 0145 90 over the Allegany mountains, either to dispossess the French of their fort, or build one in a proper place, that may be fixed upon by a council of war. Colonel Innis has my orders for executing the above affair. I am therefore, now, to order you to get your regiment completed to 300 men, and I have no doubt, that you will be able to enlist what you are deficient of your number very soon, and march directly to Will's Creek to join the other forces; and, that there may be no delay, I order you to march what companies you have complete, and leave orders with the officers remaining, to follow you, as soon as they shall have enlisted men sufficient to make up their companies. You know, the season of the year calls for dispatch. I depend upon your former usual diligence and spirit, to encourage your people to be active on this occasion. Consult with Maj. Carlyle what ammunition which may be wanted, that I may send it up immediately I trust much to your diligence and dispatch in getting your regiment to Will's Creek as soon as possible.

Colonel Innis will consult you in the appointment of officers for your regiment. Pray consider, if practicable, that, to send a party of Indians &c to destroy the corn at the fort and Logtown would be of great service to us, and a considerable disappointment to the enemy. I can say no more, but to press the dispatch of your regiment to Will's Creek, and that success may attend our arms and just Expedition, is the Sincere desire of, Sir, yours &c.

Thus, Sir, you will see I am ordered, with the utmost dispatch, to repair to Will's Creek with the regiment; to do which, under the present circumstances, is as impracticable, as it is (as far as I can see into the thing) to dispossess the French of their fort; both of which, with our means, are morally impossible.

0146 91

The Governor observes, that, considering the state of our forces at present, it is thought advisable to move out immediately to dispossess the French. Now that very reason, “the state of our forces,” is alone sufficiently opposed to the measure, without a large addition to them. Consider, I pray you, Sir, under what unhappy circumstances the men at present are; and their numbers, compared with those of the enemy, are so inconsiderable, that we should be harrassed and drove from place to place at their pleasure. And to what end would the building of a fort be, unless we could proceed as far as Redstone, where we should have to take water, and where the enemy can come with their artillery, &c, I cannot see, unless it be to secure a retreat, which we should have no occasion for, were we to go out in proper force and properly provided, which I aver cannot be done this fall; for, before our force can be collected, with proper stores of provisions, ammunition, working-tools, &c., it would bring on a season in which horses cannot travel over the mountains on account of snows, want of forage, slipperiness of the roads, high waters, &c. neither can men, unused to that life, live there, without some other defence from the weather than tents. This I know of my own knowledge, as I was out last winter from the 1st of Nov'er till some time in January; and notwithstanding I had a good tent, was as properly prepared, and as well guarded, in every respect, as I could be against the weather, yet the cold was so intense, that it was scarcely supportable. I believe, out of the 5 or 6 men that went with me, 3 of them, tho' they were as well clad as they could be, were rendered useless by the frost, and were obliged to be left upon the road.

But the impossibility of supporting us with provisions is alone sufficient to discourage the attempt; for, were commissaries with sufficient funds to set about procuring provisions, 0147 92 and getting them out, it is not probable that enough can be conveyed out this fall to support us thro' the winter; for you are to consider, Sir, as I before observed, that the snows and hard frosts set in very early upon those mountains; and, as they are in many places almost inaccessible at all times, it is then more than horses can do to clamber up them; but allow that they could, for want of provender they will become weak and die upon the road, as ours did, tho' we carried corn with us for that purpose, and purchased from place to place. This reason holds good, also, against driving out live stock, which, if it could be done, would save some thousands of Horse Loads, that might be employed in carrying flour, (which alone, not to mention ammunition, tools, &c.) we shall find will require more horses, than at this present moment can be procured with our means.

His Honour also asks, whether it is practicable to destroy the corn at the fort and at Log-town? At this question I am a little surprised, when it is known we must pass the French fort and the Ohio to get to Log-town; and how this can be done with inferior numbers, under the disadvantages we labour, I see not; and, of the ground to hope, we may engage a sufficient party of Indians for this undertaking, I have no information, nor have I any conception; for it is well known, that notwithstanding the expresses, that the Indians sent to one another, and all the pains that Montour and Croghon (who, by vainly boasting of their interest with the Indians, involved the country in great calamity, by causing dependance to be placed where there was none,) could take, never could induce above 30 fighting men to join us, and not more than one half of those serviceable upon any occasion.

I could make many other remarks equally true and pertinent; but to you, Sir, who, I am sensible, have acquired a 0148 93 pretty good knowledge of the country, and who see the difficulties that we labour under in getting proper necessaries, even at Winchester, it is needless: therefore I shall only add some of the difficulties, which we are particularly subjected to in the Virginia regiment; and to begin, Sir, you are sensible of the sufferings our soldiers underwent in the last attempt, (in a good season) to take possession of the Fork of the Allegany and Monongahela. You also saw the disorders those sufferings produced among them at Winchester after they returned. They are yet fresh in their memories, and have an irritable effect. Thro' the indiscretion of Mr. Splitdorph, they got some intimation that they were again ordered out, and it immediately occasioned a general clamour, and caused 6 men to desert last night; this, we expect, will be the consequence every night, except prevented by close confinement.

In the next place, I have orders to compleat my regiment, and not a 6d. is sent for that purpose. Can it be imagined, that subjects fit for this purpose, who have been so much impressed with, and alarmed at, our want of provisions, (which was a main objection to enlisting before,) will more readily engage now without money, than they did before with it ? We were then from the first of February till the first of May, and could not compleat our 300 men by 40; and the officers suffered so much by having their Recruiting expenses withheld, that they unanimously refuse to engage in that duty again, without they are refunded for the past, and a sufficient allowance made them in future. I have in the next place (to shew the state of the Regiment) sent you a report thereof by which you will perceive what great deficiencies there are of Men, Arms, Tents, Kettles, Screws (which was a fatal want before), Bayonets, Cartouch Boxes, &c., &c. Again, were our men ever so willing to go, for want of the proper necessaries of life they are unable to do it; 0149 94 the chief part are almost naked, and scarcely a man has either shoes, stockings, or hat. These things the merchants will not credit them for; the country has made no provision; they have not money themselves; and it cannot be expected, that the officers will engage for them again, personally, having suffered greatly already on this head; especially, now, when we have all the reason in the world to believe, they will desert whenever they have an opportunity. There is not a man that has a Blanket to secure him from cold or wet. Ammunition is a material article, and that is to come from Williamsburg, or wherever the Governor can procure it. An account must be first sent of the quantity which is wanted; this, added to the carriage up, with the necessary Tools, &c., that must be had, as well as the time of bringing them round, will, I believe, advance us into that season, when it is usual, in more moderate climates, to retreat into Winter Quarters, but here, with us, to begin a campaign. 62

There was a misunderstanding between the governor and the House of Burgesses, which prevented any appropriation of money at this juncture. It had been a custom in former times that when the governor signed a patent for land, he should receive a fee of a pistole (about $3.60) for every such signature, which was a perquisite of his office. This fee had been revived by Governor Dinwiddie, but the House of Burgesses considered it an onerous exaction, and determined to resist it. As the governor refused to sign patents on any other terms, the burgesses had the year before passed some spirited resolves, and sent an agent to England with a petition to the King's Council that this custom might be abolished. The agent was Peyton Randolph, then attorney general of Virginia, and afterwards president of the first American Congress. While he was absent, the governor wrote to a correspondent in England: “I have had a great deal of trouble and uneasiness from the factious disputes and violent heats of a most impudent troublesome party here, in regard to that silly fee of a pistole; they are very full of the success of their agent, which I give small notice to.” The attorney general returned, without effecting his whole object, but the board of trade made new regulations, by which relief was afforded in certain cases, and the fee was prohibited except where the quantity of land patented was more than zoo acres. (See Journal of the House of Burgesses , November, 1753.)

The agent's expenses were £2,500. The governor refused to sanction any bill for their payment. Piqued by this obstinacy, the House of Burgesses affixed the amount to a bill for raising £20,000 for his Majesty's service. Equally indignant at this presumption, the governor sent back the bill without his signature, and prorogued the assembly for six weeks. Thus no supplies were granted, and the governor was induced to write that “there appeared to him an infatuation in all the assemblies in this part of the world.” The treasurer of the colony had already paid the agent by order of the assembly, without any special grant, which was no doubt a high disrespect to the governor and council. In giving an account of this affair to Governor Sharpe of Maryland, Governor Dinwiddie said: “I am now persuaded that no expedition can be conducted here with dependence on American assemblies; and I have written to that purpose home, and propose a British act of Parliament to compel the subjects here to obedience to his Majesty's commands, and to protect their property from the insults of the French.”— Sparks .

0150 95

The promises of those Traders, who offer to contract for large Quantities of flour, are not to be depended upon; a most flagrant instance of which we experienced in Croghan, who was under obligation to Maj. Carlyle for the delivery of this Article in a certain time, and who was an eyewitness to our wants; yet had the assurance, during our sufferings, to tantalize us, and boast of the quantity he could furnish, as he did of the number of Horses he cou'd command; notwithstanding, we were equally disappointed of these also; for out of 200 head he had contracted for, we never had above 25 employed in bringing the flour that was engaged for the Camp; and even this, small as the quantity was, did not arrive within a month of the time it was to have been delivered.

Another thing worthy of consideration, is, if we depend on Indian assistance, we must have a large quantity of proper Indian goods to reward their services, and make them presents; it is by this means alone, that the French command such an interest among them, and that we had so few. This, with the scarcity of Provisions, was proverbial; would induce them to ask, when they were to join us, if we meant to starve them as well as ourselves. But I will have done, and only add assurances of the regard and affect'n with which I am, &c,

To COLONEL JAMES INNES

August 12, 1754.

Hon'ble. Sir: Since writing pt. Express I have consider'd and find it better to delay the other to Wmsburg till you signifie your Sentiments to me on this head, that I may be guided 0151 96 thereby, and write nothing inconsistent with what you represent or advise: I should therefore hope you will acquaint me fully with your Opinion of this Affair, and send your dispatches (if any to the Governour) by the return of this Messenger, to take the same conveyance with mine that goes by an Officer who I shall send to receive the needful for Recruiting. If you think it advisable to order me in the shatter'd Condition we are in to March up to you, I will, if no more than ten Men follows me (which I believe will be the full amount) if it is agreeable to you I should be glad to know what State your Regiment is in as I hear some of your Men are infected with the same disorder's that our's are possess'd off. I am etc.

I forgot to mention in my last the great difficulty of getting Waggons, that cannot be removed but by purchasing enough for that use. When we were out I sent express after express, and desir'd to have the Artillery sent and was answer'd that Waggon cou'd not be hired for 5 times the Value.

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Alexandria, August 20, 1754

Sir: Mr. Peyrouny, soliciting for leave to attend the Assembly, with the hope of having some allowance made for his loss of Cloaths, &c., which he sustained in common with us all, and being not thoroughly cured of his Wounds, 63 which has hitherto rendered him unfit for Duty, I thought it proper to indulge him in this request and he now comes for these purposes aforesaid By him ! again take the Liberty of reminding your Honour of the great necessity there is of a regulation in the Soldiers' pay, and that a deduction be made for the Country to furnish them with cloathes; otherwise they never will be fit for Service;

Wounded at Fort Necessity.

0152 97 they are now Naked, and cannot get credit even for Hatts and are teazing the Officers every Day to furnish them with these and other necessarys.

Another thing, which should be fixed indisputably, is the Law we are to be guided by; whether Martial or Military. If the former, I must beg the favour of your Honour to give me some written orders and indemnification; otherwise I cannot give my assent (as I am liable for all the proceedings) to any judgment of the Martial Court, that touches the Life of a Soldier, tho' at this time there is an absolute necessity for it, as the Soldiers are deserting constantly. Yesterday, while we were at Church, 25 of them collected, and were going off in the Face of there Officers, but were stop'd and Imprisoned before the plot came to its full hight.

Colo. Innes did not fill up any Commissions for the Virginia Regiment, which has given those that were entitled to promotion some uneasiness; his reasons were, that it would be an unnecessary expense to the Country, till there were orders to recruit; this, I think, should not have been considered, while it is remember'd who [how] small encouragement is shewn them upon every occasion. Another motive, which, I believe, served to prevent it, was his dislike to the tenour of the Commissions, as it savoured so much of the Militia. He told me he would send down another for your Approbation, and Colo. Fairfax has also taken another, both of which is greatly preferable to those by which we act. And here I must beg leave to acquaint your Honour that the one you sent me is not signed.

The Officers are uneasy about their Pay, and think it hard to be kept out of it so long; they hope your Honour will order that the dates of their Commissions be from the vacancy's that happen'd, of which I have enclosed a list for information, hoping with them, your Honour will be kind enough to fill 0153 98 them up yourself, and send such Commissions as were sent for Precedents.

Mr. West, Lieut. of Vanbraam's Company, has resigned his commiss'n, which I herewith send. I also inclose a List of Medicines, which the Doct'r desires may be procured for the use of the Regiment. He solicits much for a Mate, and I believe it necessary, as he often has more business than he can well manage, then were a large Detacht. sent upon Duty, it would be imprudent to go without a Surgeon.

If your Honour should think proper to promote Mr. Peyrouney, we shall be at a loss for a good Disciplinarian to do Adjutant's Duty, wch requires a perfect knowledge of all kinds of the Duty. I should, therefore, take it extreamely kind, if you would be pleased to confer the Office upon Mr. Frazier, 64 who I think I can fully answer for, let his former conduct be what it will.

John Frazier (?), a lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment.

We have catch'd two Deserters, which I keep imprisoned till I receive your Honour's answer how far the Martial Law may be extended, and it is absolutely necessary that an Example be made of some, for warning to others; for there is scarce a Night, or an oppertunity, but what some or other are deserting, often two, three, or 4 at a time. We always advertise and pursue them as quickly as possible, but seldom to any purpose; the expences attending this will fall heavy upon the Country while this Spirit prevails. I am, &c.

[V.H.S.]

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Alexandria, August 21, 1754.

Hon'ble Sir: The bearer hereof, Mr. Wright 65 discovering an Inclination to the Art Military, and having, in some Measure, made it his Study, I have taken the liberty to recommend him

Ford thinks this was William Wright, who was killed at the Monongahela.

0154 99 to your Honour for one of the Vacancy's in the Virginia regiment; this I do with more assurance of succedding, as Mr. Wright's Character for good Sense and Sobriety will render him worthy the favour you may please to confer and I dare venture to say, he will endeavour to deserve.

Yesterday Mr. Peyroney set off from this; who I hope will also meet with your Honour's approbation and indulgence, as his behaviour has merited a reward from his Country (such he looks upon this to be). Mr. Campbell 66 arriv'd Yesterday, after appointing the Musters for the Northern Neck. I was not a little surpris'd to hear him say he was to have Half of my Salary, especially when he at the same time gave me to understand he expected it was the half of the 70 [£], exclusive of the 30 [£] which he has for his two County's which is near a third of what I get for the whole 11 Countys; a great disporportion this. I hope your Honour gave Mr. Campbell no room to expect this, for I think it exceedingly hard that I shou'd give so much more for a deputy than others, especially when the duty is much easier. For the Middle district which has 10 Countys; Muse gives but 40£; Colo. Thorton 67 gives yet less for his while I, by Mr. Campbell's account is to give 65£, or at any rate 50£. I hope, if your Honour is kind enough to continue me in that office, you will not oblige me to give such an exhorbitant allowance to a Person who, by all acc't knows nothing of the duty he has undertaken. I can get a Person whom I have taken great pains myself to teach, and who is perfectly acquainted with every part of the Service, to do the duty of the whole for the same that others give, and I shou'd be very glad for the sake of having the Countys kept in tolerably discipline, and for the favour of obliging me, your Honour wou'd indulge me in this, as I will engage it shall turn more to the Publick advantage,

Colin Campbell, deputy adjutant of the Northern Neck. Washington's cash account for 1754 shows that he paid Campbell £25 for the last half of that year.

Col. John Thornton, of Spotsylvania.

0155 100 whose Interest I am certain from well founded Reasons, you espouse, preferable to that of private. I am with all due regard, and imaginable respect, your Honour's, etc.

I must again mention Mr. Frazier as a person we shall much need if Mr. Peyroney is promoted, as I hope he will [be].

[V.H.S.]

*To THOMAS LEE 68

Thomas Lee, at one time president of the Virginia council and holder of two shares in the original Ohio Company of 1748. John Hanbury & Co., of London, of whom Washington later purchased Mount Vernon supplies, was a shareholder, as was also Governor Dinwiddie and Augustine and Lawrence Washington. The original of this letter is in the archives of the Wisconsin Historical Society and is a draft in Washington's writing, drawn up from notes which he made at the time and transcribed alongside of a sketch of the Potomac in that location. The letter is practically a duplication of these notes, which are also in the Wisconsin archives.

August , 1754.

Sir: Your desire, added to my own curiosity engaged me the last time I was in Frederick to return down by Water to discover the Navigation of Potomack; the following are the observations I made thereupon in that Trip. From the mouth of Paterson's Creek to the begg. of Shannondoah Falls there is no other obstacle than the shallowness of the Water to prevent Craft from passing. The first of those Falls is also even and shallow but swift and continues so with interruptions of Rocks to what is known by the Spout wch. is a mile and half; from this their is Rocky swift and very uneven water for near 6 Miles, in which distance there are 4 Falls, the first of which is tolerably clear of Rocks but shallow yet may be much amended by digging a Channel on the Maryland side abt. 2 Miles from this, and ½ Mile below the Mouth of Shannondoah is what they call the Spout, which is the great (and indd. almost the only) difficulty of the whole it has a considerable Fall the water being confined shoots with great Rapidity and what adds much to the difficulty is the bottom being exceeding 0156 101 Rocky occasions a Rippling so prodigious that none but boats or large Canoes can pass. The canoe I was in wh'ch was not small had near sunk having received much water on both sides and at the hd. Their may be a passage also got round this also upon the Maryland shoar that Vessels may be hald up after removing some Rocks which a moderate expence may accomplish. One of the other two Falls is swift and ugly not much unlike the Spout but when the River is higher than ordinary a passage may be had round a small Island on the Other side which passage may be greatly improved. abt. 8 miles below this there is another Fall which is very easy and passable and abt. 2 Miles from that is a cluster of small Islands with many Rocks and swift water which renders the passage somewhat precarious. From this to the Seneca Fall the Water is as smooth and even as can be desk'd, with scarcely any perceptable Fall. The Seneca Fall is easily pass'd in two places and Canoes may continue within two Miles of the Gr. Falls but further it is not possible therefore the trouble and expence of going up Seneca Falls will not be adiquite to the expence and trouble [and] will not answer the Charges as all Carriages for the benefits of a good Road are oblig'd to pass Difficult Bridge from whence it is but 8 Miles to the Landing place at the Sugarland Island and is 5 Miles to the Lowest landing that can be h'd below the afores'd Falls of Seneca. Thus Sir as far as I was capable, have I given you an acct. of the Conveniences and inconveniences that attend the Navigation of Potomack fr'm the Fall up, which I doubt but you will readily concur with me in judging it more convenient least expensive and I may further say by much the most expeditious way to the Country. There is but one objection that can obviate this Carriage and that is the Scarcity of water in the best season of the year for this kind of conveyance.

[W.H.S.]

To ROBERT DINWlDDIE

[September.]

Hon'ble Sir: As I wrote so lately and fully to you, by Mr. Polson, 69 on the subject of the Orders I had received, I have little to add now, only to acquaint your Honour, that as far as it is in my power, I shall endeavour to comply with them: what Men we can, we do enlist; but to send Officers into different parts for that purpose, would be unavailing, as they neither have money, nor can get any. I have given Maj. Carlyle memorandums of several Questions to ask your Honour, to which I beg your answers, that I may be governed thereby. I have also sent some of the soldiers' accounts, in hope of getting the money for them, as they are uneasy on that head. There are others of them that are rendered useless by their late wounds; therefore I hope you will recommend it to the consideration of the Assembly, that some provision may be made to keep them from want.

William Polson.

I have also desired Maj. Carlyle to mention to your Honour the great necessity there is for regulation in the Soldiers' pay; and that a certain part may be deducted and appropriated for clothing: unless this be done, we shall ever be in the distressed condition we are in at present, of which Maj. Carlyle can fully inform you, and to whom I shall refer your Honour for many particulars, especially the consequences of going as high as Will's Creek, if we cannot march farther; as, for the reasons which have been alledged, I fear we cannot, were we attempt it; and, at that place, for want of proper conveniences, we could not remain. I have the honor to be, &c. 70

When the assembly met in October it granted £20,000 for the public exigencies, and the governor received from England £10,000 sterling in specie, with the promise of £10,000 more, and 2,000 firearms. Thereupon he resolved to enlarge the army to 10 companies, of 100 men each, and to reduce them all to independent companies, by which there would be no officer in the Virginia Regiment above the rank of captain. This expedient, he supposed, would remedy the difficulties about command. Washington accordingly resigned, as he would not accept a lower commission than the one he had held.— Sparks .

The plan of military operations agreed upon in a conference at Williamsburg between Governors Dinwiddie, Dobbs, of North Carolina, and Sharpe, of Maryland, is printed in the Dinwiddie Papers , vol. 1, p. 351. It appears to be Dinwiddie's plan, and specifically includes the independent companies, which, of course, was the cause of the rank controversy and Washington's resignation.

To THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES

Williamsburg, October 23, 1754.

Sir: Nothing could have given me, and the Officers under my command, greater satisfaction, than to have received the thanks of the House of Burgesses, in so. particular and honour able a manner, for our Behaviour in the late unsuccessful Engagement with the French at the Great Meadows; and we unanimously hope, that our future Conduct in the Service of our Country may entitle us to a continuance of its approbation. I assure you, Sir, I shall always look upon it as my indispensable duty, to endeavour to deserve it.

I was desired, by the Officers of the Virginia Regiment, to offer their grateful thanks for the Honour which has been confered upon them; and hope the enclosed will be indulgently received, and answer their, and the intended purpose of, Sir, Your most etc.

To THE SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES

We, the Officers of the Virginia Regiment, are highly sensible of the particular Mark of Distinction, with which you have honoured Us, in returning your Thanks for our Behaviour in the late Action; and can not help testifying our grateful 0159 104 Acknowldgments for your high sense of what We shall always esteem a Duty to our Country and the best of Kings.

Favoured with your Regard, We shall zealously endeavour to deserve your Applause, and, by our future Actions, strive to convince the Worshipful House of Burgesses, how much We Esteem their Approbation; and, as it ought to be, Regard it, as the Voice of our Country.

Signed for the whole Corp, 71

At this point in the record “Letter Book No. 1,” Washington Papers , pages 10, 11, 12, and 13 are blank. It was evidently the intention to enter here Washington's letter to Dinwiddie, resigning his commission, the draft of which could not be located in 1784–85, the year in which the letters were copied into this volume. No copy of the resignation has as yet come to light.

To COLONEL WILLIAM FITZHUGH

[NOTE: Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, had been commissioned by the King as commander in chief of all the forces to be used against the French. Colonel Fitzhugh of Rousby Hall, near the mouth of the Patuxent River, Md., was second in rank and commanded in the absence of Governor Sharpe. Brock thinks him a grandson of the emigrant William Fitzhugh, of Stafford, Va. Sharpe wished to bring Washington back into the service and Fitzhugh wrote persuasively to Washington (November 4): “I am confident, that the General has a very great regard for you, and will by every circumstance in his power make you very happy. For my part, I shall be extremely fond of your continuing in the service, and would advise you by no means to quit it. In regard to the Independent Companies, they will in no shape interfere with you, as you will hold your post during their continuance here, and. when the regiment is reduced, will have a separate duty.”

Belvoir, November 15, 1754.

Dear Sir: I was favored with your letter from Rousby Hall, of the 4th instant. It demands my best acknowledgements for the particular marks of Esteem you have expressed therein; and for the kind assurances of his Excellency Governour Sharpe's good wishes towards me. I also thank you, and sincerely, Sir, for your friendly intention of making my situation easy, if I return to the service; and I do not doubt, could I submit to the Terms, that I should be as happy under your command, in the absence of the General, as under any gentleman's whatever: but I think, the disparity between the present offer of a Company, and my former Rank, too great to expect any real 0160 105 satisfaction or enjoyment in a Corps, where I once did, or thought I had a right to, command; even if his Excellency had power to suspend the orders received in the Secretary of War's Letter; which, by the by, I am very far from thinking he has, or will attempt to do, without fuller Instructions than I believe he has; especially, too, as there has been a representation of this matter by Govenour Dinwiddie, and, I believe, the Assembly of this State; we have advices that it was received before Deurmarree 73 obtained his Letter.

Capt. Paul Demere (?).

All that I presume the General can do, is, to prevent the different Corps from interfering, which will occasion the Duty to be done by Corps, instead of Detachments; a very inconvenient way, as is found by experience. 74

That is, the independent and Colonial companies must always act separately and not in concert by detachments from each. The inconvenience of this method was proved in the case of Captain MacKay, previous to the battle of the Great Meadows. Colonel Innes, at Wills Creek, contrived to keep up a nominal command by acting under two commissions, his old one from the King, received in the former war, and his new one from Governor Dinwiddie, to each of which he appealed as occasion required.

You make mention in your letter of my continuing in the Service, and retaining my Colo's Commission. This idea has filled me with surprise; for if you think me capable of holding a commisson that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must entertain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me to be more empty than the Commission itself.

Besides, Sir, if I had time, I could enumerate many good reasons, that forbid all thoughts of my Returning; and which to you, or any other, would, upon the strictest scrutiny, appear to be well-founded. I must be reduced to a very low Command, and subjected to that of many who have acted as my inferior Officers. In short, every Captain, bearing the King's Commission, every half-pay Officer, or other, appearing with 0161 106 such a commission, would rank before me; for these reasons, I choose to submit to the loss of Health which I have, however, already sustained, (not to mention that of Effects,) and the fatigue I have undergone in our first Efforts; rather than subject myself to the same inconveniences, and run the risque of a second disappointment.

I shall have the consolation of knowing, that I have opened the way when the smallness of our numbers exposed us to the attacks of a Superior Enemy; that I have hitherto stood the heat and brunt of the Day, and escaped untouched in time of extreme danger; and that I have the Thanks of my Country, for the Services I have rendered it.

It shall not sleep in silence, my having received information that those peremptory Orders from Home, which, you say could not be dispensed with, for reducing the Regiments into Independent Companies, were generated, hatched and brought from Will's Creek. Ingenuous treatment and plain dealing, I at least expected. 75 It is to be hoped the project will answer; it shall meet with my acquiescence in every thing except personal Services. I herewith enclose Governour Sharp's Letter, which I beg you will return to him, with my Acknowledgments for the favour he intended me, assure him, Sir, as you truly may, of my reluctance to quit the Service, and of the pleasure I should have received in attending his Fortunes, also inform him, that it was to obey the call of Honour, and the

Governor Dinwiddie wrote to the Earl of Halifax (October 25): “As there have been some disputes between the regulars and the officers appointed by me, I am now determined to reduce our regiment into Independent Companies, so that from our forces there will be no other distinguished officer above a captain.” It is clear, therefore, that this was done at the governor's own motion, probably in concert with Governor Sharpe, and not by any orders which had as yet been received from higher authority. Dinwiddie could plead the Carthagena expedition as a precedent; but the memory of the treatment received by the Colonial troops on that expedition was not soothing to the Colonies. Washington resigned in October because of this fantastic scheme which would have placed him under officers whom he had formerly commanded.

0162 107 advice of my Friends, I declined it, and not to gratify any desire I had to leave the military line. My inclinations are strongly bent to arms.

The length of this, and the small room I have left, tell me how necessary it is to conclude, which I will do as you always shall find me. Truly and sincerely etc.

*To ROBERT ORME 76

Robert Orme was a lieutenant in the Coldstream Guards, who accompanied Braddock to Virginia as an aide, with the rank of captain. He was wounded at the Monongahela; returned to England, and resigned from the army. He married the only daughter of Charles, Viscount Townshend. His journal of the Braddock expedition was printed by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in 1855.

Mount Vernon, March 15, 1755.

Sir: I was not favoured with your agreeable Letter, (of the 2d) till yesterday, acquainting me with the notice his Excellency, is pleased to honour me with, by kindly desiring my Company in his Family Its true, Sir, I have, ever since I declined a command in this Service express'd and Inclination to serve the Ensuing Campaigne as a Volunteer; and this believe me Sir, is not a little encreased, since its likely to be conducted by a Gentleman of the General's great good Character;

But beside this, and the laudable desire I may have to serve, (with my poor abilitys) my King and Country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess, I am not a little biass'd by selfish and private views. To be plain Sir, I wish for nothing more earnestly than to attain a small degree of knowledge in the Military Art: and believing a more favourable oppertunity cannot be wished than serving under a Gentleman of his Excellencys known ability and experience, it will, you must reasonably, imagine not a little contribute to influence me in my choice. But, Sir, as I have taken the liberty so far to observe that freely, I shall beg your Indulgence yet a little longer, while 0163 108 I say, that the only bar that can check me in the pursuit of these my desires is the inconveniences that must necessarily arise on some proceedings in a late space—(I mean before the General's arrival) had in some measure abated the edge of my Intentions and determined me to lead a life of greater inactivety, and into which I was just entering at no small expence, the business whereof must greatly suffer in my absence.

I shall do myself the pleasure of waiting upon his Excellency, so soon as I hear of his arrival at Alexandria, (and wou'd sooner, was I certain where) till which I shall decline saying further on this head; begging you'll be kind enough to assure him, that I shall always retain a grateful Sense of the favour he was kindly pleas'd to offer me, and that I should have embraced this oppertunity of writing to him, had I not some little time ago wrote a congratulatory Letter on his safe arrival &c. And as ! flatter myself, you will favour me in communicating my Sentiments herein, it will need no other mentn. or reptition.

You do me a singular favour, in proposing an acquaintance which cannot but be attended with the most agreeable Intimacy on my side; as you may already experience, by the familiarity and freedom with which I now assume to treat you; a freedom, which, even if disagreeable, you'll excuse, as I shall lay the whole blame at your door, for encouraging me to thro' lack of that formality which otherwise might have appeard in my deportment, on this occasion.

The hope of shortly seeing you will be an excuse for my not adding more than that I shall endeavour to approve myself worthy your friendship, and that beg to be esteem'd your most Obedient Servant 77

The text is from the first letter in a small volume labeled “Letter Book Relating to Braddock's Defeat.” It contains 48 letters and 1 or 2 memoranda, all in Washington's writing, and dates from Mar. 15, 1755, to December 6 of that year. It was this volume that drew from a well-known American author and scholar the comment that “Perhaps the most touching proof of his [Washington's] own self-depreciation was something he did when he had become conscious that his career would be written about. Still in his possession were the letter-books in which he had kept copies of his correspondence while in command of the Virginia Regiment between 1754 and 1759, and late in life he went through these volumes, and, by interlining corrections, carefully built them into better literary form.”

Ford, in his edition of the Writings of Washington (vol. 1, p. xx), says: “The changes he [Washington] made at a late period of his life are so distinctive, both in form of letters and the colors of the ink, as to make an error of date impossible.” The proper explanation of the matter is, simply, that after Washington returned to Mount Vernon in 1783 and had an opportunity to examine the magnificent piece of work done by Richard Varick in transcribing his Revolutionary War letters, the idea of preserving all his letters in book form seems to have crystallized. The earliest letters were these Braddock-campaign epistles and a casual perusal of them showed Washington the necessity of clarifying his youthful redundancy of expression and simplifying his involved thought, so that Robert Lewis could do the copying without making continual appeals for decisions as to punctuation and meaning. This is the common-sense view of the matter, when romance is rigorously excluded. Because of the value of the original texts as a record of Washington's letter-writing ability in his early twenties, a great deal of time and trouble has been given to deciphering them. The task was difficult, as the heavy ink of 30 years later has almost obliterated that of 1755, and in some instances Washington scraped off the original with a knife; but the texts here printed are Washington's letters as he wrote them at the time. The changes made at the later period were incorporated by Lewis in the letterbook record and were adopted by Ford, after deliberate consideration, in his edition of the Writings and have been followed by all others. His text should be compared with this edition for comparison as to the improvement of Washington's style and etymology in the course of 30 years.

*To ROBERT ORME

Mount Vernon, April 2, 1755.

Dear Sir: The arrival of a good deal of Company (among whom is my Mother, alarm'd with the report of my attending your Fortunes) prevents me the pleasure of waiting upon you to day as I intended; 78 therefore I beg you'll be kind enough to make my compliments and excuse to the Genrl., who I 0165 110 hope to hear is greatly recover'd from his indisposition; and recruited sufficiently to prosecute his journ'y. to Annopolis.

General Braddock landed in Virginia on February 20. The transports with the British troops, who were to act under him, came into the Chesapeake soon afterwards. These he ordered up the Potomac to Alexandria, or, as it was then sometimes called, Bellhaven, where the troops debarked. Five companies were cantoned there, one company was stationed at Dumfries, six companies at Fredericksburg and Falmouth, three and a half companies at Winchester, and half a company at Conococheague. In Maryland one company was cantoned at Bladensburg, another at Upper Marlboro, and two at Frederick. Some of the troops were landed below Alexandria, at the nearest point to Fredericksburg. The general remained at Williamsburg, planning with the governor preparations for the approaching campaign.

The following order of the King, dated at St. James, Nov. 12, 1754, respecting the rank of Colonial officers, was brought out by General Braddock: “All troops serving by commission signed by us, or by our general commanding in chief in North America, shall take rank before all troops, which may serve by commission from any of the governors, lieutenant or deputy governors, or president for the time being. And it is our further pleasure, that the general and field officers of the provincial troops shall have no rank with the general and field officers, who serve by commission from us; but that all captains and other inferior officers of our forces, who are or may be employed in North America, are, on all detachments, courts-martial, and other duty, wherein they may be joined with officers serving by commission from the governors, lieutenant or deputy governors, or president for the time being of the said provinces, to command and take post of the said provincial officers of the like rank, though the commissions of the said provincial officers of like rank should be of elder date.”

Since his resignation in October, Colonel Washington had remained inactive at Mount Vernon. General Braddock, knowing his value and the importance of securing his services to the expedition, directed Mr. Orme, his aide-de-camp, to write to him the following letter, the original of which is in the Washington Papers , proposing an expedient by which the chief obstacles of rank would be removed.

“Williamsburg, 2 March, 1755.

“Sir: The general, having been informed that you expressed some desire to make the campaign, but that you declined it upon some disagreeableness that you thought might arise from the regulations of command, has ordered me to acquaint you, that he will be very glad of your company in his family, by which all inconveniences of that kind will be obviated. I shall think myself very happy to form an acquaintance with a person so universally esteemed, and shall use every opportunity of assuring you how much I am, Sir, your most obedient servant.

“Robert Orme, Aid-de-camp.”

— Sparks .

Captain Orme was with the army at Alexandria, 9 miles from Mount Vernon. Soon after General Braddock arrived in Virginia he wrote (March 10) to the governors of Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania, requesting them to meet him at Annapolis in Maryland to concert measures for future operation. The general, Commodore Keppel, and Governor Dinwiddie proceeded to Annapolis, but the place of meeting was afterwards changed to Alexandria, where they all assembled on April 13 and concerted measures for the united action of the middle and northern colonies. The minutes of this council are printed in Documentary History of New York , vol. 2, p. 376. It was thought by some that New York ought to be the center of operations, as affording greater facilities for attacking the French at their strongest points, but Braddock's instructions were positive for him to proceed to the Ohio. He marched from Alexandria on April 20.— Sparks .

I find myself much embarrass'd with my Affairs; having no person in whom I can confide, to entrust the management with. Yet, under these disadvantages and circumstances, I am determined to do myself the honour of accompanying you with this proviso only, that the General will be kind enough to permit my return, so soon as the [ ? ] or grand Affair is over, (if desir'd). Or, if there should be any space of inaction 0166 111 long enough to admit of a visit (for otherwise I coud by no means obtain my own consent, what ever private losses I might sustain) to endulge me therein and I need not add, how much I should be obliged by joining at Wills Creek only, 79 for this the General has kindly promised. These things Sir, however unwarrantable they may appear at first sight, I hope will not be taken amiss when its consider'd how unprepar'd I am at present to quit a Family, and Estate scarcely settled, and in the utmost confusion. 80

In reply Captain Orme wrote: “The general orders me to give you his compliments and to assure you his wishes are to make it agreeable to yourself and consistent with your affairs, and, therefore, he desires you will so settle your business at home as to join him at Will's Creek if more convenient to you; and, whenever you find it necessary to return, he begs you will look upon yourself as entirely master, and judge what is proper to be done.”

Lawrence Washington's estate, which included, of course, Mount Vernon. From 1755 on, for several years, Washington paid a yearly rent for Mount Vernon to Col. George Lee, who had married Lawrence Washington's widow, Ann Fairfax.

I have inclos'd you a letter from Colo. Fairfax to Governour Shirley, 81 which with his Compliments, he desir'd might be given to Mr. Shirley: He also sends his Blessing to you, and desires you may be a good boy and deserve them [ ? ] at present he entertains those pleasing, and sanguine hopes that a dutiful and worthy Son shou'd expect from the most paternal fondness of an endulgent Father, this for your comfort. I herewith send you a small Chart of the back Country, which tho' imperfect and roughly drawn (for want of proper utensils) may, not withstanding, give you a better knowledge of these parts than that you have hitherto had an oppurtunity of acquiring. 82

Gov. William Shirley, of Massachusetts, commander in chief of the British operations in the Colonies.

This map has not come to light. It was probably destroyed with the baggage lost at the Monongahela and Dunbar's retreat.

I shall do myself the honour of waiting upon the General so soon as I hear of his return from Annopolis. My Compliments attends him, Mr. Shirley &c. And I am Sir etc.

*To JOHN ROBINSON 83

Speaker of the Virginia House of Delegates and treasurer of the colony.

Mount Vernon, April 20, 1755.

Dear Sir: I little expected when I wrote you last I shou'd so soon engage in another Campaigne; but in this I hope I may be allow'd to claim some small share of merit; if it is consider'd that the sole motive wch. invites me to the Field, is the laudable desire of servg. my Country; and not for the gratification of any lucrative ends; this, I flatter myself, will manifestly appear by my going a Volunteer, without expectation of reward, or prospect of attaining a Command; as I am confidantly assur'd it is not in Genl. Braddocks power to give a Comn. that I wou'd accept. Perhaps with any other, the above declaration might be look'd upon as a piece of self sufficient merit; which, being unwilling to loose, I choose to proclaim it myself; but by you Sir, I hope it will be taken in a different light, who seem'd to sympathize in my disappointments, and lent your friendly Aid to reinstate me in a suitable Command; which mark of your approbation was not lost upon one who is always sensible off and ready to acknowledge an obligation; and this is the reason why I am so much more expressive in my Sentiments to you than I shou'd choose be to the World, whose Censures and Criticisms often place the best design's in the worst light; and but, to be ingenuous, I must confess I had other Intentions in writing and if there is any merit in going out upon such terms as I do I was unwilling to loose it among my Friends, who I did not doubt might be made to believe I had some advantageous offers that engaged my services, when in reality it is very far from it; for I expect to be a considerable looser in my private Affairs by going. Its true, I have been importuned to make this Campaigne by Genl. Braddock in his Family who I suppose, imagined that the small knowledge I have had an opportunity of acquiring of 0168 113 the Country, Indians, &c. worthy of his notice; and therefor thought I might become useful to him in the progress of this Expedition.

Colo. Carter Burwell the last Assembly, upon hearing that I had lost 50 odd pounds during my appt. as Paymaster, desir'd I wd. petition the Committee to have it refunded: assurg. me at the same time that he wou'd solicit the Gentn. in my behalf. I declined it then thinking it might not be well received, as I had been allowed a Comn.; but if he shou'd propose it at a future meeting, and it does not appear to carry a face of unreasonableness, I hope you will do me the favour to 2d. him. I must own after meeting with the indulgencies I did, I sh'd. not have ask'd this, had it not been proposed by a Member; and had I not been so considerable a looser before in the Service, loosg. many valuable Papers, cloathing, Horses and sevl. other things; some of which, and of no inconsiderable value, I car'd out entirely for the publick use, and forbore mentg. of it till this as I knew you were greatly Pester'd with complaints of this sort from Officers that were less able to bear them, tho' their losses are much more inconsiderable than mine, for I had unfortunately got my baggage from Wills Creek but a few days before the Engagemt. in wch. I also had a valuable Servt. Wounded, who died in a few days after. I thought it expedient just to mention these Facts that you might turn them to any advantage you see proper, or to drop it altogether, if you think they be unreasonable. I heartily wish a happy Issue to all your Resolves, &c.

*To WILLIAM BYRD

Mount Vernon, April 20, 1755.

Dr. Sir: I was sorry it was not in my power to wait upon you at Westover last Christmas. I had enjoy'd much satisfaction in the thought when an unexpected accident put it entirely out of 0169 114 my power to comply either with my promise, or Inclination; both of which equally urg'd me to make the Visit.

I am now preparing for, and shall in a few days sett off, to serve in the ensuing Campainge; with different Views from what I had before; for here, if I can gain any credit, or if I am entitled to the least countenance and esteem, it must be from serving my Country with a free, Voluntary will; for I can very truly say, I have no expectation of reward but the hope of meriting the love of my Country and friendly regard of my acquaintances; and as to any prospect of obtaining a Comn. I have none, and am pretty well assur'd it is not in Genl. Braddock's to give such a one as I wou'd accept off as I am told a Compa. is the highest Comn. that is now vested in his gift. He disir'd my Company this Campainge, has honoured me with particular marks of Esteem, and kindly invited me into his Family; which will ease me of that expence, which otherwise wou'd undoubtedly have accrued in furnishing a proper Camp Provision; whereas the expence will now be easy, (comparatively speaking) as baggage Horses, tents and some other necessarys will constitute the whole of the charge tho' I mean to say to leave a Family just settling, and in the utmost confusion and disorder (as mine is in at present) will be the means of my using my private Fortune very greatly, but however this may happen, it shall be no hindrance to my making this Campaigne. I am Sir with very g't esteem, etc.

*To CARTER BURWELL 84

Chairman of the military committee of the House of Burgesses.

Mount Vernon April 20, 1755.

Sir: From the goodness of your offer last Assembly, I flatter myself you will be kind enough to acquaint the Gentlemen of the Committee (at this meeting) with the loss I sustained 0170 115 during my Appointment as Paymaster to the Virginia Forces (either by Robery or neglect of charging) and so far favour my Pretenions, as to solicit them in my behalf, which I am convinced will be the means of them refunding me the money I lost to the amount of 50 odd pounds. I shou'd not have presum'd to ask this fay. (nor shall I in any shape urge it) as the Gentlemen were so kind to grant me an allowance for my trouble if I had not, in other respects, suffered considerably in the Service; for besides the loss of many valuable Paper's, a valuable Servant who died a few days after of his Wounds, my wearing Apparel, Books, Horses &c. which amounted to no trifling Sum in the whole, and in which I alone suffer'd by being the only person who got their things out a few days before the Engagement I say not to mention the above things, I lost at the time a very valuable and uncommon Circumportor calculated not only for Superficial Measure, but for taking of Altitudes, and other useful purposes which I carried out solely for the Public use imagining it necessary for laying of Grounds for Forti'ns. &c. I also lost many other things w'ch I sd. have receiv'd and sh'd have mention'd in a Publick way upon my first comg. in, had I not become Sensible of the Genl. was pretty much pester'd with complaints of this sort from several of the Officers whose losses, tho' I knew were greatly inferiour to mine, yet I also knew they were less able to bear them, and this motive alone prevented me from mentg. any thing relating to myself, on this hd. till now, when I hope you will be kind enough to serve me.

I am just ready to embark a 2d. time in the Service of my Country; to merit whose regard and esteem, is the sole motive that induces me to make this Campaigne; for I can very truly say I have no views, either of profitting or rising in the Service, as I go a Volunteer, witht. rank or Pay, and am certain it is not in Genl. Braddocks power to give a Comn. that I wd. accept; I 0171 116 might add, that so far from being serviceable I am thoroughly convinced it will prove very detrimental to my private Affairs, as I shall have a Family scarcely Settled, and in gt. disorder but however prejudicial this may be, it shall not stop me from going. A happy Issue to all your resolves is most sincerely wish'd by Sir etc.

*To WILLIAM FAIRFAX

Mount Vernon, April 23, 1755.

Dear Sir: I cannot think of quitting Fairfax 85 without embracing this last opportunity of bidding you farewell. I this day set out for Wills Creek, where I expect to meet the Gen'l. and to stay, I fear too long, as our March must be regulated by the slow movements of the Train, 86 which I am sorry to say, I think will be tedious in advancing very tedious indeed, as answerable to the expectation I have long conceived tho' few believ'd.

Mount Vernon is in Fairfax County.

The train of artillery.

Alexandria has been honoured with 5 Governors in Consultation; a happy presage I hope, not only of the success of this Expedition, but for our little Town; for surely such honours must have arisen from the Commodious, and pleasant situation of this place the best constitutional qualitys for Popularity and encrease of a (now) flourishing Trade.

I have had the honour to be introduced to the Governors; and of being well receiv'd by them all, especially Mr. Shirley, whose character and appearance has perfectly charm'd me, as I think every word and every action discovers the Gent'n. and great Politician. I heartily wish something of such unanimity amongst us, as appear'd to Reign between him and his 0172 117 Assembly; when they, to expedite the Business, and forward his journey here sat till eleven, and twelve o'clock at Nights.

It will be needless, as I know your punctuality requires no repetition's to remind you of an Affair, ab't. which I wrote some time ago; therefore I shall only beg my compliments to Mr. Nicholas 87 and his Lady, and to all Friends who think me worthy of their inquirys. I am Dear Sir etc.

Robert Carter Nicholas, who succeeded John Robinson as treasurer of Virginia in 1766 and served until after 1775.— Toner .

*To MRS. GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX

Bullskin, April 30, 1755.

Dear Madam: In order to engage your corrispondence, I think it expedient just to deserve it; which' I shall endeavour to do by embracing the earliest, and every oppertunity of writing to you.

It will be needless to expatiate on the pleasures that communication of this kind will afford me, as it shall suffice to say; a corrispondance with my Friends is the greatest satisfaction I expect to enjoy, in the course of the Campaigne, and that none of my friends are able to convey more real delight than you can to whom I stand indebted for so many obligations.

If an old proverb can claim my belief I am certainly [ ? ] 88 share of success; for surely no man ever made a worse beginning, than I have; out of 4 Horses which we brought from home, one was kill'd outright, and the other 3 render'd unfit for use; so that I have been detain'd here three days already, and how much longer I may continue to be so, the Womb of time most discover.

The erasure at this point was made with a knife and the writing is entirely obliterated.

0173 118

I must beg my Compliments to Miss. Hannah, Miss Dent, 89 and any other's that think me worthy of their enquirys.

Hannah Fairfax, who married Warner Washington, of Gloucester, and Miss Elizabeth Dent, who lived at Belvoir. Miss Dent was the daughter, or sister, of Thomas Dent, long a clerk in the Northern Neck office.

I am Madam Yr. most Obedt. Servt.

*To WILLIAM FAIRFAX

Winchester May 5, 1755.

Dear Sir: I overtook the General at Frederick Town in Maryland and from thence we proceeded to this place, where we shall remain till the arrival of the 2nd. Division of the Train, (which we hear left Alexandria on Tuesday last); after that we shall continue our March to Wills Creek; from whence it is imagined we shall not stir till the latter end of this Month, for want of Waggons, and other convenciences to Transports our Baggage &c. over the Mount'n.

You will naturally conclude that to pass through Maryl'd. (when no business requir'd it,) was an uncommon, and extraordinary route for the Gen'l. and Colo. Dunbarr's Regiment to this place; but at the same time the reason, however, was obvious to say that those who promoted it had rather have the communication should be that way, than through Virginia; but I now believe the Imposition has to evidently appeared for the Imposer's to subject us to the same Inconvencies again. 90 please to make my Compt's. to Colo. G. 91 to whom I shall write by the next oppertunity, and excuse haste. I am &c.

The selection of the route was due to Sir John St. Clair, who thought to gain dispatch by dividing the army, sending one division with powder and ordnance by Winchester and the other with military and hospital stores by Frederick, in Maryland. On reaching Frederick, Col. Thomas Dunbar found there was no road through Mary. land to Fort Cumberland, and be was compelled to cross the Potomac and take the Winchester route. St. Clair expected Governor Morris to build a road to Wills Creek, and taking him to task sharply for his failure, received a “set-down” from Morris, as Governor Shirley called it.— Ford .

George William Fairfax.

*To THOMAS, LORD FAIRFAX

Winchester, May 6, 1755.

My Lord: I have had the misfortune to lose 3 of my Horses since I left home; and not bringing money enough to buy other's and to answer all the contingent expences that may arise in the course of the Campaigne, I have made bold to solicit your Lordship's assistance which will infinitely oblige me.

About 40 or 50 £ will supply my wants, and for which I shou'd gladly pay your Lordship Interest, beside many thanks for the favour, as I am greatly distress'd at this present, not being able to proceed well with't.

The Gen'l. sets out to morrow, and proceeds directly to Wills Creek; which, together with the hurry of Business, that has happen'd since we came to Town, has been a means of depriving me of the pleasure of waiting upon your Lordship, as I intended to have done. Please to make my Compt. to Colo. Martin. 92 I am Yr. Lordships etc.

Col. Thomas Bryan Martin was the son of Denny Martin and Lord Fairfax's sister Frances. He was county lieutenant of Hampshire and a burgess from that county, 1756–1758.

*To JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON

Winchester, May 6, 1755.

Dear Jack: A very fatiegueing Ride, and long round brought me to the General (the day I parted with you) at Frederick Town; a small Village 15 Miles below the blue Ridge in Maryland from thence we proceeded to this place, where we have halted since Saturday last, and shall depart from Wills Creek to morrow.

I find there is no probability of Marching the Army from Wills Creek till the latter end of this Month, or the first of 0175 120 next; so that you may imagine time will hang heavy upon my hands. I meet with a familiar complaisance in this Family, especially from the General, who I hope to please without difficulty, for I may say it can scarce be done with as he uses, and requires less ceremony than you can well conceive.

I have order'd the Horse Gist to Bullskin, 93 and my own here, if serviceable; otherwise you must have them carr'd down when Countess is sent up: I have conceive'd a good Op'n of Gist, therefore, I hope you will not let him want for proper usage, if he sh'd be s't instead of the Greys; which will be the case if they are able to perform the Journey.

Bullskin, the name of Washington's plantation in Frederick County.

I hope you'll have frequent oppert'ys to expatiate upon the State of my Affairs, w'ch you adm'r to such degree of satisf'n to a Person in my situation. At present I have nothing to add but my comp'ts to all friends, particularly the good Family at Belvoir who I hope to hear are in good health. 94

The Fairfax family. John Augustine Washington, the favorite brother of George Washington, was then living at Mount Vernon and taking care of the place. He became the father of Bushrod Washington, to whom George Washington transferred much of the affection he felt for John Augustine, after the latter's death.

*To MRS. MARY WASHINGTON

Winchester, May 6, 1755.

Honour'd Madam: I came to this place last Saturday, and shall set out to morrow with the General for Wills Creek; where I fear we shall wait some time for a sufficient number of Waggons to transport us over the Mountains.

I am very happy in the General's Family, and I am treated with a complaisant Freedom which is quite agreeable; so that I have no occasion to doubt the satisfaction I propos'd in making the Campaigne.

0176 121

As we have met with nothing yet worth relating I shall only beg my Love to my Brother's and Sister's; and Compliments to Friends.

I am, Honour'd Madam,

Yr. most Dutiful and Obedt. Son,

*To MRS. JOHN CARLYLE 95

Mrs. John Carlyle (Sarah Fairfax, sister-in-law of Sarah Cary, Mrs. George William Fairfax).

Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.

Dear Madam: As I have no higher expectation in view than an intimate corrispondance with my Friends, I hope, in that, I shall not be disappointed; especially by you and Mrs. Fairfax, who was pleas'd (tho. seldom) to honour me with yours last time. 96

When Washington marched toward the Ohio in 1754.

We arrived here the 10th., and for ought I know may Halt till the loth. of next Month, before we receive Waggon's &c. to transport our Baggage and Horses to the Aligany.

We have no news in the Camp to entertain you with at present, but I hope to be furnish'd with some thing agreeable against my next, when I shall not fail to communicate it: Interim, I am Dr. Madam Yr. most Obedt. etc.

This Letter was not sent.

*To MAJOR JOHN CARLYLE

Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.

Sir: I Overtook the General at Frederick Town in Maryl'd. and proceeded with him by way of Winchester to this place; which gave him a good oppertunity to see the absurdity of the 0177 122 Rout, and of Damning it very heartily. Colo. Dunbar's Regiment was also oblig'd to cross over at Connogogee and come down within 6 Miles of Winchester to take the new road up, which gave me infinite satisfaction.

We are to Halt here till forage can be brought from Philadelphia, which I suppose will introduce the Month of June upon us; and then we are to proceed upon our tremendous undertaking of transporting the heavy Artillery over the Mountains, which I believe will compose the greatest difficulty of the Campaigne; For as to any apprehensions of the Enemy I think they need only to be provided against to be well regarded, as I fancy the French will be oblig'd to draw their force from the Ohio to repel the Attacks in the North, under the command of Governour Shirley &c, who will make three different attempts imediately.

I coud wish to hear what the Assembly and other's have done, and are doing, together with any occurances as may have happen'd since my departure.

I am in very great want of Boots, and have desir'd my Bror. Jno. to purchase a pair and send them to you, who I hope will contrive them to me, by the first oppertunity. I have wrote to my old corrispondant Mrs. Carlyle and must beg my Compliments to my good Friend Dalton, 97 &c. I am &c.

John Dalton, of Alexandria.

NB. This Letter was never sent.

*To MRS. GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX

Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.

Dear Madam: I have at last, with great pains and difficulty, discovered the Reason why Mrs. Wardrope is a greater favourite of Genl. Braddock's than Mrs. Fairfax; and met with more respect at the late review in Alexandria.

0178 123

The cause I shall communicate, after rallying you for neglecting the means that introduced her to his favour which to say truth were in [ ? ] a present of delicious Cake, and potted Wood cocks; that wrought such wonders [ ? ] upon the Heart of the General [ ? ] as upon those of the gentlemen that they became instant Admirers, not only the charms, but the Politeness of this Fair Lady.

We have a favourable prospect of halting here three Weeks or a Month longer for Waggons, Horses and Forage; so that it is easy to conceive my situation will be very pleasant and agreeable, when I dreaded this (before I came out) more than every other Incident that might happen in the Campaigne.

I hope you will favour me with your corrispondance since you see my willing desirousness[ ? ] to deserve the Honour, and of approving myself Your most Obedt. and most Humble Servt. 98

The bracketed query marks denote a word or words so crossed over or erased by Washington, 30 years after writing this letter, as to be indecipherable. The word “desirousness,” in the last paragraph, is a doubtful reading, though the first two syllables are correct.

*To JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON

Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.

Dear Brother: As wearing Boots is quite the Mode, and mine in a declining State; I must beg the favour of you to procure me a pair that is good, and neat, and send them to Major Carlyle, who I hope will contrive them as quick as my necessity requires.

I see no prospect of moving from this place; as we have neither Horses nor Waggons enough, and no forage for them to subsist upon but what is expected from Philadelphia; therefore, I am well convinced that the trouble and difficulty we must encounter in passing the Mountain for want of proper 0179 124 conveniences, will equal all the other Interruptions of the Campaigne; for I conceive the March of such a Train of Artillery in these Roads to be a tremendous undertaking: As to any danger from the Enemy I look upon it as trifling, for I believe they will be oblig'd to exert their utmost Force to repel the attacks to the Northward, where Governour Shirley and other's with a body of 8,000 Men, wall annoy their Settlements, and attempt their Forts.

The Gen'l. has appointed me one of his aids de Camps, 99 in which Character I shall serve this Campaigne, agreeably enough, as I am thereby freed from all commands but his, and give Order's to all, which must be implicitly obey'd.

This appointment was proclaimed to the troops in general orders of May 10.

I have now a good oppertunity, and shall not neglect it, of forming an acquaintance, which may be serviceable hereafter, if I can find it worth while pushing my Fortune in the Military way.

I have wrote to my two female corrispondents 1 by this oppertunity, one of which Letters I have inclos'd to you, and beg y'r. deliverance off. I shall expect a Succinct acc't of all that has happened since my departure.

I am, dear Jack, etc.

Mrs. Carlyle and Mrs. Fairfax, who were sisters-in-law.

The above Letter was not sent.

*To COLONEL AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON 2

Augustine Washington was half brother to George and full brother to Lawrence. George Washington generally referred to him as Austin Washington.

Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.

Dear Brother: I left home the 24th. of last Month, and overtook the General at Frederick Town in Maryland: from whence we proceeded by slow Marches to this place; where, I fear, we shall remain sometime for want of Horses and Carriages to convey our Baggage &c. over the Mountains; but 0180 125 more especially for want of Forage; as it cannot be imagin'd that so many Horses as we require, will be subsisted without a great deal.

We hear nothing particular from the Ohio; only that the French are in hourly expectation of being join'd by a large body of Indians; but I fancy they will find themselves so warmly attack'd in other places, that it will [not be convenient for them to spare many.] 3

The phrase in brackets was inserted by Washington in 1785 after erasing that written in 1755 so completely that it can not be deciphered. The attacks on the French in other places alluded to the plans for the campaign in the northern colonies.

I am treated with freedom, and respect, by the General and his Family; so that I don't doubt but I shall spend my time very agreeably this Campaigne, tho' not advantageously; as I conceive a little experience will be my chief reward, please to give my Love to my Sister, &c. I am, Dr. Sir, etc.

This Letter was not sent.

MEMORANDUM

The 15th. of May I was sent to Colo. Hunter 4 for a supply of Money of 4,000 £ Sterling and arriv'd as far as Winchester, on my way thither the day following, from whence I dispatch'd an express to him (fearing he might be out) to provide that sum, and meet me at Williamsburgh with it, and proceeded myself thro Fairfax where I was detained a Day in getting Horses.

Col. John Hunter, of Hampton, and paymaster general of Braddock's forces.

*To JOHN HUNTER

Winchester, May 16, 1755.

Sir: I have Orders from the Gen'l. and Instructions from Mr. Johnston, 5 to receive 4,000£ Stlg. at the rate of £4:0:7¼ pr. Oz., which will suffice for the present contingencies.

John Johnston.

0181 126

I have therefore dispatched this express with order's to make all imaginable haste to you, who I am told will imediately repair to Wmsburg. with the Money, and pay it there, according to contract. I must beg your utmost diligence in this affair as I have Order's not to wait, because the whole Army will halt at Wills Creek till I return, at an immense expence.

I have Letter's from the Gen'l. and Paymaster, with Bills and proper Instruction's; all of which I shall deliver when I have the pleasure of meeting you, which I expect will be in Williamsburg on Wednesday next, as I am now upon my way down, and shall delay no time. I am, &c.

*To MR. BELFOUR

Winchester, May 16, 1755.

Sir: If Colo. [Hunter] sh'd. be from home, I hope you will open this Letter to see and attend to the contents, that you may dispatch a Messenger to him immediately, to prevent his trouble in getting the 10 or 15 Th'd. Pounds ment'd. in a former Letter but repair immediately to W'msburg with the 4,000 L, which is all I am to receive at pres't. I am Sir, etc.

*To ROBERT ORME

Claybourn's Ferry

8 O'Clock, Thursdy. Morng. [May 22, 1755.]

Dear Sir: In pursuance of His Excellency's Commands I proceeded, to this place with all convenient dispatch; But, as I apprehd., and very justly, that the getting and posting Horses at proper Stages, in order to expedate my return, wou'd. occasion some delay. I dispatched an express from Winchester to Hampton advising Colo. Hunter of my business, and desiring him to meet me in Williamsburg with the money: which sd. 0182 127 express I this day met on his return from there, with a verbal message from Govt. Dinwiddie informing me that Colo. Hunter set out to the Northward last Week for money, and wont be returnd. in 14 or 15 Days; and that my journey will prove abortive; however this may happen I shall continue down till I have other information; but thought it first expedient (as I compleatly believe the report myself) to give you this early intelligence that the Genl. may determine accordingly.

As I am fatigued and a good deal disorder'd by constant riding in a droughth that has almost destroy'd. this part of the Country I shall proceed more slowly back, unless I am fortunate enough, contrary to expectation, to receive the money, and in that case I shall hurry back with the utmost dispatch.

If His Excellency finds it necessary that the money can be had, he has nothing more to do than intimate the same to me; when I shall return back from any place that an express can meet me with his Order's. My Compts. attds. Morris, Shirley, 6 and other Friends of our Party in Camp. I am, etc.

Capts. Roger Morris and William Shirley, both aides to Braddock. Morris was born in England; he married Mary Philipse, of Philipse Manor, New York, in 1758, and built the Roger Morris house, later known as the Jumel Mansion. Shirley was the son of Gov. William Shirley, of Massachusetts.

*MEMORANDUM

At Claybourns Ferry the 22d. I met the Express I had sent, as he was returning, who brought a Verbal message in the most expressive terms from Governour Dinwiddie, acquainting me that Colo. Hunter was gone to the Northward and that I wou'd certainly be disappointed in my expectations of this I acquainted Captn. Orme by Letter and proceeded on to Williamsburg where I arriv'd the same Day, and met Mr. Belfour Partner to Colo. Hunter with near the sum desir'd, which was compleated the next day, time enough to reach Chissels Ordinary on my return.

*[To ROBERT ORME]

Friday Noon [Williamsburg, May 23, 1755.]

Dear Sir: Since writg. from Claybourn's Ferry 7 by the late express, I arriv'd at this place and met Mr. Belfour, who, I believe, will be able, with the assistance of the Govt. and some other of his Friends, to procure the money against the morning; which will enable me to set out and I hope to get to Winchester by Tuesday Night next; from whence I shall proceed to the Camp with all possible dispatch.

Claibornes Ferry, in New Kent County, on the main road to Williamsburg.

As Colo. Hunter is gone to the Northward I cou'd get no positive answer concerning the further sum of Ten thousand pounds (which he was desir'd to send to Wills Creek) but Mr. Belfour his partner, thinks it may be depended upon. I shall, before I leave Town get his answer in writing, and deliver it on my arrival safe. Interim, I am, etc.

*MEMORANDUM

The 27th. I reached Winchester and expected to have met the troop of Light Horse to Escort me to the Camp, but being disappointed in that I engaged a guard of the Militia with which I set out on the 29th. followg. and arrived at the Camp the 30th; from Winchester I wrote the following letter to my Brother Jno. Washington.

*To JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON

Winchester, May 28, 1755.

Dear Jack: I came to this place last Night, and was greatly disappointed at not finding the Cavalry according to promise; I am oblig'd to wait till it does arrive, or till I can procure a Guard from the Militia, either of which I suppose will detain 0184 129 me two days; as you may, with almost equal success, attempt to raize the Dead to life again, as the force of this County; and that from Wills Creek cannot be expected in less than the forementioned time without they are now upon their March.

The Droughth in this County, if possible, exceeds what we see below; so that, it is very reasonably conjectur'd they won't make Corn to suffice the People; and as for Tobacco, they decline all thoughts of making any.

The Inhabitants of this place abound in News, but as I apprehend it is founded upon as much truth as some I heard in my way down, I think it advisable to forego the recital till a little better authority confirms the report, and then you may expect to have a succinct acct.

I shou'd be glad to hear you live Harmony and good fellowship with the family at Belvoir, as it is in their power to be very serviceable upon many occassion's to us, as young beginner's. I wou'd advise your visiting often as one step towards it; the rest, if any more is necessary, your own good sense will sufficient dictate; for to that Family I am under many obligations, particularly to the old Gentleman. 8

Hon. William Fairfax.

Mrs. Fairfax and Mrs. Spearing 9 express'd an inclination to hear whether I liked [ ? ] 10 this place (with my charge safe), you may therefore acquaint them that I met with no other Interruption than the difficulty of gettg. Horses after I found her's for want of Shoes grew lame, I was oblig'd to get a fresh horse every 15 or 20 Miles, which render'd the journey tiresome. I shou'd have receiv'd greater relief from the fatigues of my journey, and my time wou'd have been spent much more

Mrs. Ann Spearing, one of the signers of the well-known, sprightly letter of welcome that went from Belvoir to Washington on his return from the Monongahela.

Thirty years later the change was made to “express'd a wish to be informed of the time and manner of my reaching this place.”

0185 130 agreeably, had I halted below, rather than at this vile post but I little imagin'd I shou'd have occasion to wait for a Guard who ought to have waited for me; if either must have waited at all.

I have given Colo. Fairfax an Order upon you for £8:17:5 which please to pay, as it is on acct. of a horse w'ch I bought of Neale sometime ago. You will receive, Inclos'd, Bowce's receipt for Harry; and I shou'd be glad, if you have any oppertunity, that you wou'd demand my Bond which I had given, and cou'd not receive at [ ? ] 11 of the money; this receipt you may put into my receipt draw. My Compliments attend my Friends who I wish health and happiness to, very sincerely; I am Dear Jack, your most Affectionate Brother

The later change was “at the time I paid the money.”

P.S. As I undersand your County is to be divided, and that Mr. Alexander intends to decline serving it, I shou'd be glad if you cou'd fish at Colo. Fairfax's Intentions, and let me know whether he purposes to offer himself a Candidate; If he does not I shou'd be glad to stand a poll, if I thought my chance tolerably good. Majr. Carlyle mention'd it to me in Williamsburg in a bantering way and asked how I shou'd like to go, saying at the same time, he did not know but they might send me when I knew nothing of the matter, for one or t'other of the Counties. I must own I shou'd like to go for either in that manner, but more particularly for Fairfax, as I am a resident there.

I shou'd be glad if you cou'd discover Major Carlyles real sentim'ts also those of Mr. Dalton, Ramsay, Mason, 12 &c. w'ch I hope and think you may with't disclosing much of mine; as I know y'r own good sense can furnish you with means enough without letting it proceed immediately from me. If you do any thing in this pray let me know by the first oppertunity how you have succeeded in it; and how those Gentlemen stand

John Dalton, William Ramsay, and Thomson (?) Mason, of Fairfax.

0186 131 affected; if they seem inclinable to promote my Interest, and things shou'd be drawing to a crisis you then may declare my Intentions and beg their assistance. If on the Contrary you find them more inclin'd to favour some other, I w'd have the Affair entirely dropped. Parson Green's and Captn. McCarty's 13 Interests in this wou'd be of Consequence; and I shou'd be glad if you cou'd sound their Pulse upon the occasion; Conduct the whole till you are satisfied of the Sentim'ts of those I have mention'd, with an air of Indifference and unconcern; after that you may regulate your conduct accordingly. Captn. West 14 the present Burgess, and our Friend Jack West, cou'd also be serviceable if they had a mind to assist the Interest of Dear Jack Your loving Brother. 15

Rev. Charles Green, minister of Truro Parish, and Capt. Daniel McCarty, who lived near Pohick.

Capt. John West, who was with Washington at Great Meadows and had succeeded to his brother Hugh West's seat in the House of Burgesses when Hugh died in 1754. Jack West was John West, jr.

A further bit of information as to this Fairfax election is furnished by Adam Stephen's letter of December 23: “Such a spirit to revenge and indignation prevaild here, upon hearing you were insulted at the Fairfax election, that we were all ready and violent to run and tear your enemies to pieces…it would have been far better to have acquainted me with your intention of standing candidate for Frederick, my acquaintance there is very general…that with a weeks notice…you would have gone unanimously, in the mean time I think your poll was not despicable as the people were a stranger to your purpose, untill the election began.” The election was held December 11, and a poll list, in Washington's writing, in the Washington Papers, does not mention his own name but gives those who voted for Capt. John West, who was elected with 252 votes, Col. George William Fairfax, 222 votes, and William Elzey, 224. There is also an undated poll list for Frederick County, in the Washington Papers (but not in Washington's writing), which gives the result of the vote as Hugh West, 271; Thomas Swearingen, 270; and Washington, 40.

*MEMORANDUM

May 30, [1755.]

Upon my return from Williamsburg I found Sir Jno. St. Clair, with Majr. Chapman and a Detachm't of 500 Men were gone on to the Little Meadows in ord'r to prepare the Roads, erect a small Fort, and to lay a Deposit of Provision's 0187 132 there. The 2d. of June Mr. Spindelowe discover'd a communication from Fort Cumberland to the Old Road leadg. to the Aligany with't xing those Enormous Mountains which had prov'd so prijuducial to our Waggon Horses. This intercourse was open'd by the branch of Wills Creek, by the 7th. when Sir Peter Halkett with the first Brigade of the Line, began their March, and Incamp'd within a mile of the old Road; which is abt. 5 Miles from the Fort the same day. This Encampment was first called by the Name of the Grove but afterwards altered to that of Spindelowe's Camp. 16

In Maryland.

This day also, Captn. Gates's 17 Independant Compy., the remaining Companies of the Provincial Troops, and the whole Park of Artillery, were order'd to hold themselves in readiness to March at an hour's warng. under the Comd. of Lieut. Colo. Burton: 18 which they accordingly did the 9th followg.; but with g't difficulty got up to Sir Peter Halkett's Brigade; the difficulty arising in this March by too gt. a number of Waggon's was the occasion of a Council being called so soon as the General arriv'd (with Colo. Dunbar's Regim't.) the same day; In which Council it was determin'd to retrench the number of Waggon's and increase the pack Loads for Horses; in order thereto, the Officer's were call'd together, and the Genl. represented to them the necessity there was to procure all the Horses it was possible for his Majesty's Service; advis'd them to send back such of thier Baggage as they cou'd do with't and apply the Horses which by that means wou'd become spar'd to carry provisions for the Army, which was accordingly done with great cheerfulness and zeal.

Horatio Gates, later major general in the Continental Army.

Burton died of wounds received at the Monongahela; he commanded the Forty-eighth Foot.

*To WILLIAM FAIRFAX

Camp at Wills Creek, June 7, 1755.

Honble. Sir: I arriv'd with my charge safe in Camp the 30th. of last Month, after waiting a Day and a piece in Winchester expecting the Calvalry to Escort me up; in which I was Disappointed, and oblig'd to make use of a small Guard of the Militia of Frederick.

The General, by frequent breaches of Contracts, has lost all degree of patience; and for want of that consideration and moderation which shou'd be used by a Man of Sense upon these occassion's, will I fear, represent us [ ? ] 19 in a light we little deserve; for instead of blameing the Individuals as he ought, he charges all his Disappointments to a publick Supineness; and looks upon the Country, I believe, as void of both Honour and Honesty; we have frequent disputes on this head, which are maintained with warmth on both sides, especially on his, who is incapable of Arguing with't; or giving up any point he asserts, let it be ever so incompatible with Reason. 20

One word erased.

The governors of the different colonies had promised much, but performed little; and the large deposits of supplies supposed to exist were soon found wanting, or in places where they could be of no service, and no means at hand to transport them to the army. It was at one of these crises that Franklin rendered such efficient aid. (See Franklin's Works (Bigelow edition), vol. 2, p. 419.) For 200 miles the troops marched with only salt provisions, and the general was forced to offer large rewards to such as would bring to the camp provisions, paying a higher price than was usual for whatever could be obtained. In one case some salted beef was condemned on its arrival in camp as unfit for food. The horses were stolen almost as fast as they could be obtained. The contractors failed to supply what they had contracted for, and Cresap lost his position as commissary through his gross negligence. On the other hand, General Braddock did not hesitate to enlist and take away servants and impress wagons, horses, teamsters, and even carriages and carriage horses.— Ford .

There is a Line of Communication to be open'd from Pensylvania to the French Fort Duquisne, along w'ch we are to receive, after a little time, all our Convoys of Provisions, &c.; 0189 134 and to give all manner of encouragement to a People who ought rather to be chastis'd for their insensibility of their own danger, and disobedience of their Sovereign's expectation. They are to be the choosen people because they have furnished what their absolute Interest alone induced them to do, that is 150 Waggons, and an Equivalent number of horses. 21

These remarks are applied to the Pennsylvanians, who were singularly backward in rendering any aids for the public service. The merit of procuring the wagons and horses, here mentioned, was wholly due to Franklin, and not to any agency or intention of the assembly. Being at that time postmaster general in the Colonies, he visited General Braddock at Frederick Town for the purpose of maturing a plan for transmitting dispatches between the general and the governors. Becoming acquainted with the obstacles which opposed the progress of the army, he stipulated with General Braddock to furnish within a given time 150 wagons and a proportionable number of horses, for which a specified sum was to be allowed. He immediately returned to York and Lancaster, sent out an advertisement among the farmers, and in two weeks all the wagons and horses were in readiness at Wills Creek. He gave his personal security that the compensation agreed on should be duly paid according to contract.— Sparks .

* * * * * 22

Two paragraphs omitted here are nearly a verbatim repetition of what Washington wrote to John Augustine Washington, June 7, post .

General Innis has accepted of a Commission to be Governour of Cumberland Fort, where he is to reside, and will shortly receive another to be hangman, or something of that kind.

By a Letter from Governor Morris we have advice, that a party of three hund'd Men pass'd Oswego on their way to Fort Duquisne, and that another and larger Detachment was expected to pass that place every moment. By the Publick accts. from Pennsylvania we are assur'd that 900 Men has certainly pass'd Oswego, to reinforce the French on Ohio, so that from the accts. we have reason to believe we shall have more to do than go up the Hills to come Down again.

We are impatient to hear what the power's at home are doing; whether Peace or war is like to be the event of all these Preparations. I am Honble. Sir etc.

*To GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX

Camp at Wills Creek, June 7, 1755.

Sir: I had not the pleasure of receiving your favour till after my return from Williamsburg, when it was not in my power to be so serviceable in the affair of your Horses, as I cou'd wish; for they were sent out with a Detachment of 500 Men a few days before. I made immediate enquiry, and application for them; and believe I shall be able, notwithstanding our g't want of Horses, to procure their liberty when we come up with the Detachment; but when that will be, or in what order you may receive them, I can't absolutely say; for we are inform'd, they have kill'd some of their Horses outright, and disabled others, for which Reason I think it wou'd be too great to expect your's will escape the calamitys that befall those of other's: They are apprais'd (as I saw by one of the Waggon-Master's Books') to £16 the two; which with your Servant Simpson, is all that I can understand is here, belonging to you.

As I have taken this oppertunity of writing to Colo. Fairfax, and being just at this time a good deal hurried, which prevents me from enlargeing so fully as I otherwise wou'd, I shall beg to refer you to him for what little News is stirring in the Camp: please to make my Compliments to all Friends who think me worthy of their enquirys. I am etc.

* To MRS. MARY WASHINGTON

Camp at Wills Creek, June 7, 1755.

Honour'd Madam: I was favour'd with yours by Mr. Dick, and am sorry it is not in my power to provide you with either a Dutch man, or the Butter as you desire, for we are quite out of 0191 136 that part of the Country where either are to be had, as there are few or no Inhabitants where we now lie Encamp'd, and butter cannot be had here to supply the wants of the Camp.

I was sorry it was not in my power to call upon you as I went to, or came from Williamsburg to'ther Day, which I shou'd have done if the business I went upon, which was for money, wou'd have suffer'd me to have made an hour's delay.

I hope you will spend the chief part of your time at Mount Vernon as you say, where I am certain everything will be order'd as much for your satisfaction as possible, in the Situation we are in.

There is a Detachment of 500 Men March'd from this towards the Aligany, to prepare the Roads &c. and it is imagin'd the main body will move now in abt. 5 days time.

As nothing else that is remarkable, occur's to me, I shall conclude, after begging my love and Compliments to all Friends Dear Madam Yr. Most Affect. and Dutiful Son

*To MAJOR JOHN CARLYLE

Fort Cumberland, June 7, 1755.

Dear Sir: I take this oppertunity, as it is the last I can expect before we leave this place, of enquiring after your health, which I hope is greatly amended since I saw you in Willaimsburg. I have not time, as we are now very much hurried, to communicate very particularly the little News that is stirring in the Camp; from whence, before I arriv'd, was Detach'd a body of 500 Men under the Command of Major Chapman and the Quarter-master General, who are to prepare the Roads and lay a Deposit of Provision's at the Little Meadows; where they are to Erect some kind of Defensive Work to secure our convoys. To morrow Sir Peter Halkett with the first Brigade March off and abt. the Monday following the Genl. and the 0192 137 2d. will move from hence. We have no certain accts. of the French on Ohio; but have advises by Letter from Governor Morris that a Body of three hund'd past Oswego, and that a still larger body was hourly expected; so that I apprehend we shall not take possession of Fort Duquisne so quietly as was imagin'd.

The Inclos'd is to my good Friend Mrs. Carlyle, who I hope will not suffer our former corrispondance to drop; my Sincere wishes and Compliments attends all enquiring Friends: and I am, etc.

*To MRS. JOHN CARLYLE

Camp at Wills Creek, June 7, 1755.

Dear Madam: As I have no higher expectation in view than an intimate Corrispondance with my Friends, I hope in that I shall not be disappointed; especially by you and Mrs. Fairfax, who was pleas'd (tho' seldom) to honour me with your's last time a year.

I arriv'd here in tolerable health tho something fatigued with the Journey; and found Sir Jno. St. Clair was Detach'd with 500 Men to amend the Roads, that the main body might pass with the greater ease who I suppose will be all in motion by Tuesday next.

Please to make my Compliments agreeable to Mrs. Spearing who has my most sincere and hearty wishes for every thing her heart can desire. I am Dear Madam etc.

To MRS. GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX

Fort Cumberland at Willes Creek, June 7, 1755.

Dear Madam: When I had the pleasure to see you last, you express'd an Inclination to be informed of my safe arrival at Camp with the charge that was entrusted to my care; but at the same time desir'd it might be communicated in a Letter to 0193 138 some body of your acquaintance. This I took as a Gentle rebuke and polite manner of forbidding me corrisponding with you and conceive this opinion is not illy founded when I sifted it thus. I have hither to found it impracticable to engage one moment of your attention. If I am right in this I hope you will excuse my present presumption and lay the imputation to lateness at my successful arrival. If on the contrary these are fearfull apprehensions only, how easy is it to remove my suspicion, enliven my [ ? ], 23 and make me happier than the Day is long, by honouring me with a corrispondance which you did once partly promise.

Indecipherable; the later change was “dull hours,” which appears to be what was written in 1755, but will the addition of an extra word or two.

Please to make my Complts. to Miss Hannah, 24 and to Mr. Bryan 25 to whom I shall do myself the pleasr. of writing so soon as I hear he is return'd from Westmoreland.

Hannah Fairfax. She later became the second wife of Warner Washington, first cousin to George.

Bryan Fairfax, who became the eighth Lord Fairfax. He was a half brother of George William Fairfax, and was four years younger than George Washington. A lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment, he experienced a religious conviction which later carried him into the ministry. He lived with his first wife, Elizabeth Caty, daughter of Col. Wilson Cary, of Ceelys, at Towlston Grange in the vicinity of Difficult Run, Fairfax County. In 1778 he attempted to bring about peace between the States and Great Britain, but failed and, finding he could not conscientiously take the British oath, returned to Virginia and died there. He lived long after the close of the Revolution and helped organize the Episcopal Church in Virginia after the war. His first wife died in 1778, and he married Jane, daughter of John Donaldson, of Fairfax, in 1780. The latter part of his life was spent at Mount Eagle, which he built near Alexandria.

I am Madam Your most Obedt. etc.

*To JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON

Camp at Will's Creek, June 7, 1755.

Dear Jack: As much hurried as I am at present, I can't think of leaving this place without writing to you; tho' I have no time to be particular. I was Escorted by 8 Men of the Militia 0194 139 from Winchester to this place; which 8 Men were 2 Days assembling; but I believe they wou'd not have been more than as many seconds dispersing if I had been attacked. Upon arrival here, I found Sir Jno. St. Clair 26 with a body of 500 Men were March'd to prepare the Roads, lay a deposit of Provisions at the little Meadows, and to erect some kind of defensive work there.

St. Clair commanded a regiment and was Braddock's quartermaster general; he was wounded at the Monongahela.

To morrow Sir Peter 27 with the first Brigade, begin their March, and on Monday the General and the 2d. will follow. We have no certain acct. from the Ohio: but have advices from Philadelphia that a body of 300 F. pass'd Oswego on their way to Fort Duquisne, and that a larger Detachment was hourly expected. A Captn. of Sir Peter's Regim't with several of the common Soldiers of the different Corps has died since our Incampm't here, and many others are now sick with a kind of bloody Flux. I wrote from Winchester a Letter which I hope you have receiv'd and shou'd be glad of an answer as soon as possible; any Letter's to me, directed to the care of Mr. Cox, 28 at Winchester, will be certain of a conveyance I am Dr. Jack Yr. most Affe. Brother

Killed at the Monongahela.

William Cooke, Cocks, or Cox, of Winchester, whose house Washington afterwards occupied while in command on the Virginia frontier.

*To JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON

Camp at George's Creek, June 14, 1755.

Dear Jack: I received your's of the 8th. Instant from Fredericksburg and am sorry to find that Allan is become importunate for a Debt of so short standing; but it is the way of the World, therefore not to be wonder'd at.

0195 140

I am pleas'd to find you have a prospect of settling that affair with Patrick Kendrick, and shou'd be very glad to hear you entertain'd hopes of discovering my young Mare, as I had conceiv'd high expectation's of her. My negro's Cloathes I hope you will take care to get in time, and employ Cleo's leisure hour's in mak'g them. I am exceedingly rejoiced that Tobo. is likely to keep up its price, and doubt not but you'll endeavour to make the most of mine, and of every thing else I have entrusted to your care; as you know, and what entire confidence I repose in your managem't. 29

John Augustine Washington was then managing Mount Vernon for George Washington.

I receiv'd a Letter yesterday from my Broth'r. Saml. who desires a division of our deep run tract this Fall, which is very agreeable to me and I will abide by any settlement you shall make on my behalf 30

Deep Run land, on the Rappahannock above Fredericksburg, a part of the estate left by Augustine Washington, father of George and Samuel.

As I have wrote to you twice since the first Inst I shall only add that the difficulty's arising in our March from havg. a number of Waggon's will, I fear, prove insurmountable unless some scheme can be fallen upon to retrench the Waggon's, and increase the no. of Bat Horses which is what I recommended at first, and I believe, is now found to be the most salutary means of transporting our Provision's and Stores to Ohio. I am, Dr. Jack, Yr. &c.

P.S. I have been able to procure Townshend Washington a Comn. to be assistant Comy. with pay at 5/ Sterg. pr. Day and Anthony Strother 31 a pair of Colour's in Colo. Dunbar's Regiment.

Anthony Strother, sr., one of the witnesses of Augustine Washington's will, acknowledged this appointment in a letter of July 9, 1755, which is in the Washington Papers . Strother's daughter Sarah became the grandmother of President Zachary Taylor.

*To SAMUEL WASHINGTON

Camp, at George's-Creek, June 14, 1755.

Dr. Saml: I received your's of the 27th. of May, and assure you that nothing is more agreeable to me than to have our Deep run Tract divided; nor nothg. is more agreeable than for my Brothr. Jno. to act on my behalf, whose conduct in the affair I shall abide by: so that you have nothing more to do but consult with him about the time, and endeavour to get it done upon as cheap terms as possible.

I am excessively hurried, therefore have not time to be particular in informing you of the occurencies that have, or may happen; we have got thus far, and shall continue on to Fort Duquisne; where, I hope the dispute will soon be decided, and then I shall be able to give you a more particular acct. pray make my Compts. to my Sister and to Colo. Champes 32 Family

Col. John Champe, of King George County.

I am Dr. Saml. Yr. &c.

*To JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON

Gt. Xing. on the Yaugh., June 28, 1755.

Dear Jack: Immediately upon our leav'g the C. at George's Cr'k the 14th Inst. (from wh'e I wrote to you) I was seiz'd with viol't Fevers and Pns. in my h'd w'ch con'd w'out the l't. Intermisn. till the 23 foll'g when I was reliev'd by the Genls. absol'ly ordering the Phy'ns to give me Doctr. Ja's Powder, w'ch is the most excel't mede. in the W'd for it gave me immed. ease, and removed my Fev'rs and other comp'ts in 4 Days time. 33 My

From June 17 to July 8 Washington was kept in the rear of the army by this illness. Robert James was a schoolfellow of Samuel Johnson and author of a medicinal dictionary in three folio volumes. “I never thought well of Dr James's compounded medicines,” was Johnson's opinion. These famous fever powders were sold by Newbury, Goldsmith's publisher.

0197 142 illness was too violent to suffer me to ride, therefore I was indebted to a cover'd Waggon for some part of my Transp'n; but even in this I c'd not cont'e for the jolt'g was so g't that I was left upon the Road with a Guard and necess'rys, to wait the Arr'l of Colo. Dunbar's Detach. wh'h was 2 days M. behind. The Genl. giving me his w'd of hon'r that I sh'd be brought up before he reach'd the French Fort; this promise, and the Doct'rs threats that if I persever'd it wou'd endanger my Life, determin'd my halting for the above Detach't.

As I expect the Comn. bet'n this and Wills Ck. will soon be too dangerous for single persons to pass, it will possibly stop the interc'e of Letters in any measure; therefore I shall attempt (and will go through if I have strength) to give you an acct. of my proceedings, of our situation, and of our prospects at present; which I desire you may com'e to Colo. Fairfax, and my Corrsp'ds, for I am too weak to write more than this Letter. In the L'r wh'ch I wrote fr'm Georges C'k, I acq'd you that unless the numb'r of Wag'ns were retrenched and the carry'g Hs. in cr'd that we never sh'd be able to see Duquisne: this, in 2 Days afterwards (w'ch was abt. the time they got to the little Meadows with some of their F. Waggons and strongest Teams, they themselves were convinced off, for they found that beside the almost impos'y of gett'g the wag'ns along at all; that they had often a rear of 3 or 4 miles of Waggons; and that the Sold'rs Guarding them were so dispersed that if we had been attack'd either in Front, Center, or Rear the part so attack'd must have been cut off and totally dispersed before they cou'd be properly sustained by any other Corps.

At the little Mead'ws there was a 2d. Council call'd, for there had been one before wherein it was represented to all the Off'rs of the diff't Corps the gr. necessity there was for Hs. and how laudable it wd. be to retrench their Baggage and offer the 0198 143 spare Hs. for the Publick Service. In order to encourage this I gave up my best Horse, (w'ch I have nev'r h'd of since) and took no more baggage than half my Portmanteau w'd easily cont'n. It was also sd. that the numb'r were to be lessen'd; 34 but there was only from 210 or 12, to 200 w'ch had no perceivable difference.

Washington clarified this by his 1784–85 correction: “It is said however that the numbrs, reduced by this 2d. attempt was only from 210 or 12, to 200.”

The Genl. before they met in Council ask'd my priv'e Opin'n concern'g the Exp'n. I urg'd it in the warmest terms I was Master off, to push on; if we even did it with a chos'n Detacht. for that purpose, with the Artillery and such other things as were absolutely necessary; leav'g the baggage and other Con voys with the Remainder of the Army, to follow by slow and regular Marches, which they might do safely, while we were advanced in Front. As one Reason to support this Opinion, I inform'd the [Genl.] if we c'd cred't our Intelligence, the French were weak at the Forks but hourly expect'd reinf'ts, w'ch to my certain knowledge cou'd not arrive with Pro'vns or any Supplies dur'g the continuance of the Droughth as the Buffalo River down w'ch is their only comm'n to Venango, must be as Dry as we now f'd the g't xing of the Youghe., w'ch may be pass'd dry shod. This was a Scheme that took, and it was det'd that the Genl. with 1200 chosen Men and Officers of all the differ't Corps, with the following Field Officer's (viz,; Sr. Pet'r Halkett who acts as Brigadier, Lt. Colo. Gage, Lt. C. Burton, and Majr. Sparke, with such a certain number of Waggons as the Train w'd absolutely require, shou'd March as soon as things cou'd be got in readiness for them, which was compleated, and we on our March by the 19th, leav'g Colo. Dunbar and Majr. Chapman, with the residue of the two Reg's, Companys most of the women and in short every thing 0199 144 behind except such Provision's and other necessary's as we took and carried upon Horses.

We set out with less than 30 Carriages (Incl'g all those that transported the Howetzers, 12 prs. and 6 p'rs., etc.), and all of those strongly Horsed; which was a prospect that convey'd the most infinite delight to me tho' I was excessively ill at the time. But this prospect was soon over turn'd and all my sanguine hopes brought very low when I found, that instead of pushing on with vigour, without regarding a little rough Road, they were halting to level every Mold Hill, and to erect Bridges over every Brook; by which means we were 4 Days gett'g 12 Miles; where I was left by the Doct'r's Advice and the Genl's absolute Orders, otherwise I wou'd not have been prevailed upon to remain behind my own Detach't as I then imagin'd, and believ'd I shall now find it not very easy to join my own Corps again, which is 25 Miles advance'd before us; tho' I had the Genls. word of Hon'r pledg'd in the most solemn manner, that I sh'd be b't up before he arrived at Duquisne. They have had frequent Alarms, and several Men scalp'd; but this is only done to retard the March, and to harass the Men if they are to be turn'd out every time a small party of them attack the Guards at Night; (for I am certain, they have not sufficient strength to make head against the whole.

I have been now 6 Days with Colo. Dunbar's Corps, who are in a miserable Condition for want of Horses, not hav'g more one half enough for their Wag'ns; so that the only method he has of proceedings, is to March on himself with as many Waggons as those will draw, and then Halt till the Remainder are brought up which requires two Days more; and I believe shortly he will not be able to stir at all; but there has been vile 0200 145 management in regard to Horses and while I am mention'g this, I must not forget to desire, that you'll acq't Colo. G. Fx. that I have made the most strick enquiry after his Man and Horses, but can hear nothing of either; at least nothing that can be credited. I was told that the Fellow was taken ill upon the Road while he was with Sr. Jno. St. Clair's Detacht. the certainty of this I can't answer for, but I believe there is nothing more cert'n than that he is not with any part of the Army. And unless the Horses stray and make home themselves, I believe there is 1000 to 1 against his ever seeing them again: for I gave up a horse only one Day, and never cou'd see or hear of him afterwards: My strength wont admit me to say more, tho' I have not said half what I intended con'g our Aff'rs here. Business, I shall not think of, but dep'd solely upon your man't. of all my aff'rs, and doubt not but that they will be well conducted. You may thank my f'ds for the Lett'rs I have rec'd w'ch has not been one from any Mortal since I left Fairfax, except yourself and Mr. Dalton. It is a piece of regard and kindness which I sh'd end'r to acknow'e was I able and suffer'd to write. All your Letters to me I w'd have you send to Mr. Cocks of Winchester or to Govr. Innis at Fort Cumberland, and then you may be cert'n of their com'g safe to hand otherwise I can't say as much. Make my Complim'ts to all who think me worthy of their Enquirys.

P.S. July 2d. A Great Misfortune has attended me in my sickness was, the looseing the use of my Servant, for poor Jno. 35 was taken abt. the same time that I was, with near the same disorder; and was confin'd as long; so that we did not see each other for several Days. he is also tolerably well recover'd. We

John Alton.

0201 146 are sure advan'd almost as far as the g't Meadows; and I shall set out to morrow morning for my own Corps, with an Escort of 100 Men which is to guard some Provision's up; so that my Fears and doubts on that head are quite remov'd. I had a Letter yesterday from Orme, who writes me word that they have pass'd the Youghyangane for the last time, that they have sent out Partys to scour the Country thereabouts and have Reason to believe that the French are greatly alarm'd at their approach.

*To ROBERT ORME

Great Crossing, June 30, 1755.

Dear Orme: I came to this Camp on thursday last, with the Rear of Colo. Dunbar's Detach't and shou'd have continued on with his Front, to day, but was prevented by Rain.

My Fevers are very moderate, and I hope are near a Crisis; when I shall have nothing to encounter but excessive weakness, and the difficulty in getting to you; which I wou'd not fail in doing ere you reach Duquisne, for 500£, but I have no doubt of doing this, as the General has given me his word and honour, in the most solemn manner.

As the Doct'r thinks it imprudent for me to use much exercise for 2 or 3 days, it will prevent my coming up; therefore, I shou'd be glad to be advised of your Marches from Gist's, and how you are likely to get on, for you may rest asusred that Colo. Dunbar cannot get from his present Incampment 36 in less than two or three Days; and I believe really, it will be as much as he possibly can do to reach the Meadows at all; so that you will be greatly advanc'd before us. I am too weak to

Colonel Dunbar had advanced 7 miles beyond the Great Meadows, which was the position of his camp at the time of the action. Here he remained till he was met by General Braddock and his flying troops after the defeat at the Monongahela, when he destroyed his baggage and speedily retreated with the whole army to Fort Cumberland.— Sparks .

0202 147 add more than my Comp'ts to the Genl., Family, &c. and again to desire that you will oblige me in the above request, and advise the most effectual means for me to join you, I am Dr. Orme, etc.

*To COLONEL JAMES INNES

Camp between the Gt. xing and Meadows, July 2, 1755.

Dear Sir: I shou'd take it infinitely kind, if you w'd be good enough to dispatch, by the first safe oppertunitys, after they come to hand, any Letters that you may receive either to, or from me; for I have been greatly surprised at not receiving any Letter's from my Friends since I came out; and must impute it to miscarriage, somewhere, for, I am certain it cannot be owing to their not writing.

I have been excessively ill, but am now recovering from violent Fevers and Pains, of w'ch my disorder consisted.

The Doctor's forbid me writing as very injurious to my health; therefore I cannot have the pleasure of giving you a particular acct. of our situation, &c. but I shall refer you to Mr. Caton, who has had an oppertunity of seeing the whole. I am etc.

*MEMORANDUM

[July 9, 1755.]

The 8th of July I rejoined (in a covered Waggon) the advanced division of the Army under the immediate Com'd of the General. On the 9th I attended him on horse back tho' very weak and low. On this day he was attacked and defeated by a party of French and Indians adjudged not to exceed 300. When all hope of rallying the dismayed troops and recovering the ground, our provisions and stores being given up I was ordered to Dunbar's Camp. 37

This note was added by Washington to the 1755 “Letter Book” in 1785.

*To COLONEL JAMES INNES 38

General Braddock had left Colonel Innes with the command at Wills Creek, under the title of Governor of Fort Cumberland.— Sparks .

Little Meadows, July 15, 1755.

Sir: Captn. Orme being confined to his Litter and not well able to write, has desir'd me to acknowledge the receipt of your's; He begs the favour of you to have the room that the Gen'l. lodg'd in prepar'd for Colo. Burton, himself, and Capt. Morris, who are all wounded; also, that some small place may be had where convenient for Cooking; and, that if any fresh Provn. and other suitable necessarys for persons in their infirm condition, may be had, that you will be kind enough to engage it. He also begs, that, you will order the present w'ch was sent by Governour Morris to the Genl. and his Family, into the care of Mr. A. le Roy, the Steward, who is sent on for that, and other purposes. The Horses, that carry the wounded Gent'n. in Litters are so much fatigued that we dread their performance, therefore, it is desir'd that you will be kind enough to send out 8 or 10 fresh horses for their relief, which will enable us to reach the Fort this Evening. I doubt not but you have had an acot. of the poor Genl.'s death by some of the affrighted Waggoners, who ran off without taking leave. I am, etc. Sir,

*To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755.

Honbl. Sir: As I am favour'd with an oppertunity, I shou'd think myself in excusable ? was I to omit giv'g you some acct. of our late Engagem't with the French on the Monongahela the 9th. Inst.

We continued our March from Fort Cumberland to Frazier's (which is within 7 Miles of Duquisne) with't meet'g with any extraordinary event, hav'g only a stragler or two 0204 149 picked up by the French Indians. When we came to this place, we were attack'd (very unexpectedly I must own) by abt. 300 French and Ind'ns; Our numbers consisted of abt. 1300 well arm'd Men, chiefly Regular's, who were immediately struck with such a deadly Panick, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of order's prevail'd amongst them: The Officer's in gen'l behav'd with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffer'd, there being near 60 kill'd and wound'd. A large proportion, out of the number we had! The Virginian Companies behav'd like Men and died like Soldiers; for I believe out of the 3 Companys that were there that day, scarce 30 were left alive: Captn. Peyrouny and all his Officer's, down to a Corporal, were kill'd; Captn. Polson shar'd almost as hard a Fate, for only one of his Escap'd: In short the dastardly behaviour of the English Soldier's expos'd all those who were inclin'd to do their duty to almost certain Death; and at length, in despight of every effort to the contrary, broke and run as Sheep before the Hounds, leav'g the Artillery, Ammunition, Provisions, and, every individual thing we had with us a prey to the Enemy; and when we endeavour'd to rally them in hopes of regaining our invaluable loss, it was with as much success as if we had attempted to have stop'd the wild Bears of the Mountains. 39 The Genl. was wounded behind in the shoulder, and into the Breast, of w'ch he died three days after; his two Aids de Camp were both wounded, but are in a fair way of Recovery; Colo. Burton and Sir Jno. St. Clair are also wounded, and I hope will get over it; Sir Peter Halket, with many other brave Officers were kill'd in the Field. I luckily escap'd with't a wound tho' I had four Bullets through my Coat and two Horses shot under me. It is suppose that we left 300 or

“Fearful of an unpursuing foe, all the ammunition, and so much of the provisions were destroyed for accelerating their flight, that Dunbar was actually obliged to send for thirty horse loads of the latter before he reached Fort Cumberland, where he arrived a very few days after, with the shattered remains of the English troops.”— Review of the Military Operations in North America .

0205 150 more dead in the Field; about that number we brought of wounded; and it is imagin'd (I believe with great justice too) that two thirds of both [ ? ] 40 received their shott from our own cowardly English Soldier's who gather'd themselves into a body contrary to orders 10 or 12 deep, wou'd then level, Fire and shoot down the Men before them.

Two words obliterated.

I tremble at the consequences that this defeat may have upon our back settlers, who I suppose will all leave their habitations unless there are proper measures taken for their security.

Colo. Dunbar, who commands at present, intends so soon as his Men are recruited at this place, to continue his March to Phila. into Winter Quarters: 41 so that there will be no Men left here unless it is the poor remains of the Virginia Troops, who survive and will be too small to guard our Frontiers. As Captn. Orme is writg. to your honour I doubt not but he will give you a circumstantial acct. of all things, which will make it needless for me to add more than that I am, etc.

The regulars laid the responsibility of defeat on the provincials, alleging “that they were harassed by duties unequal to their numbers, and dispirited through want of provisions; that time was not allowed them to dress their food; that their water (the only liquor, too, they had) was both scarce and of a bad quality; in fine, that the provincials had disheartened them by repeated suggestions of their fears of a defeat should they be attacked by Indians, in which case the European method of fighting would be entirely unavailing.”— Review of the Military Operations in North America (1753 to 1756). The Gentleman's Magazine asserted these same forces—Irish, Scotch, and English—ran away “shamefully” at Prestonpans. The news of Braddock's defeat “struck a general damp on the spirits of the soldiers” in Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments, and many deserted. “I must leave a proper number in each county to protect it from the combinations of the negro slaves, who have been very audacious on the defeat on the Ohio. These poor creatures imagine the French will give them their freedom.”— Dinwiddie to Earl of Halifax , July 23, 1755.

Dinwiddie wished Dunbar to remain and make a new attempt on Duquesne; but a council of officers unanimously decided the scheme was impracticable, and on the next day (August 2) began his march toward Philadelphia

*To MRS. MARY WASHINGTON

[Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755.]

Honour'd Mad'm: As I doubt not but you have heard of our defeat, and perhaps have it represented in a worse light (if possible) than it deserves; I have taken this earliest opportunity to give you some acct. of the Engagement, as it happen'd within 7 miles of the French Fort, on Wednesday the 9th. Inst.

0206 151

We March'd on to that place with't any considerable loss, having only now and then a stragler pick'd up by the French Scoutg. Ind'nd. When we came there, we were attack'd by a Body of French and Indns. whose number, (I am certain) did not exceed 300 Men; our's consisted of abt. 1,300 well arm'd Troops; chiefly of the English Soldiers, who were struck with such a panick, that they behav'd with more cowardice than it is possible to conceive; The Officers behav'd Gallantly in order to encourage their Men, for which they suffer'd greatly; there being near 60 kill'd and wounded; a large proportion out of the number we had! The Virginia Troops shew'd a good deal of Bravery, and were near all kill'd; for I believe out of 3 Companys that were there, there is scarce 30 Men left alive; Capt. Peyrouny and all his Officer's down to a Corporal was kill'd; Capt. Polson shar'd near as hard a Fate; for only one of his was left: In short the dastardly behaviour of those they call regular's expos'd all others that were inclin'd to do their duty to almost certain death; and at last, in dispight of all the efforts of the Officer's to the Contrary, they broke and run as Sheep pursued by dogs; and it was impossible to rally them.

The Genl. was wounded; of w'ch he died 3 Days after; Sir Peter Halket was kill'd in the Field where died many other brave Officer's; I luckily escap'd with't a wound, tho' I had four Bullets through my Coat, and two Horses shot under me; Captns. Orme and Morris two of the Genls. Aids de Camp, were wounded early in the Engagem't. which render'd 0207 152 the duty hard upon me, as I was the only person then left to distribute the Genl's. Orders which I was scarcely able to do, as I was not half recover'd from a violent illness, that confin'd me to my Bed, and a Waggon, for above 10 Days; I am still in a weak and Feeble cond'n; which induces me to halt here, 2 or 3 Days in hopes of recov'g. a little Strength, to enable me to proceed homewards; from whence, I fear I shall not be able to stir till towards Sept., so that I shall not have the pleasure of seeing you till then, unless it be in Fairfax; please to give my love to Mr. Lewis and my Sister, 42 and Compts. to Mr. Jackson 43 and all other Fds. that enquire after me. I am, Hon'd Madam Yr. most dutiful Son

Fielding Lewis, who married Elizabeth (Betty) Washington.

Probably Robert Jackson, one of the witnesses to Augustine Washington's will.

P.S. You may acqt. Priscilla Mullican that her Son Charles is very well, hav'g only rec'd a slight w'd in his Foot, w'ch will be cur'd with't detrimt. to him, in a very small time.

We had abt. 300 Men kill'd and as many, and more, wounded.

*To JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON

Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755.

Dear Jack: As I have heard since my arriv'l at this place, a circumstantial acct. of my death and dying speech, I take this early oppertunity of contradicting both, and of assuring you that I now exist and appear in the land of the living by the miraculous care of Providence, that protected me beyond all human expectation; I had 4 Bullets through my Coat, and two Horses shot under me, and yet escaped unhurt. 44

The 1784–85 change is as follows: “oppertunity of contradicting the first and of assuring you that I have not as yet, composed the latter. But by the all powerful dispensams. of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability and expectation for I had 4 Bullets” etc.

0208 153

We have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of men; but fatigue and want of time prevents me from giving any of the details till I have the happiness of seeing you at home; which I now most ardently wish for, since we are drove in thus far. A Weak and Feeble state of Health, obliges me to halt here for 2 or 3 days, to recover a little strength, that I may thereby be enabled to proceed homewards with more ease; You may expect to see me there on Saturday or Sunday Se'night, which is as soon as I can well be down as I shall take my Bulb skin Plantation's in my way. 45 Pray give my Compl'ts to all my F'ds. I am Dr. Jack, y'r most Affect. Broth'r

He arrived at Mount Vernon on July 26. He still retained the office of adjutant of the northern division of militia, and immediately wrote to the county lieutenants, ordering the militia to be ready and properly equipped in each county on certain days, when he should be present to review and exercise them. Such was the alarm created by the success of the French at Braddock's Defeat that volunteer companies embodied themselves in different parts of Virginia to march to the frontiers. The Rev. Samuel Davies, at that time a clergyman in Hanover County, preached a sermon to one of these companies on August 17, which was printed in Philadelphia and London, and entitled Religion and Patriotism the Constituents of a Good Soldier . After applauding the patriotic spirit and military ardor, which had begun to manifest themselves, the preacher adds: “As a remarkable instance of this, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country.”— Sparks .

*To ROBERT ORME

Mount Vernon, July 28, 1755.

My Dear Orme: I arrived at Home the day before yesterday, without meeting with an Egachee, 46 or any other remarkable event. I called at Belhavem purposely to acquaint Majr. Carlyle with your desire, who will use all possible means to procure a Vessel though I fear it will be somewhat difficult

It is possible that Orme and other army friends of Washington who had been wounded but survived the action at the Monongahela, rallied Washington on being a favorite of the gods because of his scathless escape from the massacre. This would permit the word “egachee” to be interpreted as ægises, in the sense of a protective influence, a plural which Washington spelled by its sound to him. An old spelling of ægis is egis.

0209 154 at present as the Shipping have most of them employ'd, in transporting the Tobo. from the diff't. Warehouses

It is impossible to relate the difft. accts. that was given of our late unhappy Engagem't; but all tend'd, greatly to the disadvantage of the poor deceas'd Genl., who is censur'd on all hands. As I have no cert'n conveyance for this Letter I shall only add my sincere compt's to Morris, Burton, George and Dobson and shall take an oppertunity of writ'g to you at Philidelphia, and of being more particular, I am my Dear Orme, etc.

I shou'd take it particularly kind if Morris wou'd get the Order's copied from the 6th. of June to the 9th. of July, and send them to me by the first safe conveyance.

*To BENJAMIN GRYMES 47

After Grymes returned from England he was elected to the Virginia House of Burgesses.

Mount Vernon, July 31, 1755.

Sir: I don't remember to have receiv'd more than one letter from you, and that I shou'd have answer'd; but knowing that I cou'd give you no satisfactory acct. myself, of your Bed &c., I thought it more advisable to desire Doctr. Walker 48 to enquire of Mr. Gist, 49 and of Colo. Cresap 50 (at whose Ho. I perfectly remember the great Tent was left) concerning them, and to let you know their answer.

Dr. Thomas Walker, formerly a major in the British Army, whose daughter was the second wife of Hon. William Fairfax and the mother of George William Fairfax.

Christopher Gist.

Col. Thomas Cresap, one of the famous Colonial frontiersmen.

I have since recollected, and think I am very certain, that Vanbraam (who was left out after Gist and I came off on Foot) charged with these and other things, told me that after hav'g most of his Horses tire, he was oblig'd to leave your 0210 155 things, with many of my own, out at Mr. Gists Ho. where they must have been burnt and destroy'd with his Plantation. 51

The tent, bed, and other things which were carried on Washington's journey to Fort Le Bœuf in 1753–54.

If you are going to England I heartily wish you a good Voyage, and the attainment of your utmost desires. I am Sir, etc.

*To ROBERT JACKSON

Mount Vernon, August 2, 1755.

Dr. Sir: I must acknowledge you had great reason to be terrified with the first acc'ts, that was given of our unhappy defeat, and I must own, I was not a little surpris'd to find that Governor Innis was the means of alarming the Country with a report of that extraordinary nature, without having any better confirmation of the truth, than an affrighted waggoner's story. Its true, we have been beaten, most shamefully beaten, by a handful of Men ! who only intended to molest and disturb our March; Victory was their smallest expectation, but see the wondrous works of Providence! the uncertainty of Human things! We, but a few moments before, believ'd our number's almost equal to the Canadian Force; they only expected to annoy us. Yet, contrary to all expectation and human probability, and even to the common course of things, we were totally defeated, sustain'd the loss of every thing; which they have got, are enrichen'd and strengthened by it. This, as you observe, must be an affecting story to the Colony; and will, no doubt, license the tongues of People to censure those they think most blamably; which by the by, often falls very wrongfully. I join very heartily with you in believing that when this story comes to be related in future Annals, it will meet with ridicule or indignation; for had I not been witness to the fact on that fatal Day, I sh'd scarce give credit to it now.

0211 156

Whenever it suits you to come into Fairfax I hope you will make your home at Mount Vernon. Please to give my Compts. to all inquiring Friends; and I assure you, nothing cou'd have added greater satisfaction to my safe return, than hearing of the friendly concern that was express'd on my suppos'd Death. I am, &c.

*To AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON 52

Augustine Washington was half brother to George and full brother to Lawrence; he was then at Williamsburg as a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses.

Mount Vernon, August 2, 1755.

Dear Brother: The pleasure of your Company at Mount Vernon always did, and always will, afford me infinite satisfaction; but at this time, I am too truly sensible how needful the Country is of the assistance of all its members, to desire to hear that any are absent. 53 I most sincerely wish that harmony and unanimity may prevail amongst you, and that a happy issue may attend your prudent resolutions.

Absent from the legislature.

I am not able were I ever so willing, to meet you in Town, for I assure you it is with some difficulty and with fatigue that I visit my Plantation's in the Neck, so much has a sickness of five weeks' continuance reduced me: But tho it is not in my power to meet you there, I can nevertheless assure you, and other's (who it may concern to borrow a phrase from Governor Innes) that I am so little dispirited at what has happen'd, that I am always ready and always willing, to do my Country any Services that I am capable off; but never upon the Terms I have done, having suffer'd much in my private fortune, besides impairing one of the best of Constitution's.

I was employ'd to go a journey in the Winter (when I believe few or none wou'd have undertaken it) and what did I get by it? my expenses borne! I then was appointed with trifling Pay to conduct an handful of Men to the Ohio. What 0212 157 did I get by this? Why, after putting myself to a considerable expence in equipping and providing necessarys for the Campaigne I went out, was soundly beaten, lost them all—came in, and had my Commission taken from me or, in other words my Corn'd, reduced, under pretence of an Order from home. I then went out a Volunteer with Genl. Braddock and lost all my Horses and many other things, but this being a voluntary act, I shou'd not have mention'd it, was it not to shew that I have been upon the loosing order ever since I enter'd the Service, which is now near two year's; so that I think I can't be blare'd, shou'd I, if I leave my Family again, end'vt. to do it upon such terms as to prevent my sufferg., (to gain by it, is the least of my expectation).

I doubt not but you have heard the particulars of our shameful defeat, which really was so scandalous that I hate to have it mention'd. You desire to know what Artillery was taken in the late Engt; it is easily told, we lost all that we carr'd out, save 2 Six pound'rs, and a few Cohorns that were left with Colo. Dunbar; and the Cohorns have since been destroy'd to expedate his flight. You also ask whether I think the Forces can March this Fall. I must answer, I think it impossible, for them to do the French any damage (unless it be by starv'g) for want of a proper Train of Artillery; yet they may be very serviceable in erect'g small Fortresses at convenient places to deposit provisions in, by which the Country will be eas'd of an immense expence in the Carriage, and it will also be a mean's of securing a Retreat if we sh'd be put to the Rout again; the success of this tho' will dep'd gre'tly upon what Gov'r. Shirley does at Niagara, for if he succeeds, their Comn. with Canada will be entirely stop'd.

It is impossible for me to guess at the number of recruits that may be want'g, as that must depend altogeth'r upon the strength of the French on the Ohio, w'ch to my g't. astonishm't we were ever strangers to.

0213 158

I thank you very heartily for your kind offer of a Chr. and for your goodness in sending my things; and, after begg'g you excuse the imperfect'ns. of the above which in part are owing to hav'g much Comp'y that hurrys me I shall conclude Dr. Sir, Yr. most Afft. Broth'r.

*To EACH COUNTY LIEUTENANT IN THE NORTHERN DISTRICT

Mount Vernon, August 2, 1755.

Sir: I intend myself the honour of waitg. upon your County, in order to exercise the Militia; and shou'd be glad if you wou'd appoint your Officer's to meet me at the Court Ho., or some other convenient place with a Firelock, Ammunition, &c. on the of September next, and the Militia properly accoutre'd, the day following. I am Sir, etc.

Fairfax Officers 31st 1st. Militia Prince Wm 4 5 Culpeper 8 9 Stafford 12 13 King George 15 16 Westmoreland 19 20 Richmond 22 23 Northumberland 26 27 Lancaster 29 30 September

*To COLIN CAMPBELL

Mount Vernon, August 2, 1755.

Sir: [The Army und'r the Com'd of G: Braddock has met with an unfortunate defeat, which has occasioned my ret'n] 54 from the Ohio; [This circumstance enables me to order] the

The bracketed portions of this letter are the readings as changed in 1784–85. Washington made the erasures with a knife, and the original wording is completely obliterated.

0214 159 Militia of the several Countys in my district, to meet me and I have therefore taken this earliest oppertunity of inform'g you of it; that you may not be troubled ab't any but Eastern Shore Countys, unless you will undertake to exercise the whole (saving the two Frontier Countys viz Fairfax and Prince Win. which I will take the trouble off) for the Consideration of 40,£'s if you accept of this offer, I shou'd be glad to know it before the first of Sept. and I have enclos'd you a Mem'm. of the appointed times that I have desit'd the Officer's, and Militia of each County to meet, that you may proceed accordingly. I am Sir, etc.

*To MRS. MARY WASHINGTON

Mount Vernon, August 14, 1755.

Honor'd Madam: If it is in my power to avoid going to the Ohio again, I shall, but if the Command is press'd upon me by the genl. voice of the Country, and offer'd upon such terms as can't be objected against, it wou'd reflect eternal dishonour upon me to refuse it; and that, I am sure must, or ought, to give you greater cause of uneasiness than my going in an honourable Com'd.; for upon no other terms I will accept of it if I do at all; at present I have no proposals or any mention made abt. it only from private hands. I am etc.

*To WARNER LEWIS 55

Warner Lewis's letter is not in the Washington Papers in the Library of Congress; it was inclosed in a letter from Charles Lewis to Washington, which is among those papers, and is printed in S. M. Hamilton's Letters to Washington (Boston: 1898), vol. 1, p. 75.

Mount Vernon, August 14, 1755.

Dear Sir: After returning the most sincere and grateful thanks for your kind condolence on my late indisposition; and for the too generous, and give me leave further to say, 0215 160 partial opinion you have entertain'd of my ability's; I must express my concern for not having it in my power to meet you, and other Friends, who have signified their desire of seeing me (in Williamsburg). Your Letter only came to hand at nine last Night, and you inform me of the Assembly breaking up the latter end of the Week, which allows a time too short to perform a journey of 160 miles distance particularly by a person in my weak and feeble condition altho' I am happily recover'd from the low ebb to w'ch I was reduced by a sickness of near 5 Weeks continuance. Had I got timely notice, I wou'd have attempted the ride by slow and easy journeys, if it had been only for the satisfaction of seeing my Friends, who I flatter myself from what you say, are kind enough to sympathise in my good, and evil Fortunes.

The Chief Reason (next to indisposition) that prev'd me from coming down to this Assembly was a determination not to offer myself, and that determination proceeded from the following Reason's. 1st. a belief that I cou'd not get a command upon such terms as I shou'd care to accept; 56 as I must confess I never will quit my Family, injure my Fortune, and (above all) impair my health to run the risque of such Changes and Vicissitudes as I have done; but shall now expect, if I am employ'd again, to have something certain again, was I to have

While Colonel Washington was writing this letter he had already been appointed to the command. The assembly voted £40,000 for the public service, and the governor and council immediately resolved to increase the Virginia Regiment to 16 companies, In the same same act the assembly also granted to George Washington the sum of £300, to the captains £75 each, to the lieutenants and surgeon £30, and to every soldier £5 as “a reward and compensation for their gallant behaviour and losses,” at the Monongahela. Washington's grant was for his losses sustained.

“I have granted commissions to raise sixteen companies, to augment our forces to one thousand men, and have incorporated them into a regiment. The command thereof is given to Colonel George Washington, who was one of General Braddock's aids-de-camp, and I think a man of great merit and resolution. Our officers are greatly dispirited for want of his Majesty's commissions, that, when they join the regulars they may have some rank; and I am persuaded it would be of infinite service, if his Majesty would graciously please to honor them with his commissions, the same as General Shirley's and Sir William Pepperell's regiments; and I am convinced, if General Braddock had survived, he would have recommended Mr. Washington to the royal favor, which I beg your interest in recommending.”— Dinwiddie to Sir Thomas Robinson , Sept. 6, 1755.

Washington's commission from Dinwiddie, dated Aug. 14, 1755, appointed him colonel of the Virginia Regiment and commander in chief of all the forces now raised and to be raised for the defense of his Majesty's colony and for repelling the unjust and hostile invasions of the French and their Indian allies. A peculiar sense of economy inspired Dinwiddie to specially note that Washington's pay commenced September I. In the instructions accompanying the commission the French are accused of unjustly invading his Majesty's lands on the Ohio; the Virginia Regiment is to consist of 16 companies; goods and presents were to be purchased for the Indians: morality and virtue were to be inculcated among the troops and drunkenness and swearing were to be punished. The text of Washington's commission and instructions are printed in the Dinwiddie Papers , vol. 2, pp. 184–187.

0216 161 the command, I shou'd insist upon somethings which ignorance and inexperience made me overlook before, particularly that of having the Officers in some measure appointed with my advice, and with my concurrence; for I must say, I think a commanding Officer not hav'g this liberty appear's to me to be one of the strangest thing in Life, when it is well known how much the conduct and bravery of an Officer influences the Men; how much a Commanding Officer is answerable for the behaviour of the inferiour Officer's; and how much his good or ill success in time of action depends upon the conduct of each particular Officer; especially in this kind of Fighting, where being dispers'd, each and every of them at that immediate time, has greater liberty to misbehave than if he were regularly, and compactly drawn up under the Eyes of their superior Officer's. However on the other hand, how little credit is given to a Commander, who perhaps after a defeat, in relating the cause justly lays the blame on some individual whose cowardly behav'r betray'd the whole to ruin; how little does the World consider the Circumstances, and how apt are mankind to level their vindictive Censures against the unfortunate Chief, who perhaps merited least of the blame. Does it not appear then that the appointing of Officers is a thing of the utmost consequence; a thing that shou'd require the greatest circumspection; ought it to be left to blind chance? or what 0217 162 is still worse, to a forced partiality? Shou'd it not be left to a Man whose powers and what is still dearer, whose honour depends upon their good Examples.

There are necessary Officer's yet wanting, which no Pro, vision have been made for. A small Military Chest is so absolutely necessary, that it is impossible to do without, nor no Man can conduct an affair of this kind who has it not. These things I shou'd expect, was I appointed.

But, besides all these, I had other Reasons wh'h with'd me f'm offering. I believe our Circumstances are now to that unhappy Dilemma that no Man can gain any Honour by conduct'g our Forces at this time, but rather loose in his reputation; for I am very confid't the progress must be slow for want of conveniences to transport our Provisions &c. over the Mountains and this chiefly occasion'd, by the late ill treatm't of the Waggoner's and Horse driver's, who have rec'd little for their Lab'r and noth'g for their lost Hors's and Wag'ns; w'ch will be an infallible mean's of prevent'g all from assist'g that are not oblig'd; so that I am truly sensible, whoever undertakes it will meet with such insurmountable obstacles that he will be soon look'd upon in the very light of an idle, indolent body, have his conduct censured and perhaps meet with opprobious abuse, when it is as much out of his power to avoid these delays as to com'd the rag'g Seas in a Storm. Seeing these things in the above light that I did, had no small influence upon me, as I was pretty much assur'd I shou'd loose what at present constitutes the chief part of my happiness, i.e. the esteem and notice the Country has been pleas'd to honour me with.

It is possible you may infer from what I have said that my intention's is to decline at all events, but my meaning is entirely different: I was determin'd not to offer, because to solicit the Command and at the same time to make my proposals I 0218 163 thought wou'd look a little incongruous, and to carry a face of too much self sufficiency, as if I imagin'd there were none other's equally (if not more) capable of conducting the affair than myself; But if the command shou'd be offer'd the case is then alter'd as I am at liberty to make such objection's as my Reason and my small experience have pointed out. I hope you'll make my Comp's to all inquiring F'ds. I am Dr. Warner Y'r etc.

*To CHARLES LEWIS

Mount Vernon, August 14, 1755.

Dear Sir: I return most unfeigned thanks for your hearty demonstrations of Friendship, in kind congratulation's on my safe return, and I wish dear Charles, it was more in my power than it is to answer the favourable opinion my Friends have conceiv'd of my abilitys, let them not be deceiv'd, I am unequal to the Task, and do assure you it requires more experience than I am master of to conduct an affair of the importance that this is now arisen to.

If I do go, I shou'd think myself happy in havg. you of our party, if you have reconcil'd it perfectly to yourself and Family, otherwise I think you wou'd be blameable to involve them in so much uneasiness as your absence will necessaryly give; I have wrote fully to your Broth'r Wnr. to whom I must refer you for further particular's I am Dr. Charles, etc.

GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE RECRUITING OFFICERS OF THE VIRGINIA REGIMENT

[Williamsburg], September [3], 1755.

First; That each Captain shall, by beat of Drum or otherwise, Raise Thirty men; Each Lieutenant Eighteen; and each Ensign, Twelve men.

0219 164

Secondly: That each Captain shall appoint proper Persons to act as non-commissioned Officers, during their Recruiting Service: But those non-commissioned Officers, so appointed, are not to be confirmed, 'till approved of by me, or a Field Officer for that purpose.

Thirdly: That no Officer shall list any Men under Sixteen, or above Fifty years of age: Nor are they to list men under five feet four Inches high, unless they are well made, strong, and active; then, and in that case, they will be received.

Neither are they to list any men who have old Sores upon their legs, or who are subject to Fits; which will be inspected into by the Surgeons, upon their arrival at Quarters: and such as are found to come under these Articles, will be discharged; and the Officers have no allowance made.

Fourthly: That, when each Recruiting Officer has listed his Complement of Men, he is immediately to repair to the Place of Rendezvouz; which I hope, and expect, will be by the first day of October next: but if in case the whole should not be complete by that time; it is then my Orders, that each Captain shall forthwith send one of his Subalterns with all the Recruits, to the quarters assigned him, and remain with the other Subaltern to complete his Company, with all imaginable Diligence. There will be a Field Officer to receive, review, and examine the Recruits that are brought in; who will have power to reject and discharge, such as come under the above Articles.

Fifthly: That, for each Recruit that is passed by such Field Officer, the Officer who Listed him, shall receive two Pistoles, and an allowance of eight-pence per Day for Subsistance, from the day of his attestation, to the day of his being received into the Regiment.

Sixthly: That all Recruits, so soon as they are Listed, are to take the Oaths provided for that purpose; which is to be attested by the Magistrate who administered them.

0220 165

Their Stature, Complexion, and so forth, is to be taken also, and entered by the Recruiting Officer in a Book kept for that purpose.

Seventhly: That no Officer shall bring in any charge against his Men for Necessaries; Each man being to receive full Clothing, on his arrival at the place of Rendezvous.

Lastly: That when you are on the Recruiting Service, and on your March; you are to observe the same good Order and Discipline, as in Camp or in Quarters; and you are to conform yourself, in every respect, to the Rules and Articles of War. Given under my hand etc.

All the Officers then present received the foregoing Instructions, and money for Recruiting; and some of them were appointed to act 'till further Orders, as followeth: Viz. To Captain Spotswoods 57 Company, Lieutenant Lomax 58 and Ensign Garter, 59 were ordered to do Duty as Subalterns: and to Captain Harrison; Lieutenant John. Hall; Ensign Nathaniel Thompson. To Captain Lewis; Lieutenant Peter Steenbergen; Ensign Edward Hubard. To Captain Peachy, 60 Lieutenant John Williams; Ensign William Dangerfield. To Captain Bell, Lieutenant John Campbell; Ensign William Fleming. To Captain McKenzie, 61 Lieutenant James Baker, Ensign Leonard Price.

Capt. Robert Spotswood.

Lieut. John Edward Lomax.

Ensign Thomas Carter.

Capt. William Peachy.

Capt. Robert McKenzie.

And were ordered by their Instructions, to Rendezvous as followeth:

Fredericksburgh; Captain Spotswood, and Company, Captain Harrison, and Company, Captain Lewis, and Company. Winchester; Captain Bell, and Company; Alexandria; Captain Peachy, and Company; Captain McKenzie, and Company.

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The other Subalterns then present, videlicet; Lieutenant's Brockenbrough, Lowry 62 and King: Ensigns, Millner, 63 Dean and Weedon; 64 who were not appointed to any particular Companies, were ordered to Rendezvous at

Lieut. John Lowry.

Ensign Nathaniel Milner.

Ensign George Weedon.

Fredericksburg; Lieutenant Lowry; Ensign Weedon; Alexandria; Lieutenant Brockenbrough, Lieutenant John King, Ensign John Dean.

And received the following Orders.

To LIEUTENANT AUSTIN BROCKENBROUGH

[September 3, 1755.]

You are hereby ordered to Repair to Alexandria, your place of Rendezvous, by the time appointed in your Instructions; and if the Field Officer for that place, should not be arrived; you are there, to apply to Mr. Carlyle for Orders.

If it should happen, which I hope it will not, that you can not get your full Complement of Men by the limited time; you must then send up what you have, under the care of one of your trustiest Men, and if you conveniently can, it would be right to join them with some other Company, appointed to that Rendezvous, and remain behind 'till you have completed your number, without you receive Orders to the contrary.

To CAPTAIN PETER HOGG 65

Washington inclosed these instructions in a short note, reminding Hogg that he was the senior captain, and that as the orders admit of no delay “I must again repeat, that I expect your immediate compliance; and that no excuse shall occasion the least delay.”

September 6, 1755.

You are hereby Ordered, and strictly Commanded, to repair immediately, upon the Receipt of this, to Jackson's River, or the Head-Quarters of Captain Lewis's Company; and there 0222 167 take upon you the Command of said Company. You are therefore to be very punctual in obeying such Orders as have or may be given, by the Governour; and such as you shall receive from time to time, from me: And above all; you are to be particularly careful in using your best Endeavours, to Guard and Protect the Inhabitants and Settlers in those Parts from the Incursions of the French, and their Indians; and to conform and regulate your Conduct, in every respect, by the Strict Rules and Discipline of War.

To MAJOR ANDREW LEWIS

September 6, 1755.

Sir; The Country have come to a Resolution, to Raise Sixteen Companies, to be Formed into a Regiment; the command of which they have honoured me with; 66 and were kind enough to allow me the Liberty of appointing my Field Officers. In consequence of which I have commissioned you, Major, and must desire you will, so soon as Captain Hogg arrives, to take the command of your Company; repair to Fredericksburgh with all imaginable Dispatch, to take the command of those Recruits, that shall be brought into that appointed place of Rendezvous. I know, your Diligence and Punctuality require little or no spur; yet as this is an Affair that calls for the greatest dispatch I must earnestly recommend it to you. You must be careful in getting a proper Return of your Company, that I may order Things accordingly.

As soon as Colonel Washington was informed of his appointment, he repaired to Williamsburg to consult with the governor respecting future operations. When he wrote this letter he was on his return to Winchester, which place was fixed upon as his headquarters. The two other points of rendezvous for the recruits were Fredericksburg and Alexandria.— Sparks

A Return must also be delivered to Captain Hogg, not only of the Men, but of the Arms, Tools, &c. and his Receipt taken. I am, &c.

MEMORANDUM

After this, I sent to Mr. Dick; and finding him irresolute and indetermined, whether to continue to act as Commissary or no; I took an opportunity to write as followeth, in order to receive a written answer. 67

These and similar memoranda which follow were evidently transcribed by Robert Lewis in 1784–85 from Washington's revision of the original record (a continuance of the editing process begun with the so-called Braddock Expedition Letter Book. Unfortunately the originals from which this volume was transcribed have not come to light. They may have been destroyed immediately after this transcript was made.

To CHARLES DICK

September 6, 1755.

Sir: I called at your Store last night, in order to converse farther with you, concerning the Commission of Commissary; but not meeting with you there, I have taken this method of desiring to be better informed of your Sentiments; I have enclosed you a Copy of that Article of my Instructions, 68 which empowers me to appoint another , in case you do not act; that you may see by what authority I am governed, and as the nature of the Service, absolutely requires that something should immediately be done; I shall be under a necessity of appointing a person for that purpose, if you discontinue your Services; which If I might be allowed to advise, I would be far from recommending, before October at least; when the Committee meet, 69 and will no doubt, obviate your just objections: as they only now want your accompt settled, to discharge it. And as to the objection you offer, I am perswaded it will be in my power to remove; as money will be lodged in my hands for

From Governor Dinwiddie.

The military committee of the Virginia House of Burgesses. Washington noted: “Mr. Dick hereupon resolved, to act until a meeting of the committee in October and received the following instructions.” (See Orders For Commissary Charles Dick, September 6, post .)

0224 169 that and other purposes. If you are determined nevertheless, to throw up at all events; I must beg to know what Stores of Provisions, &c. are in your hands, and where they lie. I should also be glad to know, whether you were in earnest, when you talked of preventing their issuing 'till you was reimbursed. But this I am satisfied you could never entertain a serious thought of, if once you considered the train of ills that may attend detaining the Kings or Country's Stores; and how ill-judged a Scheme it will be to come at your Money.

I would therefore advise you to a serious consideration of these things; and should be glad to know your determination by the Bearer. For as the Recruits are appointed to Rendezvouz at Fredericksburgh, Alexandria, and Winchester, there must be Provisions laid in at all those places, together with several other necessaries, that will require the immediate attention of a Commissary: For executing of which, if you incline to continue 'till you are better informed of the Terms, I shall give money and Instructions, to conduct yourself by. I am, Sir, etc.

ORDERS FOR COMMISSARY CHARLES DICK

Fredericksburgh, September 6, 1755.

You are hereby ordered, to ascertain as near as possible the Country's Debts, that they maybe transmitted to the Governour.

You are to Lay in Provisions at Winchester, Fredericksburgh and Alexandria, as they arrive, and to send up a Quantity of Salt for Curing the Beef at Fort Cumberland. Also to procure Coopers to make Casks for Pickling the Beef.

You are to provide Kettles, and Barracks for the Soldiers as they arrive; likewise Fuel &c. upon as reasonable Terms as possible, and I will answer the charge.

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You are to supply Major Andrew Lewis with Powder for Practicing the Recruits in their different Firings; and to deliver the enclosed Packet to him.

In case any of the Recruiting Officers should arrive in Town, before Major Lewis, you are then to open the packet, and deliver to such Officers his Orders, if his name is there, if not, he is to open the Letter that contains his Captains Orders, and to govern himself by them &c.

INSTRUCTIONS FOR MAJOR ANDREW LEWIS

September 6, 1755.

1st. So soon as you arrive in Town, you are to take upon you the Command of the Troops that are Recruited, and brought in from the different Counties by the several Officers: and after Reviewing, you are to Receive and reject such men as fall under the enclosed Instructions; which were delivered to each Recruiting Officer, to Regulate his Conduct by.

2dly. You are to be very careful in having exact Returns made every Day of each Company; by which you are to see no more Provisions are drawn for, than what is necessary.

3dly. You are to see that the Muster-Rolls of each Company and Party, are called three times a day; and that the men are as often called out and taught the New platoon way of Exercising, That you may be the better enabled to do this, I shall order a Sergeant or two from Fort Cumberland.

4thly. The Men are to Cook their own Provisions in the Barracks, provided by Mr. Commissary Dick; who you are to apply to for Kettles and other absolute Necessaries.

5thly. The Men are to be regularly practised in Shooting at Targets, in order that they may acquire a Dexterity in that kind of firing.

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6thly. In all things, you are to see that good Regular Discipline is observed; in order to do which, you are to Govern yourself in every respect, by the Rules and Articles of War.

Herewith is enclosed the Orders for the several Recruiting Officers, which you may deliver as they come in.

To CAPTAIN ROBERT SPOTSWOOD

[Fredericksburg], September 6, 1755.

As soon as you arrive in Town with your Recruits, you are to put yourself under the Command of Major Andrew Lewis, or the Field Officer appointed for that Rendezvous: And you are to be strictly obedient to all such lawful Commands, as you shall from time to time receive from him: and particularly to observe, that the Muster Rolls of your Men are regularly called three times a day, and that they are as often called out to their Exercise; at which times you are to be present. If it should so happen that you arrive before the Field Officer; you are then to receive your Orders from, and make your daily Reports to, the Oldest Officer present, having regard to the above Directions. 70

The same orders were sent to Captains Lewis and Harrison, Lieutenant Lowry, and Ensign Weedon.

MEMORANDUM

From hence I proceeded to Alexandria. 71

He seems to have arrived in Alexandria September 9.

To ROBERT DINWIDDIE

Alexandria, September 11, 1755.

[Sir:] After waiting a day or two at Fredericksburgh, writing Orders for the Recruiting Officers appointed to that Rendezvous, and dispatching an Express for Major Lewis, who I have ordered Captain Hogg to relieve; I set out for this place in 0227 172 order to examine the Clothing, Provisions, &c.; and exact Return of which I herewith send.

I also enclose your Honour a List of such Things as Major Carlyle can furnish, which are suitable, and, I think, tolerably cheap.

All the Shoes, Stockings, Shirts, and Hats may be had here, also one hundred complete Suits at Sixty shillings or less, which I think would not be amiss to engage, as no one part of the Country can, I believe, furnish the whole.

However, I have desired Major Carlyle to Receive your Honours Directions in this particular; and for making the others below, a Pattern is sent: it would be right to have them differing in Size: unless there is a proper provision made to supply the Soldiers with Clothing, after they receive their first allowance, great inconveniences will necessarily arise; particularly Shoes, Stockings and Shirts, are not laid in; for those are the most durable, and the needed.

The Method I would recommend is, for the Country, or some Person, to provide these Things, and Lodge them, or a part thereof, in Camp, in the hands of the Quarter Master, who may be appointed to Receive and deliver them to the Soldiers, by particular Orders from their Captains; taking care to produce those Orders, and proper Vouchers for the delivery, each pay-day; when it must be deducted out of that Soldiers Pay, who receives it.

This, I think, will be a means of keeping them always provided, and fit for the Duty, preventing the Officers from supplying the Men, which is generally attended with misunderstanding, and will also be a means of discouraging Followers of the Army, from demanding such exorbitant Prices, as is usually practised on such Occassions.

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However, I only offer this as the most Efficacious method I can at present think of; if any other more elligible can be found, I should be glad to see it practised; as something of the kind must be done, otherwise the Soldiers will soon be Barefooted &c. which always pleads exemption from Duty; and, indeed, in the approaching Season, will render it a very just Excuse. And these things can not be got, without sending all over the Country, and scarcely then; I think it would be advisable for your Honour to send to Philadelphia for Shoes, white-yarn Stockings, Blankets, Kettles, Tomahawks, a Quantity of Cartridge Paper, Stationery, and a proper Assortment of Indian Goods, which can not be had here. There is an opportunity of getting'em round immediately by the Hopewell , Captain Martin, who carries the Regimental Stores thither.

I applied to the Speaker