Prepared under the direction of the United States
George Washington Bicentennial Commission
and published by authority of Congress
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor
LC
Volume 1
1745--1756
United States
Government Printing Office
Washington
PRINTED
JANUARY, 1931
LC
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
RECEIVED
APR 5 1932
DIVISION OF DOCUMENTS
Alexandria, August 11, 1754.
Honble. Sir: Since my last to you, I have received, by Mr. Splitdorph, the letter therein alluded to, of the 1st Inst. the contents of which are nearly the same with the other received from the Governour four days before dated the 3d Inst. The following is an exact copy of it.
The Council met yesterday, and, considering the present state of our forces, and having reason to think that the French will be reinforced next spring, it was resolved, that the forces should immediately march over the Allegany mountains, either to dispossess the French of their fort, or build one in a proper place, that may be fixed upon by a council of war. Colonel Innis has my orders for executing the above affair. I am therefore, now, to order you to get your regiment completed to 300 men, and I have no doubt, that you will be able to enlist what you are deficient of your number very soon, and march directly to Will's Creek to join the other forces; and, that there may be no delay, I order you to march what companies you have complete, and leave orders with the officers remaining, to follow you, as soon as they shall have enlisted men sufficient to make up their companies. You know, the season of the year calls for dispatch. I depend upon your former usual diligence and spirit, to encourage your people to be active on this occasion. Consult with Maj. Carlyle what ammunition which may be wanted, that I may send it up immediately I trust much to your diligence and dispatch in getting your regiment to Will's Creek as soon as possible.
Colonel Innis will consult you in the appointment of officers for your regiment. Pray consider, if practicable, that, to send a party of Indians &c to destroy the corn at the fort and Logtown would be of great service to us, and a considerable disappointment to the enemy. I can say no more, but to press the dispatch of your regiment to Will's Creek, and that success may attend our arms and just Expedition, is the Sincere desire of, Sir, yours &c.
Thus, Sir, you will see I am ordered, with the utmost dispatch, to repair to Will's Creek with the regiment; to do which, under the present circumstances, is as impracticable, as it is (as far as I can see into the thing) to dispossess the French of their fort; both of which, with our means, are morally impossible.
The Governor observes, that, considering the state of our forces at present, it is thought advisable to move out immediately to dispossess the French. Now that very reason, "the state of our forces," is alone sufficiently opposed to the measure, without a large addition to them. Consider, I pray you, Sir, under what unhappy circumstances the men at present are; and their numbers, compared with those of the enemy, are so inconsiderable, that we should be harrassed and drove from place to place at their pleasure. And to what end would the building of a fort be, unless we could proceed as far as Redstone, where we should have to take water, and where the enemy can come with their artillery, &c, I cannot see, unless it be to secure a retreat, which we should have no occasion for, were we to go out in proper force and properly provided, which I aver cannot be done this fall; for, before our force can be collected, with proper stores of provisions, ammunition, working-tools, &c., it would bring on a season in which horses cannot travel over the mountains on account of snows, want of forage, slipperiness of the roads, high waters, &c. neither can men, unused to that life, live there, without some other defence from the weather than tents. This I know of my own knowledge, as I was out last winter from the 1st of Nov'er till some time in January; and notwithstanding I had a good tent, was as properly prepared, and as well guarded, in every respect, as I could be against the weather, yet the cold was so intense, that it was scarcely supportable. I believe, out of the 5 or 6 men that went with me, 3 of them, tho' they were as well clad as they could be, were rendered useless by the frost, and were obliged to be left upon the road.
But the impossibility of supporting us with provisions is alone sufficient to discourage the attempt; for, were commissaries with sufficient funds to set about procuring provisions, and getting them out, it is not probable that enough can be conveyed out this fall to support us thro' the winter; for you are to consider, Sir, as I before observed, that the snows and hard frosts set in very early upon those mountains; and, as they are in many places almost inaccessible at all times, it is then more than horses can do to clamber up them; but allow that they could, for want of provender they will become weak and die upon the road, as ours did, tho' we carried corn with us for that purpose, and purchased from place to place. This reason holds good, also, against driving out live stock, which, if it could be done, would save some thousands of Horse Loads, that might be employed in carrying flour, (which alone, not to mention ammunition, tools, &c.) we shall find will require more horses, than at this present moment can be procured with our means.
His Honour also asks, whether it is practicable to destroy the corn at the fort and at Log-town? At this question I am a little surprised, when it is known we must pass the French fort and the Ohio to get to Log-town; and how this can be done with inferior numbers, under the disadvantages we labour, I see not; and, of the ground to hope, we may engage a sufficient party of Indians for this undertaking, I have no information, nor have I any conception; for it is well known, that notwithstanding the expresses, that the Indians sent to one another, and all the pains that Montour and Croghon (who, by vainly boasting of their interest with the Indians, involved the country in great calamity, by causing dependance to be placed where there was none,) could take, never could induce above 30 fighting men to join us, and not more than one half of those serviceable upon any occasion.
I could make many other remarks equally true and pertinent; but to you, Sir, who, I am sensible, have acquired a pretty good knowledge of the country, and who see the difficulties that we labour under in getting proper necessaries, even at Winchester, it is needless: therefore I shall only add some of the difficulties, which we are particularly subjected to in the Virginia regiment; and to begin, Sir, you are sensible of the sufferings our soldiers underwent in the last attempt, (in a good season) to take possession of the Fork of the Allegany and Monongahela. You also saw the disorders those sufferings produced among them at Winchester after they returned. They are yet fresh in their memories, and have an irritable effect. Thro' the indiscretion of Mr. Splitdorph, they got some intimation that they were again ordered out, and it immediately occasioned a general clamour, and caused 6 men to desert last night; this, we expect, will be the consequence every night, except prevented by close confinement.
In the next place, I have orders to compleat my regiment, and not a 6d. is sent for that purpose. Can it be imagined, that subjects fit for this purpose, who have been so much impressed with, and alarmed at, our want of provisions, (which was a main objection to enlisting before,) will more readily engage now without money, than they did before with it ? We were then from the first of February till the first of May, and could not compleat our 300 men by 40; and the officers suffered so much by having their Recruiting expenses withheld, that they unanimously refuse to engage in that duty again, without they are refunded for the past, and a sufficient allowance made them in future. I have in the next place (to shew the state of the Regiment) sent you a report thereof by which you will perceive what great deficiencies there are of Men, Arms, Tents, Kettles, Screws (which was a fatal want before), Bayonets, Cartouch Boxes, &c., &c. Again, were our men ever so willing to go, for want of the proper necessaries of life they are unable to do it; the chief part are almost naked, and scarcely a man has either shoes, stockings, or hat. These things the merchants will not credit them for; the country has made no provision; they have not money themselves; and it cannot be expected, that the officers will engage for them again, personally, having suffered greatly already on this head; especially, now, when we have all the reason in the world to believe, they will desert whenever they have an opportunity. There is not a man that has a Blanket to secure him from cold or wet. Ammunition is a material article, and that is to come from Williamsburg, or wherever the Governor can procure it. An account must be first sent of the quantity which is wanted; this, added to the carriage up, with the necessary Tools, &c., that must be had, as well as the time of bringing them round, will, I believe, advance us into that season, when it is usual, in more moderate climates, to retreat into Winter Quarters, but here, with us, to begin a campaign.62
[Note 62: There was a misunderstanding between the governor and the House of Burgesses, which prevented any appropriation of money at this juncture. It had been a custom in former times that when the governor signed a patent for land, he should receive a fee of a pistole (about $3.60) for every such signature, which was a perquisite of his office. This fee had been revived by Governor Dinwiddie, but the House of Burgesses considered it an onerous exaction, and determined to resist it. As the governor refused to sign patents on any other terms, the burgesses had the year before passed some spirited resolves, and sent an agent to England with a petition to the King's Council that this custom might be abolished. The agent was Peyton Randolph, then attorney general of Virginia, and afterwards president of the first American Congress. While he was absent, the governor wrote to a correspondent in England: "I have had a great deal of trouble and uneasiness from the factious disputes and violent heats of a most impudent troublesome party here, in regard to that silly fee of a pistole; they are very full of the success of their agent, which I give small notice to." The attorney general returned, without effecting his whole object, but the board of trade made new regulations, by which relief was afforded in certain cases, and the fee was prohibited except where the quantity of land patented was more than zoo acres. (See Journal of the House of Burgesses, November, 1753.)
The agent's expenses were £2,500. The governor refused to sanction any bill for their payment. Piqued by this obstinacy, the House of Burgesses affixed the amount to a bill for raising £20,000 for his Majesty's service. Equally indignant at this presumption, the governor sent back the bill without his signature, and prorogued the assembly for six weeks. Thus no supplies were granted, and the governor was induced to write that "there appeared to him an infatuation in all the assemblies in this part of the world." The treasurer of the colony had already paid the agent by order of the assembly, without any special grant, which was no doubt a high disrespect to the governor and council. In giving an account of this affair to Governor Sharpe of Maryland, Governor Dinwiddie said: "I am now persuaded that no expedition can be conducted here with dependence on American assemblies; and I have written to that purpose home, and propose a British act of Parliament to compel the subjects here to obedience to his Majesty's commands, and to protect their property from the insults of the French."-- Sparks.]
The promises of those Traders, who offer to contract for large Quantities of flour, are not to be depended upon; a most flagrant instance of which we experienced in Croghan, who was under obligation to Maj. Carlyle for the delivery of this Article in a certain time, and who was an eyewitness to our wants; yet had the assurance, during our sufferings, to tantalize us, and boast of the quantity he could furnish, as he did of the number of Horses he cou'd command; notwithstanding, we were equally disappointed of these also; for out of 200 head he had contracted for, we never had above 25 employed in bringing the flour that was engaged for the Camp; and even this, small as the quantity was, did not arrive within a month of the time it was to have been delivered.
Another thing worthy of consideration, is, if we depend on Indian assistance, we must have a large quantity of proper Indian goods to reward their services, and make them presents; it is by this means alone, that the French command such an interest among them, and that we had so few. This, with the scarcity of Provisions, was proverbial; would induce them to ask, when they were to join us, if we meant to starve them as well as ourselves. But I will have done, and only add assurances of the regard and affect'n with which I am, &c,
Williamsburg, October 23, 1754.
Sir: Nothing could have given me, and the Officers under my command, greater satisfaction, than to have received the thanks of the House of Burgesses, in so. particular and honour able a manner, for our Behaviour in the late unsuccessful Engagement with the French at the Great Meadows; and we unanimously hope, that our future Conduct in the Service of our Country may entitle us to a continuance of its approbation. I assure you, Sir, I shall always look upon it as my indispensable duty, to endeavour to deserve it.
I was desired, by the Officers of the Virginia Regiment, to offer their grateful thanks for the Honour which has been confered upon them; and hope the enclosed will be indulgently received, and answer their, and the intended purpose of, Sir, Your most etc.
We, the Officers of the Virginia Regiment, are highly sensible of the particular Mark of Distinction, with which you have honoured Us, in returning your Thanks for our Behaviour in the late Action; and can not help testifying our grateful Acknowldgments for your high sense of what We shall always esteem a Duty to our Country and the best of Kings.
Favoured with your Regard, We shall zealously endeavour to deserve your Applause, and, by our future Actions, strive to convince the Worshipful House of Burgesses, how much We Esteem their Approbation; and, as it ought to be, Regard it, as the Voice of our Country.
Signed for the whole Corp,71
[Note 71: At this point in the record "Letter Book No. 1," Washington Papers, pages 10, 11, 12, and 13 are blank. It was evidently the intention to enter here Washington's letter to Dinwiddie, resigning his commission, the draft of which could not be located in 1784--85, the year in which the letters were copied into this volume. No copy of the resignation has as yet come to light.]
[NOTE: Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, had been commissioned by the King as commander in chief of all the forces to be used against the French. Colonel Fitzhugh of Rousby Hall, near the mouth of the Patuxent River, Md., was second in rank and commanded in the absence of Governor Sharpe. Brock thinks him a grandson of the emigrant William Fitzhugh, of Stafford, Va. Sharpe wished to bring Washington back into the service and Fitzhugh wrote persuasively to Washington (November 4): "I am confident, that the General has a very great regard for you, and will by every circumstance in his power make you very happy. For my part, I shall be extremely fond of your continuing in the service, and would advise you by no means to quit it. In regard to the Independent Companies, they will in no shape interfere with you, as you will hold your post during their continuance here, and. when the regiment is reduced, will have a separate duty."
Belvoir, November 15, 1754.
Dear Sir: I was favored with your letter from Rousby Hall, of the 4th instant. It demands my best acknowledgements for the particular marks of Esteem you have expressed therein; and for the kind assurances of his Excellency Governour Sharpe's good wishes towards me. I also thank you, and sincerely, Sir, for your friendly intention of making my situation easy, if I return to the service; and I do not doubt, could I submit to the Terms, that I should be as happy under your command, in the absence of the General, as under any gentleman's whatever: but I think, the disparity between the present offer of a Company, and my former Rank, too great to expect any real satisfaction or enjoyment in a Corps, where I once did, or thought I had a right to, command; even if his Excellency had power to suspend the orders received in the Secretary of War's Letter; which, by the by, I am very far from thinking he has, or will attempt to do, without fuller Instructions than I believe he has; especially, too, as there has been a representation of this matter by Govenour Dinwiddie, and, I believe, the Assembly of this State; we have advices that it was received before Deurmarree73 obtained his Letter.
[Note 73: Capt. Paul Demere (?).]
All that I presume the General can do, is, to prevent the different Corps from interfering, which will occasion the Duty to be done by Corps, instead of Detachments; a very inconvenient way, as is found by experience.74
[Note 74: That is, the independent and Colonial companies must always act separately and not in concert by detachments from each. The inconvenience of this method was proved in the case of Captain MacKay, previous to the battle of the Great Meadows. Colonel Innes, at Wills Creek, contrived to keep up a nominal command by acting under two commissions, his old one from the King, received in the former war, and his new one from Governor Dinwiddie, to each of which he appealed as occasion required.]
You make mention in your letter of my continuing in the Service, and retaining my Colo's Commission. This idea has filled me with surprise; for if you think me capable of holding a commisson that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must entertain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me to be more empty than the Commission itself.
Besides, Sir, if I had time, I could enumerate many good reasons, that forbid all thoughts of my Returning; and which to you, or any other, would, upon the strictest scrutiny, appear to be well-founded. I must be reduced to a very low Command, and subjected to that of many who have acted as my inferior Officers. In short, every Captain, bearing the King's Commission, every half-pay Officer, or other, appearing with such a commission, would rank before me; for these reasons, I choose to submit to the loss of Health which I have, however, already sustained, (not to mention that of Effects,) and the fatigue I have undergone in our first Efforts; rather than subject myself to the same inconveniences, and run the risque of a second disappointment.
I shall have the consolation of knowing, that I have opened the way when the smallness of our numbers exposed us to the attacks of a Superior Enemy; that I have hitherto stood the heat and brunt of the Day, and escaped untouched in time of extreme danger; and that I have the Thanks of my Country, for the Services I have rendered it.
It shall not sleep in silence, my having received information that those peremptory Orders from Home, which, you say could not be dispensed with, for reducing the Regiments into Independent Companies, were generated, hatched and brought from Will's Creek. Ingenuous treatment and plain dealing, I at least expected.75 It is to be hoped the project will answer; it shall meet with my acquiescence in every thing except personal Services. I herewith enclose Governour Sharp's Letter, which I beg you will return to him, with my Acknowledgments for the favour he intended me, assure him, Sir, as you truly may, of my reluctance to quit the Service, and of the pleasure I should have received in attending his Fortunes, also inform him, that it was to obey the call of Honour, and the
[Note 75: Governor Dinwiddie wrote to the Earl of Halifax (October 25): "As there have been some disputes between the regulars and the officers appointed by me, I am now determined to reduce our regiment into Independent Companies, so that from our forces there will be no other distinguished officer above a captain." It is clear, therefore, that this was done at the governor's own motion, probably in concert with Governor Sharpe, and not by any orders which had as yet been received from higher authority. Dinwiddie could plead the Carthagena expedition as a precedent; but the memory of the treatment received by the Colonial troops on that expedition was not soothing to the Colonies. Washington resigned in October because of this fantastic scheme which would have placed him under officers whom he had formerly commanded.] advice of my Friends, I declined it, and not to gratify any desire I had to leave the military line. My inclinations are strongly bent to arms.
The length of this, and the small room I have left, tell me how necessary it is to conclude, which I will do as you always shall find me. Truly and sincerely etc.
[Note 76: Robert Orme was a lieutenant in the Coldstream Guards, who accompanied Braddock to Virginia as an aide, with the rank of captain. He was wounded at the Monongahela; returned to England, and resigned from the army. He married the only daughter of Charles, Viscount Townshend. His journal of the Braddock expedition was printed by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in 1855.]
Mount Vernon, March 15, 1755.
Sir: I was not favoured with your agreeable Letter, (of the 2d) till yesterday, acquainting me with the notice his Excellency, is pleased to honour me with, by kindly desiring my Company in his Family Its true, Sir, I have, ever since I declined a command in this Service express'd and Inclination to serve the Ensuing Campaigne as a Volunteer; and this believe me Sir, is not a little encreased, since its likely to be conducted by a Gentleman of the General's great good Character;
But beside this, and the laudable desire I may have to serve, (with my poor abilitys) my King and Country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess, I am not a little biass'd by selfish and private views. To be plain Sir, I wish for nothing more earnestly than to attain a small degree of knowledge in the Military Art: and believing a more favourable oppertunity cannot be wished than serving under a Gentleman of his Excellencys known ability and experience, it will, you must reasonably, imagine not a little contribute to influence me in my choice. But, Sir, as I have taken the liberty so far to observe that freely, I shall beg your Indulgence yet a little longer, while I say, that the only bar that can check me in the pursuit of these my desires is the inconveniences that must necessarily arise on some proceedings in a late space--(I mean before the General's arrival) had in some measure abated the edge of my Intentions and determined me to lead a life of greater inactivety, and into which I was just entering at no small expence, the business whereof must greatly suffer in my absence.
I shall do myself the pleasure of waiting upon his Excellency, so soon as I hear of his arrival at Alexandria, (and wou'd sooner, was I certain where) till which I shall decline saying further on this head; begging you'll be kind enough to assure him, that I shall always retain a grateful Sense of the favour he was kindly pleas'd to offer me, and that I should have embraced this oppertunity of writing to him, had I not some little time ago wrote a congratulatory Letter on his safe arrival &c. And as ! flatter myself, you will favour me in communicating my Sentiments herein, it will need no other mentn. or reptition.
You do me a singular favour, in proposing an acquaintance which cannot but be attended with the most agreeable Intimacy on my side; as you may already experience, by the familiarity and freedom with which I now assume to treat you; a freedom, which, even if disagreeable, you'll excuse, as I shall lay the whole blame at your door, for encouraging me to thro' lack of that formality which otherwise might have appeard in my deportment, on this occasion.
The hope of shortly seeing you will be an excuse for my not adding more than that I shall endeavour to approve myself worthy your friendship, and that beg to be esteem'd your most Obedient Servant77
[Note 77: The text is from the first letter in a small volume labeled "Letter Book Relating to Braddock's Defeat." It contains 48 letters and 1 or 2 memoranda, all in Washington's writing, and dates from Mar. 15, 1755, to December 6 of that year. It was this volume that drew from a well-known American author and scholar the comment that "Perhaps the most touching proof of his [Washington's] own self-depreciation was something he did when he had become conscious that his career would be written about. Still in his possession were the letter-books in which he had kept copies of his correspondence while in command of the Virginia Regiment between 1754 and 1759, and late in life he went through these volumes, and, by interlining corrections, carefully built them into better literary form."
Ford, in his edition of the Writings of Washington (vol. 1, p. xx), says: "The changes he [Washington] made at a late period of his life are so distinctive, both in form of letters and the colors of the ink, as to make an error of date impossible." The proper explanation of the matter is, simply, that after Washington returned to Mount Vernon in 1783 and had an opportunity to examine the magnificent piece of work done by Richard Varick in transcribing his Revolutionary War letters, the idea of preserving all his letters in book form seems to have crystallized. The earliest letters were these Braddock-campaign epistles and a casual perusal of them showed Washington the necessity of clarifying his youthful redundancy of expression and simplifying his involved thought, so that Robert Lewis could do the copying without making continual appeals for decisions as to punctuation and meaning. This is the common-sense view of the matter, when romance is rigorously excluded. Because of the value of the original texts as a record of Washington's letter-writing ability in his early twenties, a great deal of time and trouble has been given to deciphering them. The task was difficult, as the heavy ink of 30 years later has almost obliterated that of 1755, and in some instances Washington scraped off the original with a knife; but the texts here printed are Washington's letters as he wrote them at the time. The changes made at the later period were incorporated by Lewis in the letterbook record and were adopted by Ford, after deliberate consideration, in his edition of the Writings and have been followed by all others. His text should be compared with this edition for comparison as to the improvement of Washington's style and etymology in the course of 30 years.]
Mount Vernon, April 2, 1755.
Dear Sir: The arrival of a good deal of Company (among whom is my Mother, alarm'd with the report of my attending your Fortunes) prevents me the pleasure of waiting upon you to day as I intended;78 therefore I beg you'll be kind enough to make my compliments and excuse to the Genrl., who I hope to hear is greatly recover'd from his indisposition; and recruited sufficiently to prosecute his journ'y. to Annopolis.
[Note 78: General Braddock landed in Virginia on February 20. The transports with the British troops, who were to act under him, came into the Chesapeake soon afterwards. These he ordered up the Potomac to Alexandria, or, as it was then sometimes called, Bellhaven, where the troops debarked. Five companies were cantoned there, one company was stationed at Dumfries, six companies at Fredericksburg and Falmouth, three and a half companies at Winchester, and half a company at Conococheague. In Maryland one company was cantoned at Bladensburg, another at Upper Marlboro, and two at Frederick. Some of the troops were landed below Alexandria, at the nearest point to Fredericksburg. The general remained at Williamsburg, planning with the governor preparations for the approaching campaign.
The following order of the King, dated at St. James, Nov. 12, 1754, respecting the rank of Colonial officers, was brought out by General Braddock: "All troops serving by commission signed by us, or by our general commanding in chief in North America, shall take rank before all troops, which may serve by commission from any of the governors, lieutenant or deputy governors, or president for the time being. And it is our further pleasure, that the general and field officers of the provincial troops shall have no rank with the general and field officers, who serve by commission from us; but that all captains and other inferior officers of our forces, who are or may be employed in North America, are, on all detachments, courts-martial, and other duty, wherein they may be joined with officers serving by commission from the governors, lieutenant or deputy governors, or president for the time being of the said provinces, to command and take post of the said provincial officers of the like rank, though the commissions of the said provincial officers of like rank should be of elder date."
Since his resignation in October, Colonel Washington had remained inactive at Mount Vernon. General Braddock, knowing his value and the importance of securing his services to the expedition, directed Mr. Orme, his aide-de-camp, to write to him the following letter, the original of which is in the Washington Papers, proposing an expedient by which the chief obstacles of rank would be removed.
"Williamsburg, 2 March, 1755.
"Sir: The general, having been informed that you expressed some desire to make the campaign, but that you declined it upon some disagreeableness that you thought might arise from the regulations of command, has ordered me to acquaint you, that he will be very glad of your company in his family, by which all inconveniences of that kind will be obviated. I shall think myself very happy to form an acquaintance with a person so universally esteemed, and shall use every opportunity of assuring you how much I am, Sir, your most obedient servant.
"Robert Orme, Aid-de-camp."
-- Sparks.
Captain Orme was with the army at Alexandria, 9 miles from Mount Vernon. Soon after General Braddock arrived in Virginia he wrote (March 10) to the governors of Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania, requesting them to meet him at Annapolis in Maryland to concert measures for future operation. The general, Commodore Keppel, and Governor Dinwiddie proceeded to Annapolis, but the place of meeting was afterwards changed to Alexandria, where they all assembled on April 13 and concerted measures for the united action of the middle and northern colonies. The minutes of this council are printed in Documentary History of New York, vol. 2, p. 376. It was thought by some that New York ought to be the center of operations, as affording greater facilities for attacking the French at their strongest points, but Braddock's instructions were positive for him to proceed to the Ohio. He marched from Alexandria on April 20.-- Sparks.]
I find myself much embarrass'd with my Affairs; having no person in whom I can confide, to entrust the management with. Yet, under these disadvantages and circumstances, I am determined to do myself the honour of accompanying you with this proviso only, that the General will be kind enough to permit my return, so soon as the [ ? ] or grand Affair is over, (if desir'd). Or, if there should be any space of inaction long enough to admit of a visit (for otherwise I coud by no means obtain my own consent, what ever private losses I might sustain) to endulge me therein and I need not add, how much I should be obliged by joining at Wills Creek only,79 for this the General has kindly promised. These things Sir, however unwarrantable they may appear at first sight, I hope will not be taken amiss when its consider'd how unprepar'd I am at present to quit a Family, and Estate scarcely settled, and in the utmost confusion.80
[Note 79: In reply Captain Orme wrote: "The general orders me to give you his compliments and to assure you his wishes are to make it agreeable to yourself and consistent with your affairs, and, therefore, he desires you will so settle your business at home as to join him at Will's Creek if more convenient to you; and, whenever you find it necessary to return, he begs you will look upon yourself as entirely master, and judge what is proper to be done."]
[Note 80: Lawrence Washington's estate, which included, of course, Mount Vernon. From 1755 on, for several years, Washington paid a yearly rent for Mount Vernon to Col. George Lee, who had married Lawrence Washington's widow, Ann Fairfax.]
I have inclos'd you a letter from Colo. Fairfax to Governour Shirley,81 which with his Compliments, he desir'd might be given to Mr. Shirley: He also sends his Blessing to you, and desires you may be a good boy and deserve them [ ? ] at present he entertains those pleasing, and sanguine hopes that a dutiful and worthy Son shou'd expect from the most paternal fondness of an endulgent Father, this for your comfort. I herewith send you a small Chart of the back Country, which tho' imperfect and roughly drawn (for want of proper utensils) may, not withstanding, give you a better knowledge of these parts than that you have hitherto had an oppurtunity of acquiring.82
[Note 81: Gov. William Shirley, of Massachusetts, commander in chief of the British operations in the Colonies.]
[Note 82: This map has not come to light. It was probably destroyed with the baggage lost at the Monongahela and Dunbar's retreat.]
I shall do myself the honour of waiting upon the General so soon as I hear of his return from Annopolis. My Compliments attends him, Mr. Shirley &c. And I am Sir etc.
[Note 83: Speaker of the Virginia House of Delegates and treasurer of the colony.]
Mount Vernon, April 20, 1755.
Dear Sir: I little expected when I wrote you last I shou'd so soon engage in another Campaigne; but in this I hope I may be allow'd to claim some small share of merit; if it is consider'd that the sole motive wch. invites me to the Field, is the laudable desire of servg. my Country; and not for the gratification of any lucrative ends; this, I flatter myself, will manifestly appear by my going a Volunteer, without expectation of reward, or prospect of attaining a Command; as I am confidantly assur'd it is not in Genl. Braddocks power to give a Comn. that I wou'd accept. Perhaps with any other, the above declaration might be look'd upon as a piece of self sufficient merit; which, being unwilling to loose, I choose to proclaim it myself; but by you Sir, I hope it will be taken in a different light, who seem'd to sympathize in my disappointments, and lent your friendly Aid to reinstate me in a suitable Command; which mark of your approbation was not lost upon one who is always sensible off and ready to acknowledge an obligation; and this is the reason why I am so much more expressive in my Sentiments to you than I shou'd choose be to the World, whose Censures and Criticisms often place the best design's in the worst light; and but, to be ingenuous, I must confess I had other Intentions in writing and if there is any merit in going out upon such terms as I do I was unwilling to loose it among my Friends, who I did not doubt might be made to believe I had some advantageous offers that engaged my services, when in reality it is very far from it; for I expect to be a considerable looser in my private Affairs by going. Its true, I have been importuned to make this Campaigne by Genl. Braddock in his Family who I suppose, imagined that the small knowledge I have had an opportunity of acquiring of the Country, Indians, &c. worthy of his notice; and therefor thought I might become useful to him in the progress of this Expedition.
Colo. Carter Burwell the last Assembly, upon hearing that I had lost 50 odd pounds during my appt. as Paymaster, desir'd I wd. petition the Committee to have it refunded: assurg. me at the same time that he wou'd solicit the Gentn. in my behalf. I declined it then thinking it might not be well received, as I had been allowed a Comn.; but if he shou'd propose it at a future meeting, and it does not appear to carry a face of unreasonableness, I hope you will do me the favour to 2d. him. I must own after meeting with the indulgencies I did, I sh'd. not have ask'd this, had it not been proposed by a Member; and had I not been so considerable a looser before in the Service, loosg. many valuable Papers, cloathing, Horses and sevl. other things; some of which, and of no inconsiderable value, I car'd out entirely for the publick use, and forbore mentg. of it till this as I knew you were greatly Pester'd with complaints of this sort from Officers that were less able to bear them, tho' their losses are much more inconsiderable than mine, for I had unfortunately got my baggage from Wills Creek but a few days before the Engagemt. in wch. I also had a valuable Servt. Wounded, who died in a few days after. I thought it expedient just to mention these Facts that you might turn them to any advantage you see proper, or to drop it altogether, if you think they be unreasonable. I heartily wish a happy Issue to all your Resolves, &c.
Mount Vernon, April 20, 1755.
Dr. Sir: I was sorry it was not in my power to wait upon you at Westover last Christmas. I had enjoy'd much satisfaction in the thought when an unexpected accident put it entirely out of my power to comply either with my promise, or Inclination; both of which equally urg'd me to make the Visit.
I am now preparing for, and shall in a few days sett off, to serve in the ensuing Campainge; with different Views from what I had before; for here, if I can gain any credit, or if I am entitled to the least countenance and esteem, it must be from serving my Country with a free, Voluntary will; for I can very truly say, I have no expectation of reward but the hope of meriting the love of my Country and friendly regard of my acquaintances; and as to any prospect of obtaining a Comn. I have none, and am pretty well assur'd it is not in Genl. Braddock's to give such a one as I wou'd accept off as I am told a Compa. is the highest Comn. that is now vested in his gift. He disir'd my Company this Campainge, has honoured me with particular marks of Esteem, and kindly invited me into his Family; which will ease me of that expence, which otherwise wou'd undoubtedly have accrued in furnishing a proper Camp Provision; whereas the expence will now be easy, (comparatively speaking) as baggage Horses, tents and some other necessarys will constitute the whole of the charge tho' I mean to say to leave a Family just settling, and in the utmost confusion and disorder (as mine is in at present) will be the means of my using my private Fortune very greatly, but however this may happen, it shall be no hindrance to my making this Campaigne. I am Sir with very g't esteem, etc.
[Note 84: Chairman of the military committee of the House of Burgesses.]
Mount Vernon April 20, 1755.
Sir: From the goodness of your offer last Assembly, I flatter myself you will be kind enough to acquaint the Gentlemen of the Committee (at this meeting) with the loss I sustained during my Appointment as Paymaster to the Virginia Forces (either by Robery or neglect of charging) and so far favour my Pretenions, as to solicit them in my behalf, which I am convinced will be the means of them refunding me the money I lost to the amount of 50 odd pounds. I shou'd not have presum'd to ask this fay. (nor shall I in any shape urge it) as the Gentlemen were so kind to grant me an allowance for my trouble if I had not, in other respects, suffered considerably in the Service; for besides the loss of many valuable Paper's, a valuable Servant who died a few days after of his Wounds, my wearing Apparel, Books, Horses &c. which amounted to no trifling Sum in the whole, and in which I alone suffer'd by being the only person who got their things out a few days before the Engagement I say not to mention the above things, I lost at the time a very valuable and uncommon Circumportor calculated not only for Superficial Measure, but for taking of Altitudes, and other useful purposes which I carried out solely for the Public use imagining it necessary for laying of Grounds for Forti'ns. &c. I also lost many other things w'ch I sd. have receiv'd and sh'd have mention'd in a Publick way upon my first comg. in, had I not become Sensible of the Genl. was pretty much pester'd with complaints of this sort from several of the Officers whose losses, tho' I knew were greatly inferiour to mine, yet I also knew they were less able to bear them, and this motive alone prevented me from mentg. any thing relating to myself, on this hd. till now, when I hope you will be kind enough to serve me.
I am just ready to embark a 2d. time in the Service of my Country; to merit whose regard and esteem, is the sole motive that induces me to make this Campaigne; for I can very truly say I have no views, either of profitting or rising in the Service, as I go a Volunteer, witht. rank or Pay, and am certain it is not in Genl. Braddocks power to give a Comn. that I wd. accept; I might add, that so far from being serviceable I am thoroughly convinced it will prove very detrimental to my private Affairs, as I shall have a Family scarcely Settled, and in gt. disorder but however prejudicial this may be, it shall not stop me from going. A happy Issue to all your resolves is most sincerely wish'd by Sir etc.
Mount Vernon, April 23, 1755.
Dear Sir: I cannot think of quitting Fairfax85 without embracing this last opportunity of bidding you farewell. I this day set out for Wills Creek, where I expect to meet the Gen'l. and to stay, I fear too long, as our March must be regulated by the slow movements of the Train,86 which I am sorry to say, I think will be tedious in advancing very tedious indeed, as answerable to the expectation I have long conceived tho' few believ'd.
[Note 85: Mount Vernon is in Fairfax County.]
[Note 86: The train of artillery.]
Alexandria has been honoured with 5 Governors in Consultation; a happy presage I hope, not only of the success of this Expedition, but for our little Town; for surely such honours must have arisen from the Commodious, and pleasant situation of this place the best constitutional qualitys for Popularity and encrease of a (now) flourishing Trade.
I have had the honour to be introduced to the Governors; and of being well receiv'd by them all, especially Mr. Shirley, whose character and appearance has perfectly charm'd me, as I think every word and every action discovers the Gent'n. and great Politician. I heartily wish something of such unanimity amongst us, as appear'd to Reign between him and his Assembly; when they, to expedite the Business, and forward his journey here sat till eleven, and twelve o'clock at Nights.
It will be needless, as I know your punctuality requires no repetition's to remind you of an Affair, ab't. which I wrote some time ago; therefore I shall only beg my compliments to Mr. Nicholas87 and his Lady, and to all Friends who think me worthy of their inquirys. I am Dear Sir etc.
[Note 87: Robert Carter Nicholas, who succeeded John Robinson as treasurer of Virginia in 1766 and served until after 1775.-- Toner.]
Bullskin, April 30, 1755.
Dear Madam: In order to engage your corrispondence, I think it expedient just to deserve it; which' I shall endeavour to do by embracing the earliest, and every oppertunity of writing to you.
It will be needless to expatiate on the pleasures that communication of this kind will afford me, as it shall suffice to say; a corrispondance with my Friends is the greatest satisfaction I expect to enjoy, in the course of the Campaigne, and that none of my friends are able to convey more real delight than you can to whom I stand indebted for so many obligations.
If an old proverb can claim my belief I am certainly [ ? ]88 share of success; for surely no man ever made a worse beginning, than I have; out of 4 Horses which we brought from home, one was kill'd outright, and the other 3 render'd unfit for use; so that I have been detain'd here three days already, and how much longer I may continue to be so, the Womb of time most discover.
[Note 88: The erasure at this point was made with a knife and the writing is entirely obliterated.]
I must beg my Compliments to Miss. Hannah, Miss Dent,89 and any other's that think me worthy of their enquirys.
[Note 89: Hannah Fairfax, who married Warner Washington, of Gloucester, and Miss Elizabeth Dent, who lived at Belvoir. Miss Dent was the daughter, or sister, of Thomas Dent, long a clerk in the Northern Neck office.]
I am Madam Yr. most Obedt. Servt.
Winchester May 5, 1755.
Dear Sir: I overtook the General at Frederick Town in Maryland and from thence we proceeded to this place, where we shall remain till the arrival of the 2nd. Division of the Train, (which we hear left Alexandria on Tuesday last); after that we shall continue our March to Wills Creek; from whence it is imagined we shall not stir till the latter end of this Month, for want of Waggons, and other convenciences to Transports our Baggage &c. over the Mount'n.
You will naturally conclude that to pass through Maryl'd. (when no business requir'd it,) was an uncommon, and extraordinary route for the Gen'l. and Colo. Dunbarr's Regiment to this place; but at the same time the reason, however, was obvious to say that those who promoted it had rather have the communication should be that way, than through Virginia; but I now believe the Imposition has to evidently appeared for the Imposer's to subject us to the same Inconvencies again.90 please to make my Compt's. to Colo. G.91 to whom I shall write by the next oppertunity, and excuse haste. I am &c.
[Note 90: The selection of the route was due to Sir John St. Clair, who thought to gain dispatch by dividing the army, sending one division with powder and ordnance by Winchester and the other with military and hospital stores by Frederick, in Maryland. On reaching Frederick, Col. Thomas Dunbar found there was no road through Mary. land to Fort Cumberland, and be was compelled to cross the Potomac and take the Winchester route. St. Clair expected Governor Morris to build a road to Wills Creek, and taking him to task sharply for his failure, received a "set-down" from Morris, as Governor Shirley called it.-- Ford.]
[Note 91: George William Fairfax.]
Winchester, May 6, 1755.
My Lord: I have had the misfortune to lose 3 of my Horses since I left home; and not bringing money enough to buy other's and to answer all the contingent expences that may arise in the course of the Campaigne, I have made bold to solicit your Lordship's assistance which will infinitely oblige me.
About 40 or 50 £ will supply my wants, and for which I shou'd gladly pay your Lordship Interest, beside many thanks for the favour, as I am greatly distress'd at this present, not being able to proceed well with't.
The Gen'l. sets out to morrow, and proceeds directly to Wills Creek; which, together with the hurry of Business, that has happen'd since we came to Town, has been a means of depriving me of the pleasure of waiting upon your Lordship, as I intended to have done. Please to make my Compt. to Colo. Martin.92 I am Yr. Lordships etc.
[Note 92: Col. Thomas Bryan Martin was the son of Denny Martin and Lord Fairfax's sister Frances. He was county lieutenant of Hampshire and a burgess from that county, 1756--1758.]
Winchester, May 6, 1755.
Dear Jack: A very fatiegueing Ride, and long round brought me to the General (the day I parted with you) at Frederick Town; a small Village 15 Miles below the blue Ridge in Maryland from thence we proceeded to this place, where we have halted since Saturday last, and shall depart from Wills Creek to morrow.
I find there is no probability of Marching the Army from Wills Creek till the latter end of this Month, or the first of next; so that you may imagine time will hang heavy upon my hands. I meet with a familiar complaisance in this Family, especially from the General, who I hope to please without difficulty, for I may say it can scarce be done with as he uses, and requires less ceremony than you can well conceive.
I have order'd the Horse Gist to Bullskin,93 and my own here, if serviceable; otherwise you must have them carr'd down when Countess is sent up: I have conceive'd a good Op'n of Gist, therefore, I hope you will not let him want for proper usage, if he sh'd be s't instead of the Greys; which will be the case if they are able to perform the Journey.
[Note 93: Bullskin, the name of Washington's plantation in Frederick County.]
I hope you'll have frequent oppert'ys to expatiate upon the State of my Affairs, w'ch you adm'r to such degree of satisf'n to a Person in my situation. At present I have nothing to add but my comp'ts to all friends, particularly the good Family at Belvoir who I hope to hear are in good health.94
[Note 94: The Fairfax family. John Augustine Washington, the favorite brother of George Washington, was then living at Mount Vernon and taking care of the place. He became the father of Bushrod Washington, to whom George Washington transferred much of the affection he felt for John Augustine, after the latter's death.]
Winchester, May 6, 1755.
Honour'd Madam: I came to this place last Saturday, and shall set out to morrow with the General for Wills Creek; where I fear we shall wait some time for a sufficient number of Waggons to transport us over the Mountains.
I am very happy in the General's Family, and I am treated with a complaisant Freedom which is quite agreeable; so that I have no occasion to doubt the satisfaction I propos'd in making the Campaigne.
As we have met with nothing yet worth relating I shall only beg my Love to my Brother's and Sister's; and Compliments to Friends.
I am, Honour'd Madam,
Yr. most Dutiful and Obedt. Son,
[Note 95: Mrs. John Carlyle (Sarah Fairfax, sister-in-law of Sarah Cary, Mrs. George William Fairfax).]
Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.
Dear Madam: As I have no higher expectation in view than an intimate corrispondance with my Friends, I hope, in that, I shall not be disappointed; especially by you and Mrs. Fairfax, who was pleas'd (tho. seldom) to honour me with yours last time.96
[Note 96: When Washington marched toward the Ohio in 1754.]
We arrived here the 10th., and for ought I know may Halt till the loth. of next Month, before we receive Waggon's &c. to transport our Baggage and Horses to the Aligany.
We have no news in the Camp to entertain you with at present, but I hope to be furnish'd with some thing agreeable against my next, when I shall not fail to communicate it: Interim, I am Dr. Madam Yr. most Obedt. etc.
This Letter was not sent.
Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.
Sir: I Overtook the General at Frederick Town in Maryl'd. and proceeded with him by way of Winchester to this place; which gave him a good oppertunity to see the absurdity of the Rout, and of Damning it very heartily. Colo. Dunbar's Regiment was also oblig'd to cross over at Connogogee and come down within 6 Miles of Winchester to take the new road up, which gave me infinite satisfaction.
We are to Halt here till forage can be brought from Philadelphia, which I suppose will introduce the Month of June upon us; and then we are to proceed upon our tremendous undertaking of transporting the heavy Artillery over the Mountains, which I believe will compose the greatest difficulty of the Campaigne; For as to any apprehensions of the Enemy I think they need only to be provided against to be well regarded, as I fancy the French will be oblig'd to draw their force from the Ohio to repel the Attacks in the North, under the command of Governour Shirley &c, who will make three different attempts imediately.
I coud wish to hear what the Assembly and other's have done, and are doing, together with any occurances as may have happen'd since my departure.
I am in very great want of Boots, and have desir'd my Bror. Jno. to purchase a pair and send them to you, who I hope will contrive them to me, by the first oppertunity. I have wrote to my old corrispondant Mrs. Carlyle and must beg my Compliments to my good Friend Dalton,97 &c. I am &c.
[Note 97: John Dalton, of Alexandria.]
NB. This Letter was never sent.
Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.
Dear Madam: I have at last, with great pains and difficulty, discovered the Reason why Mrs. Wardrope is a greater favourite of Genl. Braddock's than Mrs. Fairfax; and met with more respect at the late review in Alexandria.
The cause I shall communicate, after rallying you for neglecting the means that introduced her to his favour which to say truth were in [ ? ] a present of delicious Cake, and potted Wood cocks; that wrought such wonders [ ? ] upon the Heart of the General [ ? ] as upon those of the gentlemen that they became instant Admirers, not only the charms, but the Politeness of this Fair Lady.
We have a favourable prospect of halting here three Weeks or a Month longer for Waggons, Horses and Forage; so that it is easy to conceive my situation will be very pleasant and agreeable, when I dreaded this (before I came out) more than every other Incident that might happen in the Campaigne.
I hope you will favour me with your corrispondance since you see my willing desirousness[ ? ] to deserve the Honour, and of approving myself Your most Obedt. and most Humble Servt.98
[Note 98: The bracketed query marks denote a word or words so crossed over or erased by Washington, 30 years after writing this letter, as to be indecipherable. The word "desirousness," in the last paragraph, is a doubtful reading, though the first two syllables are correct.]
Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.
Dear Brother: As wearing Boots is quite the Mode, and mine in a declining State; I must beg the favour of you to procure me a pair that is good, and neat, and send them to Major Carlyle, who I hope will contrive them as quick as my necessity requires.
I see no prospect of moving from this place; as we have neither Horses nor Waggons enough, and no forage for them to subsist upon but what is expected from Philadelphia; therefore, I am well convinced that the trouble and difficulty we must encounter in passing the Mountain for want of proper conveniences, will equal all the other Interruptions of the Campaigne; for I conceive the March of such a Train of Artillery in these Roads to be a tremendous undertaking: As to any danger from the Enemy I look upon it as trifling, for I believe they will be oblig'd to exert their utmost Force to repel the attacks to the Northward, where Governour Shirley and other's with a body of 8,000 Men, wall annoy their Settlements, and attempt their Forts.
The Gen'l. has appointed me one of his aids de Camps,99 in which Character I shall serve this Campaigne, agreeably enough, as I am thereby freed from all commands but his, and give Order's to all, which must be implicitly obey'd.
[Note 99: This appointment was proclaimed to the troops in general orders of May 10.]
I have now a good oppertunity, and shall not neglect it, of forming an acquaintance, which may be serviceable hereafter, if I can find it worth while pushing my Fortune in the Military way.
I have wrote to my two female corrispondents1 by this oppertunity, one of which Letters I have inclos'd to you, and beg y'r. deliverance off. I shall expect a Succinct acc't of all that has happened since my departure.
I am, dear Jack, etc.
[Note 1: Mrs. Carlyle and Mrs. Fairfax, who were sisters-in-law.]
The above Letter was not sent.
[Note 2: Augustine Washington was half brother to George and full brother to Lawrence. George Washington generally referred to him as Austin Washington.]
Fort Cumberland, May 14, 1755.
Dear Brother: I left home the 24th. of last Month, and overtook the General at Frederick Town in Maryland: from whence we proceeded by slow Marches to this place; where, I fear, we shall remain sometime for want of Horses and Carriages to convey our Baggage &c. over the Mountains; but more especially for want of Forage; as it cannot be imagin'd that so many Horses as we require, will be subsisted without a great deal.
We hear nothing particular from the Ohio; only that the French are in hourly expectation of being join'd by a large body of Indians; but I fancy they will find themselves so warmly attack'd in other places, that it will [not be convenient for them to spare many.]3
[Note 3: The phrase in brackets was inserted by Washington in 1785 after erasing that written in 1755 so completely that it can not be deciphered. The attacks on the French in other places alluded to the plans for the campaign in the northern colonies.]
I am treated with freedom, and respect, by the General and his Family; so that I don't doubt but I shall spend my time very agreeably this Campaigne, tho' not advantageously; as I conceive a little experience will be my chief reward, please to give my Love to my Sister, &c. I am, Dr. Sir, etc.
This Letter was not sent.
The 15th. of May I was sent to Colo. Hunter4 for a supply of Money of 4,000 £ Sterling and arriv'd as far as Winchester, on my way thither the day following, from whence I dispatch'd an express to him (fearing he might be out) to provide that sum, and meet me at Williamsburgh with it, and proceeded myself thro Fairfax where I was detained a Day in getting Horses.
[Note 4: Col. John Hunter, of Hampton, and paymaster general of Braddock's forces.]
Winchester, May 16, 1755.
Sir: I have Orders from the Gen'l. and Instructions from Mr. Johnston,5 to receive 4,000£ Stlg. at the rate of £4:0:7¼ pr. Oz., which will suffice for the present contingencies.
[Note 5: John Johnston.]
I have therefore dispatched this express with order's to make all imaginable haste to you, who I am told will imediately repair to Wmsburg. with the Money, and pay it there, according to contract. I must beg your utmost diligence in this affair as I have Order's not to wait, because the whole Army will halt at Wills Creek till I return, at an immense expence.
I have Letter's from the Gen'l. and Paymaster, with Bills and proper Instruction's; all of which I shall deliver when I have the pleasure of meeting you, which I expect will be in Williamsburg on Wednesday next, as I am now upon my way down, and shall delay no time. I am, &c.
Winchester, May 16, 1755.
Sir: If Colo. [Hunter] sh'd. be from home, I hope you will open this Letter to see and attend to the contents, that you may dispatch a Messenger to him immediately, to prevent his trouble in getting the 10 or 15 Th'd. Pounds ment'd. in a former Letter but repair immediately to W'msburg with the 4,000 L, which is all I am to receive at pres't. I am Sir, etc.
Claybourn's Ferry
8 O'Clock, Thursdy. Morng. [May 22, 1755.]
Dear Sir: In pursuance of His Excellency's Commands I proceeded, to this place with all convenient dispatch; But, as I apprehd., and very justly, that the getting and posting Horses at proper Stages, in order to expedate my return, wou'd. occasion some delay. I dispatched an express from Winchester to Hampton advising Colo. Hunter of my business, and desiring him to meet me in Williamsburg with the money: which sd. express I this day met on his return from there, with a verbal message from Govt. Dinwiddie informing me that Colo. Hunter set out to the Northward last Week for money, and wont be returnd. in 14 or 15 Days; and that my journey will prove abortive; however this may happen I shall continue down till I have other information; but thought it first expedient (as I compleatly believe the report myself) to give you this early intelligence that the Genl. may determine accordingly.
As I am fatigued and a good deal disorder'd by constant riding in a droughth that has almost destroy'd. this part of the Country I shall proceed more slowly back, unless I am fortunate enough, contrary to expectation, to receive the money, and in that case I shall hurry back with the utmost dispatch.
If His Excellency finds it necessary that the money can be had, he has nothing more to do than intimate the same to me; when I shall return back from any place that an express can meet me with his Order's. My Compts. attds. Morris, Shirley,6 and other Friends of our Party in Camp. I am, etc.
[Note 6: Capts. Roger Morris and William Shirley, both aides to Braddock. Morris was born in England; he married Mary Philipse, of Philipse Manor, New York, in 1758, and built the Roger Morris house, later known as the Jumel Mansion. Shirley was the son of Gov. William Shirley, of Massachusetts.]
Friday Noon [Williamsburg, May 23, 1755.]
Dear Sir: Since writg. from Claybourn's Ferry7 by the late express, I arriv'd at this place and met Mr. Belfour, who, I believe, will be able, with the assistance of the Govt. and some other of his Friends, to procure the money against the morning; which will enable me to set out and I hope to get to Winchester by Tuesday Night next; from whence I shall proceed to the Camp with all possible dispatch.
[Note 7: Claibornes Ferry, in New Kent County, on the main road to Williamsburg.]
As Colo. Hunter is gone to the Northward I cou'd get no positive answer concerning the further sum of Ten thousand pounds (which he was desir'd to send to Wills Creek) but Mr. Belfour his partner, thinks it may be depended upon. I shall, before I leave Town get his answer in writing, and deliver it on my arrival safe. Interim, I am, etc.
Winchester, May 28, 1755.
Dear Jack: I came to this place last Night, and was greatly disappointed at not finding the Cavalry according to promise; I am oblig'd to wait till it does arrive, or till I can procure a Guard from the Militia, either of which I suppose will detain me two days; as you may, with almost equal success, attempt to raize the Dead to life again, as the force of this County; and that from Wills Creek cannot be expected in less than the forementioned time without they are now upon their March.
The Droughth in this County, if possible, exceeds what we see below; so that, it is very reasonably conjectur'd they won't make Corn to suffice the People; and as for Tobacco, they decline all thoughts of making any.
The Inhabitants of this place abound in News, but as I apprehend it is founded upon as much truth as some I heard in my way down, I think it advisable to forego the recital till a little better authority confirms the report, and then you may expect to have a succinct acct.
I shou'd be glad to hear you live Harmony and good fellowship with the family at Belvoir, as it is in their power to be very serviceable upon many occassion's to us, as young beginner's. I wou'd advise your visiting often as one step towards it; the rest, if any more is necessary, your own good sense will sufficient dictate; for to that Family I am under many obligations, particularly to the old Gentleman.8
[Note 8: Hon. William Fairfax.]
Mrs. Fairfax and Mrs. Spearing9 express'd an inclination to hear whether I liked [ ? ]10 this place (with my charge safe), you may therefore acquaint them that I met with no other Interruption than the difficulty of gettg. Horses after I found her's for want of Shoes grew lame, I was oblig'd to get a fresh horse every 15 or 20 Miles, which render'd the journey tiresome. I shou'd have receiv'd greater relief from the fatigues of my journey, and my time wou'd have been spent much more
[Note 9: Mrs. Ann Spearing, one of the signers of the well-known, sprightly letter of welcome that went from Belvoir to Washington on his return from the Monongahela.]
[Note 10: Thirty years later the change was made to "express'd a wish to be informed of the time and manner of my reaching this place."] agreeably, had I halted below, rather than at this vile post but I little imagin'd I shou'd have occasion to wait for a Guard who ought to have waited for me; if either must have waited at all.
I have given Colo. Fairfax an Order upon you for £8:17:5 which please to pay, as it is on acct. of a horse w'ch I bought of Neale sometime ago. You will receive, Inclos'd, Bowce's receipt for Harry; and I shou'd be glad, if you have any oppertunity, that you wou'd demand my Bond which I had given, and cou'd not receive at [ ? ]11 of the money; this receipt you may put into my receipt draw. My Compliments attend my Friends who I wish health and happiness to, very sincerely; I am Dear Jack, your most Affectionate Brother
[Note 11: The later change was "at the time I paid the money."]
P.S. As I undersand your County is to be divided, and that Mr. Alexander intends to decline serving it, I shou'd be glad if you cou'd fish at Colo. Fairfax's Intentions, and let me know whether he purposes to offer himself a Candidate; If he does not I shou'd be glad to stand a poll, if I thought my chance tolerably good. Majr. Carlyle mention'd it to me in Williamsburg in a bantering way and asked how I shou'd like to go, saying at the same time, he did not know but they might send me when I knew nothing of the matter, for one or t'other of the Counties. I must own I shou'd like to go for either in that manner, but more particularly for Fairfax, as I am a resident there.
I shou'd be glad if you cou'd discover Major Carlyles real sentim'ts also those of Mr. Dalton, Ramsay, Mason,12 &c. w'ch I hope and think you may with't disclosing much of mine; as I know y'r own good sense can furnish you with means enough without letting it proceed immediately from me. If you do any thing in this pray let me know by the first oppertunity how you have succeeded in it; and how those Gentlemen stand
[Note 12: John Dalton, William Ramsay, and Thomson (?) Mason, of Fairfax.] affected; if they seem inclinable to promote my Interest, and things shou'd be drawing to a crisis you then may declare my Intentions and beg their assistance. If on the Contrary you find them more inclin'd to favour some other, I w'd have the Affair entirely dropped. Parson Green's and Captn. McCarty's13 Interests in this wou'd be of Consequence; and I shou'd be glad if you cou'd sound their Pulse upon the occasion; Conduct the whole till you are satisfied of the Sentim'ts of those I have mention'd, with an air of Indifference and unconcern; after that you may regulate your conduct accordingly. Captn. West14 the present Burgess, and our Friend Jack West, cou'd also be serviceable if they had a mind to assist the Interest of Dear Jack Your loving Brother.15
[Note 13: Rev. Charles Green, minister of Truro Parish, and Capt. Daniel McCarty, who lived near Pohick.]
[Note 14: Capt. John West, who was with Washington at Great Meadows and had succeeded to his brother Hugh West's seat in the House of Burgesses when Hugh died in 1754. Jack West was John West, jr.]
[Note 15: A further bit of information as to this Fairfax election is furnished by Adam Stephen's letter of December 23: "Such a spirit to revenge and indignation prevaild here, upon hearing you were insulted at the Fairfax election, that we were all ready and violent to run and tear your enemies to pieces...it would have been far better to have acquainted me with your intention of standing candidate for Frederick, my acquaintance there is very general...that with a weeks notice...you would have gone unanimously, in the mean time I think your poll was not despicable as the people were a stranger to your purpose, untill the election began." The election was held December 11, and a poll list, in Washington's writing, in the Washington Papers, does not mention his own name but gives those who voted for Capt. John West, who was elected with 252 votes, Col. George William Fairfax, 222 votes, and William Elzey, 224. There is also an undated poll list for Frederick County, in the Washington Papers (but not in Washington's writing), which gives the result of the vote as Hugh West, 271; Thomas Swearingen, 270; and Washington, 40.]
May 30, [1755.]
Upon my return from Williamsburg I found Sir Jno. St. Clair, with Majr. Chapman and a Detachm't of 500 Men were gone on to the Little Meadows in ord'r to prepare the Roads, erect a small Fort, and to lay a Deposit of Provision's there. The 2d. of June Mr. Spindelowe discover'd a communication from Fort Cumberland to the Old Road leadg. to the Aligany with't xing those Enormous Mountains which had prov'd so prijuducial to our Waggon Horses. This intercourse was open'd by the branch of Wills Creek, by the 7th. when Sir Peter Halkett with the first Brigade of the Line, began their March, and Incamp'd within a mile of the old Road; which is abt. 5 Miles from the Fort the same day. This Encampment was first called by the Name of the Grove but afterwards altered to that of Spindelowe's Camp.16
[Note 16: In Maryland.]
This day also, Captn. Gates's17 Independant Compy., the remaining Companies of the Provincial Troops, and the whole Park of Artillery, were order'd to hold themselves in readiness to March at an hour's warng. under the Comd. of Lieut. Colo. Burton:18 which they accordingly did the 9th followg.; but with g't difficulty got up to Sir Peter Halkett's Brigade; the difficulty arising in this March by too gt. a number of Waggon's was the occasion of a Council being called so soon as the General arriv'd (with Colo. Dunbar's Regim't.) the same day; In which Council it was determin'd to retrench the number of Waggon's and increase the pack Loads for Horses; in order thereto, the Officer's were call'd together, and the Genl. represented to them the necessity there was to procure all the Horses it was possible for his Majesty's Service; advis'd them to send back such of thier Baggage as they cou'd do with't and apply the Horses which by that means wou'd become spar'd to carry provisions for the Army, which was accordingly done with great cheerfulness and zeal.
[Note 17: Horatio Gates, later major general in the Continental Army.]
[Note 18: Burton died of wounds received at the Monongahela; he commanded the Forty-eighth Foot.]
Camp at Wills Creek, June 7, 1755.
Honble. Sir: I arriv'd with my charge safe in Camp the 30th. of last Month, after waiting a Day and a piece in Winchester expecting the Calvalry to Escort me up; in which I was Disappointed, and oblig'd to make use of a small Guard of the Militia of Frederick.
The General, by frequent breaches of Contracts, has lost all degree of patience; and for want of that consideration and moderation which shou'd be used by a Man of Sense upon these occassion's, will I fear, represent us [ ? ]19 in a light we little deserve; for instead of blameing the Individuals as he ought, he charges all his Disappointments to a publick Supineness; and looks upon the Country, I believe, as void of both Honour and Honesty; we have frequent disputes on this head, which are maintained with warmth on both sides, especially on his, who is incapable of Arguing with't; or giving up any point he asserts, let it be ever so incompatible with Reason.20
[Note 19: One word erased.]
[Note 20: The governors of the different colonies had promised much, but performed little; and the large deposits of supplies supposed to exist were soon found wanting, or in places where they could be of no service, and no means at hand to transport them to the army. It was at one of these crises that Franklin rendered such efficient aid. (See Franklin's Works (Bigelow edition), vol. 2, p. 419.) For 200 miles the troops marched with only salt provisions, and the general was forced to offer large rewards to such as would bring to the camp provisions, paying a higher price than was usual for whatever could be obtained. In one case some salted beef was condemned on its arrival in camp as unfit for food. The horses were stolen almost as fast as they could be obtained. The contractors failed to supply what they had contracted for, and Cresap lost his position as commissary through his gross negligence. On the other hand, General Braddock did not hesitate to enlist and take away servants and impress wagons, horses, teamsters, and even carriages and carriage horses.-- Ford.]
There is a Line of Communication to be open'd from Pensylvania to the French Fort Duquisne, along w'ch we are to receive, after a little time, all our Convoys of Provisions, &c.; and to give all manner of encouragement to a People who ought rather to be chastis'd for their insensibility of their own danger, and disobedience of their Sovereign's expectation. They are to be the choosen people because they have furnished what their absolute Interest alone induced them to do, that is 150 Waggons, and an Equivalent number of horses.21
[Note 21: These remarks are applied to the Pennsylvanians, who were singularly backward in rendering any aids for the public service. The merit of procuring the wagons and horses, here mentioned, was wholly due to Franklin, and not to any agency or intention of the assembly. Being at that time postmaster general in the Colonies, he visited General Braddock at Frederick Town for the purpose of maturing a plan for transmitting dispatches between the general and the governors. Becoming acquainted with the obstacles which opposed the progress of the army, he stipulated with General Braddock to furnish within a given time 150 wagons and a proportionable number of horses, for which a specified sum was to be allowed. He immediately returned to York and Lancaster, sent out an advertisement among the farmers, and in two weeks all the wagons and horses were in readiness at Wills Creek. He gave his personal security that the compensation agreed on should be duly paid according to contract.-- Sparks.]
* ... * ... * ... * ... *22
[Note 22: Two paragraphs omitted here are nearly a verbatim repetition of what Washington wrote to John Augustine Washington, June 7, post.]
General Innis has accepted of a Commission to be Governour of Cumberland Fort, where he is to reside, and will shortly receive another to be hangman, or something of that kind.
By a Letter from Governor Morris we have advice, that a party of three hund'd Men pass'd Oswego on their way to Fort Duquisne, and that another and larger Detachment was expected to pass that place every moment. By the Publick accts. from Pennsylvania we are assur'd that 900 Men has certainly pass'd Oswego, to reinforce the French on Ohio, so that from the accts. we have reason to believe we shall have more to do than go up the Hills to come Down again.
We are impatient to hear what the power's at home are doing; whether Peace or war is like to be the event of all these Preparations. I am Honble. Sir etc.
Camp at Wills Creek, June 7, 1755.
Sir: I had not the pleasure of receiving your favour till after my return from Williamsburg, when it was not in my power to be so serviceable in the affair of your Horses, as I cou'd wish; for they were sent out with a Detachment of 500 Men a few days before. I made immediate enquiry, and application for them; and believe I shall be able, notwithstanding our g't want of Horses, to procure their liberty when we come up with the Detachment; but when that will be, or in what order you may receive them, I can't absolutely say; for we are inform'd, they have kill'd some of their Horses outright, and disabled others, for which Reason I think it wou'd be too great to expect your's will escape the calamitys that befall those of other's: They are apprais'd (as I saw by one of the Waggon-Master's Books') to £16 the two; which with your Servant Simpson, is all that I can understand is here, belonging to you.
As I have taken this oppertunity of writing to Colo. Fairfax, and being just at this time a good deal hurried, which prevents me from enlargeing so fully as I otherwise wou'd, I shall beg to refer you to him for what little News is stirring in the Camp: please to make my Compliments to all Friends who think me worthy of their enquirys. I am etc.
Camp at Wills Creek, June 7, 1755.
Honour'd Madam: I was favour'd with yours by Mr. Dick, and am sorry it is not in my power to provide you with either a Dutch man, or the Butter as you desire, for we are quite out of that part of the Country where either are to be had, as there are few or no Inhabitants where we now lie Encamp'd, and butter cannot be had here to supply the wants of the Camp.
I was sorry it was not in my power to call upon you as I went to, or came from Williamsburg to'ther Day, which I shou'd have done if the business I went upon, which was for money, wou'd have suffer'd me to have made an hour's delay.
I hope you will spend the chief part of your time at Mount Vernon as you say, where I am certain everything will be order'd as much for your satisfaction as possible, in the Situation we are in.
There is a Detachment of 500 Men March'd from this towards the Aligany, to prepare the Roads &c. and it is imagin'd the main body will move now in abt. 5 days time.
As nothing else that is remarkable, occur's to me, I shall conclude, after begging my love and Compliments to all Friends Dear Madam Yr. Most Affect. and Dutiful Son
Fort Cumberland, June 7, 1755.
Dear Sir: I take this oppertunity, as it is the last I can expect before we leave this place, of enquiring after your health, which I hope is greatly amended since I saw you in Willaimsburg. I have not time, as we are now very much hurried, to communicate very particularly the little News that is stirring in the Camp; from whence, before I arriv'd, was Detach'd a body of 500 Men under the Command of Major Chapman and the Quarter-master General, who are to prepare the Roads and lay a Deposit of Provision's at the Little Meadows; where they are to Erect some kind of Defensive Work to secure our convoys. To morrow Sir Peter Halkett with the first Brigade March off and abt. the Monday following the Genl. and the 2d. will move from hence. We have no certain accts. of the French on Ohio; but have advises by Letter from Governor Morris that a Body of three hund'd past Oswego, and that a still larger body was hourly expected; so that I apprehend we shall not take possession of Fort Duquisne so quietly as was imagin'd.
The Inclos'd is to my good Friend Mrs. Carlyle, who I hope will not suffer our former corrispondance to drop; my Sincere wishes and Compliments attends all enquiring Friends: and I am, etc.
Camp at Wills Creek, June 7, 1755.
Dear Madam: As I have no higher expectation in view than an intimate Corrispondance with my Friends, I hope in that I shall not be disappointed; especially by you and Mrs. Fairfax, who was pleas'd (tho' seldom) to honour me with your's last time a year.
I arriv'd here in tolerable health tho something fatigued with the Journey; and found Sir Jno. St. Clair was Detach'd with 500 Men to amend the Roads, that the main body might pass with the greater ease who I suppose will be all in motion by Tuesday next.
Please to make my Compliments agreeable to Mrs. Spearing who has my most sincere and hearty wishes for every thing her heart can desire. I am Dear Madam etc.
Fort Cumberland at Willes Creek, June 7, 1755.
Dear Madam: When I had the pleasure to see you last, you express'd an Inclination to be informed of my safe arrival at Camp with the charge that was entrusted to my care; but at the same time desir'd it might be communicated in a Letter to some body of your acquaintance. This I took as a Gentle rebuke and polite manner of forbidding me corrisponding with you and conceive this opinion is not illy founded when I sifted it thus. I have hither to found it impracticable to engage one moment of your attention. If I am right in this I hope you will excuse my present presumption and lay the imputation to lateness at my successful arrival. If on the contrary these are fearfull apprehensions only, how easy is it to remove my suspicion, enliven my [ ? ],23 and make me happier than the Day is long, by honouring me with a corrispondance which you did once partly promise.
[Note 23: Indecipherable; the later change was "dull hours," which appears to be what was written in 1755, but will the addition of an extra word or two.]
Please to make my Complts. to Miss Hannah,24 and to Mr. Bryan25 to whom I shall do myself the pleasr. of writing so soon as I hear he is return'd from Westmoreland.
[Note 24: Hannah Fairfax. She later became the second wife of Warner Washington, first cousin to George.]
[Note 25: Bryan Fairfax, who became the eighth Lord Fairfax. He was a half brother of George William Fairfax, and was four years younger than George Washington. A lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment, he experienced a religious conviction which later carried him into the ministry. He lived with his first wife, Elizabeth Caty, daughter of Col. Wilson Cary, of Ceelys, at Towlston Grange in the vicinity of Difficult Run, Fairfax County. In 1778 he attempted to bring about peace between the States and Great Britain, but failed and, finding he could not conscientiously take the British oath, returned to Virginia and died there. He lived long after the close of the Revolution and helped organize the Episcopal Church in Virginia after the war. His first wife died in 1778, and he married Jane, daughter of John Donaldson, of Fairfax, in 1780. The latter part of his life was spent at Mount Eagle, which he built near Alexandria.]
I am Madam Your most Obedt. etc.
Camp at Will's Creek, June 7, 1755.
Dear Jack: As much hurried as I am at present, I can't think of leaving this place without writing to you; tho' I have no time to be particular. I was Escorted by 8 Men of the Militia from Winchester to this place; which 8 Men were 2 Days assembling; but I believe they wou'd not have been more than as many seconds dispersing if I had been attacked. Upon arrival here, I found Sir Jno. St. Clair26 with a body of 500 Men were March'd to prepare the Roads, lay a deposit of Provisions at the little Meadows, and to erect some kind of defensive work there.
[Note 26: St. Clair commanded a regiment and was Braddock's quartermaster general; he was wounded at the Monongahela.]
To morrow Sir Peter27 with the first Brigade, begin their March, and on Monday the General and the 2d. will follow. We have no certain acct. from the Ohio: but have advices from Philadelphia that a body of 300 F. pass'd Oswego on their way to Fort Duquisne, and that a larger Detachment was hourly expected. A Captn. of Sir Peter's Regim't with several of the common Soldiers of the different Corps has died since our Incampm't here, and many others are now sick with a kind of bloody Flux. I wrote from Winchester a Letter which I hope you have receiv'd and shou'd be glad of an answer as soon as possible; any Letter's to me, directed to the care of Mr. Cox,28 at Winchester, will be certain of a conveyance I am Dr. Jack Yr. most Affe. Brother
[Note 27: Killed at the Monongahela.]
[Note 28: William Cooke, Cocks, or Cox, of Winchester, whose house Washington afterwards occupied while in command on the Virginia frontier.]
Camp at George's Creek, June 14, 1755.
Dear Jack: I received your's of the 8th. Instant from Fredericksburg and am sorry to find that Allan is become importunate for a Debt of so short standing; but it is the way of the World, therefore not to be wonder'd at.
I am pleas'd to find you have a prospect of settling that affair with Patrick Kendrick, and shou'd be very glad to hear you entertain'd hopes of discovering my young Mare, as I had conceiv'd high expectation's of her. My negro's Cloathes I hope you will take care to get in time, and employ Cleo's leisure hour's in mak'g them. I am exceedingly rejoiced that Tobo. is likely to keep up its price, and doubt not but you'll endeavour to make the most of mine, and of every thing else I have entrusted to your care; as you know, and what entire confidence I repose in your managem't.29
[Note 29: John Augustine Washington was then managing Mount Vernon for George Washington.]
I receiv'd a Letter yesterday from my Broth'r. Saml. who desires a division of our deep run tract this Fall, which is very agreeable to me and I will abide by any settlement you shall make on my behalf30
[Note 30: Deep Run land, on the Rappahannock above Fredericksburg, a part of the estate left by Augustine Washington, father of George and Samuel.]
As I have wrote to you twice since the first Inst I shall only add that the difficulty's arising in our March from havg. a number of Waggon's will, I fear, prove insurmountable unless some scheme can be fallen upon to retrench the Waggon's, and increase the no. of Bat Horses which is what I recommended at first, and I believe, is now found to be the most salutary means of transporting our Provision's and Stores to Ohio. I am, Dr. Jack, Yr. &c.
P.S. I have been able to procure Townshend Washington a Comn. to be assistant Comy. with pay at 5/ Sterg. pr. Day and Anthony Strother31 a pair of Colour's in Colo. Dunbar's Regiment.
[Note 31: Anthony Strother, sr., one of the witnesses of Augustine Washington's will, acknowledged this appointment in a letter of July 9, 1755, which is in the Washington Papers. Strother's daughter Sarah became the grandmother of President Zachary Taylor.]
Camp, at George's-Creek, June 14, 1755.
Dr. Saml: I received your's of the 27th. of May, and assure you that nothing is more agreeable to me than to have our Deep run Tract divided; nor nothg. is more agreeable than for my Brothr. Jno. to act on my behalf, whose conduct in the affair I shall abide by: so that you have nothing more to do but consult with him about the time, and endeavour to get it done upon as cheap terms as possible.
I am excessively hurried, therefore have not time to be particular in informing you of the occurencies that have, or may happen; we have got thus far, and shall continue on to Fort Duquisne; where, I hope the dispute will soon be decided, and then I shall be able to give you a more particular acct. pray make my Compts. to my Sister and to Colo. Champes32 Family
[Note 32: Col. John Champe, of King George County.]
I am Dr. Saml. Yr. &c.
Gt. Xing. on the Yaugh., June 28, 1755.
Dear Jack: Immediately upon our leav'g the C. at George's Cr'k the 14th Inst. (from wh'e I wrote to you) I was seiz'd with viol't Fevers and Pns. in my h'd w'ch con'd w'out the l't. Intermisn. till the 23 foll'g when I was reliev'd by the Genls. absol'ly ordering the Phy'ns to give me Doctr. Ja's Powder, w'ch is the most excel't mede. in the W'd for it gave me immed. ease, and removed my Fev'rs and other comp'ts in 4 Days time.33 My
[Note 33: From June 17 to July 8 Washington was kept in the rear of the army by this illness. Robert James was a schoolfellow of Samuel Johnson and author of a medicinal dictionary in three folio volumes. "I never thought well of Dr James's compounded medicines," was Johnson's opinion. These famous fever powders were sold by Newbury, Goldsmith's publisher.] illness was too violent to suffer me to ride, therefore I was indebted to a cover'd Waggon for some part of my Transp'n; but even in this I c'd not cont'e for the jolt'g was so g't that I was left upon the Road with a Guard and necess'rys, to wait the Arr'l of Colo. Dunbar's Detach. wh'h was 2 days M. behind. The Genl. giving me his w'd of hon'r that I sh'd be brought up before he reach'd the French Fort; this promise, and the Doct'rs threats that if I persever'd it wou'd endanger my Life, determin'd my halting for the above Detach't.
As I expect the Comn. bet'n this and Wills Ck. will soon be too dangerous for single persons to pass, it will possibly stop the interc'e of Letters in any measure; therefore I shall attempt (and will go through if I have strength) to give you an acct. of my proceedings, of our situation, and of our prospects at present; which I desire you may com'e to Colo. Fairfax, and my Corrsp'ds, for I am too weak to write more than this Letter. In the L'r wh'ch I wrote fr'm Georges C'k, I acq'd you that unless the numb'r of Wag'ns were retrenched and the carry'g Hs. in cr'd that we never sh'd be able to see Duquisne: this, in 2 Days afterwards (w'ch was abt. the time they got to the little Meadows with some of their F. Waggons and strongest Teams, they themselves were convinced off, for they found that beside the almost impos'y of gett'g the wag'ns along at all; that they had often a rear of 3 or 4 miles of Waggons; and that the Sold'rs Guarding them were so dispersed that if we had been attack'd either in Front, Center, or Rear the part so attack'd must have been cut off and totally dispersed before they cou'd be properly sustained by any other Corps.
At the little Mead'ws there was a 2d. Council call'd, for there had been one before wherein it was represented to all the Off'rs of the diff't Corps the gr. necessity there was for Hs. and how laudable it wd. be to retrench their Baggage and offer the spare Hs. for the Publick Service. In order to encourage this I gave up my best Horse, (w'ch I have nev'r h'd of since) and took no more baggage than half my Portmanteau w'd easily cont'n. It was also sd. that the numb'r were to be lessen'd;34 but there was only from 210 or 12, to 200 w'ch had no perceivable difference.
[Note 34: Washington clarified this by his 1784--85 correction: "It is said however that the numbrs, reduced by this 2d. attempt was only from 210 or 12, to 200."]
The Genl. before they met in Council ask'd my priv'e Opin'n concern'g the Exp'n. I urg'd it in the warmest terms I was Master off, to push on; if we even did it with a chos'n Detacht. for that purpose, with the Artillery and such other things as were absolutely necessary; leav'g the baggage and other Con voys with the Remainder of the Army, to follow by slow and regular Marches, which they might do safely, while we were advanced in Front. As one Reason to support this Opinion, I inform'd the [Genl.] if we c'd cred't our Intelligence, the French were weak at the Forks but hourly expect'd reinf'ts, w'ch to my certain knowledge cou'd not arrive with Pro'vns or any Supplies dur'g the continuance of the Droughth as the Buffalo River down w'ch is their only comm'n to Venango, must be as Dry as we now f'd the g't xing of the Youghe., w'ch may be pass'd dry shod. This was a Scheme that took, and it was det'd that the Genl. with 1200 chosen Men and Officers of all the differ't Corps, with the following Field Officer's (viz,; Sr. Pet'r Halkett who acts as Brigadier, Lt. Colo. Gage, Lt. C. Burton, and Majr. Sparke, with such a certain number of Waggons as the Train w'd absolutely require, shou'd March as soon as things cou'd be got in readiness for them, which was compleated, and we on our March by the 19th, leav'g Colo. Dunbar and Majr. Chapman, with the residue of the two Reg's, Companys most of the women and in short every thing behind except such Provision's and other necessary's as we took and carried upon Horses.
We set out with less than 30 Carriages (Incl'g all those that transported the Howetzers, 12 prs. and 6 p'rs., etc.), and all of those strongly Horsed; which was a prospect that convey'd the most infinite delight to me tho' I was excessively ill at the time. But this prospect was soon over turn'd and all my sanguine hopes brought very low when I found, that instead of pushing on with vigour, without regarding a little rough Road, they were halting to level every Mold Hill, and to erect Bridges over every Brook; by which means we were 4 Days gett'g 12 Miles; where I was left by the Doct'r's Advice and the Genl's absolute Orders, otherwise I wou'd not have been prevailed upon to remain behind my own Detach't as I then imagin'd, and believ'd I shall now find it not very easy to join my own Corps again, which is 25 Miles advance'd before us; tho' I had the Genls. word of Hon'r pledg'd in the most solemn manner, that I sh'd be b't up before he arrived at Duquisne. They have had frequent Alarms, and several Men scalp'd; but this is only done to retard the March, and to harass the Men if they are to be turn'd out every time a small party of them attack the Guards at Night; (for I am certain, they have not sufficient strength to make head against the whole.
I have been now 6 Days with Colo. Dunbar's Corps, who are in a miserable Condition for want of Horses, not hav'g more one half enough for their Wag'ns; so that the only method he has of proceedings, is to March on himself with as many Waggons as those will draw, and then Halt till the Remainder are brought up which requires two Days more; and I believe shortly he will not be able to stir at all; but there has been vile management in regard to Horses and while I am mention'g this, I must not forget to desire, that you'll acq't Colo. G. Fx. that I have made the most strick enquiry after his Man and Horses, but can hear nothing of either; at least nothing that can be credited. I was told that the Fellow was taken ill upon the Road while he was with Sr. Jno. St. Clair's Detacht. the certainty of this I can't answer for, but I believe there is nothing more cert'n than that he is not with any part of the Army. And unless the Horses stray and make home themselves, I believe there is 1000 to 1 against his ever seeing them again: for I gave up a horse only one Day, and never cou'd see or hear of him afterwards: My strength wont admit me to say more, tho' I have not said half what I intended con'g our Aff'rs here. Business, I shall not think of, but dep'd solely upon your man't. of all my aff'rs, and doubt not but that they will be well conducted. You may thank my f'ds for the Lett'rs I have rec'd w'ch has not been one from any Mortal since I left Fairfax, except yourself and Mr. Dalton. It is a piece of regard and kindness which I sh'd end'r to acknow'e was I able and suffer'd to write. All your Letters to me I w'd have you send to Mr. Cocks of Winchester or to Govr. Innis at Fort Cumberland, and then you may be cert'n of their com'g safe to hand otherwise I can't say as much. Make my Complim'ts to all who think me worthy of their Enquirys.
P.S. July 2d. A Great Misfortune has attended me in my sickness was, the looseing the use of my Servant, for poor Jno.35 was taken abt. the same time that I was, with near the same disorder; and was confin'd as long; so that we did not see each other for several Days. he is also tolerably well recover'd. We
[Note 35: John Alton.] are sure advan'd almost as far as the g't Meadows; and I shall set out to morrow morning for my own Corps, with an Escort of 100 Men which is to guard some Provision's up; so that my Fears and doubts on that head are quite remov'd. I had a Letter yesterday from Orme, who writes me word that they have pass'd the Youghyangane for the last time, that they have sent out Partys to scour the Country thereabouts and have Reason to believe that the French are greatly alarm'd at their approach.
Great Crossing, June 30, 1755.
Dear Orme: I came to this Camp on thursday last, with the Rear of Colo. Dunbar's Detach't and shou'd have continued on with his Front, to day, but was prevented by Rain.
My Fevers are very moderate, and I hope are near a Crisis; when I shall have nothing to encounter but excessive weakness, and the difficulty in getting to you; which I wou'd not fail in doing ere you reach Duquisne, for 500£, but I have no doubt of doing this, as the General has given me his word and honour, in the most solemn manner.
As the Doct'r thinks it imprudent for me to use much exercise for 2 or 3 days, it will prevent my coming up; therefore, I shou'd be glad to be advised of your Marches from Gist's, and how you are likely to get on, for you may rest asusred that Colo. Dunbar cannot get from his present Incampment36 in less than two or three Days; and I believe really, it will be as much as he possibly can do to reach the Meadows at all; so that you will be greatly advanc'd before us. I am too weak to
[Note 36: Colonel Dunbar had advanced 7 miles beyond the Great Meadows, which was the position of his camp at the time of the action. Here he remained till he was met by General Braddock and his flying troops after the defeat at the Monongahela, when he destroyed his baggage and speedily retreated with the whole army to Fort Cumberland.-- Sparks.] add more than my Comp'ts to the Genl., Family, &c. and again to desire that you will oblige me in the above request, and advise the most effectual means for me to join you, I am Dr. Orme, etc.
Camp between the Gt. xing and Meadows, July 2, 1755.
Dear Sir: I shou'd take it infinitely kind, if you w'd be good enough to dispatch, by the first safe oppertunitys, after they come to hand, any Letters that you may receive either to, or from me; for I have been greatly surprised at not receiving any Letter's from my Friends since I came out; and must impute it to miscarriage, somewhere, for, I am certain it cannot be owing to their not writing.
I have been excessively ill, but am now recovering from violent Fevers and Pains, of w'ch my disorder consisted.
The Doctor's forbid me writing as very injurious to my health; therefore I cannot have the pleasure of giving you a particular acct. of our situation, &c. but I shall refer you to Mr. Caton, who has had an oppertunity of seeing the whole. I am etc.
[July 9, 1755.]
The 8th of July I rejoined (in a covered Waggon) the advanced division of the Army under the immediate Com'd of the General. On the 9th I attended him on horse back tho' very weak and low. On this day he was attacked and defeated by a party of French and Indians adjudged not to exceed 300. When all hope of rallying the dismayed troops and recovering the ground, our provisions and stores being given up I was ordered to Dunbar's Camp.37
[Note 37: This note was added by Washington to the 1755 "Letter Book" in 1785.]
[Note 38: General Braddock had left Colonel Innes with the command at Wills Creek, under the title of Governor of Fort Cumberland.-- Sparks.]
Little Meadows, July 15, 1755.
Sir: Captn. Orme being confined to his Litter and not well able to write, has desir'd me to acknowledge the receipt of your's; He begs the favour of you to have the room that the Gen'l. lodg'd in prepar'd for Colo. Burton, himself, and Capt. Morris, who are all wounded; also, that some small place may be had where convenient for Cooking; and, that if any fresh Provn. and other suitable necessarys for persons in their infirm condition, may be had, that you will be kind enough to engage it. He also begs, that, you will order the present w'ch was sent by Governour Morris to the Genl. and his Family, into the care of Mr. A. le Roy, the Steward, who is sent on for that, and other purposes. The Horses, that carry the wounded Gent'n. in Litters are so much fatigued that we dread their performance, therefore, it is desir'd that you will be kind enough to send out 8 or 10 fresh horses for their relief, which will enable us to reach the Fort this Evening. I doubt not but you have had an acot. of the poor Genl.'s death by some of the affrighted Waggoners, who ran off without taking leave. I am, etc. Sir,
Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755.
Honbl. Sir: As I am favour'd with an oppertunity, I shou'd think myselfin excusable? was I to omit giv'g you some acct. of our late Engagem't with the French on the Monongahela the 9th. Inst.
We continued our March from Fort Cumberland to Frazier's (which is within 7 Miles of Duquisne) with't meet'g with any extraordinary event, hav'g only a stragler or two picked up by the French Indians. When we came to this place, we were attack'd (very unexpectedly I must own) by abt. 300 French and Ind'ns; Our numbers consisted of abt. 1300 well arm'd Men, chiefly Regular's, who were immediately struck with such a deadly Panick, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of order's prevail'd amongst them: The Officer's in gen'l behav'd with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffer'd, there being near 60 kill'd and wound'd. A large proportion, out of the number we had! The Virginian Companies behav'd like Men and died like Soldiers; for I believe out of the 3 Companys that were there that day, scarce 30 were left alive: Captn. Peyrouny and all his Officer's, down to a Corporal, were kill'd; Captn. Polson shar'd almost as hard a Fate, for only one of his Escap'd: In short the dastardly behaviour of the English Soldier's expos'd all those who were inclin'd to do their duty to almost certain Death; and at length, in despight of every effort to the contrary, broke and run as Sheep before the Hounds, leav'g the Artillery, Ammunition, Provisions, and, every individual thing we had with us a prey to the Enemy; and when we endeavour'd to rally them in hopes of regaining our invaluable loss, it was with as much success as if we had attempted to have stop'd the wild Bears of the Mountains.39 The Genl. was wounded behind in the shoulder, and into the Breast, of w'ch he died three days after; his two Aids de Camp were both wounded, but are in a fair way of Recovery; Colo. Burton and Sir Jno. St. Clair are also wounded, and I hope will get over it; Sir Peter Halket, with many other brave Officers were kill'd in the Field. I luckily escap'd with't a wound tho' I had four Bullets through my Coat and two Horses shot under me. It is suppose that we left 300 or
[Note 39: "Fearful of an unpursuing foe, all the ammunition, and so much of the provisions were destroyed for accelerating their flight, that Dunbar was actually obliged to send for thirty horse loads of the latter before he reached Fort Cumberland, where he arrived a very few days after, with the shattered remains of the English troops."-- Review of the Military Operations in North America.] more dead in the Field; about that number we brought of wounded; and it is imagin'd (I believe with great justice too) that two thirds of both [ ? ]40 received their shott from our own cowardly English Soldier's who gather'd themselves into a body contrary to orders 10 or 12 deep, wou'd then level, Fire and shoot down the Men before them.
[Note 40: Two words obliterated.]
I tremble at the consequences that this defeat may have upon our back settlers, who I suppose will all leave their habitations unless there are proper measures taken for their security.
Colo. Dunbar, who commands at present, intends so soon as his Men are recruited at this place, to continue his March to Phila. into Winter Quarters:41 so that there will be no Men left here unless it is the poor remains of the Virginia Troops, who survive and will be too small to guard our Frontiers. As Captn. Orme is writg. to your honour I doubt not but he will give you a circumstantial acct. of all things, which will make it needless for me to add more than that I am, etc.
[Note 41: The regulars laid the responsibility of defeat on the provincials, alleging "that they were harassed by duties unequal to their numbers, and dispirited through want of provisions; that time was not allowed them to dress their food; that their water (the only liquor, too, they had) was both scarce and of a bad quality; in fine, that the provincials had disheartened them by repeated suggestions of their fears of a defeat should they be attacked by Indians, in which case the European method of fighting would be entirely unavailing."-- Review of the Military Operations in North America (1753 to 1756). The Gentleman's Magazine asserted these same forces--Irish, Scotch, and English--ran away "shamefully" at Prestonpans. The news of Braddock's defeat "struck a general damp on the spirits of the soldiers" in Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments, and many deserted. "I must leave a proper number in each county to protect it from the combinations of the negro slaves, who have been very audacious on the defeat on the Ohio. These poor creatures imagine the French will give them their freedom."-- Dinwiddie to Earl of Halifax, July 23, 1755.
Dinwiddie wished Dunbar to remain and make a new attempt on Duquesne; but a council of officers unanimously decided the scheme was impracticable, and on the next day (August 2) began his march toward Philadelphia]
[Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755.]
Honour'd Mad'm: As I doubt not but you have heard of our defeat, and perhaps have it represented in a worse light (if possible) than it deserves; I have taken this earliest opportunity to give you some acct. of the Engagement, as it happen'd within 7 miles of the French Fort, on Wednesday the 9th. Inst.
We March'd on to that place with't any considerable loss, having only now and then a stragler pick'd up by the French Scoutg. Ind'nd. When we came there, we were attack'd by a Body of French and Indns. whose number, (I am certain) did not exceed 300 Men; our's consisted of abt. 1,300 well arm'd Troops; chiefly of the English Soldiers, who were struck with such a panick, that they behav'd with more cowardice than it is possible to conceive; The Officers behav'd Gallantly in order to encourage their Men, for which they suffer'd greatly; there being near 60 kill'd and wounded; a large proportion out of the number we had! The Virginia Troops shew'd a good deal of Bravery, and were near all kill'd; for I believe out of 3 Companys that were there, there is scarce 30 Men left alive; Capt. Peyrouny and all his Officer's down to a Corporal was kill'd; Capt. Polson shar'd near as hard a Fate; for only one of his was left: In short the dastardly behaviour of those they call regular's expos'd all others that were inclin'd to do their duty to almost certain death; and at last, in dispight of all the efforts of the Officer's to the Contrary, they broke and run as Sheep pursued by dogs; and it was impossible to rally them.
The Genl. was wounded; of w'ch he died 3 Days after; Sir Peter Halket was kill'd in the Field where died many other brave Officer's; I luckily escap'd with't a wound, tho' I had four Bullets through my Coat, and two Horses shot under me; Captns. Orme and Morris two of the Genls. Aids de Camp, were wounded early in the Engagem't. which render'd the duty hard upon me, as I was the only person then left to distribute the Genl's. Orders which I was scarcely able to do, as I was not half recover'd from a violent illness, that confin'd me to my Bed, and a Waggon, for above 10 Days; I am still in a weak and Feeble cond'n; which induces me to halt here, 2 or 3 Days in hopes of recov'g. a little Strength, to enable me to proceed homewards; from whence, I fear I shall not be able to stir till towards Sept., so that I shall not have the pleasure of seeing you till then, unless it be in Fairfax; please to give my love to Mr. Lewis and my Sister,42 and Compts. to Mr. Jackson43 and all other Fds. that enquire after me. I am, Hon'd Madam Yr. most dutiful Son
[Note 42: Fielding Lewis, who married Elizabeth (Betty) Washington.]
[Note 43: Probably Robert Jackson, one of the witnesses to Augustine Washington's will.]
P.S. You may acqt. Priscilla Mullican that her Son Charles is very well, hav'g only rec'd a slight w'd in his Foot, w'ch will be cur'd with't detrimt. to him, in a very small time.
We had abt. 300 Men kill'd and as many, and more, wounded.
Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755.
Dear Jack: As I have heard since my arriv'l at this place, a circumstantial acct. of my death and dying speech, I take this early oppertunity of contradicting both, and of assuring you that I now exist and appear in the land of the living by the miraculous care of Providence, that protected me beyond all human expectation; I had 4 Bullets through my Coat, and two Horses shot under me, and yet escaped unhurt.44
[Note 44: The 1784--85 change is as follows: "oppertunity of contradicting the first and of assuring you that I have not as yet, composed the latter. But by the all powerful dispensams. of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability and expectation for I had 4 Bullets" etc.]
We have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of men; but fatigue and want of time prevents me from giving any of the details till I have the happiness of seeing you at home; which I now most ardently wish for, since we are drove in thus far. A Weak and Feeble state of Health, obliges me to halt here for 2 or 3 days, to recover a little strength, that I may thereby be enabled to proceed homewards with more ease; You may expect to see me there on Saturday or Sunday Se'night, which is as soon as I can well be down as I shall take my Bulb skin Plantation's in my way.45 Pray give my Compl'ts to all my F'ds. I am Dr. Jack, y'r most Affect. Broth'r
[Note 45: He arrived at Mount Vernon on July 26. He still retained the office of adjutant of the northern division of militia, and immediately wrote to the county lieutenants, ordering the militia to be ready and properly equipped in each county on certain days, when he should be present to review and exercise them. Such was the alarm created by the success of the French at Braddock's Defeat that volunteer companies embodied themselves in different parts of Virginia to march to the frontiers. The Rev. Samuel Davies, at that time a clergyman in Hanover County, preached a sermon to one of these companies on August 17, which was printed in Philadelphia and London, and entitled Religion and Patriotism the Constituents of a Good Soldier. After applauding the patriotic spirit and military ardor, which had begun to manifest themselves, the preacher adds: "As a remarkable instance of this, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country."-- Sparks.]
Mount Vernon, July 28, 1755.
My Dear Orme: I arrived at Home the day before yesterday, without meeting with an Egachee,46 or any other remarkable event. I called at Belhavem purposely to acquaint Majr. Carlyle with your desire, who will use all possible means to procure a Vessel though I fear it will be somewhat difficult
[Note 46: It is possible that Orme and other army friends of Washington who had been wounded but survived the action at the Monongahela, rallied Washington on being a favorite of the gods because of his scathless escape from the massacre. This would permit the word "egachee" to be interpreted as ægises, in the sense of a protective influence, a plural which Washington spelled by its sound to him. An old spelling of ægis is egis.] at present as the Shipping have most of them employ'd, in transporting the Tobo. from the diff't. Warehouses
It is impossible to relate the difft. accts. that was given of our late unhappy Engagem't; but all tend'd, greatly to the disadvantage of the poor deceas'd Genl., who is censur'd on all hands. As I have no cert'n conveyance for this Letter I shall only add my sincere compt's to Morris, Burton, George and Dobson and shall take an oppertunity of writ'g to you at Philidelphia, and of being more particular, I am my Dear Orme, etc.
I shou'd take it particularly kind if Morris wou'd get the Order's copied from the 6th. of June to the 9th. of July, and send them to me by the first safe conveyance.
[Note 47: After Grymes returned from England he was elected to the Virginia House of Burgesses.]
Mount Vernon, July 31, 1755.
Sir: I don't remember to have receiv'd more than one letter from you, and that I shou'd have answer'd; but knowing that I cou'd give you no satisfactory acct. myself, of your Bed &c., I thought it more advisable to desire Doctr. Walker48 to enquire of Mr. Gist,49 and of Colo. Cresap50 (at whose Ho. I perfectly remember the great Tent was left) concerning them, and to let you know their answer.
[Note 48: Dr. Thomas Walker, formerly a major in the British Army, whose daughter was the second wife of Hon. William Fairfax and the mother of George William Fairfax.]
[Note 49: Christopher Gist.]
[Note 50: Col. Thomas Cresap, one of the famous Colonial frontiersmen.]
I have since recollected, and think I am very certain, that Vanbraam (who was left out after Gist and I came off on Foot) charged with these and other things, told me that after hav'g most of his Horses tire, he was oblig'd to leave your things, with many of my own, out at Mr. Gists Ho. where they must have been burnt and destroy'd with his Plantation.51
[Note 51: The tent, bed, and other things which were carried on Washington's journey to Fort Le Boeuf in 1753--54.]
If you are going to England I heartily wish you a good Voyage, and the attainment of your utmost desires. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, August 2, 1755.
Dr. Sir: I must acknowledge you had great reason to be terrified with the first acc'ts, that was given of our unhappy defeat, and I must own, I was not a little surpris'd to find that Governor Innis was the means of alarming the Country with a report of that extraordinary nature, without having any better confirmation of the truth, than an affrighted waggoner's story. Its true, we have been beaten, most shamefully beaten, by a handful of Men ! who only intended to molest and disturb our March; Victory was their smallest expectation, but see the wondrous works of Providence! the uncertainty of Human things! We, but a few moments before, believ'd our number's almost equal to the Canadian Force; they only expected to annoy us. Yet, contrary to all expectation and human probability, and even to the common course of things, we were totally defeated, sustain'd the loss of every thing; which they have got, are enrichen'd and strengthened by it. This, as you observe, must be an affecting story to the Colony; and will, no doubt, license the tongues of People to censure those they think most blamably; which by the by, often falls very wrongfully. I join very heartily with you in believing that when this story comes to be related in future Annals, it will meet with ridicule or indignation; for had I not been witness to the fact on that fatal Day, I sh'd scarce give credit to it now.
Whenever it suits you to come into Fairfax I hope you will make your home at Mount Vernon. Please to give my Compts. to all inquiring Friends; and I assure you, nothing cou'd have added greater satisfaction to my safe return, than hearing of the friendly concern that was express'd on my suppos'd Death. I am, &c.
[Note 52: Augustine Washington was half brother to George and full brother to Lawrence; he was then at Williamsburg as a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses.]
Mount Vernon, August 2, 1755.
Dear Brother: The pleasure of your Company at Mount Vernon always did, and always will, afford me infinite satisfaction; but at this time, I am too truly sensible how needful the Country is of the assistance of all its members, to desire to hear that any are absent.53 I most sincerely wish that harmony and unanimity may prevail amongst you, and that a happy issue may attend your prudent resolutions.
[Note 53: Absent from the legislature.]
I am not able were I ever so willing, to meet you in Town, for I assure you it is with some difficulty and with fatigue that I visit my Plantation's in the Neck, so much has a sickness of five weeks' continuance reduced me: But tho it is not in my power to meet you there, I can nevertheless assure you, and other's (who it may concern to borrow a phrase from Governor Innes) that I am so little dispirited at what has happen'd, that I am always ready and always willing, to do my Country any Services that I am capable off; but never upon the Terms I have done, having suffer'd much in my private fortune, besides impairing one of the best of Constitution's.
I was employ'd to go a journey in the Winter (when I believe few or none wou'd have undertaken it) and what did I get by it? my expenses borne! I then was appointed with trifling Pay to conduct an handful of Men to the Ohio. What did I get by this? Why, after putting myself to a considerable expence in equipping and providing necessarys for the Campaigne I went out, was soundly beaten, lost them all--came in, and had my Commission taken from me or, in other words my Corn'd, reduced, under pretence of an Order from home. I then went out a Volunteer with Genl. Braddock and lost all my Horses and many other things, but this being a voluntary act, I shou'd not have mention'd it, was it not to shew that I have been upon the loosing order ever since I enter'd the Service, which is now near two year's; so that I think I can't be blare'd, shou'd I, if I leave my Family again, end'vt. to do it upon such terms as to prevent my sufferg., (to gain by it, is the least of my expectation).
I doubt not but you have heard the particulars of our shameful defeat, which really was so scandalous that I hate to have it mention'd. You desire to know what Artillery was taken in the late Engt; it is easily told, we lost all that we carr'd out, save 2 Six pound'rs, and a few Cohorns that were left with Colo. Dunbar; and the Cohorns have since been destroy'd to expedate his flight. You also ask whether I think the Forces can March this Fall. I must answer, I think it impossible, for them to do the French any damage (unless it be by starv'g) for want of a proper Train of Artillery; yet they may be very serviceable in erect'g small Fortresses at convenient places to deposit provisions in, by which the Country will be eas'd of an immense expence in the Carriage, and it will also be a mean's of securing a Retreat if we sh'd be put to the Rout again; the success of this tho' will dep'd gre'tly upon what Gov'r. Shirley does at Niagara, for if he succeeds, their Comn. with Canada will be entirely stop'd.
It is impossible for me to guess at the number of recruits that may be want'g, as that must depend altogeth'r upon the strength of the French on the Ohio, w'ch to my g't. astonishm't we were ever strangers to.
I thank you very heartily for your kind offer of a Chr. and for your goodness in sending my things; and, after begg'g you excuse the imperfect'ns. of the above which in part are owing to hav'g much Comp'y that hurrys me I shall conclude Dr. Sir, Yr. most Afft. Broth'r.
Mount Vernon, August 2, 1755.
Sir: I intend myself the honour of waitg. upon your County, in order to exercise the Militia; and shou'd be glad if you wou'd appoint your Officer's to meet me at the Court Ho., or some other convenient place with a Firelock, Ammunition, &c. on the ... of September next, and the Militia properly accoutre'd, the day following. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, August 2, 1755.
Sir: [The Army und'r the Com'd of G: Braddock has met with an unfortunate defeat, which has occasioned my ret'n]54 from the Ohio; [This circumstance enables me to order] the
[Note 54: The bracketed portions of this letter are the readings as changed in 1784--85. Washington made the erasures with a knife, and the original wording is completely obliterated.] Militia of the several Countys in my district, to meet me and I have therefore taken this earliest oppertunity of inform'g you of it; that you may not be troubled ab't any but Eastern Shore Countys, unless you will undertake to exercise the whole (saving the two Frontier Countys viz Fairfax and Prince Win. which I will take the trouble off) for the Consideration of 40,£'s if you accept of this offer, I shou'd be glad to know it before the first of Sept. and I have enclos'd you a Mem'm. of the appointed times that I have desit'd the Officer's, and Militia of each County to meet, that you may proceed accordingly. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, August 14, 1755.
Honor'd Madam: If it is in my power to avoid going to the Ohio again, I shall, but if the Command is press'd upon me by the genl. voice of the Country, and offer'd upon such terms as can't be objected against, it wou'd reflect eternal dishonour upon me to refuse it; and that, I am sure must, or ought, to give you greater cause of uneasiness than my going in an honourable Com'd.; for upon no other terms I will accept of it if I do at all; at present I have no proposals or any mention made abt. it only from private hands. I am etc.
[Note 55: Warner Lewis's letter is not in the Washington Papers in the Library of Congress; it was inclosed in a letter from Charles Lewis to Washington, which is among those papers, and is printed in S. M. Hamilton's Letters to Washington (Boston: 1898), vol. 1, p. 75.]
Mount Vernon, August 14, 1755.
Dear Sir: After returning the most sincere and grateful thanks for your kind condolence on my late indisposition; and for the too generous, and give me leave further to say, partial opinion you have entertain'd of my ability's; I must express my concern for not having it in my power to meet you, and other Friends, who have signified their desire of seeing me (in Williamsburg). Your Letter only came to hand at nine last Night, and you inform me of the Assembly breaking up the latter end of the Week, which allows a time too short to perform a journey of 160 miles distance particularly by a person in my weak and feeble condition altho' I am happily recover'd from the low ebb to w'ch I was reduced by a sickness of near 5 Weeks continuance. Had I got timely notice, I wou'd have attempted the ride by slow and easy journeys, if it had been only for the satisfaction of seeing my Friends, who I flatter myself from what you say, are kind enough to sympathise in my good, and evil Fortunes.
The Chief Reason (next to indisposition) that prev'd me from coming down to this Assembly was a determination not to offer myself, and that determination proceeded from the following Reason's. 1st. a belief that I cou'd not get a command upon such terms as I shou'd care to accept;56 as I must confess I never will quit my Family, injure my Fortune, and (above all) impair my health to run the risque of such Changes and Vicissitudes as I have done; but shall now expect, if I am employ'd again, to have something certain again, was I to have
[Note 56: While Colonel Washington was writing this letter he had already been appointed to the command. The assembly voted £40,000 for the public service, and the governor and council immediately resolved to increase the Virginia Regiment to 16 companies, In the same same act the assembly also granted to George Washington the sum of £300, to the captains £75 each, to the lieutenants and surgeon £30, and to every soldier £5 as "a reward and compensation for their gallant behaviour and losses," at the Monongahela. Washington's grant was for his losses sustained.
"I have granted commissions to raise sixteen companies, to augment our forces to one thousand men, and have incorporated them into a regiment. The command thereof is given to Colonel George Washington, who was one of General Braddock's aids-de-camp, and I think a man of great merit and resolution. Our officers are greatly dispirited for want of his Majesty's commissions, that, when they join the regulars they may have some rank; and I am persuaded it would be of infinite service, if his Majesty would graciously please to honor them with his commissions, the same as General Shirley's and Sir William Pepperell's regiments; and I am convinced, if General Braddock had survived, he would have recommended Mr. Washington to the royal favor, which I beg your interest in recommending."-- Dinwiddie to Sir Thomas Robinson, Sept. 6, 1755.
Washington's commission from Dinwiddie, dated Aug. 14, 1755, appointed him colonel of the Virginia Regiment and commander in chief of all the forces now raised and to be raised for the defense of his Majesty's colony and for repelling the unjust and hostile invasions of the French and their Indian allies. A peculiar sense of economy inspired Dinwiddie to specially note that Washington's pay commenced September I. In the instructions accompanying the commission the French are accused of unjustly invading his Majesty's lands on the Ohio; the Virginia Regiment is to consist of 16 companies; goods and presents were to be purchased for the Indians: morality and virtue were to be inculcated among the troops and drunkenness and swearing were to be punished. The text of Washington's commission and instructions are printed in the Dinwiddie Papers, vol. 2, pp. 184--187.] the command, I shou'd insist upon somethings which ignorance and inexperience made me overlook before, particularly that of having the Officers in some measure appointed with my advice, and with my concurrence; for I must say, I think a commanding Officer not hav'g this liberty appear's to me to be one of the strangest thing in Life, when it is well known how much the conduct and bravery of an Officer influences the Men; how much a Commanding Officer is answerable for the behaviour of the inferiour Officer's; and how much his good or ill success in time of action depends upon the conduct of each particular Officer; especially in this kind of Fighting, where being dispers'd, each and every of them at that immediate time, has greater liberty to misbehave than if he were regularly, and compactly drawn up under the Eyes of their superior Officer's. However on the other hand, how little credit is given to a Commander, who perhaps after a defeat, in relating the cause justly lays the blame on some individual whose cowardly behav'r betray'd the whole to ruin; how little does the World consider the Circumstances, and how apt are mankind to level their vindictive Censures against the unfortunate Chief, who perhaps merited least of the blame. Does it not appear then that the appointing of Officers is a thing of the utmost consequence; a thing that shou'd require the greatest circumspection; ought it to be left to blind chance? or what is still worse, to a forced partiality? Shou'd it not be left to a Man whose powers and what is still dearer, whose honour depends upon their good Examples.
There are necessary Officer's yet wanting, which no Pro, vision have been made for. A small Military Chest is so absolutely necessary, that it is impossible to do without, nor no Man can conduct an affair of this kind who has it not. These things I shou'd expect, was I appointed.
But, besides all these, I had other Reasons wh'h with'd me f'm offering. I believe our Circumstances are now to that unhappy Dilemma that no Man can gain any Honour by conduct'g our Forces at this time, but rather loose in his reputation; for I am very confid't the progress must be slow for want of conveniences to transport our Provisions &c. over the Mountains and this chiefly occasion'd, by the late ill treatm't of the Waggoner's and Horse driver's, who have rec'd little for their Lab'r and noth'g for their lost Hors's and Wag'ns; w'ch will be an infallible mean's of prevent'g all from assist'g that are not oblig'd; so that I am truly sensible, whoever undertakes it will meet with such insurmountable obstacles that he will be soon look'd upon in the very light of an idle, indolent body, have his conduct censured and perhaps meet with opprobious abuse, when it is as much out of his power to avoid these delays as to com'd the rag'g Seas in a Storm. Seeing these things in the above light that I did, had no small influence upon me, as I was pretty much assur'd I shou'd loose what at present constitutes the chief part of my happiness, i.e. the esteem and notice the Country has been pleas'd to honour me with.
It is possible you may infer from what I have said that my intention's is to decline at all events, but my meaning is entirely different: I was determin'd not to offer, because to solicit the Command and at the same time to make my proposals I thought wou'd look a little incongruous, and to carry a face of too much self sufficiency, as if I imagin'd there were none other's equally (if not more) capable of conducting the affair than myself; But if the command shou'd be offer'd the case is then alter'd as I am at liberty to make such objection's as my Reason and my small experience have pointed out. I hope you'll make my Comp's to all inquiring F'ds. I am Dr. Warner Y'r etc.
Mount Vernon, August 14, 1755.
Dear Sir: I return most unfeigned thanks for your hearty demonstrations of Friendship, in kind congratulation's on my safe return, and I wish dear Charles, it was more in my power than it is to answer the favourable opinion my Friends have conceiv'd of my abilitys, let them not be deceiv'd, I am unequal to the Task, and do assure you it requires more experience than I am master of to conduct an affair of the importance that this is now arisen to.
If I do go, I shou'd think myself happy in havg. you of our party, if you have reconcil'd it perfectly to yourself and Family, otherwise I think you wou'd be blameable to involve them in so much uneasiness as your absence will necessaryly give; I have wrote fully to your Broth'r Wnr. to whom I must refer you for further particular's I am Dr. Charles, etc.
[Williamsburg], September [3], 1755.
First; That each Captain shall, by beat of Drum or otherwise, Raise Thirty men; Each Lieutenant Eighteen; and each Ensign, Twelve men.
Secondly: That each Captain shall appoint proper Persons to act as non-commissioned Officers, during their Recruiting Service: But those non-commissioned Officers, so appointed, are not to be confirmed, 'till approved of by me, or a Field Officer for that purpose.
Thirdly: That no Officer shall list any Men under Sixteen, or above Fifty years of age: Nor are they to list men under five feet four Inches high, unless they are well made, strong, and active; then, and in that case, they will be received.
Neither are they to list any men who have old Sores upon their legs, or who are subject to Fits; which will be inspected into by the Surgeons, upon their arrival at Quarters: and such as are found to come under these Articles, will be discharged; and the Officers have no allowance made.
Fourthly: That, when each Recruiting Officer has listed his Complement of Men, he is immediately to repair to the Place of Rendezvouz; which I hope, and expect, will be by the first day of October next: but if in case the whole should not be complete by that time; it is then my Orders, that each Captain shall forthwith send one of his Subalterns with all the Recruits, to the quarters assigned him, and remain with the other Subaltern to complete his Company, with all imaginable Diligence. There will be a Field Officer to receive, review, and examine the Recruits that are brought in; who will have power to reject and discharge, such as come under the above Articles.
Fifthly: That, for each Recruit that is passed by such Field Officer, the Officer who Listed him, shall receive two Pistoles, and an allowance of eight-pence per Day for Subsistance, from the day of his attestation, to the day of his being received into the Regiment.
Sixthly: That all Recruits, so soon as they are Listed, are to take the Oaths provided for that purpose; which is to be attested by the Magistrate who administered them.
Their Stature, Complexion, and so forth, is to be taken also, and entered by the Recruiting Officer in a Book kept for that purpose.
Seventhly: That no Officer shall bring in any charge against his Men for Necessaries; Each man being to receive full Clothing, on his arrival at the place of Rendezvous.
Lastly: That when you are on the Recruiting Service, and on your March; you are to observe the same good Order and Discipline, as in Camp or in Quarters; and you are to conform yourself, in every respect, to the Rules and Articles of War. Given under my hand etc.
All the Officers then present received the foregoing Instructions, and money for Recruiting; and some of them were appointed to act 'till further Orders, as followeth: Viz. To Captain Spotswoods57 Company, Lieutenant Lomax58 and Ensign Garter,59 were ordered to do Duty as Subalterns: and to Captain Harrison; Lieutenant John. Hall; Ensign Nathaniel Thompson. To Captain Lewis; Lieutenant Peter Steenbergen; Ensign Edward Hubard. To Captain Peachy,60 Lieutenant John Williams; Ensign William Dangerfield. To Captain Bell, Lieutenant John Campbell; Ensign William Fleming. To Captain McKenzie,61 Lieutenant James Baker, Ensign Leonard Price.
[Note 57: Capt. Robert Spotswood.]
[Note 58: Lieut. John Edward Lomax.]
[Note 59: Ensign Thomas Carter.]
[Note 60: Capt. William Peachy.]
[Note 61: Capt. Robert McKenzie.]
And were ordered by their Instructions, to Rendezvous as followeth:
Fredericksburgh; Captain Spotswood, and Company, Captain Harrison, and Company, Captain Lewis, and Company. Winchester; Captain Bell, and Company; Alexandria; Captain Peachy, and Company; Captain McKenzie, and Company.
The other Subalterns then present, videlicet; Lieutenant's Brockenbrough, Lowry62 and King: Ensigns, Millner,63 Dean and Weedon;64 who were not appointed to any particular Companies, were ordered to Rendezvous at
[Note 62: Lieut. John Lowry.]
[Note 63: Ensign Nathaniel Milner.]
[Note 64: Ensign George Weedon.]
Fredericksburg; Lieutenant Lowry; Ensign Weedon; Alexandria; Lieutenant Brockenbrough, Lieutenant John King, Ensign John Dean.
And received the following Orders.
[Note 65: Washington inclosed these instructions in a short note, reminding Hogg that he was the senior captain, and that as the orders admit of no delay "I must again repeat, that I expect your immediate compliance; and that no excuse shall occasion the least delay."]
September 6, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered, and strictly Commanded, to repair immediately, upon the Receipt of this, to Jackson's River, or the Head-Quarters of Captain Lewis's Company; and there take upon you the Command of said Company. You are therefore to be very punctual in obeying such Orders as have or may be given, by the Governour; and such as you shall receive from time to time, from me: And above all; you are to be particularly careful in using your best Endeavours, to Guard and Protect the Inhabitants and Settlers in those Parts from the Incursions of the French, and their Indians; and to conform and regulate your Conduct, in every respect, by the Strict Rules and Discipline of War.
September 6, 1755.
Sir; The Country have come to a Resolution, to Raise Sixteen Companies, to be Formed into a Regiment; the command of which they have honoured me with;66and were kind enough to allow me the Liberty of appointing my Field Officers. In consequence of which I have commissioned you, Major, and must desire you will, so soon as Captain Hogg arrives, to take the command of your Company; repair to Fredericksburgh with all imaginable Dispatch, to take the command of those Recruits, that shall be brought into that appointed place of Rendezvous. I know, your Diligence and Punctuality require little or no spur; yet as this is an Affair that calls for the greatest dispatch I must earnestly recommend it to you. You must be careful in getting a proper Return of your Company, that I may order Things accordingly.
[Note 66: As soon as Colonel Washington was informed of his appointment, he repaired to Williamsburg to consult with the governor respecting future operations. When he wrote this letter he was on his return to Winchester, which place was fixed upon as his headquarters. The two other points of rendezvous for the recruits were Fredericksburg and Alexandria.-- Sparks]
A Return must also be delivered to Captain Hogg, not only of the Men, but of the Arms, Tools, &c. and his Receipt taken. I am, &c.
After this, I sent to Mr. Dick; and finding him irresolute and indetermined, whether to continue to act as Commissary or no; I took an opportunity to write as followeth, in order to receive a written answer.67
[Note 67: These and similar memoranda which follow were evidently transcribed by Robert Lewis in 1784--85 from Washington's revision of the original record (a continuance of the editing process begun with the so-called Braddock Expedition Letter Book. Unfortunately the originals from which this volume was transcribed have not come to light. They may have been destroyed immediately after this transcript was made.]
September 6, 1755.
Sir: I called at your Store last night, in order to converse farther with you, concerning the Commission of Commissary; but not meeting with you there, I have taken this method of desiring to be better informed of your Sentiments; I have enclosed you a Copy of that Article of my Instructions,68 which empowers me to appoint another, in case you do not act; that you may see by what authority I am governed, and as the nature of the Service, absolutely requires that something should immediately be done; I shall be under a necessity of appointing a person for that purpose, if you discontinue your Services; which If I might be allowed to advise, I would be far from recommending, before October at least; when the Committee meet,69 and will no doubt, obviate your just objections: as they only now want your accompt settled, to discharge it. And as to the objection you offer, I am perswaded it will be in my power to remove; as money will be lodged in my hands for
[Note 68: From Governor Dinwiddie.]
[Note 69: The military committee of the Virginia House of Burgesses. Washington noted: "Mr. Dick hereupon resolved, to act until a meeting of the committee in October and received the following instructions." (See Orders For Commissary Charles Dick, September 6, post.)] that and other purposes. If you are determined nevertheless, to throw up at all events; I must beg to know what Stores of Provisions, &c. are in your hands, and where they lie. I should also be glad to know, whether you were in earnest, when you talked of preventing their issuing 'till you was reimbursed. But this I am satisfied you could never entertain a serious thought of, if once you considered the train of ills that may attend detaining the Kings or Country's Stores; and how ill-judged a Scheme it will be to come at your Money.
I would therefore advise you to a serious consideration of these things; and should be glad to know your determination by the Bearer. For as the Recruits are appointed to Rendezvouz at Fredericksburgh, Alexandria, and Winchester, there must be Provisions laid in at all those places, together with several other necessaries, that will require the immediate attention of a Commissary: For executing of which, if you incline to continue 'till you are better informed of the Terms, I shall give money and Instructions, to conduct yourself by. I am, Sir, etc.
September 6, 1755.
1st. So soon as you arrive in Town, you are to take upon you the Command of the Troops that are Recruited, and brought in from the different Counties by the several Officers: and after Reviewing, you are to Receive and reject such men as fall under the enclosed Instructions; which were delivered to each Recruiting Officer, to Regulate his Conduct by.
2dly. You are to be very careful in having exact Returns made every Day of each Company; by which you are to see no more Provisions are drawn for, than what is necessary.
3dly. You are to see that the Muster-Rolls of each Company and Party, are called three times a day; and that the men are as often called out and taught the New platoon way of Exercising, That you may be the better enabled to do this, I shall order a Sergeant or two from Fort Cumberland.
4thly. The Men are to Cook their own Provisions in the Barracks, provided by Mr. Commissary Dick; who you are to apply to for Kettles and other absolute Necessaries.
5thly. The Men are to be regularly practised in Shooting at Targets, in order that they may acquire a Dexterity in that kind of firing.
6thly. In all things, you are to see that good Regular Discipline is observed; in order to do which, you are to Govern yourself in every respect, by the Rules and Articles of War.
Herewith is enclosed the Orders for the several Recruiting Officers, which you may deliver as they come in.
[Fredericksburg], September 6, 1755.
As soon as you arrive in Town with your Recruits, you are to put yourself under the Command of Major Andrew Lewis, or the Field Officer appointed for that Rendezvous: And you are to be strictly obedient to all such lawful Commands, as you shall from time to time receive from him: and particularly to observe, that the Muster Rolls of your Men are regularly called three times a day, and that they are as often called out to their Exercise; at which times you are to be present. If it should so happen that you arrive before the Field Officer; you are then to receive your Orders from, and make your daily Reports to, the Oldest Officer present, having regard to the above Directions.70
[Note 70: The same orders were sent to Captains Lewis and Harrison, Lieutenant Lowry, and Ensign Weedon.]
Alexandria, September 11, 1755.
[Sir:] After waiting a day or two at Fredericksburgh, writing Orders for the Recruiting Officers appointed to that Rendezvous, and dispatching an Express for Major Lewis, who I have ordered Captain Hogg to relieve; I set out for this place in order to examine the Clothing, Provisions, &c.; and exact Return of which I herewith send.
I also enclose your Honour a List of such Things as Major Carlyle can furnish, which are suitable, and, I think, tolerably cheap.
All the Shoes, Stockings, Shirts, and Hats may be had here, also one hundred complete Suits at Sixty shillings or less, which I think would not be amiss to engage, as no one part of the Country can, I believe, furnish the whole.
However, I have desired Major Carlyle to Receive your Honours Directions in this particular; and for making the others below, a Pattern is sent: it would be right to have them differing in Size: unless there is a proper provision made to supply the Soldiers with Clothing, after they receive their first allowance, great inconveniences will necessarily arise; particularly Shoes, Stockings and Shirts, are not laid in; for those are the most durable, and the needed.
The Method I would recommend is, for the Country, or some Person, to provide these Things, and Lodge them, or a part thereof, in Camp, in the hands of the Quarter Master, who may be appointed to Receive and deliver them to the Soldiers, by particular Orders from their Captains; taking care to produce those Orders, and proper Vouchers for the delivery, each pay-day; when it must be deducted out of that Soldiers Pay, who receives it.
This, I think, will be a means of keeping them always provided, and fit for the Duty, preventing the Officers from supplying the Men, which is generally attended with misunderstanding, and will also be a means of discouraging Followers of the Army, from demanding such exorbitant Prices, as is usually practised on such Occassions.
However, I only offer this as the most Efficacious method I can at present think of; if any other more elligible can be found, I should be glad to see it practised; as something of the kind must be done, otherwise the Soldiers will soon be Barefooted &c. which always pleads exemption from Duty; and, indeed, in the approaching Season, will render it a very just Excuse. And these things can not be got, without sending all over the Country, and scarcely then; I think it would be advisable for your Honour to send to Philadelphia for Shoes, white-yarn Stockings, Blankets, Kettles, Tomahawks, a Quantity of Cartridge Paper, Stationery, and a proper Assortment of Indian Goods, which can not be had here. There is an opportunity of getting'em round immediately by the Hopewell, Captain Martin, who carries the Regimental Stores thither.
I applied to the Speaker, as your Honour directed me, for a Letter to Major Carlyle, about the Provisions; but he thought it advisable to postpone giving it until the Quantity was ascertained, to know whether it would Defray the Charges of Freighting a Vessel; which I have informed him of by this Express.
Major Carlyle is of opinion, that the West-India Markets will do better than New York, as the Returns will be in Rum; which he thinks may soon be turned into Flour at the Camp; and this will be much better than getting it from New York (if it is to be had there) as the Carriage afterwards, will almost equal the First Cost.
If all the Country Provisions are Shipped off, it will be necessary for your Honour to order the Irish Beef to be Served out to the Recruits as they arrive. I am afraid I shall not be able to push things with Spirit this Fall, for for want of a Commissary who will act with vigour; Mr. Dick seeming determined not to enter into further Contracts, unless he is better Supported, or until he meets the Committee in October; by which time the best Season for engaging Beef, will be over. Nor had I it in my power to assist him much, as the Sum was trifling I received. I greatly fear, we shall also proceed slowly in Recruiting; it was attempted at the General Muster in this County, without success. And the Officers newly appointed, began to express their apprehensions so soon as they had their Commissions. And to Draught them will answer no end, unless they are put under better Regulations: A proof of this is very flagrant in Fredericksburgh; where they were obliged to imprison the Men, who were afterwards Rescued by their Companions.
While I am speaking of the Companies, I can not help observing, that one Subaltern is insufficient to do the Duty.
As I understand several of the Officers are gone to Williamsburgh, I must beg the Favour of your Honour to Dispatch them as quickly as possible, and order them to proceed to Fredericksburgh, and from thence to Alexandria; if they do not meet me and wait my arrival from Fort Cumberland and Winchester; where they will Receive their Recruiting Orders &c. I have taken care to order Salt up, and this Day shall set out myself. I am your Honor's &c.
Major Carlyle tells me, that there were fifty Suits of Clothing sent down to your Honour, which he supposes are now at Hampton.72
[Note 72: Washington wrote this same day what was practically an identical letter to Speaker John Robinson, which Ford prints.]
After giving the necessary orders and collecting returns of provisions, clothing etc. at the place and stores at Rock Creek,73 I continued to Winchester, where I arrived on the fourteenth.
[Note 73: Rock Creek is a little to the north of Centerville, Fairfax County, on the direct road to Williams Gap.]
September 15th., 1755.
If it happens that I am not in Winchester when you arrive there with your Recruits; You are hereby Ordered to put yourself &c. under the Command of the oldest Officer then present; observing particularly, all such Directions as you shall from time to time receive from him. But, if it should so fall out, that you are the first that arrive there, or if you should be the oldest Officer there; you are then to govern yourself by the enclosed Instructions.74
[Note 74: The instructions, with an inconsequential variation, were the same as those to Maj. Andrew Lewis of September 6.]
From thence I continued to Fort Cumberland, and took upon me the Command of the Troops there; issuing the Daily Orders, and giving such Instructions and Directions, as appeared necessary.
Fort Cumberland, September 17, 1755.
Ensign Forgie75 for the Day.
[Note 75: The name Forgie does not appear in any other place than this; it is not in any of the available manuscripts or printed lists of Virginia soldiers. There are numerous evidences of inadvertence on the part of Robert Lewis, the copyist of 1784--85, and this name seems to be another of them.]
Parole Success.76
[Note 76: The parole was a password for the day given to officers, while the countersign was the password for all. As no countersign was established, it is conjectured that only officers were permitted to pass the sentries; but military practice in Colonial times is not entirely clear.]
George Washington Esquire, is by His Honor Governour Dinwiddie, appointed Colonel of the Virginia Regiment, and Commander in Chief of all the Forces that now are, and shall be Raised &c. &c.
Captain Adam Stephen is appointed Lieutenant Colonel; and Captain Andrew Lewis, Major of the same Regiment. Captain George Mercer, of the Virginia Forces, is Appointed Aid de Camp to Colonel Washington.
Lieutenants John Savage, John Mercer, Joshua Lewis, and Henry Woodward, are promoted as Captains in the Virginia Regiment.
Mr. Robert Spotswood, Carter Harrison, Charles Lewis, William Peachy, David Bell, and Robert McKenzie, are appointed Captains in the same Regiment.
Ensigns Thomas Bullet, Walter Stewart, John Blegg, Hancock Eustace, and George Frazier, are promoted to Lieutenants. Mr. John Edward Lomax, Peter Steenbergen, John Williams, Augustine Brokenborough, John Campbell, John Hall, John Lowry, John King, and James Baker, are appointed Lieutenants: Quarter Master, Mordecai Buckner, is appointed Ensign. Mr. John Polson, William Danger field, Edward Hubbard, John Dean, Nathaniel Milner, William Fleming, Leonard Price, Nathaniel Thomson, Thomas Carter, Charles Smith, Lee Hessius Dekeyzier,77 George Gordon, and George Weeden, are appointed Ensigns.
[Note 77: Lehaynsius De Keyser.]
The former Captains and Lieutenants, who are not promoted, continue in their former posts. James Livingston, Fort Major, is appointed Adjutant to the Virginia Regiment. Every Officer of the Virginia Regiment, to provide himself as soon as he can conviently, with a Suit of Regimentals of good blue Cloath; the Coat to be faced and cuffed with Scarlet, and trimmed with Silver: A Scarlet waistcoat, with Silver Lace; blue Breeches, and a Silver-laced Hat, if to be had, for Camp or Garrison Duty.
Besides this, each Officer is to provide himself with a common Soldiers Dress, for Detachments, and Duty in the Woods.
The Captain or Commanding Officer, of each Company, to give in an exact Return of the State of his Company; specifying the number of Arms, Tents, Kettles, and Clothing thereto Belonging. All Orders before given for the Regulation of the Fort and Camp, to be punctually obeyed.
Mr. Defever, Conductor of the Train, to give in an exact Return of the Ammunition of all Sorts, and Tools of every kind.
All the Officers of the Virginia Regiment, to attend Colonel Washington at five O'Clock this Evening; in the Room adjoining the Fort Majors'.
Fort Cumberland, September 18, 1755.
Ensign Buckner, Officer for the Day.
Parole Diligence.
Lieutenant Bronaugh78 is promoted as a Captain in the Virginia Regiment. All the Men of the Virginia Troops, are to be formed into two Companies, which are to be commanded by Captains Savage and Bronaugh, 'till further Orders.
[Note 78: William Bronaugh.]
Captain Savage, Lieutenant Blegg, and Ensign Smith, to take care of Captains Steven, Hogg, and Mercer's Companies; Captain Bronaugh, Lieutenant Stewart, and Ensign Polson, to take care of Captain Waggeners (late Polson, Peyrouny and Cockes Companies).
All the rest of the Officers of the Virginia Troops, to attend Colonel Washington at 12 O'Clock, to Receive their Recruiting Instructions.
Fort Cumberland, September 18, 1755.
Whereas the Service Requires a number of Men to be Raised, with all convenient Dispatch; you are hereby Ordered to Repair as soon as possible to Annapolis, and other publick Places in Maryland, and there to use your utmost Endeavours in Recruiting Men for His Majesty's Service, under my Command; taking particular care, to do nothing contrary to your Recruiting Instructions.
You are to send your Subalterns into the Back Parts of Maryland, Pennsylvania, or such other Places as you shall think most advisable, to Expedite the Recruiting Service. You are to send me an Account from time to time of your Proceedings, and of your Success, and to be punctual in obeying all such Orders as you shall Receive from me.
Lastly: I recommend it to you and your Officers, to use the utmost Diligence and all possible Dispatch.79
[Note 79: The same instructions were given to Capt. Thomas Cocke and, with necessary modifications, to Lieuts. Hancock Eustace and William Starke and Ensign Mordecai Buckner.]
Fort Cumberland, September 19, 1755.
Lieutenant McManners, Officer for the Day.
Parole England.
All the Men of the two Companies formed Yesterday, are to distinguish their Firelocks by some particular mark, which the Subaltern Officers of the Companies are to enter in a Book, which they are to keep for that purpose. And if any man changes or loses his Firelock, or other Arms, he is to be confined and severely punished. The Arms of all Deserters or Dead Men, are immediately to be delivered to the Commissary, who is to pass his Receipt for them to the Commanding Officer of the Company.
Any Soldier who is guilty of any breach of the Articles of War, by Swearing, getting Drunk, or using an Obscene Language; shall be severely Punished, without the Benefit of a Court Martial.
A Court Martial to sit immediately, for Trial of all the Prisoners in the Guard.
[Note 80: Capt. John Savage, Lieut. John Roe, Lieut. John Lemon (Linnon, Linn), of the rangers, Lieut. Walter Steuart, and Lieut. John Blagg (Blegg).]
The Officers of the two Companies formed yesterday are to have their Rolls called over thrice every Day; which the Officers are to attend and see Done by turns, beginning with the Captain: and if any Soldier is absent without Leave, he is to be confined immediately, and tried by a Court Martial, or punished at the Discretion of the Commanding Officer.
Fort Cumberland, September 19, 1755.
Sir: The number of the Virginia Forces is considerably augmented, and I have again taken them under my Command.
I am therefore very desirous of seeing you here; and the more so, because I have it in my power to do something for you in a Settled way, which I hope will be agreeable to you. You have, much contrary to my inclinations, been tossed about from place to place, and disappointed in your just Expectations: which Inconveniences I will Remedy, as much as lies in my power.
I desire you will bring some Indians along with you, which will put it more in my power to Serve you. They shall be better used than they have been, and have all the kindness from us they can desire.
If you think it proper to bring Mrs. Montour along with you, she shall Receive the best Usage, and be provided for. I am, &c.
[Note 81: Original is in the archives of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Dick was commissary general of the Virginia forces.]
Fort Cumberland, September 20, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered, to give in an exact Return of all the Cloathing of every kind; Arms of all Sorts; Ammunition, Provisions, Tents, Pack-Saddles, &c. &c. that are at Winchester; and to be very particular in Distinguishing the Quantity, and Quality of each Sort.
I must also desire you will provide Barracks, Provisions and other absolute necessarys, for the Recruits, as they arrive at that place of Rendezvous and If you find any Difficulty in getting Provisions in the Neighbourhood of Winchester, you must send to Conogogee: to enable you to do this, I have furnished you with £20.
I have left a Letter, and Orders for Captain Bell,82 or his Subalterns; which I desire you will Deliver, or cause to be delivered, as soon as they come to their Rendezvous; which will be the first of October. As the Letter contains the Officer's Instructions, the first that arrives, is ordered to open it.
[Note 82: Capt. David Bell.]
[H.S.P.]
Fort Cumberland, September 20, 1755.
1st. To complete the Stockade round the Magazine, as soon as possible; and to have that House which contains the empty Casks, covered with Dirt, and the Ammunition removed into it.
2ly. To have the Barracks well cleaned and Sweetened, as soon as the Hospital is Removed, and the Troops moved into them.
3ly. To have Wood on the other side of the Run cut down, and Burnt, or Corded up for Firing.
4ly. To Secure all the publick Horses that may be brought in by the Country People; and to use all possible Diligence, in getting those that are carried off by others.
5ly. To send out a Party after the Horses John Nickols informs of, also after Some that were Sold to John Nealand, without Leave; and to employ Hands to look after the whole, until I return.
6ly. To See that both Officers and Soldiers, are Regularly and constantly, Exercised twice a Day; and that the Adjutant is very Diligent in his Duty.
7ly. To be particularly kind &c. to Captain Montour, and to Treat the Indians, if any arrive with him, in the most familiar manner.
8ly. To Leave Instructions with Captain Savage, to observe the same Directions, when you come to Willaimsburgh.
9ly. When the Coopers arrive, to see they are constantly employed; and they are to make their Casks so small, that a Horse may carry two of them.
If they do not arrive soon, you are to send an Express for them.
10y. To see that the Gun-Smith is as Expeditious as possible, in Repairing the Arms: and to order the Carpenters to make Ram-rods for them.
11y. To send three Sergeants to each place of Rendezvous; as soon as they shall be thought capable of teaching the Recruits; and to deliver each of them one of the Country's Horses, if it is thought advisable; as they are to be answerable for them.
Fort Dinwiddie, September 24, 1755.
You are Hereby Ordered, to add Bastions to, and Build Barracks in the Fort, immediately: and to fall all the Wood within Musket-Shot, that you may be Guarded against Surprizes.
You are to provide Coopers, and have Casks to put your Provisions in, and See that Some of them are made of such convenient Sizes, that they may be easily transported on horseback.
You are to Engage Grain enough to Serve your Company twelve Months; and to Draw upon your Commissary for money to pay for it. Beef you may also engage to be delivered at your Fort, upon the most Reasonable Terms you can, and draw as above, for the money.
You are to see that the Muster-Rolls of the Company are regularly called three times a day; at which times an Officer is to be present: and that they are duly Exercised, when the Service will admit of it.
You are to transmit me weekly Returns of your Company, to be Signed by yourself and Officers; and a Return the first Day of every Month, reporting the variations that may have happened.
And when any of the non-commissioned Officers or Soldiers, should happen to Die, they are to be continued on the Rolls as Effective men, twenty-eight Days, to pay for their Coffins, &c. You are not to Supply the Men with any necessaries, deducting the same from their pay; you are only to be careful in Seeing they lay out their pay, or part thereof, for such Necessaries as they stand in need of. You are to use your utmost Endeavours in protecting the Inhabitants of Green-Briar, Jackson's River, and those within, from the Incursions of the French and Indians. In order to do which, you are frequently to send out strong Parties to Scour the Woods and Mountains, in those parts.
Lastly. You are to be very particular in Seeing that good Discipline and Order are observed in your Garrison, &c. and you are to Govern yourself, in every Respect, by the Rules, and Articles of War.
After Examining into the State of Affairs here, and giving such Directions as seemed convenient; I set out on my Return to Alexandria, where I arrived the second of October; and gave the following Instructions, &c.
Alexandria, October 3, 1755.
As the Service at present will not allow of Colonel Stephen, as was first intended; you are hereby ordered, to follow, the within Instructions, which were designed for him84
[Note 84: Waggener had been overlong in arriving at Alexandria, and Capt. George Mercer, aide to Washington, wrote him a sharp letter (October 2) by Washington's direction.]
If your Leisure will admit, while you Command here, you are to frequent the publick places hereabout, and endeavour to Enlist what Men you can for the Service.
As all the Officers Instructions direct them to apply to Colonel Stephen for Orders; it will be necessary to shew these Orders, as they arrive, that they may not hesitate to obey.
Alexandria, October 3, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered to Repair to all the publick Places, where you have the greatest probability of Success; and are to use your utmost Endeavours, to Enlist Men for His Majesty's Service under my Command: and you are to observe such farther Directions as are contained in the General Instructions herewith given you: And are by no means to exceed the time appointed for your Rendezvous here.
October 3, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered, to give out of the Stores left under your care by the English Troops, Beds, Blankets, &c. to the Officer appointed to take care of the Recruits; taking his Receipt for the same, for the number Delivered.
You are also Ordered, to deliver the allowance of Flour out of the Virginia Stores, and Beef from the Irish Beef left in your care, by Robert Leake Esquire.
Any Expences that may arise for Cooking, House-Rent, &c. that are Reasonable, you may pay, and it shall be repaid you again.
Arrived at Fredericksburgh, in my way to Willaimsburgh.
October 5, 1755.
As Captain George Mercer of the Virginia Forces, has been appointed Aide de Camp to Colonel Washington, and declared in Publick Orders at Fort Cumberland. To prevent any Disputes or delays of Orders, which may be issued by him. It is also thought proper to acquaint all Officers, &c. at this place, with the said appointment; and that all Orders which come from him are to be as punctually obeyed, as those which may come from the Commander in Chief.
Every Officer of the Virginia Regiment is, as soon as possible, to provide himself with an uniform Dress, which is to be of fine Broad Cloath: The Coat Blue, faced and cuffed with Scarlet, and Trimmed with Silver: The Waistcoat Scarlet, with a plain Silver Lace, (if to be had), the Breeches to be Blue; and every one to provide himself with a Silver-laced Hat, of a Fashionable size.
A Detachment of one Lieutenant, one Ensign, three Sergeants, three Corporals, a Drummer, and Fifty private men, under the Command of Captain Woodward, are to March on Monday next, for Fort Cumberland, and to proceed according to the following March Route: Viz.
Lieutenant Lomax and Ensign Hubbard, are Subalterns appointed for this Detachment, being the eldest at present fit for Duty. All the Officers, except such as Major Lewis shall think fit to stay in Town, to take care of the Recruits, are to disperse themselves to different parts, and have a farther time, 'till the 20th. of October, allowed them for Recruiting; on which Day, they are to Repair to their place of Rendezvous, without Failure, with what Recruits they can Raise.
[Fredericksburg], October 6, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered, to proceed with the Detachment under your Command to Fort Cumberland, according to the Route prescribed in the General Orders: You are to provide yourself at this place, with Sufficient Ammunition for your Detachment, as there is none at Winchester. When you arrive at Winchester, you are to procure a Waggon to assist you to Fort Cumberland.
You are to apply to the Commanding Officer at Winchester, for Arms for your Detachment: also for Sufficient Provisions to serve them to Fort Cumberland. When you arrive at the Fort, you are to see that the men are Exercised daily; and are to receive your Orders from the Commanding Officer there.
You are to observe Good Order.
[Note 85: These were William Picket, Martin Harden, Joseph Nevil, and Watts; Watts was at Goose Creek Ford, now Delaplane, Fairfax County.]
Friday, October 6, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered and strictly Required, to make proper provisions of meat, Bread, &c. for Sixty Men one day: they will be at your House on the ... Day of October, on their March to Fort Cumberland: and I will see you paid a reasonable Allowance.
From hence I set out on the 7th to Williamsburg; and from Todds Ordinary...continued my journey to Colonel Baylors, when I was over taken by an Express sent from Colonel Stephen, informing, that a Body of Indians had fallen on the Inhabitants, killed many of them, destroyed and Burnt several of their Houses.
[Note 86: Original in the J. P. Morgan Library.]
Fredericksburg, October 8, 1755.
Sir: I arrived at this place, in less than three hour's after I wrote you from Colo. Baylor's,87 and some small time after the arrival of Colo. Stephen who brings a worse acct, than he related in his Letter; but as he is the bearer I shall be less prolix referring to him for particular's.
[Note 87: Col. John Baylor. His son George was an aide-de-camp to Washington in the Revolutionary War.]
I shall set out this Evening for Winchester where I expect to be join'd by the Recruits from Alexandria and this place (as soon as they can possibly march that distance) also by one hund'd men from Prince Willm. and Frederick, and I have wrote to Fairfax coty. desiring that a Troop of Horse may hold themselves in readiness to March at an hour's warning, so that I doubt not but with the assistance of these I shall be able to repulse the Enemy if they are still committing their outrages on the Inhabitants.
We are at a loss for want of almost every necessary. Tents, Kettles, Arms, Ammunition, Cartridge-Paper, &c, &c, we are distress'd for, therefore I hope as your Honour did not send to Philadelphia for them, you will if possible endeavour to get them below, and send them by the first opportunity to this place or Alexandria with order's that they may be forwarded immediately to Winchester.
I must again take the liberty of mentioning to your honour, the necessity there is of putting the Militia, (when they are drawn out into actual Service) under better regulations than they are at present; as well as there is of putting us under a Military Law,88 otherwise we shall only be a burthensome charge to the Country, and the others will prove its ruin. That this may not appear an unmeaning expression I shall refer your Honour, to Lit-Colo. Stephen who can give you some late proofs of their disobedience, and inconsistent behaviour.
[Note 88: Of this the governor was convinced, for immediately after the defeat of Braddock he wrote to his superiors of his intention to press a military law, without which little dependence could be placed in the militia. In the August session a new regulation of militia was passed. (See Hening's Statutes at Large, vol. 5, P. 530.)]
I find I cannot possibly be in Williamsburg, (as these affairs will engage me some time) till abt the 6th. 7th. or 8th. of Novr. when I shoud be glad to meet a committee in order to settle with your Honour and them some points that are very necessary for the good of the Expedn.
Colo. Stephen has orders to receive (if he can) some money below that we may be enabled to pay the Troops and to keep up their spirits, and to answer such immediate charges as cannot be dispensed with til I come down; and I shoud be glad if your honour woud order him to repair therewith (so soon as his business is done with the Committee) to Winchester and from thence with a proper Guard to Fort Cumberland. I hope the Treasury will have a sufficient sum of money prepared against I come down, that I meet with no great Delay.
I should be glad your honour woud give Colo. Stephen all the assistance you can in gettg. the money, forwarding this to me that I may be the sooner down. There are abt 70 Recruits at this place, and I left 25 at Belhaven which I suppose are augmented before this by Officer's who I am sorry to say have paid slight regard to Orders, in not being to their places of Rendezvous according to appointment which was the first Instant, the most flagrant proof of this appears Capt. Harrison89 who I have heard nothing of since he rec'd his Instructions. I am, &c.
[Note 89: Capt. Henry Harrison.]
[M.L.]
Fredericksburg, October 8, 1755.
[Sir:] Being much hurried, I shall refer you to Colonel Stephen for Particulars, who brings a melancholy account of Back-Settlers. He waits on you for some money to pay the Recruits, and answer such immediate Charges as may arise before I can see you in Williamsburgh; which can not be now, until about the 8th. or 9th. of November: at which time I should be glad to see you there, and to Receive such a Sum, as you think proper to Lodge in my Hands.
I only wait here to issue Orders for the Recruits; and then shall Repair to Winchester with all imaginable Dispatch, and full hopes, of having it in my power to Repel those Barbarous and insolent Invaders, of our Country. I am &c.
October 8, 1755.
You are to March all the Recruits, now Rendezvousing in Fredericksburgh, under the conduct of the following Officers, Viz:
Captain Henry Woodward, Captain Charles Lewis; Lieutenants John Edward Lomax, and Peter Steenbergen; Ensigns Hubbard and George Weedon, to Winchester immediately; using the utmost. Dispatch in your March. You are to leave Orders with Captain Spotswood, to Recruit hereabouts, and to Receive the Recruits which may be sent to Rendezvous here; and that whenever he can collect about twenty men, he is to send a Subaltern or a trusty Sergeant, with them to Winchester.
You are to collect all the Ammunition that can be had here, or what you think a sufficient quantity, and take it up to Winchester with you.
As you will have Officers, more than sufficient for the command with you: You are to send one off every Morning to engage Provisions for the Men where you intend to Quarter that night, or to use other methods in that respect, as you may think most Expedient.
October 8, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered to proceed to Alexandria, with all possible Dispatch, and to take all the men there under your Command; which, with what Officers you shall think necessary for the number, you are to March immediately to Winchester, when you will receive further Orders.
You are to provide them at Alexandria with Arms, as far as they will go, Ammunition, &c.; if there is any Ammunition there to spare, you are to take it up to Winchester with you, and Lodge it in the Commissary's Store there.
If you think that Provision can not be got on the Road for your Command; you must take it from the Stores at Alexandra. I would have you to use Pack-Horses or Waggons, whichever you shall judge best, for forwarding your March.
You are also to provide your Men with Haversacks.
Fredericksburg, October 8, 1755.
[Sir:] As I understand Lord Fairfax has had great reason to order one hundred of the Militia of your County90 to march, to assist in the protection of our Frontiers; I must desire, that you will see that they come on Horse-back, as they will thereby be enabled to make Dispatch and to carry Provisions with
[Note 90: Prince William County.] them, which must be done, as the scarcity of Bread between this and Fort Cumberland, renders it absolutely necessary. I must earnestly recommend dispatch to you, as you must be truly sensible, that the present situation of Affairs, will not admit of the least delay.
I shall be at Winchester to-morrow, and shall expect to see your Detachment there the next Day or the day after, at the farthest. I am Yours,
Fredericksburg, October 8, 1755.
From the concurring Accounts from Will's-Creek, we have reason to believe, that a greater number of men is wanting than what we are able to Muster at present: it would therefore be advisable to Order a Troop of Horse of your County, to hold themselves in Readiness to March at an hour's warning, in case they should receive such Orders from Lord Fairfax, with whom I expect to be, as soon as the distance &c. can possibly admit. It would be advisable, if they do come, to bring eight or ten Days provision with them. I am &c.
At this place I pressed Horses, and Rode immediately to Lord Fairfax's and Winchester; and finding every thing in the utmost confusion, and no certain accounts of the Enemy; I hired two Scouts to go to the Branch,91 and Endeavour to procure Intelligence: by them I wrote as followeth.
[Note 91: The South Branch of the Potomac River.]
[Note 92: Of the ranger companies.]
Winchester, October 10, 1755.
I received an Express as I was going to Williamsburgh, informing me of the Ravages committed by the Indians on the Back Inhabitants: upon which I rode post to this place, after ordering the Recruits from Fredericksburgh, Alexandria, &c. to Repair here, where I expect them every moment. So that I doubt not you will be encouraged by this to make a Stand, in case you are Attacked or Besieged; as I hope very quickly to Relieve you, and make the Savages and French (who are no better) pay for their Presumption.
I have hired the Bearer to go to you in order to receive a particular account of your Situation, wants, &c. and I must desire you will be very explicit in reciting the Number, and Design of the Enemy.
If their numbers are not large, from many concurring accounts, you ought to send out Parties to stop their progress, which the Timidity of the Inhabitants has been the cause of.
If it should so happen, that you are obliged to quit your Fort for want of Provisions, &c.
You are hereby positively Ordered, to Retreat no farther than Joseph Edwards on Cacapehon: where you will be joined by other Parties as fast as they can be collected. I shall only add, that I wish you Success, and expect to hear you have; and will Behave consistently with your Character, as Relief is so near at hand. I am &c.
Winchester, October 10, 1755.
Hearing that you had quit the Branch, which will not only Discourage those left Behind, but also terrify the Lower Inhabitants, and occasion all of them to abandon their Plantations.
I do hereby Strictly Order and Require of you, to Halt at Joseph Edwards's on Cacapehon, until further Orders; unless you should be drove from thence by Superior Force. You will be quickly joined there by Numbers sufficient to prevent those insolent Invaders from committing such inhuman Outrages; and I hope to Retaliate their Crimes.
It would be right to acquaint the Inhabitants, as I doubt not but you may see many of them Retreating, how necessary, and how much it is their Duty and Interest, to Lodge their Families in some safe place, and join our Party in Dislodging the Enemy from their Lurking places. They will be under no disagreeable Command, nor will they be confined an hour longer than this particular Service Requires; should that be only one week. This you may acquaint them with from me. I am &c.
October 10, 1755.
By Virtue of the Power and authority to me given, as Commander in Chief of all the Forces now Raised &c.
I do hereby Impower you, Powell Hazel, to impress any Horse or Horses, for His Majesty's Service, for the better transporting yourself to and from the Fort, wherein William Vance and Company are.
Winchester, October 10, 1755.
One Corporal and Seven Men to Mount a Guard, which is to be Relieved at Sun-set to-morrow.
A Centry is to be placed over the Magazine and Gun powder.
Lieutenants Linnon and Rutherford, are to take it by turns, to examine the State of the Recruits, and see that they commit no Irregularities.
An Orderly Man is to attend Colonel Washington to morrow; and while he stays, is to be Relieved every two hours, regularly.
As the Sheriff can not attend to-morrow, the Orderly Officer is to look after ... or any other Waggons which shall come to Town; and is to Report them immediately to Colonel Washington.
Lieutenant Linnon for the Day.
Winchester, October 10, 1755.
Dear Sir: Captain Harden arrived in about half an hour after you went away, and informs me, he has about Seventeen Men coming to Town.
This I thought proper to acquaint you of, that you may advise with his Lordship, whether with these Rangers in Town, the Twenty odd you spoke of, and those Captain Smith thinks he is sure of getting, it would not be necessary to attempt Something. I have sent off these two Men you saw for Intelligence, but have little hope of any Satisfactory account from one of them, who seems much addicted to Drinking. If you think these Men and Officers may be depended upon; I do not know but it would be advisable, to send them up: it will at least be a Strong Reconnoitering Party.93 Pray make my Compliments to His Lordship, and believe me to be, Yours &c.
[Note 93: The situation in Winchester was depressing. In addition to the uneasiness, there was no ammunition and an urgent call was sent out for a supply; horses could neither be hired nor impressed, and the troops were half naked from lack of clothing.]
Winchester, October 10, 1755.
You are to proceed to Conogogee immediately; where I expect you will meet with the Waggons you yesterday engaged, by the return of Mr. Defever, Conductor of the Train.
There should be at Conogogee Thirty Boxes of Musket Ball; these you are to bring with you. If there is any Powder in Store, you are also to bring it, and a Cask of Flints. You are to Load the Remainder of the Waggons which you have, or may engage on your way thither, with Flour; which is to be brought to this place, for the use of the Troops which Rendezvous here.
I must particularly, on this occasion, recommend Diligence and Dispatch to you.
[Winchester, October 10, 1755.]
Dear Montour: I wrote you a Letter of Invitation sometime ago desiring yourself, your Family, and Friendly Indians, to come and reside among us; but that Letter not coming to Hand, I am induced to send another Express with the Same Invitation: being pleased that I have it in my power to do something for you, on a better Footing than it ever ever has been done. I was greatly enraptur'd when I heard you was at the head of three hundred Indians on a March toward Venango; being satisfied that your hearty attachment to our Glorious Cause; your Courage, of which I have had sufficient proofs, and your presence among the Indians, would animate their just Indignation to do something Noble, something worthy themselves, and honourable to you.94 I hope you will use your Interest (as I know you have much) in bringing our Brothers once more among us.
[Note 94: The Dinwiddie Papers (vol 2, p 243) dates this October 11, and the copy by Kirkpatrick in those papers is so indorsed. The Washington "Letter Book," from which this text is taken, gives October 10.]
Assure them, as you truly may, that nothing which I can do, shall be wanting. Assure them also, that as I have the chief Command, I am invested with power to Treat them as Brethren and Allies; which I am sorry to say, has not been of late.
Recommend me kindly to our good Friend Monocatoothe, and others; tell them how happy it would make Conotocaurious to have an opportunity of shaking them by the Hand at Fort Cumberland; and how glad he would be to treat them as Brothers of our Great King, beyond the Waters!
Flattering myself that you will come, and I doubting not but you will bring as many of them with you as possible, as that will afford me what alone I want, that is, an opportunity of doing something equal to your Wishes.
I am, etc.
N.B. I doubt not but you have heard of the Ravages committed on our Frontiers by the French Indians, and I suppose French themselves: I am now on my March against them; and hope to give them cause of Repenting their Rashness.
[V.H.S.]
Winchester, October 10, 1755.
Before I got to Williamsburgh, the Commissions were chiefly disposed of; yet having you strongly in my mind (which occasioned an earnest solicitation) I succeeded in procuring the only Commission that was vacant, i.e. to be Captain of a Company of Scouts. This is attended with equal Honour, Rank and Profit, with the other Captains; but will be accompanied with more Fatigue; which you will not regard, as you are greatly inured to it. It is intended, that your Company shall consist as much of active woodsmen, capable of something adequate to your names; I must therefore desire you will Repair immediately thither, in order to receive Money and Instructions to Recruit them; and you may be assured, that I shall Endeavor to provide for your Son in the same Company.
I doubt not but you have heard of the Ravages committed by our inhuman Foes, on the back inhabitants; I am now upon my March against them, with full hopes, that I shall be able to get Satisfaction for their cruel Barbarities.
Never were Indians more wanted than at this time; I have therefore sent to Montour, inviting him, and all he can bring, and should be glad that you would come that way, and use all your interest (as I know you have much with him) to engage his coming; I will promise if he brings many, to do something handsome for him. You had better be silent on this head, though; least where you are measures may be taken by the Pennsylvanians, to prevent him from bringing any Indians. I am, &c.
October 10, 1755.
As the situation of our Affairs here may detain me longer than I expected, which will prevent me from coming through Alexandria, in my way to Williamsburgh.
You are hereby strictly ordered to send (in case I am not at your Rendezvous by the first of November, at night,) and Express to Fredericksburgh, informing me what Officers there are in town, what number of Recruits, what Parties you have sent off, and when; together with a particular account of every occurrence that has happened since your appointment there. You are not to fail in sending off parties of twenty or twenty five men as fast as they are formed, under the care of a Subaltern or trusty Sergeant. I am &c.
N.B. Twenty or twenty-five men are rather too many for a Sergeants Command; therefore it would better to appoint an Officer to that Command, who is to get Arms at Alexandria, if any arrive there from Williamsburgh; but if this should not be the case, I shall endeavour to Lodge Arms at Winchester for them.
October 11, 1755.
As I have been informed that there are Indians lurking about the Plantation of Stephen Julian, it is my Orders, that you, with the Men under your Command, proceed there very early to-morrow morning, and Scour all the woods and suspicious places thereabouts, before you proceed to Meet Captain Smith,95 and make a Report to me of what you shall observe.96
[Note 95: Capt, Daniel [?] Smith.]
[Note 96: These orders were countermanded October 12 and the troops ordered to await further orders. Lieutenant Lemon was ordered, October 13, to march the ranger recruits to the South Branch of the Potomac, there to join their respective companies.]
Winchester, October 11, 1755.
Honble. Sir: As I think it my indispensable duty to inform you particularly of my proceedings, and to give the most plain and authentic Acct. from time to time, of our situation, I must acquaint your Honour that, immediately after giving the necessary Orders at Fredericksburg, and despatching Expresses to hurry the Recruits from Alexandria, I rid post to this place, passing by Lord Fairfax's who was not at home, but here, where I arrived Yesterday about noon, and found every thing in the greatest hurry and confusion, by the back Inhabitants flocking in, and those of the Town removing out, which I have, prevented as far as it was in my power. I was desirous of proceeding immediately, at the head of some Militia, to put a stop to the Ravages of the Enemy; believing their Numbers to be few; but was told by Colo. Martin,97 who had attempted to raise the Militia for the same purpose, that it was impossible to get above 20 or 25 Men; they having absolutely refused to stir; choosing as they say to die, with their Wives and Familys. Finding this expedient was likely to prove abortive, I sent off expresses to hurry on the Recruits from below, and the Militia from Fairfax, Prince William, &c., which Lord Fairfax had ordered; and also hired Spies to go out and see to discover the Numbers of the Enemy, and to encourage the Rangers who we were told, were blocked up by the Indians in small Fortresses. But if I may offer my opinion, I believe, they are more encompassed by Fear than by the Enemy: I have also impressed Waggons and sent them to Conogogee for Flour, Musket Shott, and Flints; Powder, and a trifling quantity of Paper, bought at extravgant prices for Cartridges, I expect from below. Six or eight Smiths who are now at Work, repairing the fire Arms that are here, which are all that we have to depend on. A man was hired the 24th of last Month, to do the whole, but neglected and was just moving off in Wagons to Pensylvania. I pressed his Waggons and compelled him by Force, to assist in this Work. In all things I meet with the greatest opposition. No Orders are obey'd, but what a Party of Soldiers, or my own drawn Sword, Enforces; without this, a single Horse, for the most, urgent occasion cannot be had: to such a pitch has the insolence of these People arrived, by having every point hitherto submitted to them; however, I have given up none, where his Majesty's Service requires the Contrary, and where my proceedings are justified by my Instructions; nor will I, unless they execute what they threaten, i.e. "to blow out my Brains."
[Note 97: Col. Thomas Bryan Martin.]
I have invited the poor distressed People, who were drove from their Habitations, to lodge their Familys in some place of security, and to join our Party's in Scouring the Woods where the Enemy lie; and believe some will cheerfully assist. I also have and shall continue to take every previous Step to forward the March of the Recruits, &c, so soon as they arrive here: and your Honour may depend that nothing that is in my power to do, shall be wanting for the good of the Service. I wou'd again hint the necessity of putting the Militia under a better Regulation; had I not mention'd it twice before, and a third time may seem Impertinent; but I must once more beg leave to declare, (for here I am more immediately concern'd), that unless the Assembly will Enact a Law, to enforce the Military Law in all its Parts,98 that I must, with great regret, decline the Honour that has been so generously intended me; and for this only Reason I do it,--the foreknowledge I have of failing in every point that might justly be expected, from a person invested with full power to exert his Authority. I see the growing Insolence of the Soldiers, the Indolence and Inactivity of the Officers; who are all sensible how confined their punishments are, in regard to what they ought to be. In fine, I can plainly see, that under our present Establishment, we shall become a Nusance, an insupportable charge to our Country, and never answer any one expectation of the Assembly. And here, I must assume the Freedom to express some surprize, that we alone, should be so tenacious of our Liberty, as not to invest a power, where Interest and Politicks so unanswerably demand it; and from whence so much good must consequently ensue; do we not see that every Nation under the Sun find their acct. therein; and without, it no
[Note 98: A mutiny bill was framed by the legislature in the October session. (See Hening's Statutes at Large, vol. 5, p. 559).] Order no regularity can be observed? Why then shou'd it be expected from us, (who are all young and inexperienced,) to govern, and keep up a proper spirit of Discipline with't Laws; when the best, and most Experienced, can scarcely do it with. Then if we consult our Interest, I am sure it is loudly called for. For I can confidently assert, that Recruiting, Cloathing, Arming, Maintaining, and Subsisting Soldiers, who have deserted; has cost the Country an immense Sum, which might have been prevented, were we under Restraints, that would terrify the Soldiers from such practices. One thing more on this head I will recommend, and then quit the Subject; i.e., to have the Inhabitants liable to certain heavy Fines or Corporal Punishments, for Entertaining of Deserters, and a Reward for taking them up. If this was done, it would be next to an impossibility for a Soldier to Escape; but, on the contrary, as things now stand, they are not only Seduced to run away, but are also harbour'd, and assisted with every necessary means to make their escape.
Sunday noon.--Last night at 8 o'clock, arriv'd an express, just spent with fatigue and fear, reporting that a party of Indians were seen at the Plantation of one Isaac Julian ab't 12 Miles off and that the Inhabitants were flying in the most promiscuous manner from their dwellings. I immediately ordered the Town Guards to be strengthened; Perkins's Lieut. to be in readiness with his Company, some Recruits (who had only arrived ab't half an hour before) to be armed; and sent two men, well acquainted with the Woods, to go up that Road, and lay wait to see if they could discover the Numbers and Motion of the Indians, that we might have timely notice of their approach. This Morning, before we could parade the Men, to March upon the last Alarm, arrived a Second Express, ten times more terrified than the former, with information that the Indians had got within four Miles of the Town, and were killing and destroying all before them; for that he himself had heard constant Firing, and the Shrieks of the unhappy Murder'd! Upon this, I immediately collected what Force I could, which consisted of 22 Men, recruited for the Rangers, and 19 of the Militia, and Marched therewith directly to the place where these horrid Murders were said to be committed. When we came there, whom shou'd we find occasioning all this disturbance, but 3 drunken Soldiers of the Light-Horse, carousing, firing their Pistols, and uttering the most unheard-of Imprecations; these we took, and Marched Prisoners to Town, where we met the Men I sent out last Night, and learned that the party of Indians, discovered by Isaac Julian, proved to be a Mulatto and Negro, seen hunting of Cattle by his Son, who alarmed the Father, and the Father the Neighbourhood. These Circumstances are related only to shew what a panick prevails among the People; how much they are alarmed at the most usual and customary Crys; and yet how impossible it is to get them to act in any respect for their common Safety's; an Instance of this then appeared Colo. Fairfax, who arrived in Town while we were upon the Scout, immediately sent to a Noble Captain (not far off) to repair with his Company forthwith to Winchester; with coolness and moderation this great Captain answered, that his Wife, Family and Corn was at stake; so were those of his Soldiers; therefore it was not possible for him to come, Such is the Example of the Officers! such the Behaviour of the Men; and such the unhappy Circumstances on which our Country depends!
Monday morning.--The Men I hired to bring Intelligence from the Branch, returned last Night with Letters from Captain Ashby,99 and the other Parties up there, by which we learn,
[Note 99: Capt. John Ashby, of the family from whom Ashbys Gap in the Blue Ridge is named.] that the Indians are gone off. Scouts having been dispersed upon those Waters for several days, without discovering tracts or other Signs of the Enemy.
I am also informed, that it is believed, their Numbers amounted to 150; that 70 or near it of our People are kill'd and missing; and that several Houses and Plantations are destroy'd; but not so great havock made as was at first represented. The Rangers and a small company of Militia, ordered there by Lord Fairfax, I am given to understand, intend to March down on Wednesday next, who will be immediately followed by all the Inhabitants of those parts, that had gathered together under their protection: I have therefore sent Peremptory Orders to the Contrary; but what obedience will be paid to it a little time will reveal. I have ordered those Men that were Recruited for the Rangers, to join their Respective Companies; and there is also a party of 20 Militia marched with them, under the Command of Captain Hardin. Captain Waggener is this Instant arrived with 30 Recruits, which he marched from Alexandria in less than three days,--a great March indeed! Major Lewis and his Recruits from Fredericksburg, is expected in To-morrow, when with these, and 22 Men of Captain Bell's now here, I shall proceed by quick Marches to Fort Cumberland, in order to strengthen the Garrison there. Besides these, I think it absolutely necessary, that there should be two or three Companies (exclusive of Rangers) to Guard the Potomack Waters, till such times as our Regiment is compleated: and indeed these Rangers and Volunteer Companies in Augusta, with some of their Militia, should be properly disposed of on these Frontiers, for fear of an Attack from that Quarter. This, thot. is submitted to your Honour's Judgment; and waits your Orders for execution, if it shou'd be thought expedient. Captain Waggener inform'd me, that it was with difficulty he pass'd the Ridge for the Crowds of People, who were flying as if every moment was death. He endeavoured, but in vain to stop them; they firmly believing that Winchester was in Flames. I have sent expresses down the several Roads in hopes of bringing back the Inhabitants, who are really frightened out of their Senses. I despatched an express immediately upon my arrival to this place, with a Copy of the Inclosed to Andr'w. Montour, who I heard was at a place called long Island,1 with 300 Indians, to see if I cou'd engage him and them to join us. The letter savours a little of Flattery, &c, &c, but this, I hope, is justifiable on such occasions. I also wrote to Gist, acquainting him with the Favour your Honour intended him; and desired he would repair home, in order to raise his Companies of Scouts.2
[Note 1: Also spoken of as Great Island; in the Holston River. Montour was there with Monacatoocha to meet the Delawares.]
[Note 2: Gist had been sent to Philadelphia for some object connected with the service, and on October 15 he wrote to Colonel Washington from Opeekon: "Your name is more talked of in Pennsylvania than any other person of the army, and everybody seems willing to venture under your command and if you would send some discreet person, doubt not he would enlist a good number, especially to be irregular, for all their talk is of fighting the Indian way. The Assembly of Pennsylvania is now sitting...Mr. Franklin and indeed Mr. Peters both told me, if you was to write a pressing letter to them, informing them of the damage and murder, and desire their assistance, you would now get it sooner than any one in America." This letter is in the Washington Papers.]
I shall defer writing to the Speaker and Committee upon any other head than that of Commissary; still hoping to be down by the time I mentioned in my last (provided no new disturbances happens) having some points to Settle, that I am uneasy and urgent abt. I have been obliged to do dutys quite foreign from my own, but that I shall never hesitate abt, when others do; and the good of the Service requires the contrary.
In a journey from Fort Cumberland to Fort Dinwiddie, which I made purposely to see the Situation of our Frontiers, how the Rangers were Posted, and how Troops might be disposed off for the defence of the Country; I purchased 650 fine Beeves, to be deliver'd at Fort Cumberland by the First day of November, at 10/ pr. hund., except a few that I was obliged to give Eleven Shilg. for, and have my own Bonds now out for the performance of Covenants; this being the Commissary's Business, who, I am sorry to say, has hitherto been of no use, but of disservice to me, in neglecting my Orders, and leaving this place with't Flour, and Fredericksburg with't any Provisions for the Recruits, although their was timely notice given: I must beg, that if Mr. Dick will not act, some Person may be appointed that will; for if Things remain in this uncertain Situation, the Season will pass with't hav'g any provision made for the Winter's or Summer's Campaign: whoever acts as Commissary, should be sent up immediately abt. Salting the Provisions &c. It will be difficult I believe, to provide a quantity of Pork. I enquired as I rode thro' Hampshire, Augusta, &c, and cou'd not hear of much for Sale.
Most of the new appointed Officers have been extremely deficient in their Duties by not repairing to their Rendezvouses, according to Appointment. Captain McKenzie, Lieut King, and Ensigns Milner and Dean,3 who were ordered to send their Recruits to Alexandria by the first of October, were not arrived when Captn. Waggener left that place, nor have we heard anything of Captn. Harrison, whose Recruits should have Been at Fredericksburg by the same time; and Captn. Bell only sent his here on Saturday last. If these Practices are allowed off, we may as well quit altogether, for no duty can ever be carried on, if there is not the greatest punctuality observed, one thing always depending so immediately upon another.
[Note 3: Capt. Robert McKenzie, Lieut. John King, Ensigns Nathaniel Miller, and John Dean.]
I have appointed Captain George Mercer (whose Seniority entitled him to it) my Aid de camp; and Mr. Kirkpatrick4 of Alexandria, my Secretary, a young Man bred to Business, of good Character, well recommended, and a Person of whose Abilitys cou'd not be doubted.
[Note 4: John Kirkpatrick.]
I hope your Honour will be kind enough to dispatch Colonel Stephen, with Orders to repair here immediately, and excuse the Prolixity of this; I was willing to give a circumstantial acct. of our Situation &ca. that you may be the better enabled to judge what Orders are necessary to give. I am, &c.
Winchester, October 14, 1755.
Majr. Lewis is just arrived, and on Thursday I shall begin my March to Fort Cumberland, allowing the Rects. I day to refresh themselves.
[V.H.S.]
[October 13, 1755.]
An inconceivable Panick which prevailed amongst the people of this County, induced me to write the following Advertisement:
Whereas divers timorous persons run through the Country and alarm its Inhabitants by False Reports, of the Indians having attacked and destroyed the Country, even Winchester itself, and that they are still proceeding: This is to give Notice to all people, that I have great reason to believe that the Indians who committed the late Cruelties (though no lower than the South Branch) are returned Home, as I have certain Accounts that they have not been seen nor heard of these ten days past: And I do advise all my Countrymen, not to be alarmed on every false Report they may hear, as they must now be satisfied, from the many false ones that have been made; but to keep to their Homes and take care of their Crops; as I can venture to assure them, that in a short time the Frontiers will be so well Guarded, that no mischief can be done, either to them or their Plantations, which must of course be destroyed, if they desert them in so shameful a manner.
Winchester, October 14th., 1755.
It is my express Orders, that you do not presume to March your Company down on any pretence whatsoever, unless compelled by the Enemy. Clothes will be sent up immediately to you, which you may distribute to the most needy of your Company; and Money I shall bring up to pay them off, if wanted.
Winchester October 14, 1755.
Lieutenant Williams for the day.
Parole Abington.
A Return to be given in immediately of the Smiths belonging to Captain Waggeners Command; who are to assist in cleaning the Publick Arms here in Store; the Officer of the Day is to visit the Smiths at work on the Arms, and to see that they do not neglect their Business. He is also to visit the Guard and Recruits, and see that no irregularities are committed by them, and to see the Guard properly relieved. A Return to be made every morning at 8 O'Clock, of the number of men here; and a regular Report of the Guard to be brought in by the Officer of the Day. Lieutenant Campbell for the Day, to-morrow, who is to observe these Orders. One Sergeant, one Corporal and Sixteen private men. The Guard to-day, to be composed of Captain Waggeners and Lieutenant Campbells Command; An Orderly Sergeant to attend Colonel Washington at his Quarters. All Reports of the Guard &c. to be made to the Aid de Camp. A Court Martial to sit immediately for the trial of a prisoner in the Guard.
Winchester, October 15, 1755.
Captain Woodward for the day.
To morrow one Subaltern, one Sergeant, one Corporal, one Drummer, and twenty five private men, for the Guard. The Recruits to be completely armed, as far as they will go. The Orders given at Fredericksburgh, to have the Rolls called three times a day, are always to be observed; and the Officers are, at calling the Rolls in the Evening, to see that the men have their Arms in good Order and Repair. The Officers of each Company, are to see that the men distinguish their Arms by some particular mark, which the Subalterns are to enter in a Book, they are to keep for that purpose. Lieutenant Campbells Recruits are to be joined with those under the Command of Captain Waggener, until further Orders. The commanding Officers of the Recruits are to give in a Return of the Arms they have received, and what kinds they want to complete them. If any of the men want Haversacks their Officers are to apply for Orders for Linen for that purpose, and see it immediately made up; Blankets are to be delivered by the Commissary to those of Lieutenant Campbells Recruits, who have not received Rugs, for which he is to pass his Receipt to the Commissary.
Winchester, October 16, 1755.
If the Clothes, &c. which were mentioned in the last to you, are not sent up, I desire you will provide Waggons to send them up with the men which are to come up, immediately. Inclosed, you a have a list of Tools which we want very much, as the Boots on the Road all want Repairs; therefore desire you will get them or what you can of them, and send them up immediately. Yours, etc.
Winchester, October 16th, 1755.
I received yours, and am as much surprized at your delay in repairing to your Rendezvous, as being at a loss for Orders after you did arrive there.
I Order, that upon the receipt of this, you March the Recruits immediately to this place, where Clothes and Ammunition will be provided: for your provision is sent to meet you on Martin Hardens' Road, by which you are ordered to March.
If Captain Harrison is at Fredericksburgh, he is to take Command of the Recruits, and March them up here; if not, do not wait for him; march them up without, and wait there for Orders. You are to provide Linen at Mr. Dicks for Haversacks for the men, and bring it up with you, if you can, conveniently.
Winchester, October 16, 1755.
You are hereby ordered, to send off all the Recruits which are now under your Command at Alexandria, immediately to Winchester; if there is a Captains Command, you are to order the next eldest Captain to march them up; if not, they are to be marched up by Lieutenant Bullet. The Order of the eleventh instant, about sending a Return to Fredericksburgh, by no means to be neglected. All the Officers who were appointed to Rendezvous at Alexandria the 20th. are allowed a further time, until the 15th. of November; when it is Ordered, that they appear there without delay, with what Recruits they may raise. You are to clothe all the men before you send them off, and must give the Officer who comes with the Recruits, a strict charge of the remainder, Orders will be left for him with Commissary Jones.
Winchester, October 16, 1755.
Parole Cumberland.
Captain Lewis the Day, to-morrow. One Subaltern, one Sergeant, one Corporal, one Drummer, and twenty-five private men, the Guard to-morrow. The Troops now quartered here, to hold themselves in Readiness to march to morrow. The Waggon ordered down to Fredericksburgh, to set out immediately; and the Commissary to see the rest of the Waggons (except three which are to carry Provisions &c.) loaded with Salt.
Major Lewis to Detach a Subaltern and twenty men, to morrow morning to Philip Bebbs, there to receive some publick Cattle, which they are to Guard to Pearis's, and wait there until the whole Body joins them. All the Soldiers of the Lighthorse, &c. who do not belong either to Major Lewis or Captain Waggeners Commands, are to wait upon the Aid de Camp to morrow morning at 8 O'Clock, to receive their Orders. Officers who want Haversacks for their Men, are to apply to Mr. John Dow, Merchant, for Linen, for which they are to give their Receipts. The Soldiers who brought down, or have any of the Country Horses, are to make a Return of them immediately, and to deliver them to the Aid de Camp.
Winchester, October 17, 1755.
Parole Dartmouth.
Captain Waggener the Day to-morrow.
One Subaltern, one Sergeant, one Corporal, one Drummer and twenty-five private men, the Guard, to-morrow. The March of the Troops is postponed until to-morrow. The Officers to examine into the state of their Companies and see if they want any necessaries; and if properly provided for a march, the Commissary to see the Waggons loaded as soon as they arrive, according to yesterdays Orders. If he wants any men to assist him, he must apply to Major Lewis, who will order him what he thinks necessary. The Guard for the Cattle is also postponed, it is to March early to-morrow; and observe yesterdays' Orders.
Winchester, October 17, 1755.
Sir: Last night by the return of the Express, who went to Captain Montour, I received the enclosed from Mr. Harris at Susquehanna.5 I think no means should be neglected, to preserve what few Indians still remain in our Interest. For which reason I shall send Mr. Gist, as soon as he arrives (which I expect will be to-day), to Harris's Ferry,6 in hopes of engaging and bringing with him the Belt of Wampum and other Indians that are at that place; I shall further desire him to send an Indian express to Andrew Montour, to try if he cannot be brought with them.
[Note 5: John Harris, who lived a few miles east of the Susquehanna, in Paxton.]
[Note 6: Harris's Ferry, on the Susquehanna is now Harrisburg, Pa.]
In however trifling light the French attempting to alienate the affections of our Southern Indians, may at first appear, I must look upon it as a thing of the utmost consequence, that requires our greatest and most immediate attention. I have often wondered at not hearing this was attempted before, and had it noted among other memorandums to acquaint your Honor of, when I should come down.
The French policy in treating with the Indians is so prevalent, that I should not be in the least surprised, were they to engage the Cherokees, Catawbas, &c. unless timely and vigorous measures are taken to prevent it. A pusillanimous Behaviour now, will ill suit the times; and trusting to Traders and common Interpreters, who will sell their integrity to the highest Bidder, may prove the destruction of these affairs; I therefore think that if a person of distinction, acquainted with their language, is to be found, his price should be come to at any rate. If no such can be had, a man of Sense and Character, to conduct the Indians to any Council that may be held, or superintend any other matters, will be found extremely necessary. It is impertinent, I own, in me to offer my opinion in these affairs, when better Judges may direct; but my steady and hearty zeal for the cause, and the great impositions I have known practised by the traders &c, upon these occasions, would not suffer me to be quite silent; I have heard, from undoubted authority, that some of the Cherokees, who have been introduced to us as Sachems and Princes, by this interpreter, who shares the profits, have been no other than common Hunters, and bloodthirsty Villains!
We have no accounts yet of the militia from Fairfax, &c. This day I march with about one hundred men to Fort Cumberland. Yesterday an Express informed me of eighty odd Recruits at Fredericksburg, which I have ordered to proceed to this place; but, for want of that regularity being observed, by which I should know where every Officer &c. is, my orders are only conditional, and always confused. The Commissary is much wanted; therefore I hope your Honor will send him up immediately, if not, things will greatly suffer here. Whatever necessaries your Honor gets below, I should be glad to have sent to Alexandria; from whence they are much more handy than from Fredericksburg. Besides, as Provision is lodged there, and none at any other place, it will be better for the men, to be all sent there, that can any ways conveniently. For we have met with insufferable difficulties at Fredericksburg; and in our march from thence, through neglect of the commissary, who is greatly wanted up here. Therefore, I hope your Honor will order him.
Winchester, October 18, 1755.
Parole Epsom.
The Troops are not to March until to-morrow, there being no Waggons to carry the Provisions, &c.
Every Officer to keep an Orderly Book, to enter regularly all Orders as they issue, that they may be the better complied with. The Sergeant of the Guard with a file of men, to patrole through the Town, immediately after the Tattoo, and about midnight; and he is hereby expressly ordered, to take up all disorderly or other Soldiers which he may find in the Taverns, or from their own Barracks, and confine them in the Guard. For the future, the Officer of the Guard is to see all Orders which may issue during his tour of duty, relating to the guard, entered in a Book to be kept only for that purpose, and is to be left always in the guardhouse, and delivered over to the Relieving Officer, to prevent a repetition of Orders. Captain Woodward, the Day to-morrow. One Subaltern, one Sergeant, one Corporal and twenty-five men, the Guard to-morrow.
Major Lewis, the three Captains, and the eldest Lieutenant, are to examine into Mr. George West's claim to a man, said to be his Servant, now in the Guard; which if he makes good, they are to deliver him up, and he to return the Bounty-money, or his Master to make it good. They are also to try all the Prisoners in the Guard. All Orders relating to the Soldiers, are to be read to them every day, by the Sergeants of their Companies; that they may not plead ignorance. The Guard for the Cattle is not to march until to-morrow.
Winchester, October 18, 1755.
1. You are hereby ordered to Repair to Harris's Ferry, and other places where the Indians are upon the Susquehanna, and to use your utmost endeavours to engage them to come and lodge their Wives and Families in our Forts, and assist us in fighting their own Battles.
2ly. You are, so soon as you arrive at the first of those Town or Parties, to hire an Indian to go Express to Captain Andrew Montour; to whom you are to write, desiring him to come and assist you, in bringing them to Fort Cumberland.
3ly. You may assure the Indians that they shall meet with plenty of Provisions, &c. and that we shall take every opportunity to testify the Love we bear them.
4ly. If they should want Horses &c. to assist them along, you are to Hire; this, with all other reasonable charges, will be allowed you.
5ly. You may acquaint the Belt of Wampum, and other Chiefs, that I have complied with their Requests in letting the Governor of Virginia know, that the Shawnees and Delawares have taken the Hatchet against us; and of the French Scheme in setting the Southern Indians against us; which will now be prevented.
6ly. You may also promise Captain Montour from me, that if he will get and bring a Company of Indians consisting of Sixty men (which is the number of our Companies) that he shall have a Captains Commission, and receive ten shillings a day, and be paid once a month regularly; and if he brings more Men, he will meet with further encouragement.
7ly. If you should meet with any likely young Fellows (Woods-men) you are to enlist them for His Majestys' Service, in your own Company: observing always the Instructions given you for that purpose. Given &c.
Winchester, October 20, 1755.
Mr. Gist being appointed Captain of a Company of Scouts, and informing me that you had a mind to engage in our Service; I thought it expedient to acquaint you, that if you can assist him in Recruiting some likely young Fellows, acquainted with the woods, that you will meet with proper Encouragement for so doing; either by receiving a post among us, or full Satisfaction for your trouble. I am &c.
Winchester, October 20, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered, to purchase on the best terms you can, 5000 LB of Flour; which must be laid in Store here as soon as possible. If you find that you can not purchase thereabouts, you are to have that Quantity brought from Conogogee.
You are hereby positively Ordered, to collect as many Waggons in this Town by the 30th. Instant, as will carry up all the Salt which is in Store here; and Provisions for one hundred and fifty men, who will March from this place at that time. If the Inhabitants who have Waggons &c. refuse to send them in; you are to apply to the Commanding Officer here, who will order you a party of Soldiers to bring them in by Force. Provision is to be delivered out to the Soldiers regularly; taking special care that no more is delivered than the number you have returns for; which will be made you every day. You are to purchase all the Forage you can for the Publick; and have it delivered here for you, as soon as possible; at which time you may engage to pay them the money for what they deliver. &c.
Winchester, October 20, 1755.
You are hereby ordered to Halt with the men under your Command, until my Return from Fort Cumberland. You are to make regular Returns, signed by yourself, to the Commissary every day, of the number of men you have under your Command, for which he is to deliver you Provisions.
The Court House and Barracks at Lemons, are allotted for your men. You are to apply to the Commissary for some body to dress provisions for your men, and to provide firewood for them. The Guard left on the Magazine is to join the Recruits, and you to mount a fourth part of your men as a Guard, which is to be Relieved every Day, &c.
Winchester, October 20, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered to remain at this place with the Recruits which may arrive here from Alexandria, &c. until my Return from Fort Cumberland: and you are, so soon as an Officer arrives with his men, to review them, and discharge such as are not answerable to their Recruiting Instructions.
Those that pass, are to receive their Clothing immediately; taking care to have what necessaries they have received from their Officers, deducted out of those allowed them by the Country.
If they should seem uneasy about their Pay, you must get a Pay-Roll made out by their Officers to the 1st. of October, and pay them off. Their Pay to commence from the day of their Attestation.
The Guard left on the Magazine to join the Recruits; and a fourth part of them are to mount Guard every Day &c.
Winchester, October 20, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered to wait at this place until my return from Fort Cumberland, that you may be ready to receive the necessary Orders. As the Recruits will March up at my return, which will be the 30th., if you think proper, you may order the Cattle up with that Escort.
There is a man arrived from Governour Dobbs,7 with one hundred and eighteen Cattle; him I have engaged to wait your arrival, or my Return. &c.
[Note 7: Gov. Arthur Dobbs, of North Carolina.]
Winchester, October 21, 1755.
I have sent two Waggon8 for the remainder of the Clothing, which I desire you will immediately dispatch, as I expect it here by the 30th. If the two Waggons should be more than sufficient for bringing the Clothes, the Loads must be made up with Provision, or any other necessaries you think we want. &c.
[Note 8: To Alexandria.]
[Note 9: Similar orders were issued to Capts. John Ashby and Henry Van Meter this same day.]
Pearsalls,10 October 23, 1755.
[Note 10: On the South Branch of Potomac.]
You are hereby Ordered to remove with your Company from the place where you are now Quartered, to the Plantation of Nicholas Reasmer, in order to Escort Waggons to and from Fort Cumberland, and protect the Inhabitants, by sending out frequent Scouting Parties. You are to apply to Henry Vanmeater for Beeves, (or Provision) which he will deliver out of those I contracted with him for. You are to pass a Receipt to him for such as you receive. You will receive further Orders, as I return from Fort Cumberland.
Pearsalls, October 23, 1755.
Sir: We arrived here to-day, where I met Captains Cocks and Ashby, whom I have appointed to remain on Pattersons Creek;11 the one at Nicholas Reasmers, the other at Sellars's12 in order to protect the Inhabitants on those Waters, and to Escort any Waggons to and from Fort Cumberland, with necessaries for the Service. It would be also necessary to have a party of the Militia appointed to this place, for the same purpose; the rest should be stationed above the Trough, at such convenient posts or passes, as you and Colonel Martin shall think advisable. Captain Cocks applied to me for pay; I have referred him to you. Have nothing particular to add, but Compliments to Colonel Martin, &c. Yours, etc.
[Note 11: Pattersons Creek enters the Potomac about 12 miles below Cumberland.]
[Note 12: Charles Sellars.]
Pearsalls, October 23, 1755.
The General to beat to-morrow morning at day-break, and the Troops to march an hour after. As soon as the Guard is Relieved, and the Waggons fitted, the Men are to be called to Arms, by Beat of Drum, and to be tolled off into Platoons, and Marched off Regularly, with each Officer at the head of his Platoon; from which no Soldier is to stir, without leave from his Officer. The great Complaints made of the Soldiers, all the Roads they have Marched, pilaging and plundering of Houses; makes it necessary to give this Publick Notice. That, if any such irregularities are committed for the future, the person guilty shall receive five hundred Lashes, without the Benefit of a Court Martial. And it is Colonel Washingtons particular Orders, that every Officer does endeavour to prevent such things for the future. The Captain of the Day is to go the Rounds every night, and visit the Guard and Centries. He is to be received as grand Rounds. The Officer of the Guard, to go the Rounds thrice every night, and see that the Centries are alert. The Cattle for the future to be drove in the Rear of the whole body.
[Note 13: Of the Maryland independent company.]
October 26, 1755.
You are to proceed to George Parkers Plantation, where you will meet with Captain William Cocks and his Company of Rangers, who are ordered to erect a Work of Defence at the said place.
You are to make choice of the most convenient Ground, and direct them in building a Quadrangular Fort of Ninety feet, with Bastions. You will direct them in what part of the Fort to build their Barracks, and the most convenient part for a Magazine. Another Fort of the same dimensions is to be built by Captain Ashby's Company, at the Plantation of Charles Sellars, or the late McCrackins; whichsoever you shall judge the most convenient Situation. You are to apply to each of these Companies for a Guard to escort you backwards and forwards, as often as you shall have occassion to to go &c.
Fort Cumberland, October 26, 1755.
The clothing here in Store, to be delivered out to the most needy of the Men. Those which belong to the Officers, which they formerly received for the use of their Companies, are to be delivered out also: Shoes and Blankets are likewise to be delivered. The Officers to take particular accounts of what is delivered each man. All the men of the Virginia Regiment to be under Arms immediately, in order that they may be inspected by their Officers; and a due Return made of what is most necessary for them. Captain Savage, Lieutenants Blegg, Williams and Stewart,14 are ordered down to Recruit, and immediately to prepare themselves to set off at an hours warning. The Recruits that came up under the command of Major Lewis, are to be commanded by Captains Woodward and Lewis; Lieutenants Steenbergen and Campbell; and Ensigns Hubbard and Weedon.15
[Note 14: Capt. John Savage, Lieuts. John Blagg, John Williams, and Walter Stewart.]
[Note 15: Maj. Andrew Lewis, Capts. Henry Woodward and Charles or Joshua Lewis, Lieuts. Peter Steenbergen and John Campbell, Ensigns Edward Hubbard and GeorgeWeedon.]
The Company, formerly under the command of Captain Bronaugh,16 to be continued so, until further Orders. The Men
[Note 16: Capt. William Bronaugh.] are to be acquainted, that their Officers are only sent off for the present occasion to Recruit, and that as soon as they all join, they will be put under the Command of the Officers who enlisted them. The Officers who have taken the Soldiers Clothes, are desired to return them immediately to the Publick Stores; as there are not Clothes sufficient in Store for the men.
Captain Waggener17 is appointed to take care of the Company, lately under Captain Savages command, until further Orders. Lieutenant Lowry18 to act in Captain Bronaugh's Company, in room of Lieutenant Stewart, until further Orders.
[Note 17: Capt. Thomas Waggener.]
[Note 18: Lieut. John Lowry.]
[Fort Cumberland], October 26, 1755.
You are to see that the Arms here in Store be immediately inspected by Mr. Frasier;19 and those fit for duty, to be packed in Chests to be sent down to Winchester the remainder to be repaired by Mr. Frasier. You are to see that as many of the Country Waggons as you have Harness and Horses for, be fitted out immediately. You are to engage all the Coopers you can to make and repair Barrels for the Beef, &c. You are to apply to Major Lewis, who will let you have those that came up with his party.
[Note 19: John Frasier.]
You are to receive and take an exact account, of all the Corn which is brought in here from the neighbouring plantations, which together with the Oats in Store, is to be delivered out only for the publick use, unless by particular Orders from me. You are to send down a Barrel of Flints with the Arms, to Winchester, and about two thousand weight of Flour, for the two Companies of Rangers; twelve hundred of which to be delivered Captain Ashby and Company, at the Plantation of Charles Sellars; the rest to Captain Cockes' Company, at Nicholas Reasmers.
October 27, 1755.
Parole Dinwiddie.
The date's of all the Officers Commissions that came up yesterday, to be given in to the Adjutant: Corporal Broughton, of the Light Horse, to take all the Horses to the same place where they were before; to remain and take care of them. Lieutenant McManas, Fort Guard to-morrow; Lieutenant Bacon, the Redoubt-Guard.20 The men who are to be discharged, are to receive a months Pay from Mr. Boyd21 for each; and to make a deduction for the Nurse of the Hospital,22 according to the weekly stoppages that should have been made for her.
[Note 20: Of the Maryland troops.]
[Note 21: Alexander Boyd.]
[Note 22: Mary Bailey, of the hospital at Winchester.]
October 27, 1755.
You are hereby ordered to send out Parties to gather the Corn at the Plantations of those people, who are supposed to be killed or taken prisoners by the Indians, and have it secured for the Publick; taking a particular account of what is gathered from each Plantation. You are also to send out small Parties to Protect the Country People, while they gather their their Corn that is near the Fort. When the Indians arrive with Captain Montour or Gist, you are to see them properly provided with all necessaries, and use your utmost endeavours to see them duly encouraged; and the Officers are all desired to take notice of them and treat them kindly, as their assistance at this time is absolutely necessary. As there are several people near this place who were killed by the Indians, and have not yet been buried, you are to send out a Party for that purpose. You are to collect all the Arms which have been given out to the Country People, and Fuses (intended for the Indians) which were delivered to the Sergeants here, and return them to the Stores. You are to cause the Bottom on the other side of the Creek to be cleared immediately; which the frequent alarms and hard Duty, have hitherto prevented. You are to see that the Blankets belonging to the Publick, which the Officers made use of on the march, be immediately restored; and you are to deliver to the most needy of the men of the Virginia Regiment, Shoes and Blankets.
The Officers to take notice what men are Served. You are to see that the Articles of War are frequently read to the men.
October 27, 1755.
You are hereby ordered, to remain with your Companies at George Parkers' Plantation, where you are to erect a Stockade Fort; in building of which, you are to follow Lieutenant Bacons Instructions; he being sent to direct and plan the same: As this is intended for the protection of the Country People, there is no doubt but they will assist all in their power, especially in providing Tools which, without, you may meet with some difficulty. If Lieutenant Bacon should apply for an Escort to conduct him to Captain Ashby's Company, or to any other place, to which it may be dangerous travelling without; you are to see that he is allowed it: You are to send a trusty Sergeant with proper powers &c. for Recruiting, in order to complete your Company. You are to be very careful to see that no h'regularities are committed by your Company, that strict Discipline is observed, and that great pains be taken to inculate morality and good Harmony, among the Men.
You are to build Barracks therein for your Men, and a Magazine for the Reception of the Stores which are to be sent hither. Also, to receive necessaries for your own Company.
You are to collect all the Publick Arms and Horses, which you may hear of in the parts adjacent to you, and secure them until they are called for. You are to transmit me the first day of every month, a particular Return of the State of your Company, relating to the variations that may have happened; as also an exact account of your proceedings since your last Return.
Besides these, you are to send me a weekly Return, signed by yourself and Officer, of the State of your Company. You are to provide yourself upon the most reasonable terms, with such Tools as you find absolutely necessary to carry on the work. You are to receive provisions for immediate use, according to my Order at Pearsalls; and you will hereafter be supplied from this Fort with what you want. By return of the Waggons which came up with Major Lewis's party, you will receive about eight hundred weight of Flour; and that you are to be particular in seeing no waste is committed &c.
N.B. Captain Ashby's Company is stationed at Sellar's and McCrackins;23 at the direction of Lieutenant Bacon.
[Note 23: About 5 miles south of Fort Cumberland on the road to Winchester.]
Winchester, October 28, 1755.
Parole Hampton.
The Officers who came down from Fort Cumberland with Colonel Washington, are immediately to go Recruiting; and they are allowed until the 1st. of December; at which time if they do not punctually appear at the place of Rendezvous assigned them, they will be tried by a Court Martial, for disobedience of Orders.
They are to wait upon the Aid de Camp at one of the Clock, to receive their Recruiting Instructions. Each Officer present, to give in a Return immediately of the number of men he has enlisted. One Subaltern, one Sergeant, one Corporal, one Drummer, and twenty-five private men, are to mount Guard to-day, and to be relieved to-morrow at ten o'clock. All Reports and Returns are to be made to the Aid de Camp.
[Note 24: William Fleming, who later settled in Botetourt County. In 1774 he commanded a regiment at the Battle of Point Pleasant. He became a member of the House of Burgesses and remained in Richmond in 1781 after the governor and legislature fled before Benedict Arnold's advance; as the only State official present he acted as governor, and his measures were later legalized by the legislature.]
October 28, 1755.
You are hereby ordered to repair to Captain Hogg's Company at Fort Dinwiddie, with eight good men; as that Company is without a Surgeon, if you will do that duty, an allowance will be made you for it. You are to provide medicines, &c. upon the best terms you can. This Order I expect will be immediately complied with; and that no Delays be offered. You are to account with Captain Bell for your recruiting money, before you leave him. If you should arrive at Augusta Court-House before Sergeant Wilper25 and his Party, you are to halt there until he joins, in order to escort the Ammunition, &c. for the Fort; where you will receive Clothes and Arms for the Men.
[Note 25: John David Wilper (Woelper).]
October 28, 1755.
I have Ordered Ensign Fleming to Repair to Captain Hoggs Company with eight good men; which I expect you will see immediately complied with. He is to account with you for his recruiting money before he leaves you.
You are hereby Ordered, peremptorily, to be at this place with what men you have, or can enlist by the 1st. of December. Your late disobedience of Orders has greatly displeased me. It is impossible to carry on affairs as they ought to be, when you pay so little regard to the Force of a Military Order. You must be conscious within yourself (or at least ought to be) that your Crime is sufficient to Break the best Officer that ever bore a Commission.
October 28, 1755.
Sir; I received yours of the 6th. of October, inclosing the Returns of your Company, only this day. Ferguson26 was sent after you, but falling ill, by a Sore on his Arm, was ordered to halt here, where he now remains unfit for Duty: therefore I have sent ... in his room. Sergeant Wilper has received from Fort Cumberland and this place, Arms and Clothing to complete your Company to the Establishment. He has enlisted three men on his March, and I have ordered Ensign Fleming, with eight others, to join you; he being a Surgeon, he is desired to take care of your Company; for which he will be allowed. You must use your best endeavours to secure your provisions, and do with it as you see most needful: It is impossible I can direct about it at this distance, properly. As we have contracted for a large quantity of Beef already, you are desired to engage no more than what will suffice for your own Company. I shall see that money is lodged with Mr. Dick for your use, when I see him. You are to see the usual stoppages from the mens pay while they are in the Hospital, to answer the expence of Nurses, &c.
[Note 26: Duncan Ferguson.]
You must be very careful not to slip the opportunity of purchasing Grain for your Company, that being your only dependance for Bread; the Commissary having no orders to make provisions for you. If any of your men should desert or die, you are immediately to Recruit others, keeping your Company to the Establishment.
[Note 27: Of the Maryland independent company.]
October 28, 1755.
Sir; As those Stockades on Pattersons Creek, are only intended by way of cover to the Rangers, and as a Receptacle now and then for Provisions; you are desired not to plan any work, which requires much time to execute. We have neither Men or Tools, to carry on the undertaking with vigour.
Winchester, October 29, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered, so soon as the Waggons arrive from Alexandria and Fort Cumberland, with Clothing and Arms, to see the men completely furnished with both; and march them immediately to Fort Cumberland; observing to take up all the Salt which the waggons, provided by the commissary, will carry. There will come down some of the country waggons, which must also be loaded up with Salt.
As there is some clothing wanting to complete the Companies at Fort Cumberland, you are to take up for that purpose forty Coats, thirty-nine waistcoats, and fifty-six pair of Breeches; thirty-eight Hats and eighty Shirts; which you are to have delivered out to the Companies, according to the Return made me at Fort Cumberland, October 26th. I have sent more Suits than are necessary, in case of getting a Recruit &c. You must do the best you can in Lodging the men, as the Barracks in the Fort are full. As Sergeant Wilper is waiting the return of the waggons from the Fort, for necessaries for Captain Hoggs Company; so soon as they arrive, you are to see that he receives such things as he has orders for, and dispatch him immediately. If no other Horses, belonging to the Country, can be had here, one of the Country Teams must be stopped, and the horses given to him. You must engage the herdsmen to remain with the Cattle, until they hear from the Commissary or from me. You must engage all the Coopers you can to make Barrels for packing the Beef; and if any of the Soldiers are Coopers, they must be set immediately to work. You are to receive from the Stores here thirty pounds of Goose-shot, which you will deliver to Captain Ashby's Company as you pass by, directing him to be particularly careful of it. If either of the Captains of the Rangers should apply to you for Ammunition, you are to supply him from the Fort. A Drummer, with his Drum, is to be sent from this place with Sergeant Wilper, in the room of Duncan Ferguson, who is to go up to Fort Cumberland. You are to see that the men of the Virginia Regiment are exercised as often every day as the duty will admit; and that they are practised also in shooting at Targets; and if there are any who are remarkably awkward, particular pains must be taken with them. You must observe on your march good order and discipline, and see that no irregularities happen; and that the men are not allowed to pillage the Country, which was very much complained of in the last Detachment. You are to apply to Major Lewis for the Instructions which I left with him, and see that they are observed.
Winchester, October 29, 1755.
You are, so soon as you arrive here, to give such directions as you shall see necessary about driving the Cattle to Fort Cumberland. You are to send up Doctor Walker, or go yourself there, to see them killed and properly salted. Whichever of you remains here, must purchase such a quantity of Pork, as you imagine will be necessary for the Troops, upon the most reasonable terms you can; and oblige them to deliver it at whatever time you shall judge most proper. You are to answer, out of the money in your hands, whatever Draughts Captain Hogg may draw on you for the subsistance of his Company, from time to time. You are to see that Coopers are engaged to make Barrels for the Provisions, and to provide all other necessaries for the Expedition, which you know will be wanted.
As there are several Contracts made by me to have Cattle delivered here &c. by the 1st. of next month, I desire that for such as you receive upon that account, if you have money in your hands, you make immediate payment.
Winchester, October 29, 1755.
Parole Williamsburgh.
One Subaltern, one Sergeant, one Corporal, one Drummer and twenty-five private men, the Guard to-day. Captain Peachy is ordered to take upon him the command of the Recruits which arrived here under Lieutenant Hall and Ensign Price;28 who are also ordered to act under him, until further orders. Ensign Hedgeman,29 and the Recruits which arrived with him, are
[Note 28: Lieut. John Hall and Ensign Leonard Price.]
[Note 29: Ensign George Hedgeman.] ordered to join Lieutenant King,30 and be under his command until further orders. Lieutenant Eustace,31 and the eight men with him, are to join (as soon as they arrive at Fort Cumberland) the Company which Captain Waggener commands at present; and the Party left with Sergeant Shaw,32 is to return to their respective Companies, so soon as they reach the Fort. The Commissary is to see that the Magazine is secured, by fastening up the windows &c. better than they now are. The Officers are to see that the men are clothed to-morrow, and to be very particular in their Accounts of what they receive. They will also receive Arms so soon as they arrive from Fort Cumberland, to complete their Recruits. They are to see that each man distinguishes his Firelock by some particular mark, which the Subalterns of the Company are to enter in a Book, they are to keep for that purpose. Every Officer is to provide an Orderly Book to enter the Orders in as they issue every day regularly, that they may examine them often, and see they are duly complied with. Captain Bronaugh, Lieutenant Stewart, Blegg and Williams, sent Recruiting, and to Rendezvous at Alexandria, the 1st. of December.
[Note 30: Lieut. John King.]
[Note 31: Lieut. Hancock (Heindrick or Hendrick) Eustace.]
[Note 32: Sergt. William Shaw.]
October 31, 1755.
You are hereby ordered, as soon as the Clothes and Arms arrive, to furnish all the men who now Rendezvous at Fredericksburgh, with both; and march them immediately with the utmost dispatch to Fort Cumberland, to reinforce the Garorison. When you arrive at Winchester, you must provide your men with Cartridges. You are to be very careful and circumspect in your march; and see that your men do not on any account whatsoever, plunder or pillage the Houses which the people have deserted, or any others, or Plantations. Lieutenant Frazier and Ensign Carter,33 are appointed to this Command.
[Note 33: Lieut. George Frazier and Ensign Thomas Carter.]
Fredericksburg, November 1, 1755.
As Colonel Stephen has brought £1000 which I wrote for to pay off the Troops, it will save you a journey to Williamsburg at this time; but I think it absolutely necessary that you should, after paying the Troops in Garrison, go into Augusta, to pay off Captain Hoggs Company, which is now complete; unless you can send the money by Mr. McClenachan,34 or some safe hand from hence. The Recruits at Fort Cumberland are all paid off to the 1st. of October as private men, there being no distinction made between them and Sergeants, none having yet been regularly appointed.
[Note 34: Thomas(?) McClenachan.]
Colonel Stephen will give you an account of those he has paid, and how. If any have received Sergeants pay, it must be deducted next payment: as also two-pence per month, from each non-commissioned Officer and Soldier for purchasing medicines; this is to be paid to the Surgeon Quarterly. There is also six-pence per month to be stopped from the Drummers, to be paid to the Drum-Major for teaching them, and repairing the Drums. These deductions you are hereby ordered to make each pay-day; less countermanded by the Governor or myself. If any non-commissioned Officer or Soldier should happen to die, he is to be continued on the pay-roll as an effective man, for twenty-eight days, to pay for his Coffin, &c.35 I am &c.
[Note 35: This precise direction was Governor Dinwiddie's instruction to Washington.]
Williamsburg, November 11, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered to proceed with the utmost dispatch to Winchester, where you will receive the Orders left there by me, which you are, as soon as possible, to execute. The Cattle I shall leave entirely to you, to order up altogether or in small droves, as you shall think proper. You are to set up Advertisements, at all the public places convenient to the Fort, for the Inhabitants to bring in all the Pork they can spare, and that they will be allowed the market price, and ready money for any Quantity. You are then to proceed to the Fort, where the Beeves and Hogs are to be killed, with all convenient dispatch; and you are to see that they are well salted and packed up in the Barrels, which you are to have made for that purpose. The Salt is to be forwarded to the Fort with the utmost dispatch from Winchester, or other places where it is lodged.
Fredericksburgh, November 18, 1755.
Sir: I came to this place on Sunday last, and intended to proceed immediately up;36 but receiving yours and other Letters contradicting the reports lately transmitted, determined me to go to Alexandria; where I shall wait a few days, in hopes of receiving the express from General Shirley, who the Governor sent to for commissions for the Field Officers.
[Note 36: To Winchester.]
I beg that you will be particularly careful in seeing strict order observed among the Soldiers, as that is the Life of Military discipline. We now have it in our Power to enforce obedience; and obedience will be expected from us; the Men being subject to death, as in Military Law. The Country have also offered a reward to all who will apprehend deserters; and a severe punishment upon those, who shall entertain or suffer them to pass; also upon any constable who refuses to convey them to their Quarters, or suffer them to Escape, after such deserter is committed to their custody.
These things, with the Articles of War, and a proper exhortation, I would have you immediately read to the Men; and see that it is frequently done hereafter. I must desire that you will use all possible means to facilitate the Salting our Provisions; and to give the Commissary such assistance of Men &c. as he shall ocasonably require. The Governor approves of the Committee's resolve, in not allowing either the Maryland or Carolina Companies to be supported out of our Provisions; this you are desired to make them acquainted with, and in case either of the Company's shoud be discharged, to use your utmost endeavours to enlist so many of their Men as you can. Lieutenant McManus'37 has leave to go to Carolina if he desires it. The Assembly would make no alteration in the Militia Law; nor would the Governor order them to be draughted to compleate our Regiment; so that the slow method of Recruiting, is likely to be our only means to raize the Men. I think, coud a brisk Officer and two or three Sergeants be sent among the Militia stationed on the South Branch, they would have a probable chance of engaging many; as some seemed Inclinable in Winchester to enlist. Doctor Craik38 is expected round to Alexandria in a Vessel, with Medicines and other Stores for the Regiment; so soon as he arrives, I shall take care to despatch him to you.
[Note 37: Lieutenant McManus belonged to the North Carolina troops.]
[Note 38: Dr. James Craik, of Alexandria, a lifelong friend of Washington. He was surgeon to the Virginia Regiment and later chief physician and surgeon of the Continental Army. He was one of the attending physicians at Washington's last illness.]
The Colonels Bird and Randolph, are appointed Commissioners;39 and will set out very shortly with a present, c. to the Country of the Cherokees, in order to engage them to our Interest.
[Note 39: Peter Randolph and William Byrd. Commissioners to treat with the southern Indians. They successfully negotiated a treaty and returned to Williamsburg in 1756.]
We have advices that the King return'd to London from Hanover on the 26th. of September, that War was Proclaim'd the 29th., and that we have already taken 5 of their Men of War and 120 Sail of Merchent Men; a bold stroke by jove; a glorious beginning; and I hope presages our future success. The Man of War mention'd in my last is not yet arriv'd, tho hourly expected; it is said (tho I can't believe it the King not being arriv'd when other ship left England) that she has Commission's for us:40 Another ship of War was said to be dispatched to America imediately upon the declaration so that I have sanguine expectation's we soon shall receive them if they are not already on their way. I am encourag'd to hope this as all the Publick Prints, private Letters, and Gentleman from England say; that the behaviour of the Virginia Troops is greatly extold, and meets with public praises in all the Coffee Houses in London. Yea they exceed the bounds of probability (which I am sorry for) by saying in the London Magazine for August, that 300 Virginians maintain'd an unequal fight against 1600 French and Indians for three hour's after the Regular's fled. The Generals conduct is much condemn'd and the acct. further says; it is not to be wonder'd that those Regiments shou'd act so scandalously here when their behaviour reflected such dishonour on their Country at the Battle of Preston Pan's.41
[Note 40: That would settle the dispute of rank with the captains of the independent companies.]
[Note 41: Prestonpans, in Scotland, a few miles from Edinburgh. The battle (in the War of the Austrian Succession) occurred Sept. 21, 1745, and was a victory for the pretender, Charles Edward.]
By return of the express that brings this, I desire to have a return of the Troops with any occurances and the News that may have happen'd. I am etc.
[Note 42: Of the Light Horse.]
Fredericksburgh, November 18, 1755.
You are to repair immediately to Winchester; in the neighbourhood of which you are to recruit your Troops to the establishment of men. You are not to go any distance from that Town, until further Orders, as you will have the care of the Recruits which rendezvous there. You are to direct Corporal Broughton, who has the charge of the Troop of Horses, to be particularly careful of them; and you are to receive a horse that was left at Joseph Edwards, as one of the number. If any advices should come from Fort Cumberland or other places, you are to dispatch an Express with a return of the Troop, and Letters to me immediately, ordering him to proceed to Alexandria by Vestalls Gap.43 You are not to enlist Servants or Apprentices; nor are you to discharge any person after he is duly enlisted; which I am informed has been practised by some of the Officers. You are to forward the Letter for the Pay-master, by that Messenger you send to the Fort for your Sergeant.
[Note 43: Later known as Williams Gap; farther north in the Blue Ridge than Snickers Gap, which became the more-traveled route into the Shenandoah.]
Fredericksburgh, November 18, 1755.
You are to proceed to those public places, where you have the greatest probability of success, and use your utmost endeavours to enlist what able-bodied men you can for his Majesty's Service. You are not to enlist Servants or Apprentices, nor discharge any man after he is duly enlisted, upon any pretence whatsoever. In marching your Recruits to the place of Rendezvous, if there are any complaints of their misbehaviour, you will be liable to the censure of a Court Martial. You are to have particular regard to your recruiting Instructions, and to be at Alexandria, your place of Rendezvous, with what men you have raised, on the 1st of December precisely.
N.B. The same instructions to Ensigns Milner and Smith;44 with this difference, that Milner is allowed to the 25th. of December.
[Note 44: Ensigns Nathaniel Milner and Charles Smith.]
Fredericksburg, November 18, 1755.
I have had advice of Captain Hogg's Company at Fort Dinwiddie mutinying for want of their pay; which must be attributed entirely to your neglect: as I gave you orders in my last, to go, or send to that Fort, with the money for that Company. If you should not have sent it before this reaches you, you are to proceed immediately to that Fort, with two months' pay. You are only to pay the effective men &c.
November 22, 1755.
I am very sorry you have given me occasion to complain of your conduct in Recruiting; and to tell you, that the methods and unjustifiable means you have practised, are very unacceptable, and have been of infinitely prejudice to the Service: of this I am informed by many Gentlemen, as well as by all the Officers who were ordered to recruit in these parts: and am further assured, that it is next to an impossibility to get a man where you have been; such terror have you occasioned by forcibly taking, confining and torturing those, who would not voluntarily enlist. These proceedings not only cast a slur upon your own Character, but reflect dishonour upon mine; as giving room to conjecture, that they have my concurrence for their source. I must therefore acquaint you, that such Behaviour in an Officer would shake his Commission! Let it then be a warning to you, who I still hope, erred more through inadvertence than design; for which reason, I shall forget the past, in sanguine hopes of what is to come. I am &c.
Alexandria, November 28, 1755.
Sir: I received your two Letters by Jenkins last Night, and was greatly surpris'd to hear that Commissary Walker45 was not arriv'd at Camp, when he came away. He set out from Williamsburgh about the 12th instant, with orders to proceed immediately up; but such disobedience of commands, as I have generally met with is insufferable, and shall not go unpunished! The account you enclosed of the method of receiving the Beef, I suppose is customary; but for want of judgment in those affairs, I can neither applaud nor condemn it. I am as much astonish'd as you was surprized, at the quantity of Salt said to be wanted for the Provision's, but certain it is, that if it, or a greater quantity is absolutely necessary, it must be had. I have left a discretionary power in Commissary Walker, to kill or Winter the Carolina Beeves, as the Interest of Service requires. Pray assist him with your advice, and urge him on to make the necessary purchases of Flour and Pork, in time.
[Note 45: Thomas Walker; appointed as an additional commissary]
The Governour did not seem inclinable to promote the removal of the Fort; however, the Committee have lodged a discretionary power in my hands, and have resolved to pay for all extraordinary Work.46 I would therefore have as little labour lost at Fort Cumberland as possible; at least until I come up, which will be very shortly, my stay here being only for a few days, in order to receive Recruits, and hurry up the Stores to Winchester.
[Note 46: On the fort at Wills Creek.]
I believe those, who say Governour Sharpe is to command, can only wish it. I don't know that General Shirley has a power to appoint a chief to our Forces,--to regulars he may. As to that affair of turning the Store-House into a dwelling Room; I dont know what better answer to give, than saying, that this is one among the many instances that might be given, of the inconveniences of having the Fort in Maryland. As soon as I hear from Governor Shirley, which is hourly expected, I can then send a more determined answer.
There has been such total negligence among the Recruiting Officers in general; such disregard of the Service, and such idle proceedings, that I am determined to send out none until we all meet together, when each Officer shall receive his own men and have only this alternative, either to compleat his number, or loose his Commission. There are several Officers who have been out 6 weeks and two months, without getting a Man; spending their time in all the gayety of pleasurable mirth, with their relations and Friends; not attempting, or having a possible chance of recruiting any but those who, out of their inclination to the service, will proffer themselves.
I should be glad to have ten or twelve Waggons sent to this place, for salt, enough may be had here to load that number; and it comes upon easier terms than at Fredericksburg by 6d. or 8d. per bushel. Those stores at Watkins's Ferry and Conogochieg should be hurried up as fast as the Water affords opportunitys, if it were only to prevent disputes. The enclosed for Lieutenant McManus I shou'd be glad to have forwarded by the first opportunity.
If the paymaster is at Winchester, and not on his way to Fort Dinwiddie, order him down here immediately. If he should be going with Pay to Captain Hogg47 he is to proceed with despatch; but if he is at Fort Cumberland, order him down to Winchester, to wait there until I arrive. I am, &c.
[Note 47: Captain Hogg's men had mutinied because of the failure to pay them.-- Sparks.]
Alexandria, November 28, 1755.
I am sorry to find by your Returns that the men are deserting, and fear you do not take proper means to prevent it. The last account I had from you was of the 3d. instant; mentions your not having received the Salt, Iron, &c. which surprizes me greatly; Major Lewis having ordered it up sometime ago: and by Mr. Dicks accompt., I stand charged with the several Articles. However, I have repeated my Orders, and hope you will be soon supplied, if it has not already reached you.
I ordered from Winchester in October, that two months pay should be remitted you immediately by some safe hand; if that could not be done, the paymaster was then to carry it himself: and I can not conceive the reason that you have not received it. As to the pay for your Beeves, it may be had by drawing upon Mr, Walker, who is now appointed Commissary for the Expedition.
The late Assembly have offered a reward to all who will apprehend Deserters; and a severe punishment upon any who shall detain or assist them in escaping. Also upon all Constables who shall refuse to receive and convey them to the Troop or Company to which they belong; or shall suffer them to escape after they are committed to their care.
I must again order, that you will be diligent in seeing those Orders executed which I left with you. I expect some Recruits here the 1st. of next month: and shall, if any can be spared, order another Subaltern and twenty-five men, to join you. Yours &c.
Alexandria, December 3, 1755.
Captain Bronaugh is ordered to hold himself in readiness to repair to Winchester immediately. All the other Officers now present, except Captain John Mercer, and Ensign Buckner, are to hold themselves in readiness to set out for Recruiting, and are to wait on Colonel Washington, at 2 O'Clock this Evening for their Orders. Captain John Mercer is to prepare himself to go to Williamsburgh; and Ensign Buckner to remain here, to take charge of the Recruits, receive and deliver the Public Stores. Each Officer to make out an accompt. of what pay is due himself and men to the 1st. of December, and to give them in to-morrow morning at 9 o'clock, to the Aid de camp, and they will be paid. If any of the Volunteers or Cadets have a desire to go with any of the Recruiting Officers, to assist them, they will have leave.
And it is Colonel Washingtons orders, they do not attempt to Recruit by or for, themselves.
Alexandria, December 3, 1755.
You are hereby ordered, to continue Recruiting until the 25th. Instant; at which time you are with your Recruits, to be at Winchester without fail.
You are to proceed to all Elections and other public meetings that you can possibly attend, between this and the said 25th. of December; and use your utmost endeavours, to enlist such able-bodied men as are fit for his Majesty's Service.
You are to enlist no Servants or Apprentices; nor are you to discharge any man after he is duly enlisted, upon any pretence whatsoever; neither are you invested with power to impress Horses, &c. as had been practised hitherto without leave: In all other respects you are to govern yourself strictly by your General Instructions: and be assured, if any just complaint is made of the misbehaviour of your men, in their march to the place of Rendezvous, you will be liable to answer it before a Court Martial.
Alexandria, December 3, 1775.
You are hereby ordered to proceed immediately to Winchester, with the money entrusted to your care, which is to be delivered to Mr. Boyd, Paymaster; taking his Receipt for the same. If it should happen that Mr. Boyd is returned to Fort Cumberland, you are to follow him to that place. After delivering this money, you are to employ your time diligently until the 25th. of December, in recruiting; at which time you are to be at Winchester without fail. You are to observe the Instructions given you before; * * *48
[Note 48: The rest of the instructions are the same as those given to Capt. Joshua Lewis, this date.]
Alexandria, December 3, 1755.
I received yours by Lieutenant Lemon, and am sorry to find that the Carolina Beeves are so unfit for Slaughtering: of this I was informed in a late Letter from Colonel Stephens: in consequence I desired him to assist you with his advice, either to kill & salt, or feed them this winter; as Mr. Dick entered into contract with Shepherd,49 whose all I believe, depends upon my confirming or rejecting the Bargain: I shall endeavour to avoid, as much as is in my power taking any advantages that may distress the poor man; or disannul any agreement Mr. Dick has made: but you are nevertheless to make the best of this bad bargain; perhaps he would take the poor Cattle back to Carolina, and keep them until the Spring, for a small consideration. Provender is very scarce in this Colony; however consult Colonel Stephen and others who can advise; and do the best with them for the good of the Service. I have engaged about two hundred bushels of Salt at this place, which you are to send for as soon as possible. Whoever you have appointed Deputy at Winchester, must be very diligent in seeing this done.
[Note 49: Andrew Shepherd.]
I do not care to lay in Provisions for more than twelve hundred men, without particular Orders from the Governor; whom I shall consult on that head, and let you know. If you find our paper-money will not pass current in Maryland, you should be careful to employ as few of their water-men as possible; that we may sustain no loss upon that account. You should also, for the same reason, purchase what Flour &c. you can, in our own Colony. As I am unacquainted with the proper methods to cure provisions, I must desire you will consult the principal Officers at the Fort; and if their opinions corroborate with yours, let some of the Beef be dried, as you propose. I must recommend diligence in the strongest terms to you (at this time particularly) much depending upon your activity, as the Season is so far advanced. I can not help telling you, I am sorry you was so long between Williamsburgh and Winchester.
I am informed, that meat will lie sometime in bulk without salt. I think you should not delay slaughtering the Beeves one moment.
I hope you have sent Orders to Mr. McLean already about this; if not, pray do; for the Cattle must lose flesh every hour. I am &c.
Alexandria, December 3, 1755.
Your Letters, by Jenkins,50 were sometime coming to hand; as I suppose mine will be in getting to you; he being ordered round by Fredericksburgh. The Employ you mention, in apprehending Deserters, is very laudable; nevertheless I must desire you will repair immediately to the Fort, to see that the Orders left there, and those you have since received, are punctually complied with. If you find that the Hill apposite to Fort Cumberland, upon a proper review, is capable of containing a sufficient work of defence, and that the adjoining hill has not the command of it; you may order Timber and other necessaries to be got, to erect a Fort and Barrack there.
[Note 50: William Jenkins, express rider.]
I have ordered some falling axes to be made here, and shall provide some broad ones out of the Stores, which shall be sent up by the first Waggons. I wait here in hourly expectation of seeing a Vessel from Hampton with Sundries for the use of the Regiment a soon as she arrives, and I have sent off the contents, I shall set out for Winchester.
I am extremely sorry to hear that the men still continue to desert; and must think, it is partly owing to mismangement: and their escape, to inactivity of the Officers: Surely they do not pursue them with proper resolution, or they might be taken. I have not yet received the Mutiny Bill; it shall be forwarded when I do. Yesterday being the time appointed to Rendezvous here, came in ten Officers, with twenty Recruits; which make up the number at this place, twenty-five Great! As to what you desire, of going on an Embassy to the Creeks and Cherokees; I have no more right to give leave for as long an absence, than I have to commission you with proper authorities for such an undertaking: both must proceed from the Governour. If he approves, I have no objection. But, if I may offer my opinion, I can scarcely think he will; since the Colonels, Bird and Randolph, are already appointed. I have sent up a thousand pounds to Mr Boyd, for payment of the Troops: and Mr. Lemon informing me the Rangers were complaining on this head; I have ordered him to send money for paying them also: Colonel Fairfax not being in the way to do it.
I would have you send as many Officers as you can spare, after acquainting them with the determination mentioned in my last, to the Election in Fredericksburgh and Hampshire, and to all other public meetings: I am deceived, if those public places will not afford men, if pains are taken. Give each a copy of the enclosed Instructions. I have thought it advisable, since my last letter to you, to employ the Officers in this Service; the Elections affording favourable opportunities to increase our numbers: to neglect which I should be loth. They must be punctual in repairing to the Rendezvous at the limited time; for then I shall endeavour to put this Service under better regulations, &c. Yours
N.B. I wish you would take a party, and examine well the Hill at the mouth of Patterson's Creek: I have a great notion that is a very good place.51
[Note 51: For a fort.]
Alexandria, December 3, 1755.
You will receive from the Bearer, Captain Bronaugh, one thousand pounds, for payment of the Troops; which you are to see immediately done, agreeably to their muster Rolls; having regard to those Instructions of the 28th. October. As I understand the Rangers are complaining for want of their pay; you must send such part of this money as is sufficient to do that; and also one months pay to Captain Hogg's Company, if any opportunity offers.
You are to be particularly exact and careful in these payments: seeing that there is no disagreement between the Returns, and your Pay-Rolls; as there will be strict examination into it hereafter. I am &c.
Alexandria, December 5, 1755.
Honble. Sir: I have sent the bearer, Captain John Mercer (who has accompts. to settle with the Committee), to the treasurer for the balance of that ten thousand pounds; and to acquaint your Honour, that, meeting with letters at Fredericksburg, as I returned from Williamsburg, informing me that all was peaceable above, and that nothing was so immediately wanting as salt. I got what I could at that place, and hastened on here to engage more; to receive the recruits expected in; and to wait the arrival of the vessel with arms, &c., from James River, in order to forward them up with the greater despatch. The vessel is not yet arrived.
I have impatiently expected to hear the result of your Honour's letter to General Shirley; and wish that the delays may not prove ominous. In that case, I shall not know how to act; for I can never submit to the command of Captain Dagworthy, since you have honoured me with the command of the Virginia regiment, &c.52
[Note 52: The old difficulty of rank between provincial officers and those holding commissions from the King had been revived at Fort Cumberland. Immediately after the affair of the Great Meadows the Assembly of Maryland granted the small sum of £6,000 for the defense of the frontiers, and in the following December they passed an act authorizing the governor to raise a military force. A few soldiers only were enlisted, and at this time a Maryland company of 30 men was stationed at Fort Cumberland under the command of Capt. John Dagworthy, who had been an officer in the Canada expedition during the last war and had received a King's commission. Governor Innes had gone home to North Carolina on his private affairs. Dagworthy assumed the command and refused to obey any orders of a provincial officer, however high in rank. This created wrangling and insubordination among the inferior officers, who took sides. The Governor of Maryland was tardy in giving any decisive orders to Dagworthy, because the fort was in that province, and he seemed willing to consider it under his command. Governor Dinwiddie argued that it was a King's fort, built by an order sent to him from the King, chiefly by forces in the King's pay, and that it could in no sense be regarded as subject to the authority of Maryland. And, moreover, as Captain Dagworthy had commuted his half pay for a specific sum of money, his commission had thereby become obsolete, and there was no propriety in his pretending to act under it; and it was an absurdity for a captain with 30 men, who in reality had no other commission than that from the Governor of Maryland, to claim precedence of the commander in chief of all the Virginia forces. Colonel Washington made a forcible remonstrance to the governor and council at Williamsburg and insisted on a speedy arrangement that should put an end to the difficulty. To effect this purpose Governor Dinwiddie sent an express to General Shirley, commander of his Majesty's forces in North America, stating the particulars of the case and requesting from him brevet commissions for Colonel Washington and the field officers under him; proposing, at the same time, that these commissions should only imply rank, without giving any claim to pay from the King.]
The country has sustained inconceivable losses by delaying the commissaries at Williamsburg: Many of the Carolina beeves are dead, through absolute poverty; and the chief part of them too poor to slaughter. We are at a loss how to act, for want of the mutiny bill; and should be obliged to your Honour, if you will have fifty or a hundred printed, and sent by the bearer. There is a clause in that bill, which if you are not kind enough to obviate it, will prevent entirely the good intention of it: i.e., delaying the execution of sentences, until your Honour shall be made acquainted with the proceedings of the court. This, at times when there is the greatest occasion for examples, will be morally impossible (I mean, while we are on our march; perhaps near the Ohio,) when none but strong parties can pass with safety: at all times it must be attended with great expense, trouble and inconveniency. This I represented to Colonel Corbin, and some other gentlemen of the Council, when I was down; who said that that objection to the Bill would be removed, by your Honour's giving blank warrants, to be filled up as occasion should require. This would effectually remedy all those evils, and put things in their proper channel.
We suffer greatly for want of kettles: those sent from below being tin, are of short duration. We shall also, in a little time, suffer as much for the want of clothing; none can be got in these parts; those which Major Carlyle and Dalton contracted to furnish, we are disappointed off. Shoes and stockings we have, and get more if wanted, but nothing else. I should be glad your Honor would direct what is to be clone in these cases; and that you would be kind enough to desire the treasurer to send some part of the money in gold and silver: were this done, we might often get necessaries for the regiment in Maryland, or Pennsylvania, when they cannot be had here. But with our money it is impossible; our paper not passing there.
The recruiting service goes on extremely slow. Yesterday being a day appointed for rendezvousing at this place, there came in ten officers with twenty men only. If I had any other than paper money, and you approved of it; I would send to Pennsylvania and the borders of Carolina: I am confident, men might be had there. Your Honor never having given any particular directions about the provisions; I should be glad to know, whether you would have more laid in than what will serve for twelve hundred men; that I may give orders accordingly.
As I cannot now conceive, that any great danger can be apprehended at Fort Cumberland this winter; I am sensible, that my constant attendance there, cannot be so serviceable as riding from place to place, making the proper dispositions, and seeing that all our necessaries are forwarded up with despatch. I therefore think it advisable to inform your Honour of it, hoping that it will correspond with your own opinion.
I forgot to mention when I was down, that Mr. Livingston,53 the Fort Major, was appointed adjutant to our regiment: I knew of none else whose long servitude in a military way, had qualified better for the office; he was appointed the 17th of September.
[Note 53: James Livingston.]
Captain Mercer's pay as aid-de-camp seems yet doubtful; I should be glad if your Honour would fix it; so is Captain Stewart's.54 If Captain Stewart's is encreased, I suppose all the officers belonging to the light-horse will expect to have theirs augmented also. Colonel Stephens, in a late letter, discovered an inclination to go to the Creek and Cherokee Indians this winter. I told him where to apply, if he had any such thoughts. I believe, on so useful a business, he might be spared until the spring. If your Honor think proper to order the act of Assembly for apprehending deserters, and against harbouring them, to be published every Sunday in each parish church, until the
[Note 54: Capt. Robert Stewart.] people were made acquainted with the law, it would have a very good effect. The commonalty in general err more through ignorance than design. Few of them are acquainted that such a law exists: and there is no other certain way of bringing it to their knowledge. There are a great many of the men that did once belong to our companies, deserted from the regiments into which they were draughted, that would now gladly return, if they could be sure of indemnity. If your Honor would be kind enough to intimate this to General Shirley, or the colonels of those regiments, it would be of service to us: without leave, we dare not receive them. I am, &c.
Alexandria, December 5, 1755.
As a quantity of Salt is wanted at Fort Cumberland for curing the provisions, you must endeavour to purchase it upon the best terms you can; and I shall fulfil any contract you may enter into. What I have engaged here has been at 2/ per bushel. You may procure six or eight hundred bushels at that rate, and see that they are forwarded to Winchester as expeditiously as possible: in order to do this, you must hire and impress Waggons; those Horses which were send round from Williamsburgh, are also to go up; and a Military Chest which Mr. Allen55 made for me, is to receive the first conveyance. You are to remain in Fredericksburgh and Falmouth, seeing these things done, until further Orders.
[Note 55: James Allen]
All the Recruits which now are, and shall arrive at Fredericksburgh, between this and the 25th. Instant, must immediately proceed to the Rendezvous at Winchester.
N.B. Enquire of Mr. Dick and other Merchants, whether Commissary Walker has engaged Salt of them: if he has, you have then only to forward it up.
December 6, 1755.
Sir: Inclos'd is a Bill of Lading for three H'hds Tobo. Ship'd on Board the ... 56 Captn. Merrie for London which please to make the most of.
[Note 56: Left blank in the original. As the first order on London for goods, both letter and invoice merit attention. Richard Washington, the London merchant, was considered by George Washington as a relation, though the exact kinship is vague.]
I ought first Sir, to have apologiz'd for the abrub't manner in which I begin this corrispondance but I hope to obtain an excuse when I say I was induc'd to this by the good opinion I have conceiv'd of your merit from the reports of Colo. Fairfax and others who are happier than I, in being of your acquaintance. If you approve of my Beginning I shall have it in my power to Ship a larger quantity of Tobo., and shall Consign them to you. These three were only put on board to oblige Merrie who labour'd under some difficulty in getting a Load.
I have a Ball'e. of £6-18-1 in the hands of Mr. Anthony Bacon;57 please to call upon him for it, he is advis'd thereof. Inclos'd is an Invoice of Sundries which I entreat you to buy and send me by the first Ship in the Spring either to the head of Potomack or Rappahannock; the cost of these things will amount to more than the Tobo. &c. for which Reason I shall take the earliest oppertunity of remitting you a Bill of Exchange. I have left many of the Articles with blank prices leaving it discretionary in you to fix them with this only desire, that you will choose agreable to the present taste, and send things good of their kind. The Livery Suits must be made by measures taken of Men as near their size as you can judge. I shou'd be glad to cultivate the most intimate Corrispondance
[Note 57: Anthony Bacon, a London merchant. Washington purchased supplies from him later.] with you, not only for names-sake but as a friend, and that endeavour in all things to approve myself worthy your regard. I am Sir, Yr. Most Obed't H'bly Serv't
Alexandria, December 8, 1755.
You are hereby required to take charge of the Recruits sent to Winchester by Captain Gist; whose Son you must Order to proceed immediately and join his Father.60
[Note 60: Capt. Christopher Gist, who commanded a company of rangers. His two sons. Nathaniel and Thomas, were both in the service.]
Captain Gist this day received one hundred pounds to recruit with; and the same Orders that were given to the other Officers on the 3d. instant. &c.
Alexandria, December 16, 1755.
So soon as the Vessel with the Stores and medicines arrives, you are to embrace the first opportunity that offers, of conveying up your Chest, and proceeding, yourself, to Winchester. You are to provide yourself here, with what you think will be wanting for the Hospital, and bring them up with you; taking care to purchase no more than is absolutely necessary, for the support and relief of the Regiment.
Winchester, December 20, 1755.
Parole Albemarle.
A Return to be given in immediately of the Recruits now in this town, by the several Officers who enlisted them; mentioning their height, age, trade, &c. The Officers to see that the Sergeants who understand the manual Exercise, do drill the Recruits, at least twice a-day.
Winchester, December 22, 1755.
Parole Boston.
A Return is to be made every morning to Colonel Washingtonof the number of men in this town; and all contingences.
During his stay here, no provision is to be delivered out, but by a written order from him or the aid de camp. The Commissary is to send up the Cask of Tools by the first Waggon that goes to the Fort. The following men being judged unfit for Duty, on Review; are ordered to be discharged: Viz.
The Commissary is to allow each of them eight days provision to carry them home.
All the Recruits now in town, who have not received Clothes and Arms; are to have them delivered to them to-day. The Officers and Commissary to be very exact; and see that none of them receive twice. The Commissary to see that the Store-Houses are immediately repaired and secured: he is also to give in a return of the Arms which have been delivered to George Wright to repair.
Winchester, December 23, 1755.
Parole Chichester.
The soldiers who received their discharge yesterday, are to attend at the Head-Quarters at 2 O'clock; and they will receive some money to bear their expences home.
They are not to be allowed to take their Regimentals with them; but, if they are very naked, may take their Blankets.
Although there were express orders given for Returns being made regularly every morning, none have yet been given in. If it is neglected again, the Officer, whose duty it is to collect and make them, will be put under an Arrest.
December 25, 1755.
It is Colonel Washington's Orders, that all the Recruits now in this town, except those belonging to the Troop of Light Horse, be under the Command of Captain Bell; and that Ensign Thompson act as his Subaltern, until further Orders. The Commanding Officers of Companies to give in an exact return to the Commissary to-morrow morning, at 9 O'Clock, of their men, signed by themselves.
The Recruits, belonging to the Troop of Light Horse, to be in Town to-morrow morning, by nine o'clock, and to be drawn up with those under the Command of Captain Bell, and have the Articles of War read to them. The Commissary is to deliver out, at ten o'clock to-morrow, three days provision to all the Recruits, agreeable to the returns which he shall receive, signed by the Officers.
As two of the Deserters, mentioned in the morning Orders, are brought in by some country people; those Orders are Countermanded. Any Soldier who shall desert, though he return again, shall be hanged without Mercy.
No Soldier upon any pretence whatsoever, is to go more than a mile, (without leave) from the Town. Any Soldier taken, beyond that distance, will be treated as a Deserter. All Orders relating to the men, are constantly to be read to them by an Officer of the Company. The Roll of each Company to be called by a Commissioned Officer, morning, noon and night; and a Return of the absent or disorderly to be given in to the Commanding Officer of the Regiment.
Winchester, December 27, 1755.
In pursuance of Commands from the Governor to me, you are hereby ordered to proceed to Augusta, and there to take upon you the command of Captain Hogg's Company; three Companies of Rangers, and such Cherokee Indians as you shall find there; and march them to such place or places, and obey such order or orders, as the Governor shall direct.
Winchester, December 27, 1755.
I wrote you fully the 28th. ultimo; since when I have only received two returns; one of the twenty-sixth, the other of the twenty-ninth of November; by which I find you still want men to complete your Company. The present allowance for Recruiting is two Pistoles per man, and eight pence per day subsistance, from the time of their attestation, until they are received at Quarters; and no men are allowed for, but those who shall be actually reviewed and passed.
Lieutenant McNeil61 received two hundred pounds from the Commissary to pay for your Provisions &c. which I expect will be very punctually accounted for. As to your mens complaints about the stoppages &c. they are groundless and unnecessary; it is the custom of the army; and what the Soldiers here submit to with chearfulness.
[Note 61: Lieut. John McNeill.]
I think it will be advisable to detain both Mulatto's and negroes in your Company; and employ them as Pioneers or Hatchet-men.
You will receive by this conveyance the late Act of Assembly against Mutiny and Desertion; and you are to have the Deserters punished accordingly.
Major Lewis, who is ordered there to take upon him the command of three Companies of Rangers, which are to be joined by your Company and the Cherokee Indians, for certain purposes; will give you his advice and assistance in this affair.
I never received any Letter even mentioning of John Johnston, but that of the 29th. of November, speaking of him among other Deserters.
By Major Lewis you will receive an hundred and fifty-seven pounds, thirteen and three pence, pay for your Company for the months of December and January. And he will also settle with them and pay off their arrears. The money that he brings will be more than sufficient for two months pay; so that you are to keep regular pay-rolls, and transmit to me or the pay-master, regular accompts. of your disbursements, signed by yourself and Officers, and Receipts from each non-commissioned Officer and Soldier for their months pay. Another receipt you are always to keep yourself, regularly entered into a Book for that purpose.
You must also transmit to the Commissary an accompt. of money expended for Provisions, &c. signed as above. These Directions I received from below. The Governor complains of your laying in provisions for twenty months, instead of the twelve, which I ordered; and takes notice of an extraordinary charge of ten pounds, for a Trough, which amazes me: the like sure was never heard of.
If the Carpenters are kept closely to their work, you may allow them one Shilling per day, besides their soldiers pay; but you are to be cautious how they are employed; and not throw away the Countrys money idly: neither are they to receive extraordinary pay for any work, which shall be deemed soldiers duty. As to Smiths work, you can not have a great deal to do; therefore agree upon the most reasonable terms. If you have not got the Tools from Fredericksburgh, you must try to get them made in Augusta; or purchase from the Country people, if they are to be had.
You will let Ensign Fleming know that Captain Bell will be with him in a few days to settle his accompt. for Recruiting; when that is done, he will receive the arrears of his pay.
I am sorry to find Mr. Chew still dissatisfied for his Servant; and did not expect such Behaviour from an Officer. I hope therefore you will make him immediate restitution, or expect to answer it in a more disagreeable way. I am, &c.
P.S. I have sent you General Recruiting Instructions, which you are to observe, when you want men to complete your Company.
Winchester, December 28, 1755.
Parole Hampton.
The Recruiting Officers now in town are to make out their Accompts. and deliver them to-morrow at ten o'clock. They are to charge two Pistoles for each man received at the place of Rendezvous; and eight-pence per day for their maintenance: no other charges will be allowed. Three Recruits that Ensign Smith reviewed and passed this day, are to be furnished with Clothes, Arms, &c.
A Court of Enquiry to sit immediately to examine whether Abraham Dale, recruited by Ensign Dekeyzer, be duly enlisted. Captain Stewart, President. The Officers to give in an accompt. to-morrow at ten of the clock, of the arrears due themselves and men now effective.
John Campbell of Captain Gist's Company, is released from confinement; having received a sufficient reprimand for his disorderly behaviour.
Mr. Nathaniel Gist is appointed Lieutenant, and William Crawford, Ensign, in a Company of Scouts commanded by Captain Christopher Gist.
N.B. It was the unanimous judgment of the Court of Enquiry, that Dale is duly enlisted.
Winchester, December 28, 1755.
Sir: Captain John Mercer only returned last night from Williamsburg; and brings no satisfactory answers to any thing I question'd the Governor upon. The express that was sent to Genl. Shirley, is returned without seeing him: however, the Governor writes that he expects answers to his Letters by Colo. Hunter,62 who is now at New York, and waits the arrival of the Genl. at that place. The Governor is very strongly of opinion that Captn. Dagworthy63 has no right to contend the Command; and in his Letter he says, after mentioning the return of the express, and his expectancy of satisfactory Letters, "but I am of opinion you might have obviated the inconsistent dispute with Captn. Dagworthy, by asking him if he did not command a Provin'l Company and by virtue of Gov. Sharpe's Comn. as that he had formerly from his Majesty now ceases, as he is not on the half-pay list; if so, the method you are to take is very obvious, as your Commission from me is greater than what he has," and in Williamsburg when I was down there, both he and Colo. Fitzhugh told me, that Dagworthy cou'd have no more pretensions to Command me or either of the Field Officers of the Virg'n Regt. than we have to Com'd Genl. Shirley; and further gave it as their opinions, that as Dagworthy's was only a botched up Comn. at best; and as he commanded a Provincial Company and by virtue of a Governor's Comn. that he ought to be arrested for his presumption, they say, allow'g his Comn. from the King to be valid; yet as he is not there by order of his Majesty; that he can have no better pretension's than a visiting half pay Officer who transiently passes thro' the Camp, to assume the Com'd. I wish you would sound him on this h'd, and hear how he will answer these things, and let me know when you come down, which I desire may be immediately; as I want much to consult you upon several accounts. The Paymaster, and Commissary if he is not very much engag'd must accompany you, desire both to have their accts. settled and brought with them, as that is
[Note 62: Col. John Hunter.]
[Note 63: Capt. John Dagworthy, of a Maryland independent company. His commission was from the King of Great Britain, like those of officers in the regular British Army. The claim was that such a commission was superior to any granted by a Colonial governor.] necessary before I can give more money. Also desire all the Officer's who have received money for Recruit'g to make up their accts. immediately and charge for no more Men than have actually been received at the several Rendezvous, allowance will be made for no others; the Arrears of Pay for these Officers and Soldiers who have not rec'd for the Months of Jany. and Feby. are im'y to be made out and sent down by you with the Rec'g accts.; desire them to charge for no Men but what are present, as I can pay for no others now.
I have sent you one of the Mutiny Bills which I rec'd from below; but I think indeed I believe it is absolutely necessary as we still want the power, to postpone tryal until after your return. Order Com'y Walker to see that there is particular care taken of all the Bags and to send them down if more Salt is wanted. Also order him to call upon Mr. McLean to render an acct. of the disbursements of Sundry sums of money to the amount of 70 £s, [I] let him have since the 17th. of Sept. last and bring that down with him.
Inclos'd is a Commission for Captn. Waggener which I have neglected giving before; so long as I have had it desire him as the comm'd will upon your leaving the place, devolve upon him to be very circumspect in his duty; and to see that the Troops are duly drawn out and train'd to their exercise and practis'd to bush fighting. As I expect in a very few days to have the pleasure of seeing you, I shall only add that I am, &c.
Winchester, December 28, 1755.
You are hereby ordered to repair to your Company with all possible dispatch. I have found it impracticable to procure Clothes for your men. I think none so proper for Rangers as Matchcoats; therefore would advise you to procure them.
Those who have not received Clothing; for the future will have their full pay, without stoppages; and those already made, will be repaid to them. Those who have been clothed, must either return them, or allow stoppages.
I would have you consult your men, and fall upon some method to supply them immediately. I would have all your accompts. with your men fairly stated against I come up: and always when you make payment hereafter, take receipts from each man; one of which you are to have entered in a Book kept for that purpose, for your own use: the other on a sheet of paper, and transmitted to me monthly.
You will receive a Bill against Mutiny and Desertion, which you must have often read to the men. And further assure them that if any Soldier deserts, although he return himself, he shall be hanged.
Winchester, December 28, 1755.
I am very much surprized to hear the great irregularities which were allowed of in your Camp. The Rum, although sold by Joseph Coombs, I am credibly informed, is your property. There are continual complaints to me of the misbehaviour of your Wife; who I am told sows sedition among the men, and is chief of every mutiny. If she is not immediately sent from the Camp, or I hear any more complaints of such irregular Behaviour upon my arrival there; I shall take care to drive her out myself, and suspend you.
It is impossible to get clothing here for your men. I think none so proper for Rangers as Match-coats; therefore would advise you to procure them. Those who have not receive clothing, for the future will receive their full pay without stoppages; and those already made, will be repaid them.
Those who have been clothed must either return them or allow stoppages. I would have you consult your men, and fall upon some method to supply them immediately. I have heard very great complaints about the mens pay; and that it has been misapplied: to prevent any for the future I Order, that you have your accompts. with the men properly stated against I come up. And always after you make payments hereafter, to take two receipts from each man: one of which you are to have entered in a Book kept for that purpose, for your own use; the other must be taken upon a sheet of paper, and transmitted to me monthly.
I have sent you one of the mutiny Bills which you are (as far as it relates to the men) to have frequently read to them. Further; acquaint them, that if any Soldier deserts, altho' he return himself, he shall be hanged.
Winchester, December 30, 1755.
Parole Kendal.
The Commissary is immediately to engage eight Waggons to be sent to the Quarter-master at Alexandria, to bring Stores, &c. from that place: and he is to make a Report, as soon as he has engaged that number. A Sergeant and six men to pile up the Cannon Ball that lie scattered before the Magazine; and the Sentry there is to have Orders, not to let them be thrown about again.
Whereas there have been some mistakes about settling the arrears of the mens pay for the months of December, January and February last: It is Colonel Washington's Orders that the Officers who were employed in the Recruiting Service at that time, and had the men under their own command until the Draughts were made in March last, do make off from the Paymaster Books, an exact account of the arrears due the men enlisted by them, who are now effective: they then will receive the amount; and each Officer must settle with his own Recruits, and pay them off; making stoppages of his just accompts., and take each roans receipt for the full arrears due him: which receipt must afterwards be produced to Colonel Washington. The Subaltern Officers who received money from their Captains for Recruiting must account with them for it as each Captain has given his receipt for the full sum received, for Recruiting. Three Subalterns who received money from Colonel Washington, must account with him.
Winchester, December 31, 1755.
Parole Limrick.
As there has issued Orders several times for every Officer to provide himself with a proper Regimental Dress (which dress is also particularly described:) Colonel Washington is a good deal surprized to find that some Officers are yet unprovided; and declares, that if they do not immediately procure them, or such thereof as can be had; it will be looked upon as disobedience of Orders, and will be tried accordingly.
There are more persons returned as Sergeants than are necessary for the number of Recruits in Town. Therefore a Return must immediately be given in of the names who call themselves; so; that a proper choice may be made to do the Duty of Sergeants: the rest are to act as private Centinels, until further Orders.
Winchester, December 31, 1755.
You are hereby Ordered to proceed to those public Places where you have the greatest probability of success; and continue Recruiting until the first day of March; at which time it is expected you will repair to this place.
You are, with some trusty person, to send your Recruits here, so soon as you raise a squad of five or ten men; and the person with whom you entrust them, is to take a receipt from the Officer, who will be appointed here to receive them, for the number delivered, specifying their names, &c. * * *64
[Note 64: An omitted paragraph duplicates the instructions as to enlisting servants and apprentices, in Washington's letter to Joshua Lewis, December 3, ante.]
You may dispose of your Subalterns or seems best to you for the Service; giving them the same Orders you receive.
Winchester, Saturday, January 3, 1756.
Parole Ostend.
The Guard is to be regularly relieved every morning at ten o'clock.
The Drummer must observe to beat, at the appointed times, the following Beats. Revele at day-break; Troop, at ten o'clock; Retreat at sun-set; and Tattoo, at nine o'clock at night. An Officer is to see that the above Orders are duly executed.
This Tour of Duty to begin with the eldest Captain; and to continue through the rest of the Officers, according to Seniority. The Officer of the Day is to make a Report of the Guard, as soon as he is relieved.
[Note 65: Governor of Pennsylvania.]
Winchester, January 5, 1756.
Honble. Sir: I am sorry it has not been in my power to acknowledge the receipt of yours till now. At the time that your letter came to Winchester, I was at Williamsburg; before I got back, it was conveyed thither; and so from place to place has it been tossing almost untill this time.
There is nothing more necessary than good intelligence to frustrate a designing enemy, and nothing that requires greater pains to obtain. I shall, therefore, cheerfully come into any measures you can propose to settle a correspondence for this salutary end; and you may depend upon receiving (when the provinces are threatened) the earliest and best intelligence that I can procure.
I sympathized in a general concern to see the inactivity of your province in a time of eminent danger; but am pleased to find, that a feeling sense of wrongs has roused the spirit of your martial Assembly to vote a sum, which, with your judicious application, will turn to a general good.66
[Note 66: The trouble in taxing the Pennsylvania proprietaries' lands had delayed an appropriation. Sparks goes into the matter rather fully in a footnote. When the news of Braddock's defeat reach England the proprietaries, alarmed at the progress of the enemy, or, as Doctor Franklin has said, "intimidated by the clamor raised against them for their meanness and injustice," ordered the receiver general to add £5,000 to such sums as the assembly should grant for the security of the province. When this was made known to the house, a new bill was framed, granting £60,000 for the use of the Crown, with a clause exempting the proprietary estates from the tax. (See Votes and Proceedings, Pennsylvania Assembly, November, 1755.) In May, 1755, the Pennsylvania Assembly had given £15,000 for the King's use by an order appropriating funds then within their control; £5,000 of this money was applied to victualling the King's troops in Virginia and £10,000 to procuring and transporting provisions for the Massachusetts troops engaged in the King's service. In November the grant of £60,000 was made, and a bill for establishing and disciplining a voluntary militia was drafted by Benjamin Franklin, which, as he says, passed through the house with little difficulty, as the Quakers were left at liberty. Several companies were organized, but none ever joined the Virginians in any expedition against the Indians. The money was chiefly expended in building forts on the Pennsylvania frontiers, under the superintendence of Franklin, who was commissioned for that purpose by the governor. (See Franklin's Works, vol. 1, p. 153.)]
We took some pretty vigorous measures to collect a force upon our frontiers, upon the first alarm; which have kept us peaceable ever since: how long this may last, is uncertain. Since that force (which were Militia) are disbanded; and the Recruiting Service almost stagnated.
If you propose to levy Troops; and their destination is not a secret; I should be favoured, were I let into the scheme, that we may act conjunctly, so far as the nature of things will admit. Pray direct to me at Alexandria, to which place I design to go in about ten days from this. I am, &c.
Winchester, Tuesday, January 6, 1756.
Parole Richmond.
Whereas it has been represented to Colonel Washington, that Ensign Dekeyser has been guilty of a breach of the twenty third article of War; by behaving in a manner unbecoming the character of a Gentleman, and an Officer. He is ordered to appear before a Court of enquiry, which will sit to examine into the complaint to-morrow at ten of the clock. The Court to consist of nine Officers; none under the degree of a Captain; Lieutenant Colonel Stephen, President. All Evidences to attend.
Winchester, Thursday, January 8, 1756.
Parole Tweed.
All the Officers in town to attend Lieutenant Colonel Stephens immediately at Limon's House. As soon as the Congress is over, three of the youngest Subalterns, and Sergeant Waters, are to go immediately in pursuit of the two Deserters, who made their escape last night; and to use their utmost endeavours to apprehend them.
Three days provision to be delivered to the Troops tomorrow, at twelve o'clock.
Lieutenant Colonel Stephen has orders to read the following suspension and admonition to all the Officers.
"Whereas the Court of Enquiry that was held yesterday in behalf of our Sovereign Lord, the King, for examining into a complaint against Leehaynsious Dekeyser, Ensign in the Virginia Regiment, for a breach of the twenty-third Article, fifteenth Section of War: Were unanimous in opinion, that he was not only guilty of the crime for which he was arrested; but had acted inconsistently with the character of a Gentleman, and scandalously for an Officer; whose character should be preserved by the nicest rules of Honour.
For these and other reasons, unnecessary to enumerate; I think it for the Honour of his Majesty's Service, and the good of the Regiment, that the said Lehaynsius Dekeyser be Suspended; and he is hereby suspended and debarred from holding any post or having any connection with the said Regiment, until the Governors pleasure be known; or until he is acquired by a general Court Martial; if he thinks proper to appeal for a further hearing.67
[Note 67: Dekeyser was accused of cheating at cards. The original proceedings of the court, dated Jan. 7, 1756, are in the Washington Papers, Library of Congress.]
This timely warning of the Effects of misbehaviour will, I hope, be instrumental in animating the younger Officers to a laudable Emulation in the Service of their Country. Not that I apprehend any of them can be guilty of Offences of this nature: but there are many other misdemeanors that will, without due circumspection, gain upon inactive minds, and produce consequences equally disgraceful.
I would therefore, earnestly recommend, in every point of Duty; willingness to undertake; and intrepid resolution to execute.
Remember, that it is the actions, and not the Commission, that make the Officer and that there is more expected from him than the Title. Do not forget, that there ought to be a time appropriated to attain this knowledge; as well as to indulge pleasure. And as we now have no opportunities to improve from example; let us read, for this desirable end. There is Blands and other Treatises which will give the wished-for information.
I think it my duty, Gentlemen, as I have the Honour to preside over you, to give this friendly admonition; especially as I am determined, as far as my small experience in Service; my abilities, and interest of the Service, dictate; to observe the strictest discipline through the whole economy of my Behaviour. On the other hand; you may as certainly depend upon having the strictest justice administered to all: and that I shall make it the most agreeable part of my duty, to study merit, and reward the brave, and deserving. I assure you, Gentlemen, that partiality shall never bias my conduct; nor shall prejudice injure any: but throughout the whole tenor of my proceedings, I shall endeavour, as far as I am able, to reward and punish, without the least diminution."
Winchester, Friday, January 9, 1756.
Parole Versailles.
The Tour of Duty, mentioned in the Orders of the third instant, it to be done only by the Captains. A general Return is to be given in at ten o'clock, of all the Troops in this Town; except those that belong to Captain Stewart. The Commissary must also give in a Return of all the Kettles he has in Store here.
All the Officers now in town, are to hold themselves in readiness to attend Lieutenant Colonel Stephen to Fort Cumberland tomorrow; except Captains Stewart, Peachy and Bell.
The Virginia Regiment is now formed into Companies; and are (without a particular Order to the contrary) to remain, and be as followeth, viz.
[Note 68: Ensign George Hedgman or Hedgeman.]
[Note 69: Ensign George Gordon.]
[Note 70: Ensign William Stark.]
Ensign Weedon71
[Note 71: Ensign George Weedon.]
[Note 72: Ensign Charles Smith.]
[Note 73: Lieut. Hancock (Heindrick or Hendrick) Eustace.]
Ensign
[Note 74: Lieut. John King.]
Ensign Buckner75
[Note 75: Ensign Mordecai Bucknet, who also acted as quartermaster.]
[Note 76: Lieut, Austin Brockenbrough.]
Ensign
[Note 77: Lieut. John Edward Lomax.]
Ensign Carter78
[Note 78: Ensign Thomas Carter.]
[Note 79: Capt. Henry Harrison.]
Lieutenant Hall80
[Note 80: Lieut. John Hall.]
Ensign Thompson81
[Note 81: Ensign Nathaniel Thompson.]
[Note 82: Lieut. Peter Sternbergen.]
Ensign Hubbard83
[Note 83: Ensign Edward Hubbard.]
[Note 84: Lieut. John Williams.]
Ensign Dangerfield85
[Note 85: Ensign William Dangerfield.]
[Note 86: Lieut. John Campbell.]
Ensign Deane87
[Note 87: Ensign John Deane.]
[Note 88: Lieut. James Baker.]
Ensign Price89
[Note 89: Ensign Leonard Price.]
Each Captain is to receive his own, and his Subalterns Recruits upon his arrival at Fort Cumberland: and the Soldiers that were in the late Companies of Captains Stephen, Hogg, Polson, and Peyrounie; are to be equally divided among the promoted Lieutenants: Viz. The Captains Savage, Bronaugh, Mercer, Lewis and Woodward: who are ordered to complete their Companies, without further delay.
The new appointed Officers, who obtained their Commissions upon condition that they should raise their Companies: are hereby informed. That it is expected the terms will be complied with, with the greatest punctuality. And it is recommended to the Serious consideration of all the Officers, who value their appointments; to set about this Duty with the greatest alacrity and dispatch: for the terms on one side, will assurdly be observed. I have my instructions from the Governour.
The Balances of the Recruiting Accompts. are to be paid on demand, to Lieutenant Colonel Stephen. And it is again desired, that no Officer will pretend to charge for any men, but what have actually been received (as some have done at Fort Cumberland; not only contrary to their Instructions, but against a positive Order).
It is also desired; that no Article may encumber the Recruiting Accompts., but such as have relation to them. The Officers pay, and pay for Sergeants, Drummers, &c. are Charges against the pay master; of whom they will receive the money.
All Subalterns who received Recruiting money from their Captains, are to account with them for it; as the Captain is to make out a General Accompt. for me, agreeable to a form herewith sent: they being answerable for the money. And as complaint has been made, that some Subalterns have expended the money without Recruiting Men equivalent: I do hereby Order that their pay be stopped; until their Captains have full and just satisfaction made to them.
And I do also declare; that if any Officer for the future shall apply the money delivered him for public uses; such as Recruiting &c. to his private purposes; that he or they shall answer it before a General Court Martial; and may depend upon suffering to the utmost rigour of their Sentence.
The Officers who have not received are to draw upon the Paymaster for their own and Mens arrears for the months of January and February last; agreeable to the Order of the thirtieth of December: and to see that the men are duly paid while they are at Fort Cumberland. They are to take receipts from each particular man; which with a general accompt., is to be lodged with Lieutenant Colonel Stephen: and as Lieutenant Colonel Stephen has received part of most of their arrears; care must be taken that the Sums so received, are duly deducted. This Accompt. will be lodged in the paymasters hands for that purpose.
The Officers who will be Ordered out Recruiting, will receive their instructions from Lieutenant Colonel Stephen.90
[Note 90: From Winchester (January 9) Washington issued general instructions for the recruiting officers of the Virginia Regiment. They are practically the same as those issued Sept. 3, 1755, ante.]
Winchester, January 9, 1756.
Sir: You are Ordered to proceed from this to Fort Cumberland and to be accompanied by all the Officers now in Winchester, on your way thither. You are to Reconnoitre well the Ground about Ashby's Fort; and from thence down to the mouth of Patterson's Creek: and inform me, if you meet with a convenient situation to erect a Fort on. If you find none there; take notice of the ground, between that and Fort Cumberland, and Report accordingly as you find it. This account must be transmitted by the first opportunity. You are desired to settle such Recruiting Accompts. as have not passed my examination, and call in the balances (which you are to do, to see that the money has not been misapplied:) You are to Order the Captains or Commanding Officers of each Company, to take the most elligible means to complete their Companies agreeable to the Orders issued this day. And you are to see that proper Officers are left to do the duty: and those who are sent out, are to receive a Copy of the enclosed Instructions.
You are, so soon as you arrive at Fort Cumberland, to detach Captain Waggener with two Subalterns, three trusty Sergeants, three Corporals, a Drummer, and sixty private men, to the South Branch, above the Trough; where they are to erect small Fortresses; and use their utmost endeavours to protect the inhabitants of those Waters. His Orders will be sent to him. When you come to the Regiment, you are to give out in Orders, that every Captain or other Officer Commanding a Company is to keep exact accompts. with, and a pay-roll for, their men; and to take two receipts from each man, for their months pay: which are to be entered regularly in separate Books kept for that purpose; one of which books is to be delivered to me after each pay-day; or to the Paymaster, if I should not be present. If any non-commissioned Officer or Soldier, after having received the Country's allowance of Clothing; should be in want of Shoes, Stockings or Shirts; he is to apply to his Captain: and if it is found that he really does stand in need of any of those things; his Captain, or Officer commanding the Company, is to draw upon the Quarter Master for them; who is to charge those things to the Captain or &c. and the Captain to the men; taking care to deduct the value next pay-day: the balance is then to be paid, and the receipt taken in full.
The Officer is not answerable to the Regiment for the value of those things, in case the men die or desert; unless it can be made appear, it is lost through his neglect, in not charging it, or stopping the value of such thing or things after it is charged.
The Quarter Master must be very careful of all the Stores, &c. committed to his care; as he will be answerable to the Regiment for their disbursements. As soon as you get up, you are to summons the Officers to appear, and to fix upon the proper persons in each Company for Sergeants; having regard to their outward appearances as well as their Moral character and Qualifications. John Sallard, and Francis Moreland, have my promises: and I think there are many more of the new ones, that will grace the Officers better than the old dirty ones, that were made through necessity.
You are to allow three to a Company, according to the Establishment; and when they are ascertained, they will then receive Sergeants pay. You are to transmit me an account by the first opportunity, of those Officers that are sent out. Lieutenant John Edward Lomax, with the party guarding the Stores at Connongogee, is to be Relieved.
I must recommend earnestly the strictest obedience to all those Orders; and wishing you success, I am &c.
January [9], 1756.
I have ordered Lieutenant Colonel Stephen, so soon as he arrives at Fort Cumberland to detach you with two Subalterns, three trusty Sergeants, three Corporals, one Drummer, and sixty private men to the South Branch; to protect the inhabitants of that place.
With this Detachment you are to proceed to Colonel Vanmeeters on the South Branch; and when you arrive there, you are to summon all the chief men of that place to meet you, and agree with you on the most proper place to erect a Fort, to protect the inhabitants. You must build the Fort as large as those on Patterson's Creek, and the same model; taking care not to build any thing that you think will be expensive to the Country.
As this work is intended entirely to defend the inhabitants of the place; there is no doubt they will assist all in their power. Tools they must supply you with; for we can get them no where. So soon as this Fort is finished (if you do not receive Orders to the contrary) you are to leave one Subaltern, one Sergeant, and fifteen private men to Garrison it; and proceed about fifteen or twenty miles higher up the Branch; and there, in the most proper place which you and the Inhabitants can pitch upon, erect another Fort of the same dimensions.
You are to be very exact in paying your men, and to take two Receipts from them; one for your own satisfaction; the other to be transmitted to me, or the Paymaster in my absence, at Fort Cumberland, every pay-day. If your men want any necessaries, you are to draw upon the Quarter-Master of the Regiment. Those you deliver the men, are to be stopped from the next pay. You will not be liable to pay for any necessaries, which you deliver to any man, if he should desert, or die; unless it can be made appear it is lost by negligence.
All leisure hours are to be employed in exercising and disciplining your men; this must by no means be omitted. The Commissary will furnish you with provisions, &c.
The Roll of your Company is to be called three times every day; and every step taken to prevent desertion: but in case any of your men should desert, you are immediately to send in pursuit of them; and use the utmost of your endeavours to apprehend them. If you find that the plan of the Forts on Patterson's Creek, will be too tedious to erect (as the Bastions are of hewn logs) you are to make the whole a Stockade.
January 9, 1756.
You are hereby Ordered to remain in this town until further Orders: when you are to receive and pass receipts for all the good Recruits which are brought to town.
So soon as any Recruits come in, you are to review them; and if you find any that do not answer the instructions, you are immediately to discharge them. You are to be very particular in observing the day the Recruits are delivered here; and are to take a list of those you receive; mentioning their names, age, height, &c. and the Officers to whom they belong. The Commissary is not to deliver provisions, &c. without your order. You are to bring in all your Recruits, which you keep for the Troop, into this Town; except a Corporal and three or four men to take care of the Horses, and see that Sentries are always kept over the Magazine, and other Houses where the Stores are, in this place. You are to forward to me, at Alexandria, all Letters which may be sent here for me, and, if any Express should arrive here, you are immediately to dispatch it to me. During your stay here, you are to enlist all the able-bodied men you can for his Majesty's Service. You are to have the provisions in town inspected; and call in any two or three persons, whom you think proper to advise with, to assist you.
Winchester, January 10, 1756.
You are, out of the public money in your hands, to pay off all the Troops of the Virginia Regiment to the first of this instant with what arrears are due both Officers and Soldiers. After doing that, if you do not receive a supply of cash from me; and shall not have sufficient in your hands to pay the whole, this present months pay; you are, in order to keep the Soldiers quiet, only to pay them, and those of the Officers who are most in want of it. The rest will receive their pay, as soon as I can send you money. "Arrears are only to be paid those men who are now actually in the Service, which you will see by your pay-rolls: and the sums which Colonel Stephen received, are to be deducted from each man."
Sergeants will be appointed to each Company; those you are to pay full pay.
You are to make the proper stoppages from each person, according to a former Order. "The Officers are ordered to take two Receipts from each man; one of which I have ordered to be delivered you, in my absence, before you make the next payment."
Let the arrears paid the Officers and men, be kept in a separate accompt. from the ordinary payments.
Winchester, January 10, 1756.
Parole Williamsburgh.
Yesterdays Orders for Lieutenant Colonel Stephen's March, are countermanded, and postponed until to-morrow; when he and the Officers are to set for Fort Cumberland.
Captain Stewart is to send off Sergeant Hughes, and one or two men of the Troops, upon Troop Horses, in pursuit of John Emre and David Christian, who deserted last night.
Captain Bell is to make out Advertisements of these two Deserters; and have them dispersed, for the better apprehending of them. On the return of the Officers, who went in pursuit of David Kennedy, and Abraham Dale; the horses impressed are to be delivered to the Commissary; who is to return them to their owners; making reasonable satisfaction for the use of the Horses. The Commissary must enquire after the Arms of the Deserters, and receive them into the Store: and by the first waggons that go to Fort Cumberland, to send half the Kettles here in Store; and about forty Blankets.
Winchester, January 10, 1756.
You are to lay in at Cockes and Ashby's Forts, three months provision.
As I can not yet determine where Store and Smoke-Houses are to be built; I would have you do the best you can, until you hear from me again. You are to provide three or four months provision to be carried on horse-back. If the Flour at Conongogee, should be demanded by the Kings Commissary; you must acquaint the Governour of it, and receive his Orders before you deliver it, or enter into any contract about it: it will nevertheless be necessary to lay in some more.
You are to provide provision on the South Branch for seventy men; which will be detached there under Captain Waggeners command. So soon as you arrive at Fort Cumberland, you are to demand the Country Horses that have been delivered to the Officers, for which they passed their Receipts: no more are to be delivered them unless they oblige themselves to see them forth-coming.
You may give a Reward to any person that finds any of the Country Horses; but they are not to be allowed to sell or keep them for their own use.
No Forage is to be issued at Fort Cumberland, but to the public Horses. If you can buy any quantity of forage at a moderate price, you may lay it in, both at the Fort and this place. The number of Tools, Saddles, nails, &c. can not be yet fixed on; so you may delay purchasing them a little.
You are to issue to the Officers at Fort Cumberland a sufficient allowance of Tallow, monthly. There are three thousand weight of Pork laid in at Job Pearsalls, which I would have you receive, and supply Cockes's Fort out of it. You are to make out as distinct an accompt. as possible, of the different Quantities and weights of the Beeyes that were killed at the Fort; which with particular accompts. and general receipts from all the Coopers, Herdsmen, and Butchers; is to be transmitted to me, by the first safe hand.
Three woman are to be allowed each Company and provisions drawn for them; on condition of their behaving well, and washing for the men: Nor more women will be allowed to draw provisions.
I would advise you to be very exact in Deliveries, payments, and receipts; and in every thing to consult the good of the Service you are employed in.
Particular care is to be taken of all the Bags you receive.
Winchester, January 10, 1756.
Sir: Since writing you by Major Lewis, I have received yours; enclosing Returns of the eighth and fifteenth of December. In your letter, you speak of Johnstons91 claim to a discharge, as mentioned in a former letter; that letter I never received; and know of no pretence he can have, unless disobedience of Orders and other villanous practises, are sufficient grounds to claim a discharge. As he deserted before the present Act of Assembly took place, I do not imagine that any very
[Note 91: John Johnson (Johnston).] rigorous measures can be justified; therefore, in this case, I would recommend moderation. For want of being acquainted with the particulars of Sergeant McCully's92 charge, it appears to me to be a very exorbitant one: therefore I can not give orders for payment, further than the stoppages you mention. Sergeant Wilper received twenty shillings from me to defray his Expences; if you find that insufficient, make a further allowance of what is reasonable.
[Note 92: Sergt. John McCully.]
I can not conceive what charge Mr. Fleming93 can have; since he is allowed eight-pence per day, and no more, for the maintenance of his Recruits, until they are received: which was not before they arrived at your Garrison. Three of his men were discharged here; viz. Francis Harlowin, William Cross, and William Passwater: being judged unfit for Service. Captain Bell has orders to settle Ensign Flemings Recruiting Accompts.; allowing two pistoles for each man received; and eight-pence per day for their subsistance; from the time of attestation, to the day of delivery, and no more. He will be allowed his arrears of pay for the months of September and October: and then the balance, if any, must be paid to Captain Bell; who is to account with me. You must be very circumspect in employing Mr. Fleming as a Surgeon; and to see that he has no more opportunities than what are absolutely necessary, to enhance a Bill; as these accompts. will meet with strict scrutiny from the Committee. It is customary for all Soldiers while they are sick in the Hospital to have stoppages from their pay, for expence of Nurses, &c.
[Note 93: Ensign William Fleming.]
I find it next to an impossibility to strengthen your Garrison with a Subaltern and twenty men, as I was in hopes of doing sometime ago: so slowly do we proceed in the Recruiting Service: but if the Service you are ordered upon, does not continue long; and you can find time to recruit twenty or twenty-five men; I will see that another Subaltern shall be added to your Company.
Lieutenant McNiel has an appointment in the Light Horse. In his room, you will receive Lieutenant Frazier; who must arrive there, before the other quits.
You are to return me a pay-roll for September, as you received that months pay from me: but for the subsequent months, you are to account with the pay-master; transmitting regular Rolls and Receipts, signed by yourself and Officers; as mentioned in my last. You are to account with Mr. Walker (Commissary) for the twenty pounds received of me; and the two hundred pounds by Lieutenant McNeil; as he is charged with those sums.
I expect the Governor, as he is providing many necessaries for Major Lewis's expedition,94 will furnish you with Kettles. If he should not, you must endeavour to supply yourself among the Settlers; for the expence of sending them from this, is of greater value than the Kettles themselves. And indeed I can not see why your men, while they are in Garrison, may not use one Kettle as well now, as they did before; were there a certain place appointed for Cooking. I am &c.
[Note 94: Maj. Andrew Lewis, who went into the Cherokee country in 1756.]
Alexandria, January 13,95 1756.
[Note 95: Ford dates this letter January 14; the original is dated January 13 by Kirkpatrick.]
Honble. Sir: Majr Lewis, being at Winchester when your Letter came to hand, was immediately despatched to Augusta, to take upon him the command of the Troops destined against the Shawnese Town;96 with orders to follow such directions as he shou'd receive from you. This scheme, tho' I am apprehensive will prove abortive,97 as we are told that those Indians are removed up the River, into the Neighbourhood of Duquisne.
[Note 96: "The Cherokees have taken up the Hatchet against the Shawanese and French, and have sent 130 of their warriors into New River, and propose to march immediately to attack and cut off the Shawanese in their towns. I design they shall be joined with three companies of rangers and Capt. Hogg's company, and I propose Colo. Stephens or Major Lewis to be commander of the party on this expedition."-- Dinwiddie to Washington, Dec. 14, 1755. Known as the Sandy Creek Expedition.-- Ford.]
[Note 97: Washington's idea proved correct; Major Lewis's expedition failed of results.]
I have given all necessary orders for training the Men to a proper use of their Arms, and the method of Ind'n Fighting, and hope in a little time to make them expert. And I shou'd be glad to have your honour's express Commands, either to prepare for taking the Field, or for guarding our Frontiers in the spring, because the steps for these two are very different. I have already built two Forts on Patterson's Creek, (which have engaged the chief of the Inhabitants to return to the Plantns) and have now ordered Captain Waggener with 60 Men to build and Garrison two others, (on places I have pointed out high up) on the South branch, which will be a means of securing near an 100 Miles of our Frontiers, exclusive of the Command at Fort Dinwiddie, on Jackson's River. And, indeed, without a much greater number of Men than we have a visible prospect of getting, I don't see how it is possible to think of passing the Mountains, or acting more than defensively. This seems to be the full determination of the Pensylvanians; so that there can be no hope of assistance from that quarter. If we only act defensively, I would most earnestly recommend the building of a strong Fort at some convenient place in Virginia, as that in Maryland, not to say any thing of the situation, which is extreamly bad, will ever be an Eye Sore to this Colony, and attended with more Inconveniences than it is possible to enumerate. One Instance of this I have taken notice of, in a letter that accompanies this, and many more I could recite, were it necessary.
If we take the Field, there is not time to carry on a work of this kind, but we shou'd immediately sett about engaging Waggons, Horses, Forage, Pack Saddles, etc. And here I cannot help remarking, that I believe it will be impossible to get Waggons or horses sufficient, without the old Score is paid off; as the People are really ruined for want of their money, and complain justly of their grievances.
I represented in my last the Inconveniences of the late Act of Assembly, which obliges us first to send to your honour for a Commission to hold Genl. Courts Martial, and then to delay execution until a warrant can be had from Williamsburg, and hope you will take the same into consideration. We have several Deserters now on hd, which I have taken by vigorous measures, and that shou'd be made examples to others, as this practice is continued with greater spirit than ever.
Unless Cloathing is soon provided, the Men will be unfit for any kind of Service. And I know of no expedient to procure them, but by sendg. to the Northward, as cloath cannot be had here. I left, among other returns, an exact acct of the Cloathing at every place, when I was in Williamsburg. I shan't care to lay in Provisions for more than 1,000 Men, unless I have your honour's orders. We have put out such of the Beeves as were unfit for Slaughtering. If they survive the Winter, they may be useful in the Summer.
Ensign Polson havg. received a Commission in Colo. Gage's Regt. makes a vacancy here which, with your approbation, will be filled by Mr. Dennis McCarty, whom you once appointed a Captain. He has continued a Volunteer ever since, and has recruited several Men into the Service, and I hope your honour will allow me the liberty, as you once promised me, of filling up the vacancies, as they happen, with the Volunteers, that serve with that expectation. We have several with us, that seem to be very deserving young Gentn. I shall observe the strictest justice in promotg. them according to their merit, and time of entering the Service. I have ordered Captn. Hog to render immediately a fair acct. to the Com[missar]y of the money sent him; he was ordered to lay in Provisions for only 12 Months. Captn. Stewart has recruited his Complement of Men. I should be glad to know whether he is to compleat his horse against the Spring and provide accoutrements.
I have been obliged to suspend Ensign Dekeyser for Misbehavior till your pleasure is known. See the proceedings of the enquiring Court. His Character in many other respects has been infamous. I have also been obliged to threaten, in your name, the new appointed Officers with the same Fate if they are not more diligent in Recruiting the Companys, as each received his Commission upon those terms. Captn. Mercer comes down for more money and to satisfy how the £10,000 has been applied.
The Skipper of the Vessels has embezzled some of the Stores; but for want of a particular Invoice of them, we cannot ascertain the loss. He is kept in confinement until your Honor's pleasure is known. I am, &c.
[V.H.S.]
[Alexandria], January 27, 1756.
Dear Charles: The first of March I appointed for the general Rendezvous; as I conceived a plan of operations for the ensuing Campaign would be concerted and ordered by that time: However, yours is Hereby prolonged until the twentieth of the month; at which time, without a further prolongation, you are Ordered to repair to Winchester without fail.
I am greatly astonished at Mr. Starke's behaviour, but more surprized at the Courts opinion; who must (at least ought) to know, that if Captain Dagworthy really was Commander which by the by, is a point I have never yet agreed to) that there are certain Compliments due from Troops to their own Field Officers, which can not well be dispensed with; but more of this anon.
If you can inform particularly of these proceedings it will be agreeable, in a letter, when opportunity offers, to Alexandria.
It gave me infinite satisfaction to hear Colonel Stephen express his approbation of your conduct. Assure yourself, dear Charles, that activity and Bravery in Officers are the means to recommend them to their Country's applause; and will ever endear them to reel Your courage and abilities were always equal to my wishes: But I dreaded the pernicious effects of liquor; especially as I knew it bereft you of that prudent way of reasoning, which at other times you are master of. Such inconsistent behaviour as liquor sometimes prompts you to, may be borne by your Friends; but can not by Officers; and in a camp, where each individual should regulate his conduct for the good of the whole, and strive to excel in all laudable Emulations. This comes from me as your Friend, not as a Superior Officer; who must, when occasion requires, condemn as well as applaud: Though in sincerity I tell you, it would grate my nature to censure a person for whom I have a real love and esteem; and one, too, who I know has a capacity to act as becomes the best of Officers.2
[Note 2: Capt. Charles Lewis, later major, was a younger brother of Col. Andrew Lewis. Captain Lewis was killed at the Battle of Point Pleasant, Oct. 10, 1774.]
This timely admonition will not, I hope, be thought unseasonable. I am influenced by friendly motives to give this advice: and offer it as a proof of the Regard with which I am, etc.
January 27, 1756.
Sir: You are really appointed to Captain Hoggs Company as Captain Peachy told you; and I am sorry to say, as it is disagreeable to you, that you must abide by this regulation; and repair to the Company with all convenient dispatch.
If it is absolutely necessary for you to go by Fort Cumberland; I must recommend diligence, as your presence may be wanting. As to your having Fort Duty this year, it is no other than what I expect we all shall have (I see no prospect of taking the Field:) and if I judge right, you may have as good and opportunity to reap Laurels on Jackson's River, as at any other Station on our Frontiers; along which I expect the Troops will all be posted.
Since you mention how much Captain Hogg and Son are addicted to disputation; I think it my duty to caution you against it. For if any difference arises, by which the Public Service is in the least retarded; the Offender shall certainly answer it to a General Court Martial; and undergo the utmost rigour of the Sentence.
It is possible, Captain Hogg's Company may be marched on a certain expedition, Ordered by the Governor; should this be the case, you are to remain at the Garrison until his return; and as soon as that happens, relieve Lieutenant McNeil, and order him to join his Troop.
Alexandria, February 1, 1756.
Sir: As the contention about the command is risen to the disagreeable height it now is; and would probably, if not timely prevented, be attended with very bad consequences to the public: I solicited leave, which is obtained, to visit the General and represent all those matters to him and accordingly I set out on Monday next.3
[Note 3: Gen. and Gov. William Shirley, at Boston, Mass.]
When I saw you last, you proposed as a thing which you believed might be accomplished, to reduce the hire of Waggons by contracting with a certain number for certain prices: If this can be done, it will be very advisable; as their demands are very exorbitant at present.
Such Stores as are now lying at Winchester and are wanted at the Fort, must be got up as fast as conveniency will admit. And as Houses may be wanted for the provisions, &c. they must be built: but I must intreat, that every unnecessary expence be avoided: as it is uncertain whether the Fort will be continued at Will's Creek or not. As it is possible you may want money before my return (which can not be before the middle or last of March) you must draw upon the Secretary Mr. Kirkpatrick, who has Orders to pay.
Mr. Boyd, the Pay-master, is ordered to Alexandria; to receive money for payment of the Troops: you may desire him to receive for you.
I must earnestly recommend diligence to you in this important season; and closely attend the Duty, let it call you wheresover it will. I am etc.
Alexandria February 1, 1756.
Sir: If you find that a good road by Ross's Mill can be so easily cut, the sooner it is set about the better. As the Governor is still silent concerning what I represented about building a fort on Patterson's Creek, I would have you desist, at least for a while, and erect such buildings as are absolutely necessary at Fort Cumberland, and no more.
You may depend upon it I shall take proper notice of the late proceedings you speak of, but for certain reasons am obliged to postpone it. Things not yet being rightly settled for punishing deserters according to their crimes, you must go on in the old way of whipping stoutly.4
[Note 4: Stephen had asked if he should continue the whipping punishment for desertion. The other matter was the case of a defiant officer who seemed to have been imitating Capt. John Dagworthy in questioning Washington's authority. Stephen did not mention names.]
If casks are still wanted, there should be great care used to provide them in time.
Looking upon our affairs at this critical juncture to be of such importance, and having a personal acquaintance with General Shirley, which I thought might add some weight to the strength of our memorial, I solicited leave, which is obtained, to visit him in person, and accordingly set out in two days for Boston, having procured letters, &c. from the Governor, which was the result of a Council for that purpose called. You may depend upon it, I shall leave no stone unturned for this salutary end; and, I think, if reason, justice, and every other equitable right can claim attention, we deserve to be heard.
As I have taken the fatigue &c. of this tedious journey upon myself, (which I never thought of until I had left Winchester,) I hope you will conduct every thing in my absence for the interest and honor of the service. And I must exhort you in the most earnest manner to strict discipline and due exercise of arms.
You may tell Mr. Livingston from me, that, if the soldiers are not skilled in arms equal to what may reasonably be expected, that he most assuredly shall answer it at my return. And I must ingenuously tell you, that I also expect to find them expert at bush-fighting. You are to order that a particular account be taken of the provisions that are delivered to the Maryland and Carolina companies by the commissary.
The Governor seems determined to make the officers comply with the terms of getting their commissions, or forfeit them, and approves of Dekeyser's suspension,5 and orders, that he shall not be admitted into the camp. He seems uneasy at what I own gives me much concern, i.e., that gaming seems to be introduced into the camp. I am ordered to discourage it, and must desire that you will intimate the same.
[Note 5: Lehaynsius Dekeyser was tried by court-martial on a charge of conduct "unbecoming a gentleman and an officer," in cheating at cards, and found guilty. (See Orders, January 8, ante.)]
I have sent Commissions for McCarty and Doctor Roy; which deliver, and have them declared in Orders.
As money may be wanted for paying the troops, and other incidental charges, order the paymaster down to Alexandria, where he may receive of Mr. Kirkpatrick the sum requisite.
I have ordered Ensign Deane with a party that was here; to relieve Lieutenant Lomax.
I think of nothing else at present worth relating: so, with once more exhorting you to strict observation of discipline, conclude, yours, &c.
Alexandria, February 2, 1756.
Honble. Sir: I can but return my very hearty thanks for your kind condescension in suffering me to wait upon General Shirley, as I am very well assured it was done with the intention to favor my suit.
There is as yet an unanswerable argument against our taking the field, which I forgot to mention in my last; that is, the want of a train of artillery, and, what is full as necessary, engineers to conduct the affair, if we hope to approach Fort Duquisne. By the advices, which we have received hitherto from the northward, the Pennsylvanians are determined to act defensively. For that purpose they have posted their new raised levies upon their frontiers at different passes, and have received the additional strength and favor of a detachment or two from the regulars. I have ordered, besides the forts that are built, and now building, that a road which I had reconnoitred, and which proves nearer and better, to be immediately opened for the more easy transportation of stores, &c. from Winchester to Fort Cumberland; so there is not the least fear of the soldiers being corrupted through idleness. The commission for calling general courts-martial appears to me to be imperfect, (notwithstanding it is drawn by the attorney-general,) as it rather, by the words, appoints me, or whoever it is directed to, president of the said court, than invests a power to call one as often as occasion shall require. For which reason it is not in my power to hold a court-martial without its being first ordered by you; whereas, the commission should empower to appoint a court, of which he is to be president. But as I hope there will be little occasion for any until I come back, it may be deferred until then, when that and other things, I hope, will be properly settled.***
As to those fifty suits delivered Colonel Fairfax for the Rangers I have no cognizance of them; they were delivered by himself, Colonel Martin, Lord Fairfax, and the Officers of the said Rangers with the greatest irregularity; as indeed some other of the public Stores have been by their order's; such as ammunition &c. I shall take care to give your Honour previous notice of all new appointed Officers; and have sent an order to Col. Stephen, to confirm DeKeysers suspension.
I have always, so far as it was in my power, endeavoured to discourage gaming in the camp; and always shall so long as I have the honor to preside there.
I have delivered the skipper to Mr. Carlyle, who proposes, in order to save expenses to send him round by water, in the vessel that brought up the stores. The evidences in this affair will be Mr. Carlyle, Ensigns Buckner and Deane, and one of the men that is now in the vessel.6
[Note 6: The skipper had embezzled some of the stores which his vessel had brought from Williamsburg up the Rappahannock.]
I cannot help observing, that your Honor, if you have not seen the clothing lately sent up, has been imposed upon by the contractors, for they are really unfit for use; at least, will soon be so.
I have nothing particular to add, but to assure your Honour, that I shall use my utmost diligence in the prosecution of my journey and pretensions, and that I am, &c.7
[Note 7: Colonel Washington with his aide-de-camp, Capt. George Mercer, and two servants, Thomas Bishop and John Alton, left Alexandria on his journey to Boston, February 4. He started on his return March 2. En route he passed through Philadelphia, New York, New London, Newport, and Providence, visited the Governors of Pennsylvania and New York, and spent several days in each of the principal cities.
General Shirley furnished Washington with the following decision:
"Boston, March 5, 1754.
"Governor Dinwiddie, at the instance of Colonel Washington, having referred to me concerning the right of command between him and Captain Dagworthy, and desiring that I should determine it, I do therefore give it as my opinion, that Captain Dagworthy, who now acts under a commission from the governor of Maryland, and where there are no regular troops joined, can only take rank as a provincial captain, and of course is under the command of all provincial field-officers; and, in case it should happen, that Colonel Washington and Captain Dag'worthy should join at Fort Cumberland, it is my order that Colonel Washington shall take the command.
"W. Shirley."]
Winchester, April 7, 1756.
Honble. Sir; I arrived here yesterday, and think it advisable to despatch an express (notwithstanding I hear two or three are already sent down) to inform you of the unhappy situation of affairs on this quarter. The enemy have returned in greater numbers, committed several murders not far from Winchester, and even are so daring as to attack our forts in open day, as your Honor may see by the enclosed letters and papers. Many of the inhabitants are in a miserable situation by their losses, and so apprehensive of danger, that, I believe, unless a stop is put to the depredations of the Indians, the Blue Ridge will soon become our frontier.
I find it impossible to continue on to Fort Cumberland, until a body of men can be raised, in order to do which I have advised with Lord Fairfax, and other officers of the militia, who have ordered each captain to call a private muster, and to read the exhortation enclosed (for orders are no longer regarded in this county), in hopes that this expedient may meet with the wished-for success. If it should, I shall, with such men as are ordered from Fort Cumberland to join these, scour the woods and suspected places, in all the mountains, valleys, &c. on this part of our frontiers; and doubt not but I shall fall in with the Indians and their more cruel associates! I hope the present emergency of affairs, assisted by such good news as the Assembly may by this time have received from England, and the Commissioners, will determine them to take vigorous measures for their own and country's safety, and no longer depend on an uncertain way of raising men for their own protection. However absurd it may appear, it is nevertheless certain, that five hundred Indians have it more in their power to annoy the inhabitants, than ten times their number of regulars. For besides the advantageous way they have of fighting in the woods, their cunning and craft are not to be equalled, neither their activity and indefatigable sufferings. They prowl about like wolves, and, like them, do their mischief by stealth. They depend upon their dexterity in hunting and upon the cattle of the inhabitants for provisions. For which reason, I own, I do not think it unworthy the notice of the legislature to compel the inhabitants (if a general war is likely to ensue, and things to continue in this unhappy situation for any time), to live in townships, working at each other's farms by turns, and to drive their cattle into the thick settled parts of the country. Were this done, they could not be cut off by small parties, and large ones could not subsist without provisions.
It seemed to be the sentiment of the House of Burgesses when I was down, that a chain of forts should be erected upon our frontiers, for the defence of the people. This expedient, in my opinion, without an inconceivable number of men, will never answer their expectations.14
[Note 14: In March the burgesses had voted to erect a chain of forts "to begin at Harry Enochs, on Great-Cape-Capon. in the county of Hampshire, and to extend to the South-Fork of Mayo River in the county of Halifax, to consist of such a number, and at such distance from each other, as shall be thought necessary and directed by the governor, or commander in chief of this colony."-- Sparks. (See Hening's Statutes at Large, vol. 7, P. 18), Louis K. Koontz's The Virginia Frontier, 1754--1763 (Baltimore: 1925) is the best account of these forts. (See note to Washington's letter to John Robinson, April 24, post.)]
I doubt not but your Honor has had a particular account of Major Lewis's unsuccessful attempt to get to the Shawanese Town. It was an expedition, from the length of the march, I own, I always had little expectation of, and often expressed my uneasy apprehensions on that head. But since they are returned, with the Indians that accompanied them, I think it would be a very happy step to prevail upon the latter to proceed as far as Fort Cumberland. It is in their power to be of infinite use to us; and without Indians, we shall never be able to cope with those cruel foes to our country.15
[Note 15: Major Lewis's party suffered greatly on this expedition. The rivers were so much swollen by the rains and melting snow that they were unable to reach the Shawanese town; and after being six weeks in the woods, having lost several canoes with provisions and ammunition, they were reduced nearly to a state of starvation and obliged to kill their horses for food. A full account of this expedition is given by L. C. Draper in Virginia Historical Register (1852); also by Waddell in Annals of Augusta County (p. 81).-- Ford.]
I would therefore beg leave to recommend in a very earnest manner, that your Honor would send an express to them immediately for this desirable end. I should have done it myself, but was uncertain whether it might prove agreeable or not. I also hope your Honour will order Major Lewis to secure his guides, as I understand he attributes all his misfortunes to their misconduct. Such offences as those should meet with adequate punishment, else we may ever be misled by designing villains. I am your Honor's, &c.
Since writing the above, Mr. Pearis,16 who commanded a party as per enclosed list, is returned, who relates, that, upon the North River, he fell in with a small body of Indians which he engaged, and, after a dispute of half an hour, put them to flight. Monsieur Douville, commander of the party, was killed and scalped, and his instructions found about him, which I enclose. We had one man killed, and two wounded. Mr. Pearis sends the scalp by Jenkins; and I hope, although it is not an Indian's, they will meet with an adequate reward at least, as the monsieur's is of much more consequence. The whole party jointly claim the reward, no person pretending solely to assume the merit.17
[Note 16: Richard Pearis, or Paris; later a captain. He seems to have been an Indian trader and frontiersman on the Holston River.]
[Note 17: At this time there was no law in Virginia fixing the rewards for scalps, and it was probably left to the discretion of the governor. Shortly afterwards, a reward of £10 was established by law for every hostile Indian taken prisoner or killed. This law was to remain in force during the war. It applied only to Indians, and not to enemies of any other description. In Maryland at one time the bounty for each Indian prisoner, or scalp, taken within the province was as high as £50. But this allowance was not made to soldiers in public pay. (See Hening's Statutes at Large, vol. 7, p. 551, and Acts of the Maryland Assembly, September, 1756.) For service in Indian wars, Sparks quotes from Penhallow's Indian Wars, in the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, vol. 1, pp. 52, 105, 110, that the commissioners of the United Colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut decreed that the soldiers should have "the benefit of the captives, and all lawful plunder, and the reward of £5 per head for every fighting Indian man slain by them, over and above their stated wages." By "the benefit of the captives" is here meant the privilege of selling them into slavery, a practice which seems gradually to have been abandoned. At a later period Massachusetts and New Hampshire offered by law a bounty of £50 for each scalp, and on some occasions as high as £100.]
Your Honor may in some measure penetrate into the daring designs of the French by their instructions, where orders are given to burn, if possible, our magazine at Conococheague, a place that is in the midst of a thickly settled country.
I have ordered the party there to be made as strong as time and our present circumstances will afford, for fear they should attempt to execute the orders of Dumas.18 I have also ordered up an officer and twenty recruits to assist Joseph Edwards, and the people on those waters.19 The people of this town are under dreadful apprehensions of an attack, and all the roads between this and Fort Cumberland are much infested. As I apprehend you will be obliged to draft men, I hope care will be taken that none are chosen but active, resolute men,--men, who are practised to arms, and are marksmen.
[Note 18: Dumas had succeeded Contrecoeur in the command of Fort Duquesne. The following is a translation of the orders found on Douville, which, at least, give a favorable indication of the commandant's humanity.
"Fort Duquesne, March 23, 1756.
"The Sieur Douville, at the head of a detachment of fifty savages, is ordered to go and observe the motions of the enemy in the neighbourhood of Fort Cumberland. He will endeavor to harass their convoys, and burn their magazines at Conococheague, should this be practicable. He must use every effort to take prisoners, who may confirm what we already know of the enemy's designs. The Sieur Douville will employ all his talents, and all his credit, to prevent the savages from committing any cruelties upon those, who may fall into their hands. Honor and humanity ought, in this respect, to serve as our guide."
"Dumas." This is doubtless the same officer who commanded the French and Indians at the Monongahela, after the death of M. de Beaujeu.-- Sparks.]
[Note 19: Great Cacapon. Edwards was between Winchester and Romney.]
I also hope that a good many more will be taken than what are requisite to complete our numbers to what the Assembly design to establish; as many of those we have got are really in a manner unfit for duty; and were received more through necessity than choice; and will very badly bear a re-examination. Another thing I would beg leave to recommend; and that is, that such men as are drafted, should be only taken for a time, by which means we shall get better men, and which will in all probability stay with us.
Winchester April 7, 1756.
Dear Sir: I arrived here yesterday, and though not a little fatigued, and incessantly hurried by the afflicting news from the back inhabitants, who are hourly importuning me for assistance, which is not in my power to give. I can not omit this favourable opportunity to give some account of the gloomy aspect that things bear at present. And I am sorry to say, that unless there are speedy and vigorous measures taken by the Assembly, I fear things will still assume a more melancholy appearance! I have transmitted to the Governor sundry accounts which have arrived here since I did, which I hope he will lay before you, as I have not had time to copy them. The people in general are greatly intimidated, and so apprehensive of danger, that I really believe the blue ridge Mountains will in a little time become the Frontiers of Virginia. If the fears of the people do not magnify numbers, those of the Enemy are not inconsiderable. They have made many ineffectual at. tempts upon several of our Forts; destroyed Cattle, burned Plantations; and this in defiance of our smaller parties, while they dextrously avoid the larger.
Our Detachments, by what I can learn, have sought them diligently; but the cunning and vigilance of Indians in the woods are no more to be conceived, than they are to be equalled by our people. Indians are only match for Indians; and without these, we shall ever fight upon unequal Terms.
I hope the Assembly, since they see the difficulty of getting men by enlistment, will no longer depend upon that uncertain way of raising them; but make each of the lower Counties furnish its full proportion. Many of the men which we have already got, are extreme sorry; but I did not care to discharge them, until others could be had in their stead.
I would therefore beg leave to recommend, that more should be draughted than what are necessary to complete our numbers, which may be seen by Colonel Stephens return to the Governor; and then out of the whole our Complement may be chosen of active and resolute men; such as have been practised to the use of Arms; and are what is commonly called marksmen: and in order to encourage those to go with less reluctance, I think it not amiss, that they should only serve eighteen or twenty months and then be discharged: Twenty months will produce two full campaigns; which will, I apprehend, bring matters nearly to a crisis one way or other.
However unaccountable it may appear to Gentlemen unused to the Indian method of warring; to say that five hundred Indians have more power to annoy and disturb our Inhabitants than ten times as many Regulars, it is yet literally true; for besides the advantage they have in the woods, their cunning and patience in waiting for opportunities to commit their murders, are no more to be paralleled, than their activity and indefatigable Sufferings. Their cunning is only to be equalled by that of the Fox; and, like them, they seize their prey by stealth. They will travel from pole to pole, depending upon chance, and their own dexterity for provision. But here, they have not that occasion; for the Cattle of the Inhabitants have become their chief subsistence. For which reason, as I observed to the Governour, I do not think it unworthy the consideration of the Legislature to compel the Inhabitants, if there is a prospect of a General War or certainty that these disturbances may continue, to dwell in Townships, working at each others Farms by turns: and to drive their Cattle into the more internal parts of the Country. Were this done, they would be an overmatch for small parties of Indians; and large ones could not subsist without the assistance of their Stock, as Game is now very scarce among the Inhabitants. I hope you will be kind enough to excuse the freedom with which I have offered my opinion; and impute it to the hearty zeal I owe to, and wish to serve my Country. I was disappointed in my expectations of continuing on to Fort Cumberland for want of an Escort. I applied to Lord Fairfax to see if we could raise a number of the Militia; and have also ordered a party of one hundred men from Fort Cumberland to join this body; if any such are collected at Enochs's; with which I shall endeavour to scour the mountains and suspected Grounds between this and the Allegany, but I will discover their lurking places.
His Lordship thought it expedient to use exhortations with the men; for Orders are no longer regarded here. So that the success of this attempt I can not pretend to determine. This much you may be assured of, that nothing in my power shall be unattempted to repel the Enemy, and quiet the people. I am, Dear Sir, etc.
Winchester, April 7, 1756.
Sir: I am very much surprized to hear that the Officers with the Detachments from Fort Cumberland, are returned without meeting with the Enemy; as they were committing their depredations and cruelties in all parts at that time, even as low as Sleepy-Creek. It is determined here by Lord Fairfax and others of the militia, that a number of them shall be raised to march out and scour the Country. They are to rendezvous here this day Sennight; and I shall march them up immediately to Enochs's; where I order that you immediately detach one hundred, or an hundred and fifty men, under proper Officers, to join me there. I desire you will Order Captain Gist when he comes, down to Connongochieg again for the Stores; to procure a sufficient number of Battoes and Canoes, to take them all up at one Trip: as it will be less fatiguing for the men, and more secure.
You must see that the party you send down have their Arms in very good order, and are well supplied with ammunition and Provision. Send down about five hundred spare flints, and some cartridge-paper. I am &c.
April 7, 1756.
You are hereby Ordered to proceed with the party under your command, with the utmost expedition to Joseph Edwards's on Great Capecapon: where you are to remain, and endeavour to procure what intelligence you can, and transmit to me from time to time. I would by no means have you go in pusuit of the Enemy, unless you are joined by such parties of the Militia, as you judge from the intelligence you may receive, may be able to drive them off. and even in that case you are not to pursue them too far from your Station, until you receive further Orders from me.
You must endeavour to keep the inhabitants of the place together, as much as possible; to keep them quiet; and afford them all the assistance you can in compliance with your Orders.
You are to endeavour to keep a communication open with Ensign Hubbard at Enochs; who must transmit what intelligence he receives of the Enemy. And if you think it of consequence, you are immediately to let me know. Above all things, I must recommend to you diligence and care to guard against any Surprize.
Winchester, April 8, 1756.
You are Hereby Ordered to proceed immediately to Conogochege; and are there to take upon you the Command of the Troops now stationed there, for defence of the Stores, &c. You are to endeavour with all possible expedition to procure a sufficient number of Batteaus and Canoes (assisted by those which are already gone up with Captain Gist) to transport all the Stores up at one Trip. You are to endeavour to get every thing in readiness to embark as soon as possible after the return of Captain Gist; whom you are to join with your party, except a Subaltern and twenty men; and escort all the Stores safely up. You are to Order down two or three Evidences to assizes at Frederick Town, on the fifth day of May next; to attend the trial of the person who it is said killed Mr. Gordon.20 I would have Sergeant Hughes (if he can be spared from the Troop) sent as one. And you must give him Orders to apprehend all the Deserters which he may hear of in those parts before he returns.
[Note 20: Ensign George Gordon.]
I would recommend it to you, to guard against any Surprize from the Enemy; and endeavour as much as possible to prevent your men from desertion: and if any should desert; I desire that you may use all possible means to apprehend them.
April 10, 1756.
As the Inhabitants of the place seem much alarmed, and under continued apprehensions of being attacked. It is my Orders, that you keep out constant Scouting Parties of the Light Horse, &c. in order that you may receive timely notice of the approach of the Enemy; which you are immediately to communitcate to the Inhabitants. If you think you can strengthen the place where you are, by throwing up more works, you are immediately to set upon it; in order to be well prepared in case of an attack. You are to be careful not to weaken your Detachment, by sending out too large parties on the Scout; and that your men are exercised daily.
Winchester, April 12, 1756.
Parole Epsom.
The Officers are to examine the Arms, Ammunition, &c. of the men, immediately. They are to have all the muskets discharged by some good marksman, in order to see if they are straight; those that are not, are immediately to be carried to the Smith to put them in order. They must also examine the locks and ram-rods, and see that they are fit for Service.
They must see that all the men are complete with good Cartridges; those that are not, must receive to night at Retreat Beating; and each must have two good spare flints delivered to him at the same time. If there are not Cartridges sufficient in the Store to complete all the Men; the Sergeants to be employed immediately in making more: and an Officer must be present to see that no waste is made.
The Troops now quartered here, are to receive four clays provision to-day at ten o'clock.
Winchester, April 16, 1756.
Honorable Sir: All my Ideal hopes, of raising a Number of Men, to scour the adjacent Mountains, have vanished into Nothing. Yesterday was the appointed Time, for a General Rendezvous of all who were willing to accompany Me, for that desirable End; and only 15 appeared: So that I find myself reduced, to the farther Necessity of waiting at this Place a few Days longer, till the Arrival of a Party, which was ordered from Fort Cumberland, to escort Me up; the Roads being so infested that none but Hunters, who travel the Woods by Night, can pass in Safety.
I have done every Thing in my Power, to quiet the Minds of the Inhabitants, by detaching all the Men that I have any Command over, to the Places which are most exposed: there have also been large Detachments from Fort Cumberland, in pursuit of the Enemy these 10 Days Past; yet nothing I fear will prevent them from abandoning their Dwellings, and flying with the utmost Precipitation.
There have been no Murders committed since I came up; but the Express I sent up to Colo. Stephen (notwithstanding he was an excellent woodsman, and a very active Fellow) was fired upon 5 Times, at a place called the Flats, within 6 Miles of Fort Cumberland. He had several Balls thro his Coat and his Horse shot under him, yet made his Escape from them.
By a Letter from a Gent in Williamsburgh, we are informed, that the Assembly have generously given the further Sum of £20,000 and voted the augmenting our Forces to 2000 Men, which is a Number, that under good Regulations, we may have some Expectations from, if they are properly appointed; for which Purpose as I have never heard your Honour offer your Opinion, I have been free enough to project a Scheme, which is now inclosed, to have the whole 2000 formed into one Regiment, consisting of two Battalions, of ten Companies each, with five Field Officers, each of which to have a Company: and every other Company to consist of 1 Captain, 2 Lieutenants, one Ensigns; 4 Sergeants, 4 Corporals, 2 Drummers, and 87 private Men: which will save the Country the annual Sum of £500 6. 6. 8 and We be better appointed, and established more after the British Manner, than We now are, or should be, if formed into two Regiments, or one Regiment with only 50 Men in a Company, and I humbly conceive, where We can pattern after our Mother Country, upon as easy Terms, as pursuing Plans of our own, that we shoud at least pay that Deferrenee to her Judgment, and Experience. By the Scheme proposed, of forming the Regiment into two Battalions, and of encreasing the Number of Men in a Company to 87 Private, the Country will save the Pay of many commissioned, as well as Non-commissioned Officers; who are the Persons that enhance the Expence; for the whole annual Pay of the 2000 Men, including all the Staff Officers, as well as other Commissioned Officers, Sergeants, Corporals, Drummers, and private Men; amounts only to 3£4145.10.0. whereas were they formed into two Regiments, or one Regiment, of Fifty (but that woud be quite incongruous) the Expence, woud amount to £30. 152. 6. 8. which makes the aforesaid Difference of £500 6' 16' 8. Then again, we do not allow our Field Officers Companies, which I believe is the only Instance that can be given, where they are not; and this makes the Difference of three Captains Pay, for the Country allows in the same Proportion.
I have been free enough to offer my opinion very candidly; and that Light I hope it will be received in. Though it may meet [not] with your Honours approbation; I had no other Motive in proposing this Scheme, than the pleasing hopes of serving my Country. If I have mistaken the Means, I am sorry for it; and beg pardon for my Presumption.
As I am convinced that no other Method can be used to raise 2000 Men, but by draughting; I hope to be excused, when I again repeat, how great Care should be observed in choosing active Marksmen; the manifest Inferiority of inactive Persons, unused to Arms, in this kind of Service, although equal in Numbers; to lively Persons who have practised Hunting, is inconceivable. The Chance against them is more than two to one. Another thing I hope will merit the Consideration of the Assembly; and that is, that they will put all such Men as are raised for the Expedition in actual Pay, and under the same Discipline that ours are at present: otherwise I am very well convinced, their good Intentions will prove obortive, and all the Draughts quit the Service, as soon or before, they are brought into it.
I do not conceive it to be a Hardship to put even Draughts under Martial Law, if they are only taken for a certain Time; which I could wish to be the case; as I thereby hope for better Men. I am your Honor &c.
P.S. I have a brother that has long discovered an Inclination to enter the Service; but has till this been dissuaded from it by my Mother, who now, I believe, will give consent. I must, therefore, beg that if your honour should issue any new Commissions before I come down, that you will think of him and reserve a Lieutenancy. I flatter myself that he will endeavour to deserve it as well as some that have, and others that may get [them].22
[Note 22: This is an L. S. in the writing of John Kirkpatrick; the postscript is in Washington's hand. Dinwiddie answered this (April 23): "I have not the least objection to your broth's being a Lieut." The appointment, however, does not seem to have been made, as Washington's brother's name does not appear on any of the surviving returns of the Virginia Regiment of subsequent date.]
[V.H.S]
Winchester, April 16, 1756.
Dear Sir: When I wrote you last, I was in high hopes of being by this time at the head of a large party scouring the Allegany Hills. But the timidity of the inhabitants of this county is to be equalled by nothing but their perverseness. Yesterday was the time appointed for all to meet who were inclined to join for this desirable end, and only fifteen came, some of whom refused to go but upon such terms as must have rendered their services burthensome to the country. Therefore, I am again reduced to the necessity of waiting the arrival of a party from Fort Cumberland before I can leave this place. There has been no mischief clone since I wrote you last, which I attribute in some measure, to the frequent parties I have ordered out in pursuit of the enemy. Yesterday I received an account which made me suspect that the Indians rendezvoused upon the back of the Warm Spring Mountain. I have, therefore, sent orders to an officer23 who is out with a party of one hundred men, to proceed thither with the best guides he can procure, and search that mountain well; which, if the intelligence be true, I hope he will render a good account of them.
[Note 23: Capt. John Mercer. (See Washington's letter to Dinwiddie, April 18, post.)]
Nothing, Sir, equals the pleasure I felt at hearing of the generous supplies the Assembly have voted. But to find that the men and money which they have given are properly disposed of, and that the men are formed for the service of the country, and not to make commissions to serve individuals, I have sent the Governor a plan or scheme of which you have a copy.***24
[Note 24: The omitted portion, which is printed by Ford, is the same as that in Washington's letter to Dinwiddie of this date, with a trifle more financial detail for the evident benefit of the burgesses, who would settle the appropriation.]
This calculation is made for the two thousand men, to include officers; but if that is not the intention of the Assembly, the scheme still holds good, or better in proportion, and differs in this respect only: that each company is to contain one hundred men instead of eighty-seven, and to have the addition of a sergeant or two to each.
I have made bold, Sir, to offer my opinion freely; and if it meets with the approbation of your House, I should be glad glad if you would help it into execution. Otherwise, as I am sensible, the Governor may be strongly importuned for commissions, he may good-naturedly grant them, without considering how manifest an injury it will be to the country and service in general.***25 I am &c.
[Note 25: See Washington's letter to Dinwiddie, April 16, ante.]
April 17, 1756.
Sir: As the great rains have prevented your march on the expedition Ordered: you are to halt at the place where you now are, until the waters are passable: and then proceed to Enoch's Fort and no farther; and remain there until you receive further Orders from me.
You must endeavour to procure some good Woodsmen, well acquainted with the place; and honest people, to send out as Spies to the Springs and whatever you engage for to them, that is reasonable, I will pay.
The persons you engage as Spies, must set out immediately; and if they bring you any intelligence, you must transmit it immediately to me.
If you find, from any intelligence you receive, that it will be possible to fall in with the Enemy. You must detach Parties to way-lay them; and are to keep out constant Scouting Parties from the place you are posted. The Waggons must be sent back, as you will have no use for them. You must take with you the men ordered in my last; and what provision you can.
Use all methods to get intelligence of the Enemy; and endeavour to post some parties to fall in with them. You are not to delay one moment transmitting me intelligence, if you find the Enemy is at the Warm-Springs. Yours, &c.
Winchester, April 18, 1756.
Honble. Sir: It gave me infinite concern to find in yours26 by Governor Innes, that any representations should inflame the Assembly against the Virginia regiment, or give cause to suspect the morality and good behaviour of the officers. How far any of the individuals may have deserved such invidious reflections, I will not take upon me to determine, but this I am certain of, and can call my conscience, and what, I suppose, will still be a more demonstrable proof in the eyes of the world, my orders, to witness how much I have, both by threats and persuasive means, endeavoured to discountenance gaming, drinking, swearing, and irregularities of every other kind; while I have, on the other hand, practised every artifice to inspire a laudable emulation in the officers for the service of their country, and to encourage the soldiers in the unerring exercise of their duty. How far I have failed in this desirable end, I cannot pretend to say. But it is nevertheless a point, which does in my opinion merit some scrutiny, before it meets with a final condemnation. Yet I will not undertake to vouch for the conduct of many of the officers, as I know there are some, who have the seeds of idleness very strongly ingrafted in their natures; and I also know, that the unhappy difference about the command, which has kept me from Fort Cumberland, has consequently prevented me from enforcing the orders, which I never fail to send.
[Note 26: Dinwiddie had reported that "the Assembly were greatly inflamed, being told that the greatest immoralities and drunkenness have been much countenanced and proper discipline neglected."-- Ford.]
However, if I continue in the service, I shall take care to act with a little more rigor, than has hitherto been practised, since I find it so absolutely necessary.
I wrote your Honor in my last how unsuccessfully we attempted to raise the militia, and that I was reduced to the necessity of waiting here the arrival of an escort from Fort Cumberland.
Should this escort arrive before Mr. Kirkpatrick does from Williamsburgh (whom I hourly expect), I must yet wait a little longer, he being left with all my accounts and papers to lay before the committee, and were I to go up without him, it would put it out of my power to settle with the recruiting officers above, in order that I might make a final settlement with the committee below. The garrison at Fort Cumberland is barely manned. The rest are out on parties; yet the Indians continue to hunt the roads, and pick up straggling persons. This your Honor may see by the enclosed from Captain John Mercer, who, being out with a scouting party of one hundred men, I have ordered to search the Warm-Spring Mountain, where, it is lately reported, that the Indians rendezvous. The commission your Honor has sent for holding courts-martial is yet insufficient, as it is copied, (I suppose, too literally) after Governor Innes's, who had no power to hold a general court-martial, or to try commissioned officers, having none either to hold a court, or in short any to try. But this may be postponed until I come down, which will be in a short time after I arrive at Fort Cumberland. I am your Honor's, &c.
Winchester, April 19, 1756.
Honble. Sir: Since writing my Letter of Yesterday's date, the inclosd came to hand, by which your honr. will be informed of a very unlucky affair.27
[Note 27: A skirmish with the Indians at Edwards Fort, in which Capt. John Mercer and several of his party were killed.-- Sparks.]
I immediately consulted Colo. Innis, and such Officers of my own Regiment as were at this place, on the necessary steps to be taken. They unanimously advised, that I should remain here with the 50 Recruits that are in Town, for the defence of the place, till the Militia are raisd, that we may thereby compose a Formidable body, and march out against the Enemy. This engagemt. happened within 20 Miles of Winchester; and the Sergeant, who brought the letter, assures me that they have Reason to imagine, that their numbers are greater than the Letter informs. He says that there were many French amongst them, and that the chief part of the whole were mounted on Horses; so that there is great probability that they may have a design upon this place.
I have sent an express to Lord Fairfax, with a copy of Starke's Letter,28 and wrote to him as your honour will see by the inclosd. to raise the Militia with all expedition: but alas! that is a poor resource, a very unhappy dependence! tho' our only one at present. I have not time to add more than that I shall endeavour to do the best I can till we have assistance and that I am etc.
[V.H.S.]
[Note 28: Starke's letter is not found in the Washington Papers.]
Winchester, April 19, 1756.
Sir: You are hereby Ordered to repair to Joseph Edward's Fort, and there to take upon you the command of all those different parties that are at that place. You are to use your utmost endeavours to protect the people, and be very circumspect in your conduct; taking care to do nothing without first advising with your Officers, and receiving their Counsel. You are to be very careful that you are not decoyed into any snares of the Enemy: And if you ever detach any parties from the Fort, be sure to cover their retreat; and, if possible, draw them between your Fires, by advancing a Body of men before your main Body; with Orders to retreat gradually between your parties, which you must have posted securely for that purpose. You must be very careful that no waste is made of the Ammunition; and that the men are not allowed to make random shot; but watch their opportunities to fire sure. You are to be careful in transmitting me constant reports of the occurences that may attend while there: and are to endeavour to keep a communication with the Detachment at Enoch's.
You are also, by any opportunities that shall offer, to send word to all such places as have men stationed; and to warn the Inhabitants to be on their Guard. You are strongly enjoined to be diligent and watchful; and use all previous measures to guard against a Surprize, either in the Fort or otherwise.
[Note 29: Thomas, the sixth Lord Fairfax, of Cameron (1693--1781), second child and eldest son of Thomas, fifth Lord Fairfax, and Catherine Culpeper, possessed by inheritance a large tract of land, estimated to contain 5,200,000 acres, in what was called the Northern Neck of Virginia, between the Potomac and Rappahannock Rivers. He was the only British peer resident in America during the greater part of the eighteenth century. He came to Virginia in 1735 and established himself at Greenway Court, Frederick County, a few miles from Winchester.]
Winchester, April 19, 1756.
My Lord: The inclosed is the Copy of a Letter that came to my Hands by Express this Instant, which I send, in Hopes that your Lordship will give Orders for raising not only a part of the Militia of this County, but of the adjacent ones also, and that with the utmost Expedition; otherwise, it is uncertain how far the Enemy may attempt to pursue their Victory. I have consulted Colo. Innis and the Officers of my Regiment, who are unanimous in Opinion that the Men I have here, which are only 50, should be detained till they are reinforced by the Militia for the defence of the Town, as it is more than probable that the Enemy may extend their Designs to this place.
Notwithstanding I am sensible how much your Lordship will exert yourself on this Occasion, I can't help repeating that nothing but Dispatch can answer our present Purposes; for unless I can throw some Amunition into Edwards's Fort to Night, the Remainder of our Party and the Inhabitants that are there will more than probably fall a Sacrifice to the Indians, as the Bearer, who came off with the inclosed, assures Me that the Fort was surrounded, and that an Assault was expected to-Day. I am Your Lordship's most ob'd't h'ble Serv't.
[V.H.S.]
April 20, 1756.
Sir: I received yours, dispatched last night by Express about two o'clock this morning. There is ammunition already sent up, but I send you more now. I hope ere this, Captain Harrison is safe arrived with you. Let him know it is my Orders, that he return the Horses he took up with him, per the first safe hand that is coming down: and that he transmit me constantly what intelligence he may receive.
I can scarcely give credit to any part of the Report you transmitted to me, from Captain Ashby. If Captain Harrison can, by good woods-men, get intelligence of the number of the Enemy, and their place of Rendezvous, if near your Station. I would have them endeavour to surprize them in the night, by failing upon them at their sleeping places. Yours, &c.
April 20, 1756.
Sir: You will receive by the Bearer as much powder as I think will suffice: Ball, according to your own account, you have enough of. I am informed by the Bearer, that the Inhabitants at Enochs's (where your party it garrisoned) are desirous of moving. I would therefore recommend that you may, if you can convey them, and such Stores as are in your Custody, to retreat to Edwards's. If you find this impracticable; Captain Harrison is ordered to send a Sergeant and ten men, to strengthen you, from that place. You are to take care that it is sent for that purpose. I expect in a very little time to have a number of men to relieve the Inhabitants on all the waters: But in case this should not be done; you must give to that poor distressed people, part of the provision which you have for the Garrison: and see that there is the greatest care and economy therein. I am, Sir, &c.
Winchester, April 21, 1756.
Parole Oxford.
A Court Martial to sit immediately, to try those who were confined for being absent from their alarm-post last night. Captain Stewart, President.
I do hereby promise to any persons who engage now to go out as Volunteers, without any expectation of pay; that they shall be furnished with provision and ammunition from the public Stores, sufficient for the time they shall be upon the Scout. To draw the provision as soon as they are ready to March out.
Winchester, April 21, 1756.
My Lord: By several Expresses just arrived from the Officers and Inhabitants between this and Fort Cumberland, their situation seems most deplorable; for they have neither provision, nor a sufficient force at either place, to go out to collect any; and consequently, must run themselves into the jaws of the Enemy, or perish in their places with Hunger: and I dare believe your Lordship is sensible, that without a considerable Body of the Militia, the marching from this Town would be of the greatest ill consequence. For which reason I advise (if you have not already done it) you would send immediately to Culpeper, with Orders to raise and send such a number of men as you shall judge can be spared from thence; with such Arms, Ammunition, and provision as they can procure; for we are illy supplied with either here. I have wrote to the Commanding Officers of Prince William and Fairfax, desiring they would use their utmost endeavours in dispatching the Militia from these Counties: and beg you would renew your Orders to those Gentlemen, on that head. I am, my Lord, &c.
April 21, 1756.
Gentlemen: I have just now received several Expresses who bring the most shocking accounts of the distressed condition, not only of the few poor families that yet remain back of this place; but of the Rangers that Garrison the small Forts: as nothing but a large and speedy reinforcement can save them from utter destruction! I must desire that you will not lose one moment in drawing together all the men you can provide with Arms, Ammunition, and Provision, in the best manner the time will admit of; and join me with all imaginable expedition. And as this is an Affair of the last importance, I hope nothing in your power will be left undone. I am &c.
April 21, 1756.
Sir: It is out of my power at this junction to supply you with any Provision. Therefore I would have you apply to Edwards, to whom I write. Acquaint him, that whatever he expends, he shall receive a reasonable satisfaction for: and hint to him, that without his compliance the Garrison now there, must depart to this place. You are likewise Ordered (on Mr. Hubbard, at Enocks, signifying his want of assistance in aiding his retreat to your Fort) to supply him with at least fifty of your Garrison, who will Escort that under his command to your place, where he is Ordered. Dispatch the enclosed letter, on arrival, by Express. I am &c.
Winchester, April 22, 1756.
Honble. Sir: This encloses several letters, and the minutes of a council of war,30 which was held upon the receipt of them. Your Honor may see to what unhappy straits the distressed inhabitants as well as I, am reduced. I am too little acquainted, Sir, with pathetic language, to attempt a description of the people's distresses, though I have a generous soul, sensible of
[Note 30: These minutes are in the Washington Papers. The question was whether to march against the enemy with the small force at Winchester and Fort Edwards or to remain at Winchester. The decision was to remain.] wrongs, and swelling for redress. But what can I do? If bleeding, dying! would glut their insatiate revenge, I would be a willing offering to savage fury, and die by inches to save a people! I see their situation, know their danger, and participate their sufferings, without having it in my power to give them further relief, than uncertain promises. In short, I see inevitable destruction in so clear a light, that, unless vigorous measures are taken by the Assembly, and speedy assistance sent from below, the poor inhabitants that are now in forts, must unavoidably fall, while the remainder of the country are flying before the barbarous foe. In fine, the melancholy situation of the people, the little prospect of assistance, the gross and scandalous abuses cast upon the officers in general, which is reflecting upon me in particular, for suffering misconducts of such extraordinary kinds, and the distant prospects, if any, that I can see, of gaining honor and reputation in the service, are motives which cause me to lament the hour, that gave me a commission, and would induce me, at any other time than this of imminent danger, to resign without one hestitating moment, a command, which I never expect to reap either honor or benefit from; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of incurring displeasure below, while the murder of poor innocent babes and helpless families may be laid to my account here !
The supplicating tears of the women, and moving petitions from the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease.
Lord Fairfax has ordered men from the adjacent counties, but when they will come, or in what numbers, I cannot pretend to determine. If I may judge from the success we have met with here, I have but little hopes, as three days' incessant endeavours have produced but twenty men.
I have too often urged my opinion for vigorous measures, therefore I shall only add, that, besides the accounts you will receive in the letters, we are told from all parts, that the woods appear to be alive with Indians, who feast upon the fat of the land. As we have not more than a barrel or two of powder at this place, the rest being at Fort Cumberland, I could wish your Honor would send up some. I have wrote to Alexandria and Fredericksburg, desiring that two barrels may be sent from each place, but whether there is any at either, I know not. I have sent orders to Captain Harrison to be diligent on the waters where he is posted, and to use his utmost endeavours to protect the people; and, if possible, to surprise the enemy at their sleeping-places. Ashby's letter is a very extraordinary one.31 The design of the Indians was only, in my opinion, to intimidate him into a surrender. For which reason I have wrote him word, that if they do attack him, he must defend that place to the last extremity, and when he is bereft of hope, then to lay a train to blow up the fort, and retire by night to Cumberland. A small fort, which we have at the mouth of Patterson's Creek, containing an officer and thirty men guarding stores, was attacked smartly by the French and Indians; and were as warmly received, upon which they retired. Our men at present are dispersed into such small bodies, guarding the people and public stores, that we are not able to make, or even form a body. I am your Honor's, &c.32
[Note 31: Capt. John Ashby wrote from his fort (April 15) that 400 Indians had demanded file surrender of his fort; 1,500 had gone to Fort Cumberland and 2,000 to the Juniata. The letter, an extract of which is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 1, p, 221, was written to Col. Henry Van Meter.]
[Note 32: The governor, on receiving this letter, immediately ordered out one-half of the militia in 10 of the upper counties. Colonel Fairfax, one of the council, wrote to Colonel Washington (April 26): "The House of Burgesses are pleased with the Governor's orders, and depend on your vigilence and success. Your endeavours in the service and defence of your country must redound to your honor; therefore do not let any unavoidable interruptions sicken your mind in the attempts you may pursue. Your good health and fortune are the toast at every table. Among the Romans, such a general acclamation and public regard, shown to any of their chieftains, were always esteemed a high honor, and gratefully accepted."
Landon Carter also wrote as follows: "Virginia has been a neglected Colony by the mother country, and had there been a more active king on the throne of France, they must have made a conquest of it long ago. Should we talk of obliging men to serve the country, you are sure to hear a fellow mumble over the words 'liberty' and 'proerty' a thousand times. Sir, I think as you do. I have endeavoured, though not on the field, yet in the senate, as much as possible to convince the country of danger, and they know it; but like stingy creatures they are willing to wait for rains to wet the powder, and rats to eat the bow-strings of the enemy, rather than attempt to drive them from their frontiers."
These letters are printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 1, pp. 230, 234.]
April 23, 1756.
Sir: It has been determined here in a Council of War, that it would be most advisable for you to repair to this place; as a small party would defend Edwards's Fort.
In consequence of which you are hereby ordered to proceed (as soon as you are joined by Ensign Hubbards party) to this place: and escort such of the inhabitants as are willing to come to this place. You must acquaint the people at Homers' Fort, that you are coming down with a party; and that if they choose to come with you, you will escort them here, or to Edwards's. If they agree to this you must detach a party to escort them to Edwards's. You are to have a Subaltern, two Sergenats, and twenty-five rank and file, at Edwards's Fort; unless the inhabitants desire to come down here. If so, you are to take them under escort: and must take care, if they insist upon leaving the Fort, to destroy it; as you must that at Homers, if the inhabitants come off. With the rest you are to proceed here, after complying with your other Orders. You must bring down the Waggons and Horses that are there; and must call at Captain Smiths, and bring down what Stores belonging to the Country, are at that place.
I would recommend it to the inhabitants if they come off, to bring their Cattle, &c. with them.
April 23, 1756.
Sir: It has been determined here in a Council of War, that it would be most advisable for you to evacuate your Fort at Enocks's; destroy it, and join Captain Harrison at Edwards's, with your Party, stores, and the inhabitants. As we are not acquainted with their situation at Cox's, it was thought best that you should send the Sergeant there, a conditional Order to join you at Enocks's, or keep possession where he is (which ever he and the Inhabitants, from the situation of affairs, think most advisable;) until we can send them some assistance, which will, I hope, be very soon; as I expect to be joined by a number of men shortly.
You are to send him this Order immediately. If he retreats to your party, you must order him to destroy the Fort, ere he quits the place.
I would recommend it to the Inhabitants, to drive down their Cattle, &c. with them. Yours, etc.
Winchester, April 24, 1756.
Honble. Sir: Not an hour, nay scarcely a minute, passes, that does not produce fresh alarms and melancholy accounts. So that I am distracted what to do! Nor is it possible for me to give the people the necessary assistance for their defence, upon account of the small number of men we have, or is likely to be here for some time. The inhabitants are removing daily, and in a short time will leave this county as desolate as Hampshire, where scarce a family lives!
Three families were murdered the night before last, at the distance of less than twelve miles from this place; and every day we have accounts of such cruelties and barbarities, as are shocking to human nature. Nor is it possible to conceive the situation and danger of this miserable county. Such numbers of French and Indians are all around, no road is safe to travel; and here we know not the hour how soon we may be attacked.
But as it is not in my power to give your Honor a full account of every thing, I have sent Captain Peachey to wait upon you, who can be more ample and satisfactory in every point, that requires your Honor's notice. I have written for the militia of Fairfax, Prince William, and Culpeper, and expect them here in a few days. But how they are to be supplied with ammunition and provision, I am quite at a loss. The distance of Fort Cumberland from us, where these supplies are, renders them useless, in a manner, and puts us to the greatest straits; and the inhabitants leaving their farms, will make it impossible for the militia to subsist without provisions, which are now very scarce, and will be more so. I should therefore be glad your Honor would send arms, ammunition and provisions up, and give immediate orders for the Irish beef at Alexandria, which cannot be had without your consent.
Your Honor spoke of sending some Indians to our assistance, in which no time should be lost, nor means omitted to engage all the Catawbas and Cherokees, that can possibly be gathered together and immediately despatched hither. For without Indians to oppose Indians, we may expect but small success. And I should think it no bad scheme, (while the Indians remain here in such numbers,) to have a detachment sent out with some friendly Indians to make an attempt upon their towns,--though this should be executed with all imaginable secrecy.
I hear the Assembly are for augmenting the forces (in pay) to fifteen hundred, which are far too few to defend the frontiers against so numerous an enemy. But I have often wrote you my sentiments upon this and other subjects, so shall not now enlarge. I have also written to the Speaker by Captain Peachey, who will, I imagine, communicate to your Honor what demands your immediate regard.
I wish your Honor would resolve me, whether the militia that are expected here must be supplied out of the public stocks of provisions laid in for the soldiers, or if they are to find themselves? The want of due direction in matters of this nature causes great inconvenience. Give me leaves to urge your Honor's speedy care of sending men and ammunition to our assistance, else the consequences may prove very fatal in a little time.
I have been just now informed, that numbers about the neighbourhood hold councils and cabals to very dishonorable purposes, and unworthy the thoughts of a British subject. Despairing of assistance and protection from below (as they foolishly conjecture), they talk of capitulating and coming upon terms with the French and Indians, rather than lose their lives and fortunes through obstinacy. My force, at present, is very weak, and unable to take the necessary measures, with those suspected; but, as soon as the militia arrive, be assured I will do my utmost to detect and secure such pests of society, if my information is not groundless, which I should be glad to find so.
I enclose your Honor a copy of a council of war lately held here,33 and copies of some letters since my last to you; one of which, for Colonel Martin, was just sent to me from Fort Hopewell, on the South Branch. They have had an engagement there, with the French and Indians, the particulars of which you will see by the enclosed. Captain Waggener, with a party of his men, joined them next day, and went in pursuit of the enemy, but could not come up with them. The waters were so high, that although Captain Waggener heard them engaged, he could send them no assistance. From these and other circumstances, you may form but a faint idea of the wretched and unhappy situation of this county, nor can it be conceived.
[Note 33: The proceedings of this council of war, dated Apr. 23, 1756, are in the Washington Papers. It was determined that Enoch's Fort should be abandoned and destroyed, and all of the garrison that could be spared from Fort Edwards should march to Winchester.]
My extreme hurry, confusion, and anxiety must plead an excuse for incorrectness, &c. I am your Honor's, &c.
Winchester, April 24, 1756.
Dear Sir: Yesterday I received yours by Mr. Kirkpatrick,34 and am sorry to hear the reflections upon the conduct of the officers. I could wish that their names had been particularized, that justice might be done to the innocent and guilty! for it is extremely hard, that the whole corps should suffer the most ungenteel reproaches for the inadvertence and misconduct of a few.35
[Note 34: John Kirkpatrick, of Alexandria, who was Washington's secretary.]
[Note 35: For the orders Washington issued in a further attempt to enforce discipline, see Orders, May 1, post.]
The deplorable situation of this people is no more to be described, than my anxiety and uneasiness for their relief. And I see in so clear a light the inevitable destruction of this county without immediate assistance, that I cannot look forward but with the most poignant sorrow.
You may expect, by the time this comes to hand, that, without a considerable reinforcement, Frederick county will not be mistress of fifteen families. They are now retreating to the securest parts in droves of fifties. In short, every thing has too melancholy an appearance for pen to communicate. I have therefore sent an officer, whose good sense and judicious observations will be a more effectual way of transmitting an account of the people's distresses.
I wish the Assembly had given two thousand men, instead of fifteen hundred, and that I had been acquainted with the dispositions they intended to make. Since I am ignorant of this, I hope it will not be thought presuming when I offer my sentiments upon the subject.
We are, Sir, first to consider, that if a chain of forts is to be erected upon our frontiers, it is done with a design to protect the people. Therefore, if these forts are more than fifteen and eighteen miles, or a day's march, asunder, and garrisoned with less than eighty or an hundred men each, the intention is lost, and for these reasons. 1st, if they are at greater distances, it is inconvenient for the soldiers to scout, and allows the enemy to pass between without being easily discovered, and when discovered so soon pursued. And secondly, if they are garrisoned with less than eighty or an hundred men, the number is too few to afford detachments. Then, again, our frontiers are so extensive, that, were the enemy to attack us on the one side, before the troops on the other could get to their assistance, they might overrun and destroy half the country. And it is more than probable, if they had a design upon the first, they would make a feint upon the other. Then we are to consider what sums the building of twenty forts would cost, and the removing stores and provisions to each, and in the last place, we are to consider where and when this expense is to end. For, if we do not endeavour to remove the cause, we are liable to the same incursions seven years hence as now, if the war continues, and they are allowed to remain on Ohio.
I shall next give the reasons, which I think make for a defensive plan. If the neighbouring colonies refuse us their assistance, we have neither strength or abilities or ourselves to conduct an expedition; or, if we had, and were the whole to join us, I do not see to what purpose, since we have neither a train of artillery, artillery-men, engineers, &c, to execute any scheme beyond the mountains against a regular fortress. Again, we have not, that I can see, either stores or provisions, arms or ammunition, wagons or horses, in any degree proportioned to the service; and to undertake an affair, where we are sure to fall through, would be productive of the worst consequences, and another defeat would entirely lose us the interest of every Indian.
If, then, we cannot act offensively with a prospect of success, we must be upon the defensive; and that there is no way to protect the people, or save ourselves (but by a chain of forts, is evidently certain.
I would beg leave, in that case, to propose that there should be a strong fort erected at this place, for a general receptacle of all the stores, &c, and a place of residence for the commanding officers, to be garrisoned with one company for the security of the stores, and to serve as escorts for all wagons, that are going higher up, because it is the most public and most convenient for intelligence of any in the country, and the most convenient to the part that will ever be attacked by numbers, it lying directly on the road to Fort Duquisne, from whence, and their Indian allies, who are still up higher, we have the greatest reason to apprehend danger. It also lies convenient to the inhabitants for raising the militia when occasion requires.
I have found by experience, that being just within the inhabitants is absolutely necessary to give orders for the defence of the people; and that Fort Cumberland is of no more use towards the defence of the country, than Fort George at Hampton, and know as little what is doing. For the people so soon as they are alarmed, immediately fly inwards, and at this time there is not an inhabitant living between here and Fort Cumberland, except a few settlements upon the Manor about a fort we built there, and a few families at Edward's, on Cacapehon, with a guard of ours, which makes this very town at present the outmost frontiers, and though a place trifling in itself, is yet of the utmost importance, as it commands the communication from east to west, as well as from north to south, for at this place do almost all the roads center, and secures the great roads of one half of our frontiers to the markets of the neighbouring colonies, as well as to those on Rappahannock and Potomack &c. At Fort Cumberland I would have one company garrisoned to secure the place, to procure the earliest intelligence, and to cover all detachments that may be sent towards the Ohio, which is all the use it can ever be of. In the next place, I would propose, that a good fort should be erected between this and Fort Cumberland, which shall be in a line with the chain of forts across the country, and be garrisoned with two companies. This I would advise, because, as I before observed, if we are ever attacked by a large body, it must be here, as they have no other road to our frontiers, either to transport men or necessaries.
These three forts that I have already spoken of will employ four companies, which will be a tolerable body, if the companies are large, which they would be, according to the scheme I sent you. And it would be a trifling expense to augment each company to one hundred privates, which will make two thousand, exclusive of officers, which were included in the scheme last sent.
After this is done, I would post the remaining companies equidistant, or at proper passes, along our frontiers, agreeable to the enclosed sketch, and order communications to be opened between fort and fort, and large detachments scouting between to discover the tracts of the enemy.
And now, sir, one thing to add, which requires the Assembly's attention, and that is, what vale, or upon what part of our frontiers these forts are to be built? For I am to tell you that the Great Ridge or North Mountain, so called in Evans's map, to which I refer, is now become our exterior bound, there not being one inhabitant beyond that on all the Potomack waters, except a few families on the South Branch, and at Joseph Edwards's, on Cacapehon, (which I have already mentioned,) guarded by a party of ours. So that it requires some consideration to determine whether we are to build near this to protect the present inhabitants; or on the South Branch, or Patterson's Creek, in the hopes of drawing back those, who have forsaken their dwellings,
If we do not build there, that country will ever want settlers; and if we do, there is so great a blank, with such a series of mountains between, that it will be next to impossible to guard the people effectually. I could again wish, that the Assembly had given two thousand men, exclusive of officers, to be formed into two battalions of ten companies each, with four field officers. Indeed, fifteen hundred men are a greater number than ever was in a regiment of only one battalion, and they should be divided into two, with four field-officers, who should be posted so as to have the immediate care of a certain number of forts, with orders to draw from one to another, as occasion should require.36
[Note 36: Governor Dinwiddie had formed a project of a much more extensive chain of forts, embracing the whole line of frontier from Crown Point to the country of the Creek Indians. This project he communicated to the board of trade on February 23. A peculiar feature of this plan was, that the expenses of erecting and supporting these forts should be provided for by a land and poll tax, to be levied by an act of Parliament, which should take effect equally throughout all the Colonies. He proposed a poll tax of 1 shilling sterling for two years, which he thought would be sufficient for building the forts; and a perpetual land tax of 2 shillings on every hundred acres of land, as a fund for keeping up the garrison. "I know," he adds, "that our people will be inflamed, if they hear of my making this proposal, as they are averse to all taxes; but in my duty, and in obedience to your commands, I cannot but think it the most eligible, and it will remain as long as the land; but, if not done by an act of the British Parliament, I may venture to affirm, that no governors on this continent will be able to prevail on the Assemblies to pass laws for this purpose." By his calculation there were at least a million of taxable polls in the Colonies. Hence this tax would produce £50,000 a year. And the land tax, estimated by the quit rents paid in Virginia, he believed would yield annually £60,000. The population of Virginia he considered at this time to be 293,472, of whom 173,316 were white and 120,156 black. The militia were computed at 35,000 men fit to bear arms. The governor wrote to Mr. Fox, one of the secretaries of state; "We dare not venture to part with any of our white men any distance, as we must have a watchful eye over our negro slaves, who are upwards of one hundred thousand."-- Sparks.]
I could add more on this subject, but am so hurried, that I am obliged to refer for further particulars to the bearer, who will tell you, that, to carry on all these works, a number of tools, as well as many other necessaries, will be absolutely wanting.
I have given my opinion with candor, and submit to correction with the greatest pleasure. Confusion and hurry must apologize for the incoherence and incorrectness hereof. I am, dear Sir, yours, &c.
April 25, 1756.
Sir: As the roads at present are so much infested, I do not think it safe to send the things you wrote for until another opportunity. I must desire that you will be very diligent, and guard against a Surprize from the Enemy, as they will certainly attact you, if they find it possible to surprize you.
You are to detach Ensign Crawford with twenty men, to reconnoitre the Country towards Hires, on Opekon; and towards Bullskin, or wherever he finds these Inhabitants have retired to: He is to act rather as a reconnoitring party, than as an Offensive one. Yours &c.
April 26, 1756.
Sir: If you receive this before you leave Edward's, I would have you proceed with a Detachment of yours, in your way to this, by Darby McIvers, who, with his Servant, &c. is killed by the Enemy. And endeavour, if the Bearer can shew you their bodies, to have them Buried.
You must endeavour to bring off the Cattle, &c. of the Inhabitants about there if possible, if you do not hear that the Enemy are too strong in that Quarter for you to make an attempt of this kind. If you should get intelligence that they are; I would have you proceed here with your party, without regard to these Orders. Make all the dispatch you possibly can to this place; as I wait your arrival with great impatience. Yours &c.
Winchester, April 26, 1756.
Sir: I received your several Letters yesterday, and am very glad to hear that all our Garrisons are safe. We every day expect very strong reinforcements and as soon as they arrive, shall scour all the woods between this and Fort Cumberland: and put what is possible to spare into the Garrisons: But, until I have effected the first plan, can not possibly join you; as it would be of the worst consequence to leave the Enemy, who have now burnt, killed, and destroyed every thing they fell in with, even as low as Opekon in the heart of this County, to proceed to that Fort. I must desire you will be very diligent; and send your Orders to the other Garrisons oft as you see occasion. Yours &c.
Winchester, April 27, 1756.
Dear Sir: In my last I omitted to observe one thing touching the defence of our frontiers by a chain of forts, and it is this:
If the province of Maryland makes no provision for its frontiers, we shall have a long, unguarded space quite open and defenceless from Wills Creek to the mouth of Shanandoah, where the enemy may have, and have already given proof of, free egress and regress in crossing Potowmack; plundering, burning, murdering and destroying all before them. It is matter of moment, and worthy the Assembly's notice. For we must secure that weak side, if our neighbours are so indifferent as to disregard their own safety, because of its connexion with ours. In this case the number of forts will be increased to two or three more. Another material point to be regarded by the Assembly, and of very great importance to the inhabitants, is the situation of these forts intended along the frontiers. As I mentioned to you before, that placing them on the former outmost frontier, would be of small service to defend the present frontier settlements, now so remote from the former.
For the enemy would still make incursions, and carry off their booty with impunity, without a considerable number of men posted at these forts constantly patrolling in order to interrupt them. And without such defence and protection, the people will never be induced to return again to their plantations.
Again, if the forts are built upon the present exterior settlements, the former lands will remain unsettled: nor need we expect that the inhabitants will extend their improvements beyond these forts, while such disturbances continue.
I would again urge the necessity of a large and strong fort at this town37 for very cogent reasons, as I hinted in my former, it being the center of all the public roads, and a place of the most importance on the frontiers. I would advise its being large, as it will be the sole refuge for the inhabitants upon any alarm, where they may be received and protected until they can return with safety to their plantations. And as it must be the magazine of stores, to supply many other forts, the country and soldiers with provisions, ammunition, &c., it ought, of consequence, to be large and pretty strong.
[Note 37: The fort ordered to be built at Winchester was named Fort Loudoun. It was erected from a plan drawn by Washington, which is in the Washington Papers, in the Library of Congress.]
Had such a place of defence been here, it would have hindered some hundreds of families from moving further than this, that are now lost to the county. The women and children might have been secure, while the men would have gone in a body against the savages, whereas the number of men now left is so small, that no resistance or defence can be made to any purpose. Winchester is now the farthest boundary of this county,--no inhabitants beyond it: and if measures are not taken to maintain it, we must retire below the Blue Ridge in a very short time.
Let me therefore recommend to yours and the Assembly's particular care, that no time be lost in this salutary proposal: for should this panic and fear continue, not a soul will be left on this side the Ridge: and what now remain, are collected in small forts (out of which there is no prevailing on them to stir) and every plantation deserted.
I have exerted every power for the protection and peace of this distressed, unhappy people, and used my utmost to persuade them to continue, until assistance come, though to little effect. I have repeatedly urged Lord Fairfax to send for the militia of the adjacent counties, and have sent myself several expresses to hurry them on.
If the Assembly approve the scheme of erecting a fort here and at other places, tools of all kinds will be wanting, and must be sent up immediately, that no time may be lost. Carpenters from below should likewise be engaged; and every proper method for dispatching so desirable and so general a good, as this defence for Frederick, &c.
I have now and formerly been very full upon these Topics, which I thought most conducive to the good of the Country; and have had no other point in view but the Public interest, in all my advices, my actions, and intentions: and would chuse to avoid censure in every part of my conduct, by acting agreeable to the directions of the Assembly, the Governour, and a good conscience. So shall not for the future trouble you further on this subject. Yours etc.
Winchester, April 27, 1756.
Sir: I sent an express to Fort Cumberland on Tuesday last, who is just returned with the enclosed letters, which I send, to prevent the trouble of extracting a part.
In my letter to Colonel Stephen, I did among other things inform him of the accusations laid to his charge, and that he must expect to have the matter inquired into. Your Honor will see what he says upon the subject.38
[Note 38: Dinwiddie's answer (May 3) was characteristic: "I observe Colo. Stephen's Letters vindicating his character, and I hope the Reports were without Foundation and in course malitious."]
Desolation and murder still increase, and no prospects of relief. The Blue Ridge is now our frontier, no men being left in this county, except a few that keep close with a number of women and children in forts, which they have erected for that purpose. There are now no militia in this county; when there were, they could not be brought to action. If the inhabitants of the adjacent counties pursue the same system of disobedience, the whole must fall an inevitable sacrifice; and there is room to fear, they have caught the infection, since I have sent (besides divers letters to Lord Fairfax,) express after express to hurry them on, and yet have no tidings of their march. We have the greatest reason in life to believe, that the number of the enemy is very considerable, as they are spread all over this part of the country; and that their success, and the spoils with which they have enriched themselves, dished up with a good deal of French policy, will encourage the Indians of distant nations to fall upon our inhabitants in greater numbers, and, if possible, with greater rapidity. They enjoy the sweets of a profitable war, and will no doubt improve the success, which ever must attend their arms, without we have Indians to oppose theirs. I would therefore advise, as I often have done, that there should be neither trouble nor expense omitted to bring the few, who are still inclined, into our service, and that, too, with the greatest care and expedition. A small number, just to point out the wiles and tracks of the enemy, is better than none; for which reason I must earnestly recommend, that those, who accompanied Major Lewis, should be immediately sent up, and such of the Catawbas as can be engaged in our interest. If such another torrent as this has been, (or may be ere it is done,) should press upon our settlements, there will not be a living creature left in Frederick county; and how soon Fairfax and Prince William may share its fate is easily conceived, if we only consider a cruel and bloodthirsty enemy, conquerors already possessed of the finest part of Virginia, plenteously filled with all kinds of provision, pursuing a people filled with fear and consternation at the inhuman murders of these barbarous savages!
I have exerted every means that I could think of, to quiet the minds of these unhappy people: but, for a man to have inclination, and not power, he may as well be without either, for the assistance he can give.
The inhabitants of the county, who are now in forts, are greatly distressed for the want of ammunition and provision, and are incessantly importuning me for both; neither of which have I at this place to spare. And if I had, I should be much embarrassed how to act. I could not be safe in delivering either without your orders; and to hear the cries of the hungry, who have fled for refuge to these places, with nothing more than they carry on their backs, is exceedingly moving. Therefore I hope, your Honor will give directions concerning this matter.
I have wrote to the Assembly, setting forth the great and absolute necessity there is of erecting a large and strong fort at this place, to serve as a receptacle for all our stores, &c., and a place of refuge for the women and children in times of danger. Was this necessary work completed, the men would, upon any alarm, (as they say themselves,) immediately lodge their families here, and turn out against the enemy. But without some such place of defence, they must always fly in the manner they have, in order to secure their wives and children!
This is the place generally fixed upon, as it has a free and open communication with all the country, from its centrical situation. It also secures the communication with the neighbouring colonies, as well as the trade, to the rivers of Rappahannock, Potomack, &c., and, though trifling in itself, a place of the utmost importance to the country in general, being contiguous to that part of our frontiers (but alas! this is the utmost frontiers at present) which ever must, if any, sustain the attack of numbers, as it is the nearest to Fort Duquisne, to which place we have opened a free communication. It is also contiguous to their Indian allies, who are at present higher up the Ohio than themselves. It is also conveniently situated for procuring the earliest intelligence, when the enemy is about, and to obtain relief from the militia below. In short it would be needless to urge all the cogent reasons that plead in its behalf, and shew how conveniently situated it is for the commanding officer to reside at. But one I shall add, which alone would be sufficient, and that is what I have before observed, viz., the procuring intelligence. This I now am truly sensible of, from the experience I have had since I came to this place. Since the first murders were committed by the Indians, I have never missed of receiving intelligence of their motions; while Colonel Stephen has, in a manner, lived in total ignorance thereof. The reason is very obvious; for Fort Cumberland is detached so far without the inhabitants, no person thinks of alarming them, but immediately, upon the first fright, retire into the inhabitants. And secondly, it is absolutely necessary to have one large magazine to supply the different forts with stores, &c. which magazine should be rather within the inhabitants, for the greater security in receiving and delivering them out again, and furnishing any reinforcements that may arrive from below, with provision, ammunition, &c. which will always facilitate their march. There should also be ammunition lodged here for supplying the country people when found useful.
Your Honor will observe some parts of Colonel Stephen's letters, as about reinforcements from the second division, and the number of men, &c., which were only finesses in case the letters had fallen into the enemy's hands. The letters, that conveyed the true accounts, were put into the pummel of the saddle, as were mine to him.
I have been formerly, and am at present, pretty full in offering my opinion and counsel upon matters, which regard the public safety and interest. And that have been solely the object of all my thoughts, words, and actions; and, in order to avoid censure in every part of my conduct, I make it a rule to obey the dictates of your Honor, the Assembly, and a good conscience.
I shall not hereafter trouble you further on these topics, as I can add nothing to what I have said. I am your Honor's, &c.
Winchester, April 29, 1756.
Parole Xerxes.
Colonel Washington Orders, that no Officer presume on any pretence whatever, to impress any Horse, &c. without first applying to him for a warrant or order. And as complaint has been made, that the Soldiers do take horses without leave; He desires the Officers to be very careful, that no such thing is done for the future: and to warn the Soldiers, that they shall be severely punished, if it can be proved upon any of them hereafter.
Winchester, May 1, 1756.
Parole Augusta.
A Return to be given in immediately of the whole number of men of the Virginia Regiment now in this Town; and those that are fit for Duty.
[Winchester, May 2, 1756.]
A Return to be given in immediately of the Detachments from Fort Cumberland, Cocke's and Ashby's Forts; by the Officers; of what necessaries the men want, which will be delivered them immediately. They are also to return the number of men each of those Officers has under command; and they shall receive a months' pay for each man.
The General Court Martial, whereof Captain Stewart was president, is dissolved.
Colonel Washington has approved of the sentence of the said Court martial, which was unanimous in opinion, that Lieutenant Lomax was not guilty of neglect of Duty; and that he remained in the Fort in consequence of his Orders; and that his conduct is not culpable.
A General Court Martial, to consist of four Captains and five Subalterns, to sit immediately for trial of Sergeant Nathaniel Lewis; for retreating with a party without Orders. And those men, confined for throwing away their Arms in the retreat of the party, defeated on the eighteenth of April last, near Edwards's Fort.
Captain Woodward, President: who is to wait on Colonel Washington for his Orders.
Mr. Kirkpatrick, Judge Advocate.
All Evidences to attend.
Winchester, May 3, 1756.
Honble. Sir: I received your two letters of the 23d and 26th ultimo.
I have sent down an Indian scalp, which was taken off at the place where Captain Mercer had his engagement. He was found thrust under some rocks, and stones piled up against them. They have reason to believe there were more killed, from the quantity of blood found on the ground where the Indians fired from, and from other discoveries of their attempts to make more graves. But a hard shower of rain prevented their making a farther search.
We have some reason to believe, the Indians are returned to Fort Duquisne, as some scouts from Fort Cumberland saw their tracts that way; and many corroborating accounts affirm, that the roads over the Allegany Mountains are as much beaten, as they were last year by General Braddock's army. From these and other circumstances we may judge their numbers were considerable. Whether they are gone for the season, or only to bring in a larger party, I am at a loss to determine.
For which reason, and from the scarcity of provisions on this side Fort Cumberland, I must beg leave humbly to offer it to your Honor's superior judgment, if it would not be advisable to stop all the militia, that are ordered from the ten counties, save about five or six hundred from the adjacent ones? which will serve to cover our frontiers on this quarter, which is the only part that ever will or can be much exposed,) until the regiment is completed by draughts and until they can erect fortresses, if the country intend a chain of forts for their defence. fence. Draughts, if they are judiciously chosen, will be of infinitely more service, and much less expense to the country, and can be immediately put to their posts.
I am convinced, if your Honor has a mind to stop any part of the militia, you will have full time, notwithstanding they are ordered to rendezvous at this place on the 10th instant. I never knew any yet to appear in ten days after they were expected; and I am also apprehensive, that having so many of the militia out will be the means of retarding the draughts, which, above all things, I wish to see.
Though I have often troubled you on this head, I must again beg leave to desire your particular instructions and information, of what is to be done, as, being in a state of uncertainty, without knowing the plan of operations, or what scheme to go upon, reduces me to the greatest straits, and leaves me to guess at every thing. Orders, that are absolutely necessary to be despatched to the officers one day, appear the next as necessary to be contradicted; so that I really cannot tell how to act for the good of the service, or satisfaction of any individual. Was the regiment complete, and things put on a proper footing, the whole would go on smoothly and regularly, which is now rendered impossible. So much am I kept in the dark, that I do not know whether to prepare for the offensive or defensive; and what might be absolutely necessary in the one, would be quite useless in the other.
Great inconveniences arise from our being so dispersed through the country. The men cannot be regularly paid or supplied. If every company had its proper post assigned, pay might be sent to them, and necessaries always provided in due season. We could also have the same advantages were we collected in one place. But there are so many detachments out, one officer may command men of every company of the regiment, t, and if necessaries are sent them he is removed from his command, and those things cannot be stopped out of their pay. So by this method the country loses money, the men are badly supplied, and always discontented.
I find the act of Assembly against mutiny and desertion quite insufficient, except in those two particular crimes. There is no notice, nor can a court-martial be held, by virtue of this act against any officer or soldier who is charged with cowardice, holding correspondence with the enemy, quitting or sleeping upon a post, nay, many other crimes, which are provided against in the articles of war. I think, at this time, it would be for the good of the service to make an act to enforce the articles of war in general, except two or three particular ones, such as impressing wagons, &c. They are in force in our mother country. They think them the best calculated for keeping soldiers under discipline; and none of them would prove burthesome, or inconvenient, either to the public or any individual and I cannot, nor I imagine few others can assign any reason, why we should pretend to quit that which by long experience has been found the best, to introduce one quite insufficient.
There are now in town about one hundred and fifty of the Fairfax militia. Three hundred are expected from Prince William. With the soldiers and militia now here, I intend to go out and scour the woods hereabouts for three or four days until the others arrive.
I want very much to go to Fort Cumberland to regulate affairs there, but fear I cannot spare time, as my presence will be very necessary here.
Clothes for the men are very much wanted. There are none in store, and some men, who have been enlisted these two months, to whom we could give nothing but a blanket, shoes, and shirt, are justly dissatisfied at having two pence per day stopped from them.53 Provision here is scarce, and the commissary much wanted to lay in more. I have been, and still am, obliged to do this duty, as well as most others, which I would take upon me, rather than let any thing be wanting for the good of the country, which I could do.
[Note 53: The soldiers were paid 8 pence a day. Out of this amount 2 pence a day were reserved for supplying them with clothes. (See Washington's letter to Alexander Boyd, Nov. 1, 1755, ante.)]
I enclose your Honor the sentence of a general court-martial, which was held here upon a sergeant for running away with his party.54 They have, I think, very justly adjudged him to suffer death, which sentence I hope you will approve of as there never was a fitter object to make an example of, being the second time he has been guilty of the same crime, nor a better time, as the newly draughted recruits for the regiment may be here by that time to see it executed, and it will be a good warning to them...55
[Note 54: Nathan Lewis, who had shown his cowardice in the affair at Edwards Fort in which John Mercer was killed. A copy of his court-martial is in the Washington Papers and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 1, p. 247. The original, signed by all the court and approved by Washington, is in the Virginia State Library.]
[Note 55: An omitted paragraph as to the pay of William Jenkins, the express rider.]
Winchester, May 3, 1756.
Sir: You are Hereby Ordered to repair to Maidstone, the place where your Troop is Quartered; and remain there until further Orders.
You are to hold a Court Martial for punishing the ring-leading mutineers of your Troop.
You will receive two hundred and sixty-four pounds, eighteen shillings and a penny, for payment of your own Troop, and the other Detachments at that place. And you are to see that the Officers make you out regular pay-rolls for their men; before you deliver the money: And are to Order them to take two Receipts from each man; as directed in a former Order.
You are also desired, to settle the Recruiting Accompts. of those Officers that are now at Maidstone: and to acquaint them who fall in debt to the Country; that the Committee have ordered me to stop their pay, until the respective Sums are discharged; and I must desire that you will do it.
You are to Order the Officers to make all the usual deductions from the mens pay; and to keep them for the Paymaster. You are also to desire that the Officers will see that their men lay out their pay in necessaries; and not foolishly spend it.
You are also to desire that they will stop the prices of such necessaries as the men may have had, over and above their allowances. And pay no men, Sergeants and Corporals pay, but such as have actually been regularly appointed at Fort Cumberland.
You must be very diligent in sending out reconnoitring parties to scour the Woods; and use your utmost endeavours to protect the people in those parts.
Winchester, May 3, 1756.
The General Court Martial, whereof Captain Stewart was President, is dissolved.
Colonel Washington approves of the Sentence of the Court; was unanimous in opinion, that Sergeant Nathan Lewis, for his misbehaviour, in running away with his Party, should suffer Death.
The three eldest Captains, eight Subalterns, ten Sergeants, one Drummer, and an hundred Rank and File, to hold themselves in readiness to march to morrow morning upon a Scout.
The Officers to examine the mens arms and ammunition; and see that they are in good order; and are completed with Cartridges. This command to draw two days provision more to-night.
The Captains for this command to see that these Orders are punctually complied with.
Of the Fairfax Militia one hundred men must march tomorrow for the South Branch; under two Captains and four Subalterns; and to receive their Orders from Colonel Washington. The remainder of the Fairfax Militia, and the Company of Volunteers, under Captain John Dalton; are to join the above party, ordered to Scout.
Winchester, May 4, 1756.
Sir: You are with your party under command, to proceed up the new road to Fort Cumberland, as far as Back Creek: when you come there, you must take down these waters, and scour the woods down the Creek, until you come to Potomac River; detaching small reconnoitring parties into the Mountains.
You are to use all possible precaution in your Search; and above all things, to guard against a Surprize.
You are to endeavour to procure persons acquainted with those parts, for Guides. When you, arrive at Potomack, you are to take down the river to Conogochieg; where you are to draw provisions for your Party, sufficient to bring them back to this place; where you are to proceed with the utmost expedition, after finishing the Route above ordered.
[Note 56: Capt. John Dalton, of the Fairfax volunteers.]
Winchester, May 4, 1756.
Sir: You are hereby Ordered to join with the Volunteers and Militia under your command, the Detachment sent with Captain Woodward, to scour Back-Creek, &c. He is directed to proceed down the said Creek, until he comes to Potomack River; and then to march to Conogochieg to get provisions. When you arrive there, you must consult with the Inhabitants the best place to post the Militia at, under command of Captain Russell;57 and proceed yourself to this place; Captain
[Note 57: Capt. William Russell, of the militia.] Swearingham58 can give you the best information concerning this matter.
[Note 58: Capt. Thomas Swearingham, of the militia.]
Winchester, May 4, 1756.
Sir: You are hereby Ordered to repair with the Detachment under your command to Job Pearsals and John Kirkindalls; with whom you are to consult and arise upon the proper place to make your Head-Quarters.
You are to take care to provide your Company with necessary provisions, agreeable to the Act of Assembly. And you are to be careful in sending out frequent scouting parties: and to use your utmost endeavours to protect the Inhabitants, and keep them quiet.
Winchester, May 4, 1756.
Parole Dartmouth.
As Colonel Washington has received certain advice of the Militia of some of the adjacent Counties, being on their march near this place. It has prevented his going out with the party ordered yesterday. And those Orders are countermanded.
The eldest Captain, six Subalterns, six Sergeants, one Drummer, and one hundred rank and file, are to march immediately upon the Scout. The Captain to wait upon Colonel Washington for his Orders.
The following prices are fixed for the necessaries delivered the Soldiers; Vizt.
These Articles being better in their kind than usual, are calculated at the lowest prices. The Guard is reduced to a Sergeants Command.
Winchester, May 4, 1756.
Sir: you are hereby ordered to proceed with the Detachment under your command, as far as Colonel Henry Vanmeeters, on the South Branch; and when there to consult with him and Captain Waggener, on the properest place to fix your Head Quarters, for the protection of the Inhabitants of those waters. And you are to be careful in seeing that your Company is provided with provisions, as the Act of Assembly shall direct.
You must not post your Company too near the men that are already stationed there; but endeavour to cover as much ground as possible; and to keep out constant scouting parties.
Winchester, May 5, 1756.
Sir: I was not a little surprized to hear of the misbehaviour of your party last night at Jesse Pugh's. He has been with me this morning, and complained that they killed his Fowls, pulled down one of his Houses for firewood; turned the Horses into his meadow and corn; destroyed them and his Fences.
As I should imagine that your sense would direct you better, were it not absolutely contradicted by an express order, which I found it necessary to give last October, when you was present.
I can not credit the Report; but only send this in order that you may be particularly careful for the future: as you may depend I shall call you to account, for any irregularities that are committed by your party.
If they are guilty of such misbehaviour it entirely perverts the design they were sent upon; as they are intended to relieve, and not add to the distresses of the people.
I desire you will shew this to Captain Dalton; to let him know what complaints are made. I have sent Orders to Captain Stewart to stop you at Conogochieg, until the Waggons arrive there for Provisions. I am &c.
Winchester, May 7, 1756.
Sir: You are hereby Ordered to proceed immediately to Edwards's Fort, to relieve Ensign Hubbard: and acquaint him it is my Orders, that he proceed directly to this place. If your command there should want provisions, you are hereby. empowered to purchase Beef, mutton, &c. upon the best terms; and draw upon the Commissary for the money. Taking care to purchase only as you want; for it is uncertain, how long your command will remain at that place.
You are to transmit me an account of what intelligence you receive from time to time; if you think it necessary to be communicated. You are to use your utmost endeavours and diligence, in protecting and keeping the Inhabitants quiet: and are to keep your party under strict discipline; and see that they commit no irregularities, nor give any cause for complaint.
You will receive twenty-five Shirts, and twenty-five pair of shoes; of which you are to take a particular accompt. in the delivery; and stop them out of the mens pay; as they will be charged to you.
You will receive Twenty-three pounds seventeen shillings for payment of the said Detachment: and you are, so soon as they are paid, to transmit me the pay-roll; and each marts receipt for the money, agreeable to the usual custom.
May 8, 1756.
Sir: I received yours by the Bearer. As neither Captain Bell nor Captain Gist, can make out regular pay-rolls for their men; a months pay will be sufficient at this time to give them. If any Officer is in want of pay, and not indebted to the Country for Recruiting; Let him receive out of the Balance in your hands: but let them all know, that it will appear a little dark on their side, if they should draw pay, and are owing the Country: as I have Orders to the contrary.
I do not know what you can do with your Sick; we have no Surgeon to spare: and to send medicines without a person to apply them, will be needless. Out of the few Tents that are at this place, I will send two or three per the first opportunity. I would, were I in your place, make Captain Caton59 produce Lord Fairfax's Order, before I would give up the House. If you are not apprehensive of the Enemys destroying the Flour at Stoddarts Fort in any short time, I would let it remain there; and send up a party to see that it is properly secured. If you should send up for it, employ as few of the Country people as possible; that the Country may be at little expence.
[Note 59: Capt. Thomas (?) Caton.]
You are directed to receive Captains Bell and Gists' Recruits; and to be very circumspect in your choice; as I would not receive any but very likely fellows at this time. I must desire you will put your Works at Maidstone, in as good a posture of Defence as possible. To do which, borrow or hire Tools of the Country people; for there are none of any kind at this place. Soon as this reaches you, hurry off what Waggons are at the Stores, loaded with Flour, under a proper Escort. And Captain Woodward will wait until Monday, so see if more do not arrive. Until I know what fixed Resolves the Assembly have come to, about raising and appointing their Troops; I can not confirm Mr. Campbell, or order any other to the Troop of Horse. It would look very partial to give Mr. Duncanson60 the highest post of Honor, who is not yet an Officer; preferable to those who have served sometime as Ensigns. I am, &c. yours
[Note 60: James Duncanson. He afterwards became a lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment.]
Winchester, May 9, 1756.
Parole Jersey.
As there are some Indians coming up to this place, and the ill consequence of giving them Liquor is well known to all who have ever heard of an Indian. It is Colonel Washingtons particular request and Orders That none of the Officers, or any other person, will pretend, upon any pretence whatever, to give them any money or spirituous liquor; as it will be impossible to make them serviceable, if they can get liquor when they want it, or can buy it. A Sergeant and Drummer, immediately to go through the Town, and proclaim this Order.
Winchester, May 10, 1756.
Sir: I have received yours this morning; and wonder you were not more explicit in the reasons you have for believing the Enemys return. You are sensible, the want of proper intelligence, retards and disappoints the necessary expedients for Defence and Assistance. You must endeavour to procure Tools for the Carpenters; either from the inhabitants, or made by the Smiths there, upon the lowest terms: as we have no kinds here, nor can by any means supply you. And I hope you will take all care to make that place as impregnable as you possibly can; in case you should meet with an attack.
In my former, I promised to send you some Tents; but, upon examination, the whole Stock consists only of twelve; which does not suffice half the number of men here: and the Militia taking up the houses in town; we are at present obliged to make use of tents. However, when the Militia march hence, I shall send what can be spared. Until then, you must make the best shift you can. You must try to supply yourself with cartridge paper in the neighbourhood; there being very little in Store here.
As you will have frequent opportunities here, you must make out a particular Accompt. of what Cartridge Boxes, Blankets, and other necessaries; that we may furnish you with what we can.
I would desire you to be careful how you employ that Doctor. The country has great objections to those occasional Quacks; whose only study is to swell their Bills, and to make their profit of the Country. Let him be used as seldom as possible; as I believe he can administer not a deal of comfort to those indisposed, if one may judge by his sobriety! You have what can be got of the medicines wrote for. The Horses I would have you send to some good pasture and let them recruit, if you can find one convenient. If Stoddarts Fort is to be burnt; I would have you send a pretty strong Guard to bring off the Flour, as soon as you can. Captain Woodward is arrived; and in order to preserve your strength, I have ordered an Escort from this to Conogochieg, to return with the Waggons. You may pay the Officers a months pay, as I directed formerly.
What have you done in these Recruiting Accompts. you had a note of? You will be careful of the Rolls and Receipts, for the Paymaster; so as he may be able to adjust his Accompts. I am &c.
[Note 61: Captain of the First Company of Rangers.]
May 12, 1756.
Sir: Captain Baylis,62 of the Prince William Militia, will give you this; and leave you a reinforcement of twenty men; with these, and the Detachment of your own Company, which has now certainly rejoined you; you will be sufficiently able to send out several scouting parties: And it is my desire, you do your utmost to scour these parts, and protect the people.
[Note 62: Capt. John Baylis.]
You will deliver Mr. Baylis what Carpenters tools you have in the Fort: as he has Orders to build a small Fort at the mouth of Little Capecapon. Take Receipts for the several Tools you deliver the Officers. I am, &c.63
[Note 63: A copy of this was also sent to Capt. John Ashby.]
[Note 64: Of the Prince William militia.]
Winchester, May 12, 1756.
You are hereby Ordered to proceed with the Detachment under your command along the old waggon-road, until you come to Cockes's Fort, on Patterson's Creek; where you are to leave a Subaltern, one Sergeant, and twenty men, to strengthen that Garrison. From thence you are to continue your march to Ashby's Fort; which you are also to strengthen with the same number of men; and from there you are to proceed to Friend Cox's, at the mouth of Little Capecapon. Post your party at that place; and immediately set about erecting a Fortress, for the security of the pass, and for the defence of your Detachment.
You are to draw out all such Carpenters tools as can possibly be spared from the two Forts: and you are to be very circumspect in chusing the spot of Ground to erect the Work on: which must be of the same dimensions, and built after the same model of Ashby's. For which reason you must be very careful in examining of it.
You are always to keep covering parties to secure your Work. men: and to mount a Guard regularly on your March, and at your Station, to prevent Surprizes.
You must apply to the Commissary for provisions to carry with your Detachment; and to take his Directions how to keep your party supplied for the future.
I earnestly entreat, that you will be careful to observe good Order and Discipline among your men: that you will ever be mindful of the charge you are entrusted with: and diligent in executing with the utmost Dispatch, all these several Orders.
May 14, 1756.
At a Council of War, Held at Winchester, the 14th. day of May, 1756; for considering and determining upon the necessary measures to be taken at this juncture with the Militia ordered here by His Honor, the Governor.
Upon the Question being put by Colonel Washington, whether it was advisable to send part of the Militia now here, to Guard and cover our Southern Frontiers?
It was resolved in the negative; and for the following reasons: vizt.
1st. The Southern Frontiers lying at a greater distance from, and less exposed to the Enemy, than these northern frontiers; and being more difficult to come at: It is believed they can not suffer much, before the Draughts for completing the Regiment, may be sent thither.
2ly. By His Honor, the Governor, ordering none but the northern Counties to be Draughted; and those all directed to Rendezvous at this place; it appears plainly to have been his opinion in Council, that the southern Counties which lie contiguous, should be left to march out, in case the Enemy should invade the Country on that Quarter.
3ly. As it would be attended with great hardships upon numbers of poor men draughted out of these ten northern Counties, to march to the Frontiers of Augusta, when there are so many Inhabitants, that are much more convenient for its Defence.
4thly. Upon advising with the Commissary, we were in formed, that it would require some time to lay in Provision for a Body of men on that Quarter; and, unless Troops were immediately put there, it would not answer the salutary end proposed: which can not be done sooner than by the Draught for the Regiment.
5ly. We have no certain advices of the Enemy being now down; but on the contrary many corroborating account affirming that their tracts in great numbers have been discovered repassing the mountain.
It was judged advisable to discharge all of the Militia, except what were absolutely necessary to resist a second invasion upon this Quarter.
Go: Washington P.
John Spotswood
J. Baylor
Henry Lee
John Thornton
Henry Fitzhugh Junior
Thomas Slaughter
William Taliaferro
George Muse
William Green
Francis Taylor
Benj. Pendleton
Joseph Stevens65
[Note 65: Stevens's name in the list of members of the council, spelled Stephen, is an error of the copyist of 1784--85. The absence o[ Col. Thomas Bryan Martin's name among the signers is probably due to the same cause.]
May 15th. 1756
Since Holding the above Council, the Subscribers from Louisa, with the Militia of that County, came into Town; and heard the determinations and reasons of the Council are satisfied, and agree to the above resolves.
Charles Barret
Robert Anderson
[May 15, 1756.]
The Commanding Officers of the Militia left at this place, are to order all their Men to be under Arms at Retreat-beating this Evening: and are to acquaint them, that if any of them desert, they will be immediately draughted as Soldiers into the Virginia Regiment.
They are also to order them to lodge their Arms in some secure place; and not suffer them to go about the Streets with their Arms. They will be Relieved as soon as the Draughts for the Regiment are made: and will not be liable to a chance of being draughted themselves.
In consequence of the Council of War that was held the14th. instant: Such part of the Militia of the several Counties as rendezvous'd at this place, and were detained here; are ordered to be posted as follows vizt.
At Mendenhalls Fort Lieutenant Thomas, with two Sergeants and twenty-five private men, from Orange-County.
At the Mouth of Sleepy-Creek; Captain Woodford; one Lieutenant, three Sergeants, and fifty private men, from Caroline.
At the Mouth of Little Capecapon, Colonel Peyton; one Captain, four Subalterns, four Sergeants, and Ninety men, from Prince William.
At Ashby's Fort, Lieutenant Newgent; two Sergeants, and twenty-five private men, from King George; Lieutenant Lewis; two Sergeants and thrity-five private men, from Spottsylvania.
At Cocke's Fort, Captain Minor; one Lieutenant, one Ensign, two Sergeants, and forty-five private men from Fairfax.
At, or about Pearsalls, Captain Hamilton, one Lieutenant, one Ensign, two Sergeants, and forty-five private men, from Fairfax.
At Harnesses Fort, Lieutenant Hedgman, two Sergeants and thirty private men, from Stafford.
At Luney's Creek, Captain Fields, one Lieutenant, two Sergeants, and fifty private men, from Culpeper.
At Enock's, Lieutenant Bebb, with two Sergeants, and thirty-five private men, from Louisa.
At Winchester, Carpenters, Seventy-five, from the whole.
May 16, 1756.
Sir: You are immediately upon receipt of this, with the men under your command, to march to Cocke's Fort, on Pattersons Creek; and there join him. You are to consult with Captain Cocke, and take his directions, in sending out frequent Scouting parties, to scour the Country, and make discoveries.
It is expected that strict obedience will be paid these Orders; as they are in consequence of a Council of War, which has regulated and appointed the Militia to different Stations.
Your Station at this Fort will be more agreeable, as you will have a cover for your men, and be clear of the trouble of procuring provisions.
When you join Captain Cocke, you are to shew him these Orders; and tell him, that Captain Waggener has Directions to draw out all the Forces but what is just sufficient to defend the place upon any alarm: in order that he may be strong enough to pursue the Enemy. I am &c.
Winchester, May 16, 1756.
Sir: A party of the Militia of Stafford, is ordered to Harnesses Fort; and will march to-morrow: as will a party of the Culpeper Militia, to your upper fort. So soon as they arrive there, I would have you order down your men from that, to your station at Vanmeeters; as you will be posted there to assist the Inhabitants, with your Company and advice, in case of any alarms; and a second descent of the Indians. I would have you collect from these different Forts near you, a sufficient number of men, and endeavour immediately to drive them off.
The different stations of the Officers and men, which you will have the direction of; and must order as you think proper, upon any alarm; are as follows:
At Cockes, Harnesses, and your upper Fort66 You are immediately to make out a Pay-Roll for pay due your Company; and send it by an Officer immediately to the Pay-Master, at Fort Cumberland: and he will receive the money.
[Note 66: Evidently blanks were left for the number of men to be ordered to these alarm posts, but the copyist has ignored them.]
If your Officers should arrive at the Fort, before the PayMaster receives advice from me; he must wait until he does.
So soon as he returns and you pay your men off; you must transmit me their Receipts for their pay, not only now, but for all you have paid them since you have been at that Station; as directed in a former Order. I am, Sir, Yours etc.
Winchester, May 16, 1756.
Sir: The Detachment from King George, under Lieutenant Newgent, is to be stationed at Ashby's Fort; and you are to proceed with the whole of your Militia, to the Mouth of Little Capecapon; and are not to station any of them at Cocke's or Ashby's Forts; as reinforcements from the other Militia will be sent there.
I expect a strict compliance with these Orders, and diligence in executing them; and those you have before received (except here contradicted). You are to acquaint Mr. Newgent that it is my Orders, he obey Captain Ashby; and assist in sending out frequent Scouting parties. I am &c.
Winchester, May 16, 1756.
Sir: You are hereby ordered to proceed with the Detachment under your command to the mouth of Sleepy-Creek; and chuse at that place, or in the neighbourhood thereof, the most convenient place to post your party: In doing which, consult the most judicious and knowing of the Inhabitants. You must get your men into some of the most tenable Houses; and endeavour to erect or throw up such necessary works of defence, as will secure them from any sudden assaults of the Enemy. The Settlers, will no doubt give you all imaginable assistance of men and Tools to carry on the work, as it is intended for their security. You are to use your utmost endeavours to protect the people from the insults of the enemy; and to encourage them by all fair and lawful means, to return to their Dwellings. You are to be particularly careful that no irregularities happen among yourselves. That there is due discipline observed; and that your Men are not suffered to go out in small parties marauding; but are to have your lists at least called twice a-day, to prevent their stragling, and Deserting. Scouting parties you are frequently to send out to range the hills and waters, to see if any tracks of the Enemy can be found: These parties in a general way, should consist of one-third of your men. You are to mount Guard regularly every twenty-four hours; from which Sentries are to be posted and relieved every hour, for the security of your camp, and to prevent surprize. Your ammunition should be well secured, and great care taken of it; and your arms in constant good order; that you always be in readiness for the worst events.
The Commissary will deliver to you provisions; and instruct you in the means of procuring more, as your party shall want.67
[Note 67: Practically the same instructions were sent to Lieutenant Hedgman, of the Stafford militia, ordered to Harness's Fort; to Capt. John Field, of the Culpeper militia, ordered to the South Branch; to Lieuts. Cornelius Thomas, Orange militia, ordered to Mendenhall's; and Thomas Beeb, Louisa militia, ordered to Henry Enoch's.]
Winchester, May 17, 1756.
Sir: You are hereby ordered to proceed with the utmost expedition to Job Pearsails on the South-Branch: You will be joined by the Militia of Spotsylvania and Orange, who are to march with you to that place.
When you arrive there, you are to summon a Council of War, of the Officers with you, and those already at the South Branch; and consult upon the most proper steps to be taken. If you find the Indians still continue about there, you must all unite; and endeavour if possible to surprize them in the night at their sleeping places. But if they are gone off; I would have you and the rest of the Officers with the Men, to proceed immediately to the posts allotted to them in yesterdays Orders.
May 17, 1756.
Sir: I would have you remain at Kirkendalls with your party until Colonel Peytons return to the Branch; and then march to the place directed in your former Orders; and take the advice of Captain Waggener, &c. how to act for the security and defence of the Inhabitants. Be very diligent and circumspect on your march or otherwise; and use every endeavour to prevent a surprize from the Enemy, as they will be sure to attack when unguarded. Give all assistance you can to secure the peoples cattle and Grain: And be active in every thing for their protection. Let me hear immediately any intelligence you receive of the Enemy worth regarding. I am, &c.
Winchester, May 17, 1756.
Sir: I had yours last night; and observe your dangers from the Indians about the Neighbourhood. I would have you consult with Governor Innes upon the most expedient measures to pursue: and by all means, let me advise you never to be unguarded in case of a Surprize.
I have had some conversation with people from the Branch since I wrote to you last; and find it requisite to continue your command on these waters, to range and scout about, and to secure the Grain and Cattle of the Inhabitants from the Enemy; than to build that Fort on Capecapon, for sometime yet.
Before this reaches you, you may (perhaps) have marched from Pearsails; as I understand you intend it. Upon your return from escorting Governor Innes, I would have you make Pearsalls your Head-Quarters, and to send out your Scouting parties as low as the mouth of the River. If you learn any further intelligence about the strength and motions of the Enemy, which you may think worth regarding; I desire you would lose no time in communicating it to me. I am &c.
May [17], 1756.
Sir: Yours last night. Let nothing put you off your guard, and be prepared for the worst alarms. I would advise you to remain at Pearsalls until Captain Peytons return from escorting Governor Innes; and then you are to take Captain Minors' post at Kirkendalls; as he is ordered at Colonel Peytons return, also to remove to the South-Branch. I hope there is no need of advising you to be diligent and careful, both in the defence of the people, and in taking proper care of your party. When you hear intelligence of the Enemy worth regarding, lose not one moment in transmitting it to, Sir, Yours, &c.
Winchester, May 18, 1756.
Sir: You was informed of the insufficiency of your Accompts. before the Committee and desired to make them out more plain and satisfactorily; which I hope you have done as far as you can. You have herewith money sent to pay the Troops and copies of the pay-rolls, and Receipts for payments made the Officers here; in order that you may not make any mistakes in your Settlements with them and the men. As I would have you very exact and precise in all your Accompts. and Disbursements. Otherwise the Committee will not approve of them, nor grant us further Supplies.
You have enclosed a list of Balances due from sundry Officers for Recruiting; which you was to detain in your hands from their pay, according to Colonel Stephens directions after he settled with them. And as many of the Officers now return to the Fort on purpose to have their Accompts settled: you will be careful to see that they discharge the balances respectively due, before you pay them any money: and take care to bring down with you every recruiting accompt. in Colonel Stephens hand, or these balances you have settled. As to payment of Captain Waggeners Detachment, if you have no opportunity, before you leave the Fort, of sending him the money, I would advise you to bring it with you to Captain Cocks's and desire him to transmit it, with an Escort, to Captain Waggener. There is nothing I am so desirous of, as having distinct, regular and plain accompts to present to the Committee; and the greatest part depends on yours. Let me recommend your care to have every thing in a clear light; that no doubts or objections may be raised. Nor must you mix your pay-rolls with contingencies or arrears, as they are each separate articles of accompts. And as you may be hurried in coming away, without having all your accomp't duly settled and stated; I would have you bring all your papers and accompts. down, that they may be properly made out here.
If the money (you now receive) is not enough to discharge the pay due to both Officers and Soldiers; I desire at least the Soldiers may all be paid off to the first of this month; that no murmurs or complaints may be made on that score.
Remember to take Receipts from the Officers of each company for the pay of their men, monthly; and I wish you would endeavour to get receipts for payments made the Soldiers by the Officers, for every month preceeding the Order for taking general and double receipts to the time of my coming into the Service, to lay before the Committee, that they may be convinced no fraud or injustice has been offered the Soldiers, as some take upon them to assert: but that every individual has received the full pay he had a right to expect. You must likewise exhibit an exact account of all the Stoppages and Deductions from the Soldiers, and how they have been applied. If you find money run short in paying the Soldiers; perhaps you might borrow some from Mr. Woodrow: It shall be repaid him or order on demand, for whatever he helps you to. The money you will receive from Captain Spotswood is three thousand pounds; which I should think sufficient to pay all off if you find it does, I desire you would come by Ashby's, Cocks's, and the Detachment at the mouth of the Creek, and also pay them off. If a balance remains in your hand, you must bring it down with you. Nor would I have you make any delay in coming here, as you must immediately go to Conogochieg to settle there; and must continue to send Captain Hogg some money, &c. &c. I am &c.
Winchester, May 18, 1756.
Sir: When I wrote to you last, I expected to have been at Fort Cumberland ere this; but the multiplicity of business in which I am engaged, will prevent me now until my return from Williamsburgh; which may be sometime hence: as I wait, at this place, the arrival of an association of Gentlemen; who are, I am told by the Governor, to point out the places for Forts to be built on our Frontiers. I am also detained here to construct and erect a fort, which the Governor has ordered to be done with expedition.68 As it will be necessary to have a number of Carpenters, &c. to carry on the work with spirit, and vigour; you are desired to send down all the men of Captain
[Note 68: Washington's plan for this fort, which was called Fort Loudoun, is in the Washington Papers, Library of Congress. An extract of the act of the Virginia Legislature, dated May 12, 1756, authorizing the building of the fort, is also in the Washington Papers.] George Mercers Company; those that are there of Captain Bells. All the men that are really skilled in masonry: and if all these do not make up fifty; you are to complete the party to that number, out of the best Carpenters in other Companies. The rest, with those who now go up, are to remain under the following Officers; Videlicet. Captains Cocke, Savage and Bronaugh; Lieutenants Lomax, King, Steenbergen, and Gist. Ensigns Thompson, Danger field, Price and Roy; which will be leaving an Officer to have the care of each Company. All the rest, with the Adjutant, and as many trusty Sergeants as can be spared; are to be sent down with the party in order to go to Fredericksburgh, and receive the Draughts that will be sent to that place to complete the Regiment. These Orders I expect will be strictly complied with, and the party immediately sent off; as all the Draughts are to rendezvous at Fredericksburgh by the last of this instant.
Let nothing prevent the party from coming off so soon as you receive this; without Mr. Boyd and the Officers who have recruiting accompts. to settle may require a day or two that can be allowed to settle and prepare their Business in order to bring or send those that do not come, their respective accompts. by the Pay-Master; who is ordered down to make a full Settlement for all the money he has received; that I may account with the Committee for my Disbursements. I must desire also that you will commit to his care, all the Accompts. that you settled; together with all other papers that have the least tendency to public concerns. Mr. Boyd will receive by this conveyance three thousand pounds for payment of the Troops; has orders to pay no officers who, upon settlement, fall indebted to the Country and even those that are clear, if they can do without their pay, are desired not to draw for all; if he has not money to pay the Soldiers fully; I want much to pay them off, to appease murmurs, and silence complaints. I received a remonstrance of theirs in justification of their Behaviour. Tell them, that I hope their conduct will ever be stimulated by a just sense of their Duty. That Heroick Bravery and Sobriety, influenced by a hearty zeal to serve their Country will always be the standard of their actions, and is the certain means of meriting my regard and esteem, as well as obtaining the love and applause of the Country: while a contrary Behaviour, you may strongly assure them, shall never fail to meet with adequate punishments. Instances of this are now before them of Nathan Lewis, Corporal James Thomas, and Henry Campbell, all under Sentence of Death. The first for his cowardice at the action at Edwards's; the others for desertion. I have a Warrant from the Governor for shooting of Lewis, and shall delay the execution until the arrival of the new Recruits. The others were tried but to-day; and the proceedings of the Court will be sent to the Governor; if he approves the Sentence; I shall make it my particular care to see them executed; as I shall every individual that offends in the like cases.***69
[Note 69: Omission is an arrangement of troop detail.]
Mr. Dick, who is but just arrived from the northward, says, that Orders are issued for drawing out all the Ammunition and Kings Stores of every kind from Fort Cumberland. Can not you manage, before these Instructions arrive, to furnish the neighbouring Forts plentifully with all these necessaries? De Fever may be worked upon with good management, I dare say, to deliver them. I have sent up a Waggon on purpose to transport a good many of the Tools to this place to carry on the Fort; and beg of you to take particular care in sending them, especially intrenching tools. I would advise you to have all the Arms put into repair, and properly straightened.
Sir John St. Clair, when I was at New York, desired I would send him lists of all those men in the Virginia Regiment who were employed in cutting the Road from Fort Cumberland to the Monangehela last year. They will be allowed six-pence per day; and the Officers three shillings; i.e. the Subalterns: The tests for the number of clays are to be signed by the Officers. Do speak about it, and have them sent to me, that I may enclose them to the Quarter-Master General. I must desire you will have the Suttlers put under proper restrictions: and order the Officers, as there will be many of them there, to agree and fix reasonable prices upon all Liquors, &c. Do take great pains to prevent all irregularities in the Garrison; but especially those of Drinking, Swearing and Gaming! I could wish to see and find every thing in good order, when the Associators come up; which will be about the last of this instant. The Associators will be composed of a Body of the best Gentlemen in the Country, headed by the Attorney General.70 Mr. Harvey made me a present of a Marquee', which he left in charge with Mr. Livingston: pray enquire where it is, and order it to be properly secured. Mr. Woodward also gives an Order upon Mr. Livingston for a Bed-stead, formerly General Braddocks; pray desire Mr. Livingston to see it put into the Waggon which brings the Tools, and do not let the Waggon be overloaded with any private baggage, so that the march of the party be thereby retarded. I must desire you will be very cautious in ordering Mr. Boyd to advance money upon any occasion: The Committee do not seem to like it. And I do not know how that matter will be taken; your ordering Captain Gist an hundred pounds: He will fall greatly short when his accompts. are
[Note 70: "The Gentln. Associators being Volunteers at their own Expence, I gave them no Instructions, but recommended them to consult with you what was proper to be done and as they went with great alacrity I doubt not of the readiness to do every Thing that may be for the Service of the Coun'try."-- Dinwiddie to Washington, May 27, 1756.] settled; and I believe is very unable to pay the Balances. Pray what is gone with the Horses that were taken up last Fall? I wish it were possible for you to remove the Stores which are at the mouth of Pattersons Creek to Ashby's Fort. The Country have at last determined to act defensively; and I believe in a little time will entirely abandon Fort Cumberland. They have resolved that the Draughts that are now raising, shall not be marched out of the Colony. If you find it impracticable at this time to remove the Stores before spoken of; do endeavour to have that lodgement made as tenable as possible; strengthen the Garrison; and put a more experienced Officer than Mr. Brockenbrough at it; whose youth perhaps may be a means of his doing something inconsistent. If any Officers at the Fort have the prices of necessaries to deduct from the pay of those men that are either at the Branch with Captain Waggener; at Edwards's, Conogochieg, or at this place; they are to enclose lists thereof to their Officers, that such stoppages may be made, for the pay-master will have orders to clear all off. And he is, if it is found any way convenient, to come down the old road, that he may pay off Ashbys Rangers and Cockes's; leave money there to be sent to Waggener; and also to pay off the party posted at Edwards's. Since writing the above, I find it absolutely necessary that the party ordered, should come down by Ashby's &c. for the reasons aforesaid. I also desire that you will by no means fail to send all the Masons at Fort Cumberland even if Captain Mercer and Bells men should exceed fifty. There come up thirteen of the Nottaway Indians, and I recommend them to your care and direction: They may be serviceable with proper management. I promised them a Jacket a-piece; which you must give them, if such things can be procured there. Any other little necessaries may be ordered them; but take great care to keep them from liquor. I am informed, many of the Soldiers are affected by the wild Sallard they eat: Therefore I would recommend that care should be taken to prevent it. Some of the Volunteers have wrote to me concerning their expectations. Tell them I have no Commissions by me at present; nor do I know what Regulations the Governor will make in the Regiment. There are vacancies which they must fill, but this can not be done, until I go down or hear from the Governor. I am &c.
[Winchester, May, 1756.]71
[Note 71: The date of issue of this notification would be between May 18 and 26.]
Whereas I have great reason to believe, the Dangers apprehended from the French and Indian incursions are now pretty much over; none of them being seen or heard of for sometime past; and having certain advice of several parties of them returning over the Alleghany mountains. I take this method of informing and persuading those unfortunate people who were obliged to abandon their Plantation, of their security and necessity to return again. Numbers of the Militia being already, and more will be very soon, so posted and dispersed around the Frontiers. Building Forts, scouting, scouring and patrolling the woods; that the least appearance of the Enemy will soon be discovered and every necessary measure taken to repel them, and defend the Inhabitants from any danger or trouble. It is to be hoped, that people will pay regard to this notice; if their own interest or the public good can be motives to prevail with them to return and take care of their cattle and Crops. As they will be so well guarded and defended, that with good assistance, they may for the future live in the greatest security and peace.
Winchester, May 23, 1756.
Honble. Sir: The method I shall use to inform your Honour of the proceedings of the militia, is to enclose a transcript of my journal72 that relates to that affair, and to send a copy of a council of war held here by the field-officers of these counties, you were pleased to order to our assistance.73 There I hope will be sufficient to discover the springs that actuated my conduct.
[Note 72: This journal is not now among the Washington Papers in the possession of the Government.]
[Note 73: The militia, who had assembled at Winchester upon the recent alarm, had given Washington infinite trouble and anxiety. On this subject Col. William Fairfax wrote to him (May 13): "I am sensible, such a medley of undisciplined militia must create you various troubles, but, having Cæsar's Commentaries, and perhaps Quintus Curflus, you have therein read of greater fatigues, murmurings, mutinies, and defections, than will probably come to your share; though, if any of those casualties should interrupt your quiet, I doubt not but you would bear them with a magnanimity those heroes remarkably did....The Council and Burgesses are mostly your friends; so that if you have not always the particular instructions from the Governor, you may think necessary and desire, the omission, or neglect, may proceed from the confidence entertained of your ability and discretion to act that what is fit and praiseworthy."]
The spirit of desertion was so remarkable in the militia, that it had a surprising effect upon the regiment, and encouraged many of the soldiers to desert: but as I never had failed in sending officers on different roads upon the first reports, so neither did I neglect it now, and luckily caught two, who being brought to trial, were both convicted, as your Honor will see by the court's proceedings. James Thomas, one of them, was among the first of my followers, and always behaved himself with the greatest sobriety, honesty and diligence, so far as I have ever seen or heard. And I imagine if he did not lose the money, as he says in his defence, he might be prevailed upon to spend a part in liquor, and then was afraid to meet his officer with the rest.
The other criminal, Henry Campbell, is a most atrocious villain, and richly deserves an ignominious death for a former as well as the present offence. He was once a sergeant and entrusted with some goods from Alexandria, part of which he embezzled, and, because it could not be absolutely proved, was only reduced. After that (in December last,) he deserted, and carried several men with him; and, upon the most solemn promises of good behaviour, was pardoned, but for this only reason, we had no power to hold general courts martial. And now he was instrumental in carrying off seven others, two only of whom were taken. For these reasons I hope your Honor will think him worthy an example against desertion, as Lewis against cowardice, whose execution I have delayed until the arrival of the draughts. These examples and proper encouragement for good behaviour will I hope, bring the soldiers under proper discipline.
I found it absolutely impossible to go to Fort Cumberland at this time, without letting matters of greater importance suffer in my absence here; such a multiplicity of different kinds of business am I at present engaged in. Governor Innes is gone up, who, I hope, will assist with his advice in setting things to rights, if any irregularities have been practised contrary to the custom of the army; but I cannot find by any inquiries that I have been able to make, that there have.
I have ordered a sufficiency of officers to be left at Fort Cumberland, and the rest to repair to this place, in order to proceed to Fredericksburg, agreeably to your Honor's commands. And as soon as the gentlemen Associators arrive here, I shall take that place in my way to Williamsburg, to settle my accounts, and receive more money, which is already scarce with me. I am heartily glad, your Honor has fixed upon those gentlemen to point out the place for erecting of forts, but I am sorry to find their motions so slow.74 The summer season will be so far
[Note 74: This company appears to have originated among the lawyers and the association was entered into on May 3. On the 8th the governor wrote that "these gentlemen will march from north to south, with your advice, to propose the the proper places to erect these forts." They then numbered about 100 men, with the attorney general, Peyton Randolph, at their head. Being volunteers, serving at their own cost, the governor gave them no orders. They marched toward Winchester, but the alarm subsided before they had an opportunity of putting their martial spirit to the test. Mr. Robinson, the speaker, after giving notice to Colonel Washington (May 3) of the organization of this company of gentlemen volunteers and the passage of the bill authorizing the erection of a fort at Winchester, added: "The Council and House of Burgesses have agreed to a representation to his Majesty, in which you and the other officers are recommended to his Majesty's favor...Our hopes, dear George, are all fixed on you for bringing our affairs to a happy issue, and I am very sure if you are properly assisted they wont be disappointed in their Expectations." Sparks quotes from Dinwiddie's Letter-Books, that the governor wrote as follows to Major General Abercrombie (May 28): "As we are told the Earl of Loudoun is to raise three regiments on this continent. on the British establishment, I dearn't venture to trouble him immediately on his arrival with any recommendations; but, good Sir, give me leave to pray your interest with his Lordship in favor of Colonel George Washington, who, I will venture to say, is a very deserving gentleman, and has from the beginning commanded the forces of this dominion. General Braddock had so high an esteem for his merit, that he made him one of his aid-decamps, and, if he had survived, I believe he would have provided handsomely for him in the regulars. He is a person much beloved here, and he has gone through many hardships in the service, and I really think he has great merit, and believe he can raise more men here, than any one present that I know. If his Lordship will be so kind as to promote him in the British establishment, I think he will answer my recommendation."] advanced, that, if we meet with opposition in conducting the work, the difficulties and delays that must attend the execution cannot be described.
It gave me infinite concern to find the Assembly had levied their troops until December only. By the time they shall have entered into the service, they will claim a discharge. To get the least smattering of the duty they cannot, and we find by experience, that our poor and ragged soldiers would kill the most likely militia in five days' marching, so little are the latter acquainted with fatigue. Men would almost as soon have entered the service for seventeen months, as for seven, and in that time I am convinced we could have enlisted them all upon our own terms. As it is, some perhaps may be got. Pray does your Honor approve that they should. One of those would be of more worth than two of the others.
Your Honor in a letter of the--ult. approved the scheme I sent down for forming the regiment into two battalions of twenty companies, (giving the field-officers each one,) but never gave any directions concerning the appointment. Nor do I think there can be any plan judiciously concerted, until we know what number of forts are to be built on our frontiers, as the number of our companies must in a great measure depend upon the divisions of the regiment. As the case now stands, there are several vacancies in the regiment, and I have but one blank commission. Though, if I had, I should not think it prudent to fill up more, until matters are a little better regulated.
At this place I have begun the fort according to your orders, and found, as little of the matter as I know myself, that the work would not be conducted, if I was away, which was one among many reasons, that detained me here. I have also ordered Captain Stewart, who commands at Conogochieg, to fortify that place as well as he can, with the tools he can procure, and shall endeavour in all things, so far as I am capable, to act for the best.
Mr. Dick, (who is just returned from the northward,) says, there are orders for drawing out all the ammunition and other stores that belong to the train at Fort Cumberland, and to send them immediately round to New York. I have thought it expedient to give your Honor the earliest advice that you may order accordingly; for should this be done, it will leave that place entirely defenceless, and stop the source that can supply us otherwise. I have given Colonel Stephen previous notice of it, and have desired he will work on the conductor of the train, (in whose care it is left,) to have the forts of Ashby, Cockes &c., plentifully furnished, before such an order arrives. I am, &c.
[Winchester], May 26, 1756.
As many Draughts are expected up for the Regiment immediately the Commissary is to call in all the Countrys Arms, which he has delivered out of the Stores, upon receipts given to the people. If the people of the Town or Country, have any Arms, clothes, Blankets, &c. &c. belonging to the Soldiers, which they have bought; they are desired to give them in immediately to the commanding officers: If they are found in their possession after issuing this Order; they must expect to be prosecuted to the utmost riguor of the Law; which has laid a penalty of twenty pounds (upon any person who buys or exchanges any Arms, Clothes &c. with a Soldier;) to be paid to the Informer.***
June 2, 1756.
Sir: I received yours, and observe the contents: The Bearer added, that seven other Indians were seen. This I gave no credit to, as it was not certified in the Letter.
The Assembly have resolved that their Troops shall not march out of the Colony. Whether this is binding on the whole, or only the Draughts, I know not; therefore I would not advise your going into Maryland, unless it be to procure some manifest advantage to Virginia; in keeping the Enemy out of it &c. To range for and search them in another province, I can not think consistent with the intention of the Assembly. Nor is it the design of the Assembly or Governor; as the men are raised solely for the Defence of the Colony, and not acting in conjunction with other Corps; that Governor Sharpe, or his Officers, shou'd have any connection with them. You are therefore to pay no regard to any Orders that you may receive from him or any other than the Governor of Virginia, myself, or your Superior Officers in the Virginia Regiment. The instant this comes to hand dispatch Captain Gist to this place, that he may settle his recruiting accompt. before I go Williamsburgh. I only wait his arrival; and shall do it impatiently, unless he is expeditious. His stay here may be long: Perhaps he may be ordered to accompany the Associators; therefore he should order his things to follow him.
Captain Bell, with all his men that are here, sets out to-day to join you. Let Sergeant Hughes's Recruit be sent to this place in their room.
The Pay Master attends Captain Bell and will pay off all the Recruits to the first of May. He will also pay Sergeant Hughes's recruiting accompt: and from thence will proceed to Williamsburgh to meet me. Yours &c.
Winchester, June 4, 1756.
Sir: I received yours, complaining of the irregular method of supplying you with provisions; and communicated the contents to Commissary Walker, who writes you on this head: this directions you must follow. You must make out an accompt. of the pay which is owing to you, and transmit it to me per the first opportunity. Take care to be very vigilant and active; and to communicate all the intelligence that is remarkable and certain. You must always, upon any alarm, have regard to the summons of each other; and to unite on all extraordinary occasions. Endeavour at working by stratagem; to way-lay and surprize the Enemy; rather than seek them in any open pursuit.
I was greatly surprized and angered to hear of the dastardly behaviour of seven of your men, who fled from a less number of the Enemy, without discharging their pieces. Such behaviour merits the fate that some of our men (for the like offence) will soon meet with. And, you may assure your company that they shall not escape unpunished for such Offences. Your parties that go for provision, should always be made strong. I am &c.
Winchester, June 4, 1756.
You are hereby Ordered to remain at this place until my return from Williamsburgh: unless by any advices from Fort Cumberland, or any other of the Forts it is thought advisable, in a council of War, (which you are to hold of your own Officers) to march to their assistance. In that case, you are to proceed with all the Soldiers, except those of Captain Mercers Company; the Masons, and a few of the best Carpenters of the Draughts; to such place or places as are so infested by the Enemy.
You must be particularly careful that there are exact returns made of the Troops every day, that there may be no more provisions drawn for than is right: and you are to sign all Orders for provisions, and such other absolute necessaries as are required. Captain Peachy will have the overlooking and management of the Workmen and is to be exempted from other Duty. He has orders to draw out as many men daily to work (reserving enough to mount Guard) as can be employed to advantage; and is to have such Officers to assist him, as he shall apply for. All the Soldiers that are unemployed, in the aforesaid Duty, are to be formed into Squads and duly exercies and regularly trained twice or thrice a-day. You must endeavour to inculate due obedience upon the new Recruits and to discourage Swearing and Drinking. All that are brought to this place you are to receive, and put under proper command and regulation until I arrive, and to take care that none of them desert; if they do, to send immediately after them.
Winchester, June 25, 1756.
Honble. Sir: I doubt not but your Honor will be as much surprised, as I have been concerned and vexed, at my stay here.
When I left Williamsburg, I did it with a design to proceed with the utmost expedition to Fort Cumberland. In order thereto I arrived at Fredericksburg to dinner, the day after I left your Honor, at one o'clock, and gave the officer, posted at that place, a list of such tools as were wanted to build the chain of forts, and ordered they might be sent by a wagon, pressed for that purpose, immediately to Winchester, to which place I repaired to get every thing in readiness, and wait their coming to escort them to Fort Cumberland.
After I had been here two or three days I received a letter enclosing a list of the tools from the officer, who informed me that he had, according to order, despatched them in a wagon, hired for that purpose; for which wagon I have been waiting with the greatest impatience and uneasiness imaginable. How to account for this delay I am quite at a loss (as I am certain they were sent) unless the wagoner has lost his horses or run off with the wagon and contents.
I thought it needless to proceed without them, as nothing can be done for want of tools. I have sent two or three expresses to hurry them on, and shall make no delay when they arrive. I intend to take the advice of a council of war, (when I arrive at Fort Cumberland,) about the line on which these forts are to be erected, &c. and shall visit all the ground that I conveniently can, and direct the building.75
[Note 75: A copy of the proceedings of this council of war, held July 10, at Fort Cumberland, on the building of these forts, is in Washington's "Letter Book." The original proceedings are in the Washington Papers.]
It is a work, that must be conducted extremely tedious for these reasons, vizt., the scarcity of tools, smallness of our numbers, and want of conductors. The strength of our forces will not admit of many divisions, because in that case, each party may probably be demolished. We can, therefore, only attempt, with such men as can be drawn out of the garrisons already established, to build fort after fort, and not, by attempting too many at a time, thereby run the risk of having the whole demolished. To go on in the manner above mentioned must be extremely tedious, unless your Honor will be pleased to put the militia that are upon our southern frontiers under the command of Captain Hogg, and order them to begin on the Mayo River, and proceed in their buildings until they meet our parties, which will advance to the southward. I can point out no other method at present to expedite this necessary work. If your Honor approve this scheme, and will let me know by express, I shall despatch another to Captain Hogg, to inform him thereof, and shall enclose him such a plan, as the whole will be directed by. Your Honor's orders to the militia, and indeed to the inhabitants of those parts, to assist with their advice in fixing upon the places, and with their labour in forwarding the work, must be absolutely necessary.
Your Honor never gave me a decisive answer to a question I asked, about giving the field-officers companies. For which reason I have presumed to repeat it again, because there are two companies now vacant, by the death of Captain John Mercer, and the resignation of Captain Savage, and should either be given to the field-officers, or oldest lieutenants. There is no advantage can possibly arise to the field-officers by having companies, (but trouble there certainly will) as they are allowed, I suppose, the same pay now, as though they had.
The only reason that urges me to repeat it is because I look upon this to be a singular instance to the contrary, and running the country to the additional expense of three supernumerary captains.
Two hundred and forty-six draughts are the total number brought in, out of which number several have deserted. Three were discharged, being quite unfit for service, (and indeed several more ought to be, if men were not so scarce,) and there remain now in confinement six Quakers, who will neither bear arms, work, receive provisions or pay, or do any thing that tends, in any respect, to self-defence. I should be glad of your Honor's directions how to proceed with them.76 I cannot yet return to your Honor the names of the volunteers, that will be appointed to the vacancies, but as soon as I arrive at Fort Cumberland shall acquaint you according to request.
[Note 76: "If the six Quakers will not fight you must compel them to work on the forts, to carry timber, &c.; if this will not do confine them with a short allowance of bread and water, till you bring them to reason."-- Dinwiddie to Washington. July 1, 1756.]
Governor Sharpe is building a fort on Potomac River, about fifteen miles above Conogochieg, which may be of great service towards the protection of our people on that side. It is thought the fort will cost the province of Maryland near thirty thousands pounds, before it is finished.77 I am, &c.
[Note 77: The Governor and Assembly of Maryland had come at last to a temporary reconciliation of their differences, so far as to agree in a bill for raising £40,000 for his Majesty's service. Of this sum £11,000 were to be appropriated to building a fort on the frontiers, near but not beyond the North Mountain; and £25,000 for carrying on any expedition for the public service, in which the other colonies might join. By the same act the governor was authorized to raise 200 men, to be employed in constructing the fort. (See Acts of the Maryland Assembly, May, 1756, and McMahon's History of Maryland, vol. 1, p. 305.) The fort was called Fort Frederick. It was a work of considerable magnitude, of a quadrangular form, and constructed of durable materials, situated on an eminence about 500 yards from the Potomac River. Parts of it still remain.]
Fort Cumberland, July 6, 1756.
Parole Xantippe.
The General Court Martial, whereof Lieutenant Colonel Stephen was President, is dissolved. Colonel Washington has approved of the Sentence of the said Court which was, that Lieutenant King had been guilty of Disobedience of Orders; and consequently of a Breach of the fifth article of the second section of war: But, in consideration of his inexperience, and this being the first Detachment he had the sole command of. They think his being reprimanded by Colonel Washington, at the head of the Battalion, will be a sufficient punishment for this first (though unhappy) fault.
The Regiment is to be under arms this Evening at four o'clock. No Officer nor Soldier off Duty, to be absent. The Articles of War are then to be read.***78
[Note 78: The Articles of War are printed in the Dinwiddie Papers, vol. 1, p. 107--109.]
Colonel Washington expressly orders, that no Officer do provide himself with any other kind of Clothes than those ordered the 17th. of September last: as they will not be allowed to appear in them. Every Officer who has not complied with that order, to do it immediately; and they are all to procure Sashes, if to be had. They may be supplied with Hats, and waistcoat lace, at Mr. Peters's, Rock Creek and sword knots. The Quarter Master is to take a man per company, and see the Streets, between the Barracks, well cleaned; the Bog-houses cleaned, and all the filth and garbage near the Fort carried off. All non-commissioned Officers and Soldiers are expressly ordered to wear their hair; which it is expected the Officers will observe; and see that they dress their hair, and appear as soldier-like as possible.
As the Uniform ordered in September last at this Garrison, is now fixed upon for the Virginia Regiment; and clothes and all other necessaries for the Soldiers are shortly expected in from Great Britain. It is again requested, that no, Officer will fail to embrace the first opportunity of providing himself with such an uniform.
Fort Cumberland, July 7, 1756.
Parole Yorkshire.
A Detachment of sixty men and ten of the best water-men, to parade immediately and go down the Potomack, to bring back the Flatt carried off by the Fresh. All the men of the Regiment, except the Draughts, to be under arms this Evening at five o'clock, to go through their Exercise, and afterwards to practise Bush-fighting.
Colonel Washington has observed, that the men of his Regiment are very profane and reprobate. He takes this opportunity of informing them of his great displeasure at such practises; and assures them if they do not leave them off, they shall be severely punished. The Officers are desired, if they hear any many wear, or make use of an oath or execration; to order the Offender twenty-five lashes immediately, without a Court Martial. For the second offence, they will be more severely punished.
The Sergeants are ordered to take notice of the mens Behaviour in their Barracks and endeavour to break them of that ill habit. As the Soldiers have made some complaints of their provision being very bad. The Commissary is ordered to inspect all that he can have the least doubt of and if there is any that can be saved, to put it into fresh pickle; what can not, must immediately be thrown away.
A Return from the several Officers of all the men here, who were in the Engagement with General Braddock at Monongehela, and have not received the five pounds allowed by the Country; is to be given in to Colonel Washington this evening at four of the clock: At which time the men are to wait upon him to receive their allowance.79
[Note 79: A record of receipts of members of Capt. Thomas Waggener's company, for this premium money, dated July 7, 1756, is in the Washington Papers. It seems to be the only one that has survived.]
Fort Cumberland, July 13, 1756.
You are to proceed with your Company to the Fort, now commanded by Captain William Cox; and take the command of it until the Militia at Pearsalls, &c. are discharged which will be as soon as Harvest is over.
You must then remove to Pearsalls Forts, and take the command there: During your stay at Cox's, you must escort all Waggons, Expresses, &c. going up as far as Ashbys', and coming down, to Pearsalls. As your own Company and Captain Cox's will furnish a strong party, I would have you send out frequently, and scour the woods well. So soon as you arrive at your first post, you are to inform Lieutenant Neugent of the King George Militia; that he with his command, must immediately proceed to John Parkers on the South Branch, who, with the inhabitants about there, is to use his utmost endeavours to protect and assist them, while they are gathering in their Harvest. You may acquaint Captain Cox, that he has my leave to go to Winchester, and he may take the apportunity of the Escort which will be sent down with the Waggons. You are to use your utmost care and endeavours to enlist what men of the company of Rangers you can; but are to give them no more enlisting money than twenty-five shillings. When you remove over to Pearsalls you must send a Subaltern and fifteen men over to Kirkendalls Fort, to keep the inhabitants on that Quarter quiet. By every opportunity you are to transmit me Accounts of your proceedings and of all occurrencies. I would have you keep up a constant correspondance with those of the other Forts; and transmit what intelligence you receive from each other immediately.
Fort Cumberland, July 13, 1756.
Sir: The companies of the Virginia Regiment are completed to an equal number, except yours, which, through mistake of the returns, is not. But as I expect more men every minute, you shall be immediately completed.
As you have on command with you several men of other companies, the officers have received orders to apply to you for them, and you must deliver them up. I desire you will send James Campbell, the Drummer, by the first escort that comes to Winchester.
From the great confidence I respose in your diligence, I have appointed you to a command, on which much depends; and I doubt not you will see the work carried on with expedition. And I must particularly recommend it to you to keep up a strict command, both over officers and men, as you will be answerable for any delays or neglect which may happen for want of due discipline; and I would not wish your good nature should occasion you to overlook a fault in an officer, who may be your best friend.
As I am informed by the people who met me at Pearsalls, that there is a fort now kept by the country people, about twenty miles from your upper one, in a proper place; if, upon arriving there you find it will do with a little alteration or amendment, I would have you take it in behalf of the country, leave men to garrison it, and so proceed on to the next place. When you arrive there, you may get all the timbers ready, and by that time I shall send you a plan of the kind of forts I would have you build.
The people whom I have conversed with on the subject, seem to think there will be no difficulty in providing provisions for the men. I would have you provide for these in the same manner you have hitherto done for your own company; and whatever orders you give on that account shall be duly honored. I would have you from time to time transmit me an account of all occurrences.
The governor has ordered the militia to be discharged as soon as harvest is over, since they are so unwilling to continue until December; and should you march on with all the men to building these forts, it might give the inhabitants uneasiness, and raise complaints to be left unguarded. I would, therefore, desire you to leave small parties at proper places to keep them quiet and easy, in case you see occasion for it.
If you have occasion for more ammunition, you must send to Fort Cumberland for what you want.
Winchester, July 21, 1756.
Sir: I received your several letters of the 14th. 25th. and 26th. ultimo, and that of the 3d. of February, enclosing the pay-rolls. Major Lewis, as I before wrote you, received money to pay off the arrears of his company, and you must settle with him. Those of your former company have been paid off here, long since per the paymaster, who will, if you draw upon him for your own (and make it appear they are due) pay you.
I was very much surprized to find Corporal Smith here upon such an Errand. Your suffering such clamours among the men, argues very great remissness in you: I imagined your being put there over them was partly with an intent to keep them quite and passive; but this Express sent purely to humour them, seems as if you were afraid to do your duty among them: and by the subject of your letter it appears to me you were much of the same way of thinking with them, and seem equally dissatisfied.
Let me tell you in your own words that "I was very much surprized" at the contents of your letter, wrote in such a commanding style; and your demands so express and peremptory, that the direction was the only thing which gave me the least room even to suspect it could be wrote to any but John Roe, or some other of your menial Servants! I shall always act for the good of the Service, and inform you (when I find it necessary) of my proceedings. Your men have, or ought to have, as good Clothes as those here: they received them at the same time, and the same quantity; though you say, they never got but one Shirt, a pair of Stockings, and a pair of Shoes. The rest of the Companies have received none since they did, so they have been misinformed; which I imagine you could have satisfied them of, and of their great mistake in saying the Carolina Companies have been completed with their Clothes. In short after they were dismissed from the parade if their discontents were so high, those who made use of any such speeches as you seem to hint, you ought to know what course to have taken with them, and even the Sergeants, who complained of being worse used than the other Companies and it surprizes me you should overlook it. Clothes, and extremely good ones, are sent for, and may be expected before the cold weather; and they shall immediately receive them: But at this time there is not, nor has been, for these six months past, one suit in the Store.
I have sent you sixty Blankets, sixty Shirts, and sixty pairs of Shoes and Stockings which is all the clothing we have for the men here; as you may be further informed by your Express; and on whom, I suppose, you will more rely. There is a Commissary appointed for the whole; but the great distance you are from us, prevents his being of any Service to you. So if you think there is any danger of the Beef being all bought up, you may engage immediately for a sufficiency for your Company, to be delivered at the proper time for Slaughtering. Beef is cheaper now than it has been for years past. As to McCulley's charge, it must be stopped from the mens pay: I am surprized they had not considered the consequence before they went off: It is too late now to complain. There is part of your recruiting accompt. which much astonishes me; and I thought you nor no Officer, who valued his character, would have presumed to have done such a thing; as he must be certain it would appear as a palpable fraud in him. Three men were enlisted here by Sergeant Wilper; he received both money and provision from me for carrying them up to you; and as that afterwards appeared insufficient, had a further allowance made; and will you after that presume to charge eight-pence per diem, for their subsistance 'till they were delivered to you? Did you pay a farthing on that account? And do you not know the eight pennies were allowed the Officers for the expence of maintaining and marching their Recruits to the Rendezvous? You have been paid these ten months for a full company, and by your returns, have never been complete; I have instructions to allow for no men but those present: Therefore I hope you will account for all the non-effective money you have received, by the next opportunity agreeable to your returns. You may deduct your recruiting accompt. out of the money, after striking off the subsistance for three men enlisted by Sergeant Wilper; and recruit your Company with the Balance: if not sufficient, advance your own money, and you shall be repaid.
Lieutenant Bullet is sent to relieve Captain McNeill; who is to proceed to this place with the utmost expedition.
I am sorry to find your conduct so disagreeable to all the Officers, as to occasion two who were appointed to your Company, to resign; and I belive it would have gone thro' the Regiment had I only used persuasive arguments to them; or have suffered a third to follow the example. I must therefore desire you will act circumspectly; as I assure you, if I have any just complaints made of you, you may expect to answer them. If these three Sailors can produce three as good, able-bodied men as themselves, and fit for Service, you may discharge them when the others are entertained, but not until then. Enclosed you will receive a list of the Tools ordered you from Fredericksburg, and those sent from this place by Lieutenant Bullet's waggon; which are to be employed in the public Service, when wanted, perferable to any others: he conforming to the same Rules and Regulations as others do. The Tools marked wanting, are those sent for to Fredericksburg, which I have directed to be sent to the care of Mr. Wright, at Augusta Court-House. Those marked sent, are what you will now receive. If all these are insufficient to carry on your Works you must provide others in the best manner you can; and the Commissary will pay for them, when drawn upon.
Take care when you engage Beef for your Company. to allow for Pork, if it is to be had. As the Governor sent me yours open, I took out a letter enclosed for the commanding Officer of the Militia in Augusta, that he might receive it the sooner. I am Yours &c.
Wrote to Captains Hamilton, Minor, Baylis, Fields; and to Lieutenant Neugent; that the Governour has ordered them and their men to be discharged as soon as the harvest is cut and secured. And ordered them to march through Winchester, to leave the Arms, &c. belonging to the Country.
Winchester, July 21, 1756.
Parole Kendall.
As several complaints have been made to Colonel Washington, that the Soldiers do often, at the deserted Plantations and in the woods, take up Horses to ride and carry their Baggage.
He hereby declares, that if any Soldier, upon any pretence whatever, upon any party or post, do presume to take Horses for their own use, they shall be severely punished: And the commanding Officers of parties are ordered to have particular regard to this; and not allow their men to do so for the future.
The Troops are not to march until to-morrow morning.
Winchester, July 21, 1756.
Sir: I have yours of the 27th. ultimo: and in answer, you will observe, that the few men enlisted by the Captains, and the small number now in the Regiment, has much displeased the Governour: So that he has lessened the number of Captains and ordered that the Field Officers should have each a Company: which retards your promotion something longer, until the Majors be established by him. However, you may be assured of my Services for you, and may depend upon your rank being preserved, whenever a vacancy shall fall out for your advancement; however disagreeable it may be to the other Officers.
You are appointed Captain-Lieutenant in my Company. And I desire you may immediately repair to this place to join us. Should be glad you would endeavour to enlist all the ablebodied likely men you can as we want a great many of our Complement. I imagine you are not to be informed, that your present Office entitles you to the rank of Captain; and exempts you from the Duty of a Subaltern? You may tell Captain Hogg, that another equally good as the mulatto, will be as agreeable. I am &c.
Winchester, July 21, 1756.
Sir: You are to use your utmost endeavours with the men under your command to gather in all the Harvest on the Plantations abandoned by the Inhabitants, and secure it in the best manner you can. You are also to assist the inhabitants about you all you can in collecting their harvest; and guard them while they are about it. Let Captain Hamilton, and the rest of the Officers of the Militia, know the contents of this letter. And they are also ordered to observe the same Directions about where they are posted. Advise the people to tread out the grain with all possible expedition, and bring it within their Forts, to prevent its being burned by the Enemy.
So soon as this service is over, you may acquaint them, that they will all be discharged. As there have been many complaints made to me of the Militia Officers impressing Horses to come down here, and ride about upon their own Business. Let them know it is my orders, that they do not presume to do so for the future; as it is expressly against the Act of Assembly. I am yours, &c.
Winchester, July 21, 1756.
Sir: I now enclose you the plans promised in my last; which if you observe, you can not possibly err. The one shews the Ground-work or foundation of the Fort. The other, the Houses and conveniences therein: with such plain and easy directions for constructing these Buildings, that you can not mistake the design. You will also receive by Ensign Smith men, to make your Company equal to the rest. I most earnestly recommend diligence to you. You must see an indispensable necessity for it.
John Cole, who was appointed to your Company, a Sergeant, has since been broke for neglect of Duty. You will receive him as private and in his room as Sergeant, Mark Hollies.
Fail not to send down per the first opportunity Campbell the Drummer: nor omit by any conveyance, to transmit me an account of your proceedings. Above all things, guard against Surprizes, by keeping out evening parties to secure your workmen. Your worst men are to be draughted for that duty; reserving the best, to work on the Forts: and they will be allowed double pay for every day they work, of which you and your Officers are to keep accounts. I am &c.
Winchester, July 22, 1756.
Sir: Herewith I enclose you two plans of the kind of Forts that are intended to be built. One of the ground-work, the other of the houses and all conveniences, with such directions that I think it impossible for you to err if you will attend thereto. Enclosed you will also receive a list of such tools as I have been able to procure, with which and such as you may get of the inhabitants by borrowing, hiring and buying, you must be content. These must be put in the hands of the best tradesmen, and most laborious workmen; who will receive six. pence extra ordinary pay for every day they work, an account whereof must be kept (exactly) by yourself and officers. The men that remain after the workers are draughted, must act as covering parties, to prevent surprizes, against which you must carefully guard. It is impossible for me to fix upon the identical piece of ground to erect this fort on. Therefore, I shall confine you to the most convenient spot, between the mouth of Sleepy Creek and Barracks, which you will make choice of, with the approbation of your officers. There is a hill which overlooks Boyle's field and extensive country round that may be made infinitely strong, and will answer the purpose well, if it is not too high and inaccessible. This you must examine into.
I have too great an opinion of your good sense and discretion to think you need any admonition to induce you to a diligent discharge of your duty. You see our situation, know our danger, and bear witness of the people's sufferings, which are sufficient excitements to a generous mind.
As many things will occur that I cannot possibly direct in, let the interest of the service and your own prudence, assisted by the advice of the officers under your command, be your direction. This instant I received yours of yesterday's date, and am extremely sorry that the Indians have visited us at this critical juncture of harvesting, especially as it will prevent your proceedings in the operations ordered. As your conduct must be guided by the movements and numbers of the enemy, I will not take upon me to order positively at this distance, but recommend it to you to consult your officers on all occasions, and act by their advice. If you can learn from good intelligence, that their numbers are great and motions designed for Virginia, endeavor to give the inhabitants notice that they may lodge their women and children, and assist against the enemy.
If you find they are only flying parties of the Indians, I would advise the settlers by no means to neglect their harvest, as their whole support depends upon it, and your assistance to get it in.
I must order above all things that you will send out small parties, or rather single persons, as spies every day, up and down the river for a number of miles, to see if they can make any discovery of the enemy's crossing. I have sent you two barrels of powder, and four boxes of ball. As to cartridge paper, I neither have nor can get any upon no terms. You must get horns and pouches, if you send over the neighborhood for them. Transmit me constant accounts of the enemy, if they continue in your neighborhood.
Winchester, July 27, 1756.
Sir: I received yours and immediately set the Smith to work about the Tools; which you will receive very soon: but as they are not necessary for beginning the work, need not delay you.
I can not pretend at this time to fix on a day for your march, as the Enemy are about us. It must be left to yourself to determine: If it can be done without leaving the Inhabitants in danger, the sooner you march the better. But if you judge, from the accounts you receive, that they will be exposed by your quitting the place; I would have you remain there sometime longer. I designed to have made the Gate wider, but thought it would cramp the guard-rooms too much: if you think they will be large enough, you may widen the gate. I desire you will send me an exact Return of your Company, agreeable to the enclosed; and I must have weekly returns made me in the usual manner, of your own Company; and direct Captain Gist to the same.
As to providing a Surgeon for your Detachment, it is impossible it can be done. The Committee have only allowed two; who must be kept at this and Fort Cumberland, as there is the greatest number at those two places. I can not pretend to allow the Doctor now with you any thing, unless upon extraordinary occasions. As to the Officers and men doing it, I have no objection. The Surgeon is obliged to furnish medicines for the men. The Commissary will be down with you to consult on the ways and means of supplying you with provision. As I have no concern with the Provisions nor medicines; you must for the future write to the Commissary and Surgeon upon those heads. I am, &c.
Winchester, July 29, 1756.
Sir: I received yours and much approve of your Halt, as the times are so perilous. The great distance I am from you, and the uncertain motions of the enemy, render it impossible for me to give you peremptory Orders. I would have you, however, not proceed to building the Forts until the Harvest is well secured; in doing which you must give the inhabitants all the assistance in your power. I would then have you move on to the place mentioned in your instructions, about twenty miles above your upper fort, and finish one with all despatch; and then proceed on to the next body of Inhabitants, which I am told is about twenty miles above that, and erect a second. In the meantime I would have you procure the best intelligence you can, of the country between your fort and Dinwiddie; and if you find it then as you represent it to me, halt, after building your second fort, until you receive further Orders from me.
I shall approve of the determination of your Officers in Council, so would have you consult them on all occasions (as I trust you will do the best for the Honor of the Service you are employed in) so must leave you to act as shall be judged most expedient by your Officers, in whom I put great confidence. As you have a pretty considerable force with you, I would have you disperse them in the best manner thro' the Inhabitants; to protect them while they are getting in their Harvest; which I would have secured before you proceed to fort building.
I would have you agree with Colonel Vanmeter, some other person, whom your judge most proper to do the duty of Commissary; who can give good Security for the well discharging his trust; and I will see that he has a reasonable allowance made. I received a petition from some of the inhabitants of the Branch, desiring that some of the Soldiers might be left there to protect them. I wrote you in my last, that Company must remain at their present post; and you may let them know I will leave all the assistance that it is possible, with them, which you must observe, is done.
The great distance and division of our Troops make it impossible to furnish, or even have a Surgeon convenient to every party.
I would advise you to employ some old woman from whom they have often relief; and what you allow her, shall be repaid you. I am, Sir, Yours &c.
Winchester, July 30, 1756.
Parole Tunbridge.
Colonel Washington takes this method to inform the inhabitants of this town, that the Militia will be discharged in a short, time, and consequently the completing of the Fort be much retarded: He therefore hopes, and desires every family in town, will send a man to work upon it; and that every young Fellow, without the charge of a family, will readily give his assistance towards it.
As this public work is intended for the general good of the Country, it is hoped no other arguments need to be used to induce the towns people to contribute their assistance, than the singular advantages which must inevitably arise to this place in particular, both now and hereafter.
The Adjutant must acquaint the Inhabitants of the above Orders, and use his endeavours to enforce them.
Winchester, August 4, 1756.
Honble. Sir: Giving the necessary orders and directions, about the chain of forts to be built on the frontiers, has kept me so closely employed, that I could not write fully to your Honor until this. But I have got that trouble now pretty well off my hands, as I have despatched orders, plans, and tools to all the officers appointed to that duty.
By the enclosed council held at Fort Cumberland, you will see our determination, there and where it is necessary to erect the forts. Although we have not kept strictly to the act of Assembly, I hope it will be overlooked, as I am sensible that this will be the best chain that can possibly be erected for the defence of the people, and that the Assembly aimed at that, but, being unacquainted with the situation of the country, had fallen into an error. Agreeable to this council the chain is ordered to be built.
Your Honor, by the enclosed rolls of the companies, may see their present establishment; and I send you a copy of their former one, agreeable to your orders, together with the number of drafts from each county delivered at Fredericksburg. But many of them deserted on their march to this place, and after their arrival here; so we are short of that number now. What remain, are divided among the companies, to make them equal.
Captains Hogg and Waggener's rolls I cannot yet send, as they are not come to hand.
The two vacant companies, Captain Savage's and the late John Mercer's, as I had your Honor's approbation for the field officers having companies, are disposed of to Colonel Stephen and myself. The next vacancy the Major must fill.
I am very glad your Honor intends to order the drafts now to be made to be sent here. Prince William, Fairfax and Culpeper, are more convenient to this place than Fredericksburg. Then their being ordered here saves a ninety miles march.
I make no doubt, that your Honor has ere this heard of the defeat of Lieutenant Rutherford83 of the Rangers, escorting an express to me at Fort Cumberland, and of the dastardly behaviour of the militia, who ran off without one half of them
[Note 83: John Rutherford, of prominence in New York, where he had been a member of the council, had come to Virginia with the independent company in 1754. He was afterwards a major in the Royal American Regiment and was killed before Ticonderoga in 1758.-- Ford.] having discharged their pieces, altho they were apprised of the ambuscade by one of the flanking partys, before the Indians fired upon them; and ran back to Ashby's Fort, contrary to orders, persuasions, threats, &c. They are all ordered in, as soon as the people have secured their harvest. Those of King George and Caroline are already here. The rest I expect shortly. Through the passive behaviour of their officers they have been very refractory.
Captain Stewart's troop has for these twelve months past, and must still continue to do duty on foot. Their pay is very great. I should be glad of your Honor's orders in regard to them, whether they are to be continued. I think with the number of men we have, there is but a poor prospect of finishing our forts in time, and a much worse of defending our frontiers properly, and I would be glad some expedient could be fallen upon to augment it.
There is an act of Parliament to allow all servants to enlist, and the owners to be paid a reasonable allowance for them. If we had this privilege, we could soon complete the regiment; and I doubt not but his Majesty would order them to be paid for, if we enlisted, as soon as for the regulars; nay, should he not, the ten pounds' fine through the country would go a considerable way towards it.84 And this we may depend upon, if we have not this liberty granted us, the servants will all run off to the regular officers, who are recruiting about us; and that would be to weaken our colony much, when it could receive no immediate benefit from it, but only be benefited in a general way. For my part, I see no other expedient.85
[Note 84: The act of assembly allowed a person drafted to pay £10 and escape service. The result was that most of the drafts paid the fine and the companies remained unfilled.]
[Note 85: The question of enlisting indented servants--that is, immigrants who had hired themselves for a term of years to repay the money that had been advanced for their passage--proved a knotty problem to the Colonies. When completing the regiments after Braddock's defeat, the recruiting officers did not hesitate to take such servants, often secretly and generally without making recompense to the masters. In Maryland the planters of the eastern shore were so incensed by such acts that they attacked the recruiting officers and "some blood was spilt." Gen. and Gov. William Shirley, though he could cite the example of Massachusetts, where indented servants had been impressed and used for garrisoning the frontier forts, was convinced of its impolicy when applied to the middle colonies. The Assembly of Pennsylvania earnestly protested against the practice. (See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vol. 7, p. 37.) And Franklin, in his draft of instructions for the agents of the Colonies ( Works, vol. 2, pp. 491, 492, 513) instanced it as one of the grievances of which the province had cause to complain. "You must know that most of the servants in this country are more particularly their masters' property, than they are in any other parts of his Majesty's dominions, and that masters of such servants will easily resign their interest in them cannot, I think, be expected."--J. Ridout in Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 2, p. 734. In Virginia such servants were expressly exempted from military duty, but slaves appear to have been taken.-- Ford.
When Lord Loudoun succeeded Governor Shirley as commander of the forces in America, he was empowered to raise a regiment in the Colonies, consisting of four battalions, to be commanded by officers bearing the King's commission, and called the Royal American Regiment. He was authorized, also, to enlist servants of the above description, paying to their masters a proper compensation for the time they had yet to serve. Recruiting officers were now employed in Virginia, enlisting men for the Royal Regiment, and interfered essentially with the enlistments for the service of the colony. The governor endeavored to prevail on the assembly to draft militia for this regiment, but without success. They voted £8,000 to be paid for enlisting men and transporting them to New York.
The Maryland Assembly appropriated £5,000 to aid enlistments in that colony for the Royal Regiment and resolved to raise 300 men. A bounty was given not exceeding £5 for each man enlisted. A letter was received by the governor from Henry Fox, one of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state, directing that the compensation to masters for enlisted servants should be paid by the colony; but the assembly refused to comply with this order by a majority of more than 2 to 1. (See Votes and Proceedings, Aug. 19, 1756.) Governor Dinwiddie said in reply: "If you can enlist servants agreeable to the act of Parliament, the master of such servant shall be paid for the time they have to serve in proportion to the first purchase, but I think you should be careful not to enlist convicts, who may be fractious and bad examples to the others."-- Sparks.]
Now your Honor sees plainly the effect the act of Assembly, in regard to the draughts has had; and how little our strength has been augmented by that scheme, and in three or four months we shall not be the better for them. Then they are to be discharged.
I am confident, if we had authority to enlist servants, the regiment would have been complete ere this, and with little trouble, for many have offered, and many have been discharged after enlisting. Mr. Kirkpatrick will deliver your Honor a list of the preferments in my Regiment, with the dates of the officers commissions. There are five or six more still waiting. Lieutenant Stark has followed Frazier's example, upon the like occasion, being appointed to Captain Hogg's company.
I have sent Lieutenant Bullet to relieve Lieutenant McNeill, whose seniority entitles him to Captain-Lieutenancy, and he has my promise when a vacancy happens to have his commission antedated, and to take his proper rank in the regiment, as I take him to be a very diligent good officer, and as he was overlooked in the promotions, this indulgence has been promised him.
I could wish we were clear of Fort Cumberland. It takes a great part of our small force to garrison it, and I see no service it is to our colony; for since the Indians have drove the inhabitants so low down, they do not hesitate to follow them as far as Conogochiege and this place. There have been several families murdered within two miles of the mouth of Conogochiege, on the Maryland side, this week; and Fort Cumberland is now so much out of the way, that they seldom hear of those things within a month after they are done. Our men want many necessaries, until the arrival of their regimentals, which cannot be had without sending to Philadelphia; and the great loss, we shall suffer by sending them our paper money, has prevented my purchasing these things, until the men are almost naked.
I should be glad your Honor would send me a letter of credit to Mr. Allen, or some person there; or gold or bills, for we cannot afford to put up with the loss of sending paper money, which I am credibly informed, may be bought up in Philadelphia for fifteen per cent their currency; so that the least we would lose by that traffic would be ten per cent.
We are in great want of drums here, and none can be bought. We now have many young drummers learning here, so I must beg you will please to order some immediately from Williamsburg to us, for we cannot do without them.
The rangers are still paid out of the money in my hands. I never received but one hundred pounds from Lord Fairfax, or Colonel George.
Captain Gist has some accompts. against the Country for necessary services. I doubt not your Honor will consider the justice of them, and assist the poor man in the affair, as he is put to great inconveniences for want of the money, has been obliged to advance his own, as far as it would go, and people to whom he owes balances upon that account are daily threatening him with suits.
Captain McNeill writes me that out of the three companies of rangers on the frontiers of Augusta, which ought to be one hundred and twenty men, there are not thirty. I hope your Honor will have that affair inquired into.
I am to be summoned against one Napp for making counterfeit paper money here. I desire your directions, whether I must appear or not. It may, perhaps, be at a time when I am much wanted here.
I could by no means bring the Quakers to any terms. They chose rather to be whipped to death than bear arms, or lend us any assistance whatever upon the fort, or any thing of self-defence. Some of their friends have been security for their appearance, when they are called for; and I have released them from the guard-house until I receive further orders from your Honour, which they have agreed to apply for.86
[Note 86: "I believe you will not be summoned on Napp's Affair, ... as I shall be glad you were here about the 20th of Nov. ... A great body of Quakers waited on me, in regard to their friends with you, praying they may not be whipped. Use them with lenity, but as they are at their own expense I would have them remain as long as the other Draughts."-- Dinwiddie to Washington, Aug. 19, 1756. This letter is printed in full in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 1, p. 342.]
I am informed there has been application made to your Honor, for the discharge of some of the militia who enlisted here. As the case may have been represented to your Honor in a wrong light by prejudiced persons, I shall give you a true state of it, from my own knowledge.
After the militia were fixed on to march to their different posts, it was common for twenty or more to desert of a night. In consequence of which I despatched the militia officers with what remained, and some of my own officers in pursuit of these deserters, who apprehended seventeen or eighteen of them and brought them to town. The militia had then marched. To send these men after them I was certain would not answer; to avoid that, was the cause of their desertion. And I could not spare men to send an escort with them to their different parties; and if I had let them pass unpunished, it would have occasioned all the militia at work on the fort to desert. So I thought it most advisable to punish them, to deter the rest, and prevent a second fault in them, and accordingly ordered them twenty lashes each, and then intended to have set them to work on the fort.
When they had marched from the guard-house (where several had enlisted before any punishment was ordered them) some of the officers applied for money, and said all the militia would enlist; which I gave them, and at the same time a charge, to use no unfair means or threats, which they engaged.
In order to prevent any, I sent out Captain Mercer to acquaint them with my charge to the officers, and to tell them, that if any unfair means had been made use of to engage them to take the money, to declare it, and they should be allowed to return it, and further be acquainted with the indulgence allowed them by Act of Parliament; and that they had a right to return the money within twenty four hours, if they should repent of what they had done in that time. They all declared their willingness to enlist, said no unfair means had been made use of, and that it was better to enlist at once than to be subject to be draughted every week. When they were soldiers they knew what to depend upon, which they could not before, as their being draughted at an unseasonable time might ruin them. They used the same arguments again to Captain Mercer, when he read the Articles of War to them; and he again repeated what he had told them before in the morning, as I have been assured by several of the officers then present.
The men have always appeared well satisfied, and never have made the least complaint; nor will not, I am sensible, if they are not persuaded to it by the people below. They have now been enlisted upwards of ten weeks, and are very good men, upon the whole.
I dare say your Honor will judge the men to be fairly enlisted, and that they are no ways entitled to a discharge, which will be applied for by some gentlemen below. But I shall take your Honor's directions on that point.
In obedience to your Honor's commands to incorporate the rangers into the regiment, I gave furloughs to the Captains (who both desired it) knowing they would oppose any measures to enlist the men; and then sent some of my officers to use their influence to engage the men. Their success I have not yet heard of, but should be glad to know if you approve of this method, or will direct any other. As rangers under the present establishment, they are of no use or benefit to the country. This, I believe, your Honor, as well as the country, have long since been convinced of.
I have supplied the Nottoway Indians with some necessaries, and have allowed them to take their arms with them; but they have received no pay, and say they were promised a Bitt87 per day. Captain Torn has promised to go to the Tusks with a speech and wampum, which I have given them. He says they
[Note 87: A small piece of silver, probably the Spanish eighth of a dollar, or twelve and a half cents.-- Sparks.] have an hundred fighting-men to spare. They would be a great assistance to us, if they could be engaged to come.
Besides the men on the rolls sent your Honor, there are about one hundred draught, not disposed of in the different companies which are at work on the fort, and garrisoning some of the country forts.
I have just received your Honor's letter of the 12th ultimo. If Mr. Timberlake will enter as a volunteer in the regiment, and wait, as others have done, his turn, I shall be glad to serve him. But I cannot pretend to put him over young gentlemen who have served some months at their own expence, waiting preferment, without orders from your Honor; as such things have caused the greatest discontent and confusion in the regiment already.
I observe your Honor's proposal to Lord Loudoun88 of carrying on an expedition against the Ohio. I have always thought it the best and only method to put a stop to the incursions of the enemy, as they would then be obliged to stay at home to defend their own possessions. But we are quite unprepared for such an undertaking. If it is fixed upon, now is the time for buying up provisions, and laying them in at the most convenient place. The Pennsylvania butchers are buying quantities of beef here, which should be put a stop to, if we are to march towards the Ohio. If we are still to remain on the defensive, and garrison the chain of forts, provisions must be laid in at each of them; and I much fear, if we march from the frontiers, all the inhabitants will quit their plantations. Your Honor's sentiments and orders on this head will be very agreeable to me, and shall be punctually complied with. By the latest advices from Augusta, it is thought that these outrages were committed by the Cherokees. There have been no accounts of any thing since the first
[Note 88: The Earl of Loudoun had been appointed by the King to command in America.] attempt; but still, I think it would not be improper to keep the militia on the frontiers to oppose a second; and if your Honor should think it proper to order them to assist on the forts to be built in Augusta, I think they could not better employ their time.
Winchester, August 5, 1756.
Dear Sir: I hope you will not be surprized at my sudden demands for money, nor at the uncommon length of this epistle.
The five thousand pounds last received went chiefly in paying arrears which were due the soldiers for two months before; discharging sundry accompts. for necessaries for the regiment with many other things, as will appear per accompts. And the disappointments I have so often met with in settling my accompts. with the gentlemen of the Committee, and laying sundry matters before them for their approbation, oblige me to be more particular and prolix in this letter.
I flatter myself that my accompts. will appear in so clear a light that there can arise no scruple in the settlement, and that they may be adjusted in as full and distinct a manner by Mr. Kirkpatrick, as if I were present myself. There were some objections made to a few trifling articles before (none of which I believe exceeded twenty shillings) for want of receipts. In this I own I was a little remiss, sometimes paying horse hire for a day or two, and such like incidental charges for the use of the public, without thinking it very material to draw receipts. Indeed, I have often made those payments at times when I had no opportunity of being thus particular. But I believe the whole amount of these does not exceed five pounds, and since that time I have not parted with a sixpence without. The paymaster I have sent down to evince any doubts that may arise in his accompts. I believe they are strictly just, tho' a little broken and irregular, representing our disjointed service in a true state. This was impossible to be avoided; tho' if you will consider, Sir, the disagreeable services we have been engaged in, the extent of ground and people to be defended, and the division of our force in recruiting, marching, counter-marching, and garrisoning of forts, guarding stores, &c, which rendered them so extremely difficult to pay, as well as to supply with such necessaries and conveniences, as to render the service tolerably supportable. Mr. Boyd was obliged to pay the men when and where he could meet with them, without adhering to that regular form which ought to be observed. The Commissary stands charged with £--, which I have not had an opportunity to settle. Upon my return from Fort Cumberland a few days ago, I found him retired at his own house, indisposed; but received a letter informing that the money was just expended. This I have no doubt of, knowing the demands he has had on account of provisions for the draughts and militia (occasioned by our whole stock being laid in at Fort Cumberland by the Governor's orders; which renders it useless to all the forces on this side); wagonage of all the flour and stores from Conogochieg, to secure them here; purchasing of tools, &c; for erecting the public works, ordered by Act of Assembly, &c.
All accompts. that appeared extravagant or not clear in other respects, or that I conceived I had no power to settle, I have referred them to the gentlemen of the Committee. Among these is Finnie's, for money advanced the soldiers while he was recruiting. This accompt may be, and doubtless is just; yet as it happened at a time when I had no concern with the forces, it is not to be expected I can have any knowledge of the matter. Therefore, unless it was to meet with your, or the concurrence of the Committee, I should not care to pay it. Moses Quales, who gives Mr. Finnie an order upon you for five pounds eighteen shillings, was among those who escaped from the overthrow of General Braddock, but was slain in Captain Mercer's defeat.
Captain McKenzie's accompt. for the hire of a vessel to transport his recruits to Alexandria, I did not care to allow without directions; tho' several officers have petitioned in the same manner, because they were to receive two pistoles a man, and eight pence per day subsistence, as a full allowance (tho' quite too small) until they came to the rendezvous.
The article of rugs, he should be allowed. Doctor Shepherd also prefers an account for attending and administering to sundry recruits while they lay at Alexandria: as also Dr. Halkerson for those at Fredericksburg. These accompts you will please to have examined, and deliver your sentiments thereon.
Ensign Fleming has, at my request, acted as surgeon to Captain Hogg's company. He encloses an accompt. Pray order what you think sufficient for his trouble. Lieutenant Baker's accompt is also among these for twenty-three pounds, nine shillings and eleven pence; expences in going for and bringing the Nottaway Indians. In this I must crave directions. I could not get a more particular accompt than the one now sent, he being on command. Captain Gist also has at divers times entreated me, in the most interesting manner, to intercede in his behalf, that he may get the balance of his accompt, his distresses calling aloud for all the assistance that all these sums can contribute. I do not know really, who to apply to for this purpose, or whose right it is to pay the accompt, but it is certainly wrong not to pay him at all. If a hearty zeal for the interest of this colony, many losses in serving it and true distress, can recommend him to any favor, he certainly merits indulgence. When he offers his accompts. to the Governor, his Honor bids him go to the committee; and the gentlemen of the committee think the Governor should pay it. So that the poor man suffers greatly and would be glad to know his doom at once, as it has been so long depending. Many applications have been made to me for the ferriages of the forces in passing Shenandoah, Capecapon, the South Branch &c. I should be glad to know whether they are to be paid, and at what rates. I could heartily wish the governor and Committee would resolve me, whether Fort Cumberland is to be garrisoned with any of the Virginia forces or not. It lies in a most defenceless posture, and I do not care to be at expence in erecting new, or repairing the old works, until I am satisfied in this point.
This place at present contains all our provisions and valuable stores, and is not capable of an hour's defence, if the enemy were to bring only one single half-pounder against it; which they might do with great ease on horseback. Besides, it lies so remote now from this, as well as the neighbouring inhabitants, and at the same time is not a whir more convenient than Cocke's Fort, on Patterson's Creek, to the enemy, which is twenty five miles nigher this way, that it requires as much force to keep the communication open to it, as a fort at the Meadows would do, and employs 150 men, who are a dead charge to the country, as they can be of no other use than just to protect and guard the stores, which might as well be lodged at Cox's;89 indeed better, for these reasons it would then be more contiguous to this, to the inhabitants, and to the enemy, if we should ever carry an expedition over the mountains, by opening a road the way the Indians have blazed.90 A strong garrison there would not only protect the stores, but also the few remaining inhabitants on the Branch,91 and at the same
[Note 89: This fort was on Pattersons Creek, 25 miles from Fort Cumberland.]
[Note 90: Blazing consists in stripping a vertical piece of bark from the tree trunk so the white wood shows; each blaze was within sight of the other and an experienced woodsmen could travel by such direction without hesitation.]
[Note 91: The South Branch of the Potomac.] time waylay and annoy the enemy, as they pass and repass the mountains. Whereas, those at Fort Cumberland, lying out in a corner, quite remote from the inhabitants, to where the Indians always repair to do their murders, can have no intelligence of any thing that is doing, but remain in total ignorance of all transactions. When I was down, I applied to the Governor for his particular and positive directions in this affair. The following is an exact copy of his answer. "Fort Cumberland is a King's fort, and built chiefly at the charge of the colony, therefore properly under our direction, until a governor is appointed."92 Now whether I am to understand this ay or no, to the plain, simple question asked, vizt. "Is the fort to be continued or removed?" I know not. But in all important matters I am directed in this ambiguous and uncertain way.93
[Note 92: Both Sparks and Ford put Washington in the wrong. The original letter is in the Washington Papers, and Washington's quotation is exact and correct.]
[Note 93: "The Committee were all of opinion with you, that the keeping Fort Cumberland was an unnecessary expense; but upon my mentioning their opinion to the Governor, he appeared very warm, and said my Lord Loudoun might do what he pleased, but for his part he would not remove the garrison, or order the fort to be demolished for his right hand."-- Robinson to Washington, Aug. 19, 1756. This letter is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 1, p. 349.]
Great and inconceivable difficulties arise in the execution of my commands, as well as infinite loss and disrepute to the service, by my not having power to pay for deserters. I would, therefore, humbly recommend it to the consideration of the Committee, whether it would not be more for the interest of the country, (I am sure it would be of the service,) were I allowed to pay these demands, rather than have them levied in the public claims. Many of our deserters are apprehended in Maryland, and some in Pennsylvania, and, for the sake of a reward, are brought hither. But when they are to receive certificates only, that they are entitled to two hundred pounds of tobacco, and those certificates are to be given in to a court of claims, there to lie perhaps till they are quite forgot, gives so much dissatisfaction, that many, I believe, rather than apprehend one, would aid fifty to escape, and this, too, among our own people. By this means the country loses numbers of men: consequently the sums of money which each man costs, besides many incident charges, such as horse hire, expenses in sending after and advertising them.
Another thing, I should be glad to know, and that is, whether the act of Assembly prohibits the whole forces, or only the draughts, from marching out of Virginia, and whether it is contrary to law, even to take the draughts out, provided it is done with their own will. If we cannot take any of the forces out of the colony, the disadvantages, the country may labor under, are not to be described; for the enemy, in that case, may commit the most unheard-of cruelties, and, by stepping across the Potomac, evade the pursuit, and mock our best endeavors to scourge them.
The inconveniences that arise from paying the soldiers in large bills, are not to be conceived. We are obliged afterwards to give the pay of two or three soldiers to one man. He, ten to one else, drinks, games, or pays it away; by which means the parties are all dissatisfied, and perpetually complaining for want of their pay. It also prevents them from laying out their pay for absolute necessaries, and obliges them many times to drink it out; for they put it into the tavern-keeper's hands, who will give no change, unless they consent to take the greatest part in liquor. In short, for five shillings cash you may at any time purchase a month's pay from the soldiers; in such contempt do they hold the currency. Besides small bills, (if the thing is practicable,) I should be extremely glad to receive some part of the money in Spanish and Portugal gold and silver. There are many things wanted for the use of the regiment, which cannot be had here, and may at Philadelphia; but their undervaluing of our money, has prevented my sending thither.
When I went to Fort Cumberland I left fifty pounds with Capt. Peachy, to pay the workmen once a week, as I had usually done, which money, with some of his own, he was robbed of, and the most diligent search has not been successful in getting the least intelligence of it. I should be glad to know whether I am to suffer this loss, or whether I may with propriety charge it to the country?
At the repeated instances of the soldiers, I must pay so much regard to their representations, as to transmit their complaints. They think it extremely hard, as it is indeed, Sir, that they, who perhaps do more duty, and undergo more fatigue and hardship, from the nature of the service and situation of the country, than any troops upon the continent beside should be allowed the least pay, and smallest encouragements in other respects. The Carolinians received British pay; the Marylanders, I believe, do the same; Pennsylvania is exorbitant in rewarding their soldiers;94 the Jerseys and New Yorkers, I do not remember what it is they give; but the New England governments give more than a shilling per day, our money, besides an allowance of rum, peas, tobacco, ginger, vinegar, &c, &c.
[Note 94: Pennsylvania was paying its soldiers 18d. a day and subsistence.-- Ford.]
Our soldiers complain, that their pay is insufficient, even to furnish shoes, shirts, stockings, &c, which their officers, in order to keep them fit for duty, oblige them to provide. This, they say, deprives them of the means of purchasing any of the conveniences or necessaries of life, and obliges them to drag through a disagreeable service, in the most disagreeable manner. That their pay will not afford more than enough (if that) to keep them in clothes, I should be convinced of for these reasons, if experience had not taught me. The British soldiers are allowed eight pence sterling per day, with many necessaries that ours are not, and can buy what is requisite upon the cheapest terms; and lie one half the year in camp or garrison, when they cannot consume the fifth part of what ours do in continual marches over mountains, rocks, rivers, &c, is computed to receive only -- per day. Then, Sir, is it possible that our men, who receive a fourth less, have two pence per day stoppages for their regimental clothing, and all other stoppages made that British soldiers have, and are obliged, by being in continual action, to lay in triple the quantity of ammunition and clothes, and at double the price, should be able to clear quarters? It is not to be done, and this is the reason why the men have always been so naked and bare of clothes.
And I dare say you will be candid enough to allow, that there are few men who would choose to have their lives exposed, without some view or hope of a reward, to the incessant insults of a merciless enemy. Another thing there is which gives them great uneasiness, and that is, seeing no regular provision made for the maimed and wounded. They acknowledge the generosity of the Assembly, and have the highest veneration for that respectable House; they look with gratitude on the care, that has been taken of their brother soldiers; but say, this is only an act of will, and another Assembly may be much less liberal. We have no certainty, that this generosity may continue, consequently can have nothing in view but the most gloomy prospects, and no encouragement to be bold and active; and the probable effects of which are wounds, which no sooner happen and they unfit for service than they are discharged, and turned upon an uncharitable world to beg, steal, or starve! In short, they have a true sense of all that can happen, and do not think slightly of the fatigues they encounter, in scouring these mountains with their provisions on their backs, lying out and watching for the enemy, with no other covering or conveniency to shelter them from the inclemency of the weather, than trees and rocks! The old soldiers are affected, and complain of their hardships and little encouragement in piteous terms; and give these as reasons for so much desertion. The money that is given in paying for deserters, expresses, horse-hire, losses and abuse of horses, would go a great length toward advancing their pay, which I hope would contribute not a little towards removing the cause of this expense. I would not have it here understood, tho', that I mean to recommend any thing extraordinary; no, I would give them British pay, and entitle them to the same privileges during their stay in the service, and as a reward or compliment for their toil, rather than a matter of right. Were the country to give them one suit of regimental clothes a year, without receiving the two pence stoppage, it would be a full allowance, and give great content and satisfaction. All they want (they say) is to be entitled to the privileges and immunities of soldiers, of which they are well informed, by some who have been a number of years in the army, then they should think it no hardship to be subject to the punishments and fatigues. Were this done, and an order given by the Committee empowering me to provide for them, according to the rules and customs of the army, I then should know what I was about, and could do it without hesitation or fear, and, am convinced, to the satisfaction and interest of the country. As the case now stands, we are upon such odd establishment, under such uncertain regulations, and subject to so much inconvenience, that I am wandering in a wilderness of difficulties, and am ignorant of the ways to extricate myself, and to steer for the satisfaction of the country, the soldiers, or myself. Having no certain rules for the direction of my conduct, I am afraid to turn to this hand or to that, lest it should be censured. If such an order, as I before spoke of, was to issue from your Board, I would then immediately provide upon the best terms a quantity of all kinds of ammunition, clothes, &c. for the use of the regiment, and deliver them out to each company, as their wants required, taking care to deduct the value of all such things from their pay. By this means the soldiers are always provided and fit for duty, and do it cheerfully, and the country sustains no other loss, than advancing and lying out of the money for a few months to lay in those stores, as this money is always restored by the soldiers again.95
[Note 95: These requests, in regard to the soldiers, were so far complied with, that the soldiers afterwards received full pay without any stoppage for their clothing. (See Washington's letter to Adam Stephen, September 6, post.)]
I have hitherto been afraid to advance any sums of money for this salutary purpose, and always bought at extravagant prices, and have been obliged to send to different parts, ere they could be had, which has also contributed to the cause of their nakedness. The officers are almost as uneasy and dispirited as the men, doing every part of duty with languor and indifference. When they are ordered to provide themselves with suitable necessaries, they complain of an uncertain establishment, and the probability of being disbanded, and so, things rendered useless. So that I really most heartily wish for a change. The surgeon has entreated me to mention his case, which I shall do by enclosing his letters. He has behaved extremely well, and discharged his duty, in every capacity, since he came to the regiment. He has long discovered an inclination to quit the service, the encouragement being so small; and I believe would have done it, had not the officers, to show their regard and willingness to detain him, subscribed each one day's pay in every month. This, as they are likely to be so much dispersed, and can receive no benefit from him, they intend to withdraw, (he says) and therefore begs me to solicit the gentlemen of the Committee in his behalf; otherwise he shall be obliged to seek some other method of getting his livelihood.
If it is thought necessary to establish an hospital, I believe there can scarcely be a doubt but that this is the place; and then I hope he will be appointed director, with advanced pay. Whether or not, I could really wish his pay or perquisites was increased, for the reasons he gives.
I beg, Sir, with very great earnestness, that the gentlemen of the Committee will communicate their sentiments fully upon all these several matters, and approve or disapprove of every thing therein. I only wait to know their intention, and then act in strict conformity thereto.
Since writing the preceding pages, I find on examining Mr. Boyd's accompts. that he has unadvisably paid Mr. Finnie96 what arrears were due Quales. But having already appealed for approbation of the Committee in this and other accompts, which I had no distinct knowledge of, or concern in, I yet submit to your determination, and Mr. Finnie must abide by your judgment, and refund if found reasonable.
[Note 96: Alexander Finnie.]
If the Committee find my account satisfactory and distinct, as I have no doubt of it, it would be a great obligation, if they would make a final settlement to that date, and begin a new account, as it would be the means of keeping matters more clear and intelligible hereafter. For long accounts and references to doubtful points, instead of gaining any light, are but darkened and confused by procrastination. The late regulation of our companies will occasion more regularity in the paymaster's account, and be more satisfactory in every shape, for the future. Besides, the gentlemen of the Committee will find little trouble, or difficulty, in overhauling short accounts, kept in a regular method, plain and perspicuous, which is the very life of business.
I would again entreat your regard to my request, for these and many other reasons. I am, etc.
Winchester, August 5, 1756.
Sir: I have so many places and people to defend; so great calls from every quarter for men, and so little prospects for getting any, that I find it impossible to comply with the act of Assembly, and opinion of the Council of War, in building the chain of forts on the frontiers. You must therefore, notwithstanding all the orders which have heretofore been given, immediately despatch Captain Bell, with his whole company to Captain Cox's fort; where he is to remain himself with twenty men, taking command of said fort, and escorting all Expresses, wagons, &c, to and from Fort Cumberland, as far as Ashby's and Pearsalls. The rest of his men he is to divide into two equal parts; one of which, with his Ensign, is to march to, and be stationed at Kirkendalls, for the protection of the people there. The other party, with a trusty sergeant is to march to, and put themselves under the direction of the officer commanding at Ashby's, in order to strengthen that garrison and enable them to afford escorts with the greater safety. Your own and the two remaining companies, you are to dispose of in the most eligible manner for the protection of the inhabitants above the Trough; and I could most earnestly wish that you would, if the thing is practicable, erect a fort in that settlement, twenty miles above your upper fort, that the people in those parts may be sheltered from the enemy, and that we may so far as is possible, shew our willingness to comply with the laws of our country that direct this chain.
I wrote you yesterday, desiring that all the captains would be punctual in making me exact weekly returns, to be signed by themselves and officers, of the state and strength of their companies, and must repeat those orders, as I am fully resolved to suspend the first captain or commander of a company that neglects in sending me them; or that is careless in correcting or returning them exact, tho' they may vary but a man.
All the militia that are not already marched, must be immediately ordered down, to call at this place to lodge their arms. I am, etc.
Winchester, August 5, 1756.
Sir: Yours of the 20th ultimo and 1st inst. I have just received. I am sorry to hear you even mention recalling Capt. McKenzie from his post. It must have been an extraordinary occasion that would have reconciled me to that proceeding, which would have left Cox's, Pearsalls, and Kirkendalls forts quite defenceless, to strengthen a garrison which was only intended to defend the stores, and might be protected by 100 against musketry, as well as by more; and all the men we have could not save it against any thing else. I have, in order to strengthen the several garrisons that maintain the communications with Fort Cumberland, ordered Captain Bell to march to Cox's, and there remain with twenty men, while the rest of his company is equally divided, one part to strengthen Ashby's, the other to protect the inhabitants at Kirkendalls. By this means McKenzie's company will be kept entire at Pearsalls, and enable him to furnish the stronger escorts. I hope you will mention that matter to Rutherford, which we talked of at Fort Cumberland, about recruiting the rangers. The militia now can neither serve nor disserve us, for, they are by the Governor's directions, all called in. The views of the enemy are designed against the lower inhabitants. They have laid Maryland and Pennsylvania waste, as low as Carlisle, the inhabitants of which place we are told are flying with the utmost consternation. They have made an attempt on the Virginia side, killed one and captivated another on the Conogochieg road, four miles hitherwards, but retreated back, for how long a time, God knows. I communicated the contents of yours to the Doctor concerning the medicines, and he will send them up so soon as procured. At present he has none of them.
Having occasion to write to Captain Waggener, I have ordered him to despatch the men belonging to your garrison immediately.***97
[Note 97: The omitted portion is a verbatim repetition of his direction to Captain Waggener, August 5, ante, regarding exact returns.]
By my returns of the regiment including drafts, scouts and rangers, I can only make 926 men; while Mr. Boyd, exclusive of Captain Hogg's company, has issued pay for 1080. What am I, or what are the Governor and Committee, before whom all these widely different returns must be laid for examination, to think of them? Sure the least they can say is, that [it] is unhappy for the country to have officers so little acquainted with the management of their companies as to make returns to me for 926 men only, and others to the Paymaster for 1080. You desire to have a map sent you of the lakes, &c. I have none but Evans's, which you have also: nor have I heard a syllable from Major Lewis, altho' Mr. Jones is now here from Augusta; nor any thing about an engagement on the Lakes. I am, etc.
Winchester, August 5, 1756.
Sir: I wrote you yesterday; since which I have received yours of the 3d. instant, and observe the contents. I find it impossible with the few men I have to erect a chain of Forts on the Frontiers; as the Assembly have ordered, and the Council of the 10th. instant advised: For which reason, and to relieve yours, as well as the complaints of others, the enclosed to Captain Waggener covers Instructions to Captain Bell, to march with his Company immediately to Cox's Fort, where he is to remain with twenty men, to cover and secure all convoys, expresses, &c. that are passing and repassing to and from Fort Cumberland; as you are likewise to do betwixt him and Edwards's. The remainder of Captain Bells' men are to be divided into two parties, one of which is to strengthen the garrison at Ashby's, for the aforesaid purposes, while the other with his Ensign, remains at Kirkendalls, for the protection of that Settlement. By this means you will be eased from that duty; and by drawing off your Force left at Cox's (which you are to do, so soon and not before Captain Bell arrives there) you will be enabled with your whole Company to oppose the enemy, and afford the stronger Escorts. I would urge it as very necessary to erect a covert-way to secure your water, which might be done with great ease and tolerable security, with nothing more than a common fence eight or ten feet deep, covered at top: It should be a staked fence and strait, two stakes drove in the ground a foot asunder, at the distance of a sails length from the water, and filled in close, will be sufficient proof against musquetry.
What relief to afford, or how to direct you concerning your provisions, I know not. The Commissary whose business it is, has been absent this month: while you have grain in the fort you can not suffer; tho' put to difficulty in getting it ground. Your meat make Pearsall buy, and in his Fields; his protection was one motive among others, of your being there; and he can do no less for your present support. What store of provisions is wanting, must be laid in, so soon as the Governor directs, to whom I have wrote.
I had no opportunity of directing further about the Rangers, but you are now to acquaint Mr. Lemon, that he is to remain at his Fort, and act as Lieutenant to the Rangers, until further orders: and when he has retired from that, he may seek a Service which he more prefers, since he has refused my offer. Tell him also not to stir from thence at his peril, until he has leave; if he does, I will arrest him for disobedience of orders, and try him so soon as he arrives here. In my letter of yesterdays date, I desired that you would be punctual in sending me exact weekly returns, to be signed by yourself and Officers, of the strength and state of your company: and do again repeat that order; as I am fully resolved to suspend the first Captain or Commander of a Company who fails in sending them regularly to me; or is negligent or careless in making them out; if an error is found of one single man, I will do it. By my returns of the strength of the Regiment, Companies of Rangers, &c. and by the size-rolls delivered by each Officer; I can make only 926 men, while Mr. Boyd makes 1080 paid; what am I, or what is the Governor, who examines these returns, to think of them? Sure, the most favourable construction that can be made of this is, that the Officers have very little concern in the management of their Companies, to suffer such idle and different returns. I am &c.
Winchester, August 7, 1756.
Parole Dorset.
As every method hitherto practised has been found ineffectual to restrain the paltry tippling houses and Ginn-shops in this town, from selling liquor, contrary to orders, to the Soldiers, to the Detriment of His Majesty's Service, and irreparable loss of their own Health. It is hereby expressly ordered, that as many men as the Tents will contain, do immediately encamp; and all the rest, except those in the Hospital be on Monday, new quartered upon Brinker, Heath and Lemon; who are charged not to sell more than a reasonable quantity of liquor, and at reasonable rates to each man per day; as they will answer the contrary. And any Soldier or Draught who is found drinking in any of the other houses, or who is known to purchase, by direct or indirect means, any liquor from other places; or who shall be found ever going into, or sitting down in any of the other houses, without giving a sufficient excuse why he did so; shall immediately receive 50 lashes, without the benefit of a Court Martial. And all the Officers are strictly required to see all these Orders strictly complied with. It appearing by the Returns, that there are many more women drawing provisions than what are necessary. It is hereby ordered, that only twelve be allowed provisions; and those to wash and cook for the men; or be struck out of the return, and no provisions be allowed them.
As there appears to be no immediate danger, the Guard for the ease of the Soldiers, is to be reduced to a Sergeant and twelve; who are to mount at the usual time of retreat-beating. As this will afford great relief to the workmen, it is expected they will continue longer at their work in the evening, and turn out earlier in the morning. And, as an encouragement to them to behave well, and to attend diligently to their Duty, the Colonel promises to give them, so long as they deserve it, four gallons of rum, made into punch, every day. And the Officer of the Day, who is to give close attention to the work during his tour of duty; is to see that they have it: and also to see that the working-tools are brought and lodged every night at the Guard-house. The Militia of the several Counties that are now in town, are to be immediately discharged.
Winchester, August 8, 1756.
Parole Epsom.
Colonel Washington requests it once more of the Officers who review their men, to be very particular that none of their Ammunition is wanting; as there are frequent complaints of deficiences, notwithstanding they were completed last week: and suspect it is wasted by means of the Soldiers firing in the woods. Therefore, the first that is found discharging his piece either at marks or game, shall be most severly punished; beside paying for the ammunition exhausted or carelessly lost.
Notwithstanding there have been orders given that no man should cut off his hair, yet the Colonel has observed that some of them have acted contrary to these Orders. He desires the Officers will take notice of those persons, and confine them. His Honor, Governor Dinwiddie has been pleased to appoint Lieutenant John McNiel, Captain-Lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment, whereof George Washington Esquire is Colonel; and to be obeyed as such. All orders relating to the men, to be read to them in the presence of an Officer.
Winchester, August 12, 1756.
Sir: You are to proceed with the party under your command to the Plantation of Henry Enock; and then endeavour to dispose of your men in such a manner, as to way-lay and surprize the Enemy if possible; or to enquire from the height of the Hills or Mountains, if any discovery can be made of their sleeping places, by their fires or smoke, which will appear very distinctly in the night, tho' at a distance. You may remain at and about this place, searching for the tracks of the enemy, until Saturday morning; and if in that time you can make no discoveries (by which your conduct must be guided) you must cross away over (if you find it more elligible than going down Capecapon) to the old road which leads from Edwards's to the Branch at Pearsalls, and dispose of your men in the most secure and private manner upon that road; watching to see if you can meet with the Enemy, passing or repassing.
On this road, and in this manner you are to remain, until your provision is out; and then repair to Edwards's Fort; where you will receive a sufficiency to bring you to this place, which I expect will be on Tuesday; except you have a prospect of some manifest advantages, by staying out longer. In that case, your return is left discretionary.
I must advise you above all things, to take every precaution to guard against Surprizes. To give every man his orders, that he may act bravely and without confusion. Inspire them with a just notion of their duty; and note every mans behaviour which with an account of your proceedings, and these Instructions, must be returned to me as soon as you return.
Winchester, August 14, 1756.
Honble. Sir: The return of the express, that came with La Force's escape, (for which accident I am extremely concerned, and fear its productions if he is not retaken,) affords me an opportunity to inform your Honor of some occurrences, which have happened since my last.98
[Note 98: La Force, it will be remembered, was one of the prisoners taken in the skirmish with Jumonville's party. He was capable, enterprising, active, and had been instrumental, before his capture, in exciting the Indians to commit depredations on the frontiers. He was thrown into the jail at Williamsburg. From this abode, after more than two years' confinement, he bad the address to escape, but was seized before he had advanced far into the country, remanded to prison, and loaded with irons.-- Sparks.]
Repeated complaints and applications from all quarters for men, but more especially from the garrisons which secure the communication with Fort Cumberland, (a place very useless in itself, and expensive to the country; containing an hundred and fifty men solely employed in guarding the stores, which could be better defended at any other place) obliged me to order a company from Captain Waggener's detachment (for none else could spare a man) to reinforce and enable those garrisons to send escorts with wagons and expresses, going to and returning from Fort Cumberland. This reduced Captain Waggener's command to a number insufficient to disperse parties among the settlers, and retain a strength to conduct the buildings. Therefore, the grand point then turned on this: whether he was to neglect the inhabitants and build the forts, or neglect the forts and mind the inhabitants.
His council were of the latter opinion unanimously, and sent to know my sentiments, which I own corresponded with theirs, for these reasons. First, I look upon it, that the protection of the inhabitants was the motive for ordering these forts; and to lose them, while we are at work, is perverting the intention. Secondly, we have built some and altered other forts, as far south on the Potomac waters as any settlers have been molested; and there only remains one body of inhabitants, at a place called the Upper Tract, which needs a guard upon these waters, and thither I have ordered a party. After this, if I am not misinformed, there is nothing but a continued series of mountains uninhabited, until we get over on James river waters, not far from that fort, which takes its name from your Honor; down which to Mayo River, Captain Hogg, by your Honor's orders, is to have the direction of. If I have done amiss, in not adhering to the letter of the law, I hope your Honor will intimate the same, and give directions how I am to proceed.
There have been two or three men killed and scalped at different places, since my last, though every precaution has been taken to prevent it. The fatiguing service, low pay, and great hardships in which our men have been engaged, cause, notwithstanding the greatest care and vigilance to the contrary, great and scandalous desertions. Yesterday I received an account from Captain Stewart, of sixteen deserting in a party. Frequently two or three went off before, as they have done from this place. We never fail to pursue, and use all possible means to apprehend them; but seldom with success, as they are generally aided and assisted off by the inhabitants. There are now two parties in pursuit of these fellows, who have made towards the northward to enlist with the recruiting officers in Pennsylvania, &c. I fear without a stop can be put to it we shall lose numbers of our men.99 A report prevailed in town
[Note 99: "The many desertions from your corps and our militia give me much concern, as it must be known to the enemy, and encourage their so-frequent invasions and hostilities, Our several captains were ordered out last Sunday, to enquire after, search for, and apprehend the deserters from Captain Minor and Captain Hamilton, but without success, which denotes a too-great pusillanimity or want of consideration on our country's lying naked and almost defenceless against an implacable and bloodthirsty crew of savages. None can wonder if Colonel Washington is uneasy at the backwardness of the Lower Country's not sending their drafted men to complete his regiment. He has great reason to repeat and often enforce his representations. It is on record, you know, that a certain widow gained her suit by much importunity and teasing."-- W. Fairfax to Bryan Fairfax, Aug. 1, 1756.] yesterday, said to come from a man, who had it from a person who was at Governor Morris's treaty with the Indians, and heard them say, that a large body composed of different nations, and headed by some French, intended to attack Fort Cumberland this fall. Reports of this kind often take rise without good foundation; yet, as this is an affair of great importance, the slightest intelligence ought not to be discountenanced, especially when we consider that our provision, and, what is still more valuable, all our ammunition and stores, are lodged in that defenceless place. The consequence of a successful enterprise of this sort, and the absolute impossibility (considering the weakness of the place, badness of situation, and division of our force) to preventing its falling, are, without previous notice, motives sufficient to apprehend the worst. Therefore, notwithstanding I enlarged on this subject in a former letter, think it my duty to hint this again, and to get directions how I am to proceed.
It is true, I give no credit to this intelligence, because I flatter myself such important information as this would be communicated, in the most distinct and expeditious manner, by Governor Morris; yet, as I before said, it being an expedition they cannot fail of succeeding in, what should deter them from attempting it? We have certain advice, that two of our deserters have reached Fort Duquesne, and were heard to speak in high terms, before they went off (but this not known till after they were gone) of the reward that would be got for communicating the weakness of the works and garrison at Fort Cumberland. All the militia are returned save thirty from Culpeper, who stay willingly with Captain Fields.
As a general meeting of all the persons concerned in the estate of my deceased brother1 is appointed to be held at Alexandria, about the middle of September next, for making a final settlement of all his affairs; and as I am very deeply interested, not only as an executor and heir to part of his estate, but also in a very important dispute, subsisting between Colonel Lee,2 who married the widow, and my brothers and self, concerning advice3 in the will, which brings the whole personal estate in question,--I say, as this is a matter of very great moment to me, I hope your Honor will readily consent to my attending this meeting, provided no disadvantage is likely to arise during my absence; in which case, I shall not offer to quit my command.
[Note 1: Lawrence Washington.]
[Note 2: George Lee. He was an uncle of Arthur and Richard Henry Lee; married Mrs. Lawrence Washington.]
[Note 3: The difficulty with this word is caused by the carelessness of the 1784--85 copyist. Sparks's suggestion that "a devise" is meant seems the correct solution. In 1754 Washington obtained a legal opinion from George Mercer on the devise of the Mount Vernon negroes, and as late as 1769 an opinion from Edmund Pendleton on the devise of certain lands of his father's estate.]
If war is to be declared at this place, I should be glad if your Honor would direct the manner. I know there is ceremony required, but the order I am ignorant of.4 I am, &c.
[Note 4: War against France had been formally declared by the King on May 17. Notice of this action was published in Williamsburg August 7. Governor Dinwiddie answered (August 21): "The method, you are to declare war, is at the head of your companies, with three vollies of small arms for his Majesty's health and a successful war."]
Winchester, August 29, 1756.
My Lord: It is with infinite concern, I see the distresses of the people, and hear their complaints, without being able to afford them relief. I have so often troubled your Honor for aid from the militia, that I am almost ashamed to repeat my demands; nor should mention them again, did I not think it absolutely necessary at this time to save the most valuable and flourishing part of this county from immediate desertion. And how soon the remainder part, as well as the adjacent counties, may share the same fate, is too obvious to reason, and to your Lordship's good sense for me to demonstrate. The whole settlement of Conogochieg in Maryland is fled, and there now remain only two families from thence to Fredericktown, which is several miles below the Blue Ridge. By which means we are quite exposed, and have no better security on that side, than the Potomac River, for many miles below the Shenandoah; and how great security that is to us, may easily be discerned, when we consider, with what facility the enemy have passed and repassed it already. That the Maryland settlements are all abandoned is certainly fact, as I have had the accounts transmitted to me by several hands, and confirmed yesterday by Henry Brinker, who left Monocacy the day before, and also affirms, that three hundred and fifty wagons had passed that place to avoid the enemy, within the space of three days.
I thought it expedient to communicate the above in order to inform your Lordship of the reasons for asking succours for these unhappy people, and how absolutely necessary it is to use, (without delay,) such vigorous measures as will save that settlement from total desolation.
We see, my Lord, the absurdity of the people's arguments, and the consequences of leaving one county, nay, one part of the county, or, to go still farther, a single company, that is more exposed than another, to defend itself and the parts in danger. When Hampshire was invaded, and called upon Frederick for assistance, the people of the latter refused their aid, answering, "Let them defend themselves, as we shall do if they come to us." Now the enemy have forced through that county, and begin to infest this, those a little removed from danger are equally infatuated; and will be, I fear, until all in turn fall a sacrifice to an insulting and merciless enemy.
These observations may be improperly offered to your Lordship, but they occur in so refulgent a light to me, that I could not resist the impulse of dictating them. I am so weak-handed here, that I could not, without stagnating the public works, spare a man to these people's assistance. Yet I look upon the retaining of them to be so essential to the well-being of the county in general, that I have ordered all the men, that can possibly be spared, to march thitherwards; and they accordingly set out tomorrow morning, to remain there until your Lordship can relieve them, that they may return to these works, which in my opinion are of no little importance to the safety of the county, if we should be attacked by numbers, as we have reason to apprehend. I hope your Lordship will exert your authority in raising men for this salutary end, and that you will think it advisable to make every company furnish their quota. This will redress the complaints of the people below, who say they cannot leave their families to the mercy of the enemy, while they are scouring the woods.
This is the reason given by some why Caton's party consists but of ten men, while others say it proceeds from dislike to the man. I acquainted his Honor the Governor with your Lordship's order for raising fifty men for this service, who approved thereof, and has been pleased to direct me to continue them there so long as I see cause.
I cannot conclude without again mentioning how agreeable it would be, if your Lordship would order a party immediately to these parts, that I may withdraw my men to their duty at this place.6 I am, my Lord, &c.
[Note 6: Lord Fairfax immediately ordered a militia captain and 36 men to march to the upper Potomac.]
Winchester, August 30, 1756.
Parole Babylon.
Colonel Washington being inclined upon all occasions to shew his willingness to serve the deserving and industrious men of his Regiment: And at the same time, resolved to punish in the most exemplary manner, all irregularities in the illdisposed. Takes this method to acquaint the workmen that did not work, in order to prevent counterfeit sickness, and other pretences to avoid this Duty. But as by this means the best as well as worst and idlest men, suffered equally alike. He assures those, who by their constant and steady attachment to the Service, have approved themselves good Soldiers, that he will not only continue their pay for all Days to come, while they are employed on the public Works; but will also see at the next payment, that they receive the sums which were deducted at this. And will also do the same justice to those who have hitherto endeavoured, by all idle practices, to avoid this necessary Work. If they will amend their manners, and attend diligently to their duty. And in order to prevent any but lawful Excuses screening them from their Duty. It is hereby ordered, that the Rolls of each Company be regularly called twice a day, as before directed; when the Officer is to be present, and inspect narrowly into the matter, to see that no imposition is offered by the Sergeants. As the Sergeants have extraordinary pay for over-looking the men at work, it is expected that they will be diligent in their Duty: Those who are found to be the least remiss, will be punished. They are also to answer for the misbehaviour of the men under their command. The Sergeant-Major is also to attend, to receive the names of the absent and sick men; to search after the first, and conduct the latter to the Hospital, to be examined by the Doctor; who is ordered to receive and enter the names of none without just cause; nor entertain any longer than the nature of the Disorder requires: But immediately upon the cause ceasing which brought them there, to return their names to the Adjutant or Sergeant-Major, to be ordered to their Work. It is further Ordered, when any person under cloak of sickness, lameness, &c. is discovered in the deceit by the Surgeon; that he shall be immediately reconducted to the Fort, and delivered to the Officer of the Day, who is expressly ordered to give him in the face of all the men, 50 lashes with a cat-and-nine-tails; and set him to work again. This he is also to do with the men who delay to appear at roll-calling, without sufficient excuse, or who shall be idle while present.
The Sergeant or Corporal of the Guard is to make his report to the Officer of the Day; who is to report that and all Occurences, which happen in his tour of Duty, to the Colonel in writing; in which and in all the foregoing particulars, it is expected that he and the parties concerned will pay the strictest observation to it. It is also expected the Officers will see the greatest punctuality observed, in following the Orders for preventing the men from buying any liquors from any Houses but those appointed. And it is hereby declared, that if any Soldier detects another in committing this crime, he shall upon proof thereof, receive 5/ from such Soldier's pay, and the Colonels thanks for his good Behaviour: And as precautions will confine the Custom to the aforesaid places; it is expected they will sell only a moderate quantity to each man per day, and that at reasonable rates; as great complaints have been made of the demands for Liquor.
To LIEUTENANT COLONEL ADAM STEPHEN
Winchester, September 6, 1756.
Sir: Yours of the 17th & 23d August I received. Mr. Boyd is just returned from Williamsburg, settling his accompts and getting a supply of cash. He will be with you to pay you off.
I am in hopes our men for the future will be better satisfied, as the Committee have allowed them 8 d per day and their clothes without any stoppages or deductions. The Governor expects this encouragement will engage the Rangers to enlist.
I wrote him about Fort Cumberland being put down; but he says, as it is a King's fort he cannot venture to abandon it, without further orders from a higher power. He says, Lord Loudoun will be at Williamsburg about the 20th November, and then the affair may be properly represented to him. He has however sent me orders to draw from thence a sufficient quantity of stores for this and the other forts, and I have accordingly sent wagons to be loaded with ammunition, &c. for that purpose.
The Governor informs me too, that he just received an express from Major Lewis, acquainting him that he might expect 150 Cherokees to be at this place in a fortnight; that the Catawba King was gone to South Carolina, and had engaged to send 50 warriors to our assistance, on his return from thence. This will be a considerable help to us, as we shall be able to carry the war into their own country, and use them in the same manner they have us for 12 months past. He adds, that the Catawbas and Cherokees are very firmly attached to our interest, and will still furnish us with more assistance when the fort in that country is completed. 'T is already in great forwardness. I have wrote to Captain Waggener of this, and ordered him to keep up a correspondence with yours and the other forts, that you may hear from each other every week. I beg you will see to have every man at the fort supplied with a powder-horn and shot-bag.
The Governor has sued Hedgman for scandal and has ordered Lieutenant Hall to attend the General Court, the 14th of October, as an evidence. Acquaint Mr. Hall of this, and send him down. I have got orders from the Governor to enlist servants, the masters to be paid a reasonable price upon the first purchase, deducting for the time they have served. You will observe this, if any should fall in with you. Complaint has been made that the officers and soldiers upon party, take up the strays they find in the woods. Let these practices be discouraged. Ensign Roy had my promise to be appointed to my company, as it is the company he before belonged to, in case my brother did not accept, and he has declined it. I desire you will send Mr. Roy down immediately to this place. I have received no monthly returns, which I expected regularly, besides weekly ones.
Let all your leisure hours be employed in disciplining the men; for as Lord Loudoun is to be here, and will probably see them, I would willingly have them make the best appearance possible.
The wagons must be despatched as soon as possible, loaded with powder chiefly, the rest with grenades, musket-ball and a quantity of flints, with some 12 lb. & 4 lb. grape-shot.
The powder is the must material, so let the greater proportion of that be sent. The men returned by the officers above-mentioned, at this place, are employed on the public works, but they must still continue them on their rolls and returns, and shall have them returned to their companies, as soon as they have done here, if they belong properly to them.
Waters and Burrass behaved extremely ill when they were sent down last. If I could lay my hands on them, I would try the effect of 1000 lashes on the former, and whether a general court-martial would not condemn the latter to a life eternal] I shall not at this time enumerate the different kinds of charges laid to both, but desire you will enquire minutely of Mr. Burrass what he did with the mare he brought from Fort Cumberland. She was a creature belonging to the heirs of Theobald, caught by Captain Ashby for me. I intended to have had her appraised, and allowed the heirs her full value. She was first carried to Fort Cumberland, then brought down by that villain Burrass, and here sold or swapped, I want to know to whom, that I may get her and do as I first intended. Captain Peachy applied to me for leave to take up strays, &c. and said it was practised by the Marylanders & Pennsylvanians. If the people of those provinces are guilty of unlawful practices, I cannot think it should be any excitement to us to follow their example: for under that pretence of getting strays in the mountains, is carried on a scene of the greatest iniquity that can be imagined. The horses on Pattersons Creek, South Branch, and other of our deserted settlements hitherwards, are taken up, sold and made away with, to the infinite detriment and oppression of the people who complain of these grievances in the most sensible manner, and urge that they are more oppressed by their own people, than by the enemy. Were there a limitation given, the officers might, but the soldiers would not observe any, and all strays whatever got, would be said to come within limited bounds. However, if you think you can put the garrison of Fort Cumberland under proper restraints in this particular, I would rather that they be benefited by any advantages of this kind than the enemy, or those who have no pretence should take them off. Therefore suffer no horses to be deemed strays, or taken up as such, which run anywhere below the Flats, either on the Virginia or Maryland side; and if any are caught above, if it is not known to whom they belong, let them be appraised by indifferent officers, upon their honor; and the valuation, with the marks and brand, be registered in a book for that purpose. Then let the person who takes such horses up, and claims them by this right, deliver to the owner, if any should come, the valuation, if such horses should be sold, or in his use and service, or else to deliver up the horse. But if the horse should die, be killed, or stray away from the Fort, in that case the person who takes him up, not to be answerable for the horse or valuation. No person tho' is under any pretence to take up with a view of keeping and detaining as his property, horses where the owner is known. I will by no means consent that any horses below the Flats shall be taken upon the above terms, lest the property of the people be affected, when they may have better chances of securing their own. In the above I have given you my sentiments, which you may in a court of officers put under proper articles and heads, and made publick to, and strictly practised in the garrison, under very severe penalties on officers, and heavy corporal punishments on the soldiers.
One thing more I think necessary, before any officer or soldier can pretend to lay just claim under the aforesaid articles: that is, to advertise in the nearest publick places in Maryland and Virginia, such as Winchester & Frederick-Town, any horses so taken, that the real owners upon procuring attested proof, may receive their creatures by coming or sending for them. You will receive herewith a cask of shoes, containing 14 dozen pairs, which are to be distributed among the needy of the soldiers, taking care that account is kept to whom they are delivered, so that the price may be stopped from their pay, at the usual rates of 7/6 per pair, and let me be immediately advised of their delivery and payment. You will order as strong an escort with the wagons as you can, as far as Pearsalls; and should any of the wagoners want provision, let them be served, ordering your commissary to remit an account of it to the commissary here, that it may be deducted from their wages. I am, etc.
Winchester, September 6, 1756.
Sir: I received yours by Captain Spotswood. I was obliged to order the waggons down to Alexandria for Salt, as we had none in store here; which no doubt has detained them longer than you expected. Enclosed I return your Size-roll, as it is not agreeable to the Instructions. A particular description of the men was the chief intent of them, and that you have not attempted. I desire you will make it out now, and be very particular in describing every man, and send me two of them per the first opportunity. Inform the Officers, that I expect at the bottom of their weekly and monthly returns, they will mention all the contingencies, and set down the persons names, the day of the month they died, deserted or joined. I can by no means consent to your leaving your command at the time you mention. Things at present are, and I expect will then be so precarious, that your presence will be absolutely necessary. If all is quiet, you may get leave to go down in December, to the Ayer and Terminer Court, when the Committee will meet.
It has been ordered that the several Officers commanding at different posts, should transmit each other all the intelligence they can receive; so that they might hear from every Fort at least one a week. Colonel Stephens complains of not hearing from you on the Branch. I would have you keep open the communication, and observe these Orders. I have received Orders from the Governor (in consequence of an Act of Parliament) to instruct all the Officers to enlist Servants. I would have you, and the other Officers under your command, observe this; acquaint them all with it, and further, that it is the determination of the Governor and Committee to reduce all the Officers who do not immediately complete their companies. The Owners of the Servants will be paid by the Governor a reasonable allowance for them; reckoning what they cost, and deducting for the time they have served.
I desire you will take care to have each man of your command furnished with powder-horns and shot-bags. Let the Officers know I shall look to them if this Order is neglected. I desire the practise (too much used) of taking up strays in the Woods, may be discouraged. Let all the Officers and Soldiers know this. Colonel Vanmeter tells me, there are many of the countrys cattle on New-Creek; when the proper season comes for Salting them, I desire you will have them collected. If you could hire the Country people for this Job, it would be best. I have had several complaints from the people that the Soldiers plunder and rob their Gardens, and destroy their Fowls, and every thing they can lay their hands on. Pray endeavour to stop these proceedings, as they occasion the Officers to be much reflected on. I have yet received no monthly returns of the Troops on the Branch. I expect these to be regularly sent me, as well as the weekly ones.
Instruct the Officers at all leisure hours to keep their men constantly to their exercise. For as Lord Loudoun is to be here as soon as the Campaign is over, and will review the Regiment; I would (as I am sure every Officer would) be willing they should make the best appearance. If you think you have not a sufficient quantity of ammunition at the Fort under your command, to withstand an attack; you must write to Captain McKenzie to keep as much for you out of that which will be sent from Fort Cumberland. There are many things in which you desire my directions, which at this distance I can not possibly be a judge of. In these affairs I had always rather you would consult your Officers, than delay the time until you consult me. I doubt not your stedfast design to promote the publick interest; and shall always concur in opinion with you and your Officers in every thing. Colonel Vanmeter in the execution of his office, will have much trouble; and will necessarily need advice often. I would also have you to consult your Officers in any affairs in his way, in which he may desire your assistance. Colonel Vanmeter is ordered to lay in provisions only until the 1st. April; that in case no Expedition is carried on over the mountains, nothing may be lost. I would have you observe this, lest any superfluous stock be laid in, or any measures taken contrary to the present intention. I am &c.
Winchester, September 6, 1756.
Sir: I received yours of the 15th. August; which I have answered before I received yours of the 25th. I am sorry the Rangers seem to dislike the Service so much, but am still in hopes, the encouragement given by the committee will have some weight with them. They have allowed our Soldiers 8d. per day, without deductions for clothes or Surgeon: A General Hospital is established for their reception in case of accidents. The Clothes which are now given them, besides the 8d. per day, will be as good as any Soldiers in Europe. All these advantages they may enjoy, if they will only embrace this opportunity of enlisting. However, rather suffer them to remain Rangers, than use any harsh methods with them. Barracks ought to be built before the cold weather sets in; and as they must be without the Fort, I think it would be best to build them under the Hill, tho' in such a manner as to lie under the immediate command of the fort, and may be closed in a short warning. I desire you will have all your command provided with powder-horns and shot-bags; and let them employ all their leisure hours in learning their exercise. I have wrote Captain Waggener to keep a constant correspondence with the other forts, so that you may all hear from each other once a week at least, even tho' you have nothing remarkable to transmit.
The Governor has sent me Orders to enlist Servants: if any should come your way, you will observe this order. If you should want any tools for building Barracks, &c. you must draw on Captain Waggener for them. Several complaints have been made of the Officers and Soldiers taking up strays they find in the woods, and making use of them. I desire this practice may be discouraged. I ought to have received the monthly return from your Garrison before this. If you think you have not a sufficient quantity of ammunition in your fort to withstand an attack, you must stop what will be really necessary, from the Waggons as they come down; and as they go up, I desire you may reinforce Captain McKenzies party as much as you can.
Discontinue in your future returns of your Company, those men carried by Ensign Fleming to Captain Hogg: as it makes a double and irregular accompt. I am &c.
Winchester, September 8, 1756.
Honble. Sir: I received your favours of the 19th, 20th, and 21st ultimo, and wrote immediately to the commanding officers of the counties of Prince William, Culpeper, and Fairfax, to march their drafts to this place. There are none of them yet arrived, nor do I know whether they are made.
Your Honor's letter of the 19th mentions that I may enlist servants agreeable to the act of Parliament; but as I have not yet seen that, am at a loss how to proced, until I receive your further orders or a copy of the act.8 It will occasion great murmuring and discontent to the masters, if they are not paid immediately for their servants; so I hope your Honor will order them to make application to you for the money. When these points are settled, and I have received your Honor's farther orders, I shall send out some officers to recruit. It is the best, most expeditious, nay, only method, I know of now to recruit the forces, as I doubt not we shall meet with as good success as our neighborhood. And I am credibly informed, an officer of the regulars enlisted 30 in one day in Maryland. I shall in the meantime recruit all that offer, to prevent their leaving the Colony, but shall be glad of farther instructions. A copy of the act I ought to have above all things. The men are much satisfied with the augmentation of their pay, but nothing will prevent their desertion while they are kindly received and entertained thro' the Colony, and even under the eye of the civil magistrate. Perhaps a proclamation of pardon to all who would surrender themselves and return to their duty might be of service. Those delivered to the constables are always suffered to escape, and no notice taken of it. All the necessaries I can get in the Colony, the men do not want for; but others indispensably necessary cannot be had. We are in great want of drums. I got one from Colonel Randolph. We have got no conveniences to mend old drums, tho' we do the best with what we
[Note 8: The governor had merely copied the words from one of Washington's letters, and was ignorant of any act of Parliament authorizing the enlistment of servants. When the general assembly met towards the end of September the governor stated that he had been "ordered to recommend" a proper provision for paying the masters of servants as should enlist, and the assembly so provided.-- Ford.] have, which I believe is scarcely more than four very bad ones to the whole regiment; and we have drummers for all the companies learning.
I shall be down at the time your Honor directs to wait upon the Earl of Loudoun. I am in hopes they can do without me in Napp's affair. I have ordered Lieutenant Hall down to the day you appointed.9 The Quakers still remain here, and shall until the other drafts are discharged. Thro' the means of their officers chiefly, I believe, the Rangers are quite adverse to enlisting into the regiment. Cockes tells them they are obliged to serve no longer than he commands them, and it was upon these terms they say, they enlisted, and that they will serve if they can continue under the command of their own Captains. So they must be discharged, as the fund is exhausted. They are acquainted with the late encouragement, but nothing will engage them to enlist. I should be glad of express orders in this affair. It may be of service in engaging the Tusks to assist us, if the Nottaways are paid; and I refer them to your Honor for a consideration. The Indians are a very covetous people, and expect to be well rewarded for the least service.
[Note 9: "I desire you will order Lieut. Hall down here till the 14th of Octr., to be evidence against Mr. Hedgeman, who has treated my character in a villainous manner and with great injustice, and I am determined to make an example of him."-- Dinwiddie to Washington, Aug. 19, 1756. This letter is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 1, p. 345.]
I am afraid military threats will not deter the Pennsylvanian butchers from driving away the cattle. I would have been glad to have received particular directions concerning the provisions, as to the quantity, and where it must be deposited. I fear it is scarcely practicable to get Indians to go now to the Twightwees; I doubt not it would be of service, but how it is to be effected I know not, as we have no Indians in our assistance, but those expected from the Southward. People here in general are very selfish; every person expects forces at his own door, and is angry to see them at his neighbours. I imagine they are much of the same stamp in Augusta.
I wish the new commission for this county may have the intended effect. The number of tippling houses kept here is a great grievance.
All the efforts which have been made here to raise the militia have proved ineffectual.
War having been proclaimed here and at Fort Cumberland, and the guns from Rock Creek brought up some time ago, Ensign Fleming, in Captain Hogg's absence, will be wanted at his post. But your Honor will be pleased to do as you like in the affair. I am glad the Cherokees have determined to come to our assistance, and to hear of the firm attachment of them and the Catawbas to our interest. They will be of particular service more than twice their number of white men. When they arrive, which I pray may be soon, we may deal with the French in their own way; and, by visiting their country, will keep their Indians at home. I sent off expresses to enquire for fuzees for them. Have not yet heard from Colonel Mason. In Fredericksburg, I am informed, there are about 29. Mr. Hunter of that place informs me that Mr. George Braxton has at least 500 very good, light and fit for Indians. I shall send immediately to Fort Cumberland for a sufficient quantity of the stores. Our men are very much harassed in endeavoring to protect the frontiers, which the great extent of territory renders impossible to be done properly with our small numbers. But we have been happy in being tolerably peaceable and holding our own of late, while Maryland and Pennsylvania fly in the utmost consternation. The frontiers of Maryland are abandoned for many miles below the Blue Ridge, as low as Frederick-Town, thro' which place I am credibly informed no less than 350 wagons, transporting the affrighted families, passed in the space of three days. By which means, Potomack River, which is now our frontier, is deserted on the Maryland side 40 miles below Conocgch. and as much in a parellel below Winchester, and is now more than any the theater of bloodshed and cruelty.
Those Indians who are now coming should be shewed all possible respect, and the greatest care taken of them, as upon them much depends. 'T is a critical time, they are very humoursome, and their assistance very necessary! One false step might not only lose us that, but even turn them against us. All kinds of necessary goods, &c, should be got for them.
If your Honor does not care to trouble yourself about it, and please to give me orders, and furnish me with money or letters of credit (for our paper money passes to great disadvantage, and the Committee will not agree to provide those necessaries as they expect Indian affairs come more properly under your regard) I will get them immediately from Philadelphia, which is the only place that I know of that we can possibly be supplied from.
Sometime ago I wrote to your Honor about Jenkins' pay, which you then ordered me to advance. But as the Committee have ordered that £610, which I paid him, should be got back, I thought proper to acquaint your Honor with it, as I must bring it in now as a private charge against your Honor, it being disallowed in my accompt. I have also paid the expresses with the declaration of war and the proclamation concerning La Force, which I shall include in the same accompt, and settle with your Honor at meeting. Your Honor mentions that when the drafts are discharged, the number of officers must be reduced. It is true we have a greater number than is necessary for that of the men, at present; but as it is absolutely necessary to keep the forces, and a larger number than we now have, I think some means should be fallen upon to augment them. And altho' the officers have not complied with their promises, I will venture to say they did it as well as any after appointed will do, unless some scheme is fallen upon, and a better foundation for recruiting. And as the most of our present corps are gentlemen of family, and have now been sometime in the service, I fear we should exchange for the worse, if we aim at a change.
I think it highly necessary some vigorous measures should be taken to engage or compel the deserters to return to their duty. It certainly would be of service were the King's attorneys in the several counties, ordered to prosecute all who harbour them, without respect of persons. The immediate loss we suffer for want of their services is greater than the prejudice they do the service in general thro' the country, by asserting falsehoods of the ill-treatment they received from their officers, and the great want of every thing in the regiment except bad usage. This they do, in order to gain the compassion of credulous people, who immediately receive them with open arms, listen to their complaints, and industriously propagate them thro' the country, and screen the offenders from justice! There is one Crisp here, a ship-carpeter, who says he was enlisted by your Honor at 2/ per day. He is of no service to us now, and I should be glad to know what must be done with him, and who is to pay his wages? For the Committee I know will grudge him 2/ per day, for which we received no equivalent service of any kind.
As it seems uncertain when the Assembly will meet, I think it my indispensable duty to observe to your Honor the bad consequences that may arise from want of proper measures to reinforce the Regiment, or to keep up a sufficient strength for the protection of the frontiers, when the drafts are to be discharged in December.10 The timorous disposition of the inhabitants occasions much confusion and trouble; and constantly are for flying off on the least noise or report of danger. And if they are lessened in their notions of security by a reduction of our forces, what must then be the event?
[Note 10: The assembly convened September 23. £8,000 were appropriated to raise Virginia's proportion of the Royal American Regiment. (See Hening's Statutes at Large, vol. 7, p. 61.)]
The only body of inhabitants is now, and has for some time past been settled on the South Branch; and it is with the greatest difficulty they can be prevailed upon to stay. Should they once give way, we shall not have a soul betwixt this and Fort Du Quesne, except what few soldiers are contained in the little forts on Pattersons Creek.
At present, affairs are still and peaceable, but how long they will remain so is uncertain. The French, flushed with so much success in all their attempts hitherto, may have some grand scheme in view, and surprize us, as in that most unlucky affair of Oswego, which I heartily wish may be yet groundless.
These letters enclosed will show your Honor what obstacles we meet with in enlisting servants; and as I expect opposition will be made in every place I send to recruit at, I beg your Honor would be peremptory and particular in your instructions relative to this affair, both as to masters and magistrates.
Mr. Jones is just come to town from Augusta, who informs me no account of the Cherokees is yet known of in that county; so that we need not look for them these two or three weeks yet.
Mount Vernon, September 23, 1756.
Honble. Sir: Under your kind indulgence I came to this place a few days ago, expecting to meet the executors of my deceased brother, in order to make a final settlement of his affairs. I was disappointed tho' in this design, by the Assembly having called away the principal persons concerned, which I was unacquainted with until Jenkins' return, near about the same time that I got down. I shall remark, in obedience to your Honor's request, such things relating to the Virginia regiment as occur to me now, requiring the Assembly's attention;11 and if any thing further presents itself, I shall communicate it from Winchester, for which place I shall set out this afternoon. I have often urged, for one thing, the necessity of enforcing the articles of war in all its parts, where it is not incompatible with the nature of this service. I have been surprised, as often as I have reflected, and really cannot devise any reason, why the Assembly should be so much averse to established rules for the regulation of their forces, which long experience in established armies fully evinces the necessity of. And my surprise is yet increased, when I consider how cautiously worded the act of Parliament is, to preserve the rights and liberties of the people against the arbitrary proceedings of the military officers.
[Note 11: This letter, through the delay of the messenger, did not reach Dinwiddie until the assembly had been prorogued.-- Ford.]
We are under a kind of regulation at present that renders command extremely difficult and precarious, as no crimes, I believe, are particularly notified but mutiny and desertion in the act of Assembly, notwithstanding there are many others equally punishable by act of Parliament.
One thing more, which particularly requires attention, is the billeting, quartering, and dieting of soldiers upon the inhabitants, which in many cases cannot be avoided.
I have, in several letters to your Honor, expressed my opinion with candor and freedom, about the situation, works, and garrison at Fort Cumberland. I shall, nevertheless (as you command me to lay before your Honor such things as require the Assembly's notice,) repeat on this occasion my apprehensive fears once more for that place, to avoid, if any accident should happen to it, the malicious reflections, which inseparably attend misfortunes of the kind. I have upon all occasions said, that Fort Cumberland is a place of no strength, and never can be tenable from the badness of the ground. It is far remote from any of our inhabitants, exposed to the insults of the enemy, renders the communication between that and the inhabitants difficult, and it is not the more convenient for annoying the enemy; contains all our valuable stores (save what I have removed to Winchester), and a garrison of one hundred and seventy, which are too many a number to be spared from other places, just to defend the stores at this, and not enough to afford detachments to waylay and surprise the enemy. I shall, therefore, beg leave to observe, in regard to Fort Cumberland, that if it is continued, we confined to act defensively, and keep our forces dispersed as they now are. The place must be fortified with strong works, or else inevitably fall, garrison and stores, into the enemy's hands. How fatal a stroke! and what noise this will make, the censure of mankind will speedily declare.
I enclose your Honor Colonel Stephen's letter on this head, in answer to one I wrote to him on the subject.
I did, from the beginning, express my sentiments against having small garrisons in a chain of forts along our frontiers; garrisons not sufficient to defend the walls (how then the inhabitants when the enemy are about?) and shall now give a few reasons upon which this opinion was grounded. We have a frontier of such immense extent, that to build forts at convenient distances would employ such numbers of men or divide our troops into such trifling [numbers] that no one part could defend itself, much less the inhabitants, were the country invaded.
The most effectual way that I can see, though none can answer while we act defensively, is to have no more than three or four large, strong forts, built at convenient distances, upon our frontiers; in which strong garrisons must be contained, that parties able to cope with when they hear of or do meet the enemy may be sent out, and these parties in constant succession to be ranging and securing the country. Here a difficulty will arise, as others will in every defensive plan that can be offered. How are these ranging parties, sent out in this manner, and probably remaining on the scout from ten to fourteen days, to be supplied with provisions, the inhabitants being so thinly settled, and the forts so far extended? The difficulty is great, yet not sufficient to render this plan inferior to the former. For in the other case, when the enemy is heard of, the garrison can only send out parties, more fit to reconnoiter than oppose. These parties, if they prove too small (which in all probability they may), are certain of falling a prey to the enemy, whose numbers cannot be known until thus proved. I could urge many things more on this head, but believe it useless. What I have already said, I hope, is sufficient to give your Honor a hint of the matter, and that is all I aimed at. We may form many schemes to defend ourselves, but experience will shew, that none but removing the cause will prove effectual. Unless the Assembly concerts some measures to augment their force, the country, I fear, must inevitably fall. The frontiers, since this time a twelve month, are totally deserted for fifty miles and upwards quite from north to south, and all below that greatly thinned by the removal of numbers; occasioned in some measure by Maryland and Pennsylvania giving ground so much faster than we do, which exposes a very fine country of ours on that side, as low as Monocacy in Maryland, several miles on this side the Blue Ridge.
I believe I might also add, that no person, who regards his character, will undertake a command without the means of preserving it; since his conduct is culpable for all misfortunes, and never right but when successful.
I cannot think any number under two thousand men sufficient to cover our extensive frontiers, and with them it is impossible to prevent misfortunes, however easy the world may think it. What means can be used to raise these men, I know not, unless the listing servants is thought expedient; and that (alone) will prove ineffectual. Some resolve should be come to about the ranging companies. Under what regulations those are in Augusta, and what service they have done the country, I know not. Those on this quarter have done little service, and amount (both companies) to about thirty men only at this time. I apprehend it will be thought advisable to keep a garrison always at Fort Loudoun; for which reason I would beg leave to represent the great nuisance the number of tippling-houses in Winchester are of to the soldiers, who, by this means, in despite of the utmost care and vigilance, are, so long as their pay holds good, incessantly drunk, and unfit for service.
The rates of their liquor are immoderately high, and the publicans throughout the country charge one shilling per meal, currency, for soldier's diet; and the country only allows the recruiting officer eight pence per day for the maintenance of a soldier, by which means he loses in proportion as he gets men, which is much complained of, and is in reality a discouraging circumstance meriting redress. The want of a chaplain does, I humbly conceive, reflect dishonor upon the regiment, as all other officers are allowed. The gentlemen of the corps are sensible of this, and did propose to support one at their private expense. But I think it would have a more graceful appearance were he appointed as others are. I could wish some method were practised to bring the commonalty acquainted with the laws against entertaining of deserters, and to enforce those laws more effectually than they ever have been. The number of cattle that has been drove, and now is continually driving to Pennsylvania, may be thought worth noticing.
I informed your Honor immediately after my accompts were cursorily examined in April last, that the Committee objected to the money advanced Jenkins; and you ordered me to pay him as the money became due, which you would see me paid. In August last, when my accompts were again examined, and the same charge still remaining, the Committee resolved that I should get it back from Jenkins; which cannot be done, unless your Honor will please to do it. As they have absolutely refused to allow this charge, I should be glad to receive directions how to act with Jenkins; and to know whether you would have him continued any longer as a rider.
There is an officer of the American Regiment recruiting at Alexandria, and purposes to go thro' the country, and pass into Carolina. He has enlisted some servants, and purposes to take all he can meet with. This, I believe, may evince the necessity of our following his example, otherwise we suffer our country to be weakened by those and receive no immediate advantage from it; tho' I imagine the expense will be near the same to the country, their being in the King's or country's service.12
[Note 12: For some time complaints were freely made of the misbehavior of the officers in the Virginia Regiment. In May both the governor and the speaker had written to Washington of the reported immoralities and drunkenness among his force, and the gross neglect of duty that prevailed, but his friends were agreed that no charge had been made against him personally. In the fall the attacks came to a head and a series of crimes and misdeeds of which the Virginia Regiment had been guilty was published in the Virginia Gazette, the official paper of the colony, over the signature "Centinel X." This scurrilous writing angered Washington, and in spite of the advice of his brother, of the speaker, and other intimate friends to take no notice of it, he determined to resign or to obtain such a vindication as would prove the falsity of the charges. The principal officers under his command threatened to throw up their commissions, and appealed to the governor and the assembly for redress, and satisfaction equivalent to the injury; that is, a public declaration of confidence in them. In his cash book is an entry of 105. sent to Augustine Washington, for "publishing an answer to the 10th centinel," but no such answer appeared in print-- Ford. Augustine Washington's letter to George (October 16) gives his reason for delaying the publication that Washington desired.]
Winchester, September 22, 1756.
Parole Cork.
The Court-house to be cleared out immediately, the waggons unloaded, and the ammunition lodged above stairs; Sentries to be posted over it; and the Quarter-master to see the windows secured with green hides.
Winchester, September 23, 1756.
Parole Dublin.
Ensign Price to march the men under his command to-morrow morning, to their respective cantonments. The Quartermaster to provide a lock and key for the Town-house, and secure all the windows above and below with hides; and to employ the Drummers, and those of the Sentry now on guard, are likewise to assist to clean out the house.
Winchester, September 24, 1756.
Parole Exeter.
A Sergeant and twelve men, volunteers, to parade immediately, and go 5 or 6 miles up the new road, and return by the old road.
The eldest Subaltern and 25 men volunteers to march out to-morrow morning at revile' beating, up the new road to Hog-Creek, and to call at Paris's Fort for a Guide to shew the tracts and bushes which were seen and cut down this evening by report, and to proceed down the Creek. If he makes no material discoveries on the new road. To be very circumspect in his march, searching after the enemy; and then return with the party which marched out this evening to reinforce the Guard. The whole to be very alert, and alarm the Town upon the least noise.
Winchester, September 25, 1756.
Parole Falkirk.
The men are to parade at beating the long roll to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock; and be marched as usual to the Fort, to attend Divine Service. The Officers to be present at calling the roll, and see that the men do appear in the most decent manner they can.
Winchester, September 28, 1756.
Honble. Sir: I arrived here last night, and find things in the peaceable state I left them on this Quarter; and therefore set out to-morrow for Augusta. As Mr. Walker has declined, it is absolutely necessary to have a Commissary immediately appointed, who should have express orders where, and for what number of men to lay in Provisions; and should be furnished with cash before he sets out, as every thing will be got with less trouble & cheaper by that means. The time for buying provisions will soon be elapsed. I have ordered the Assistant Commissary here, that time may not be lost, to lay in twelve months provision for a thousand men. To have at each fort as much provision as will maintain the Garrison until the 1st May; and the rest to be lodged at this place of safety; so that in case an Expedition should be determined upon in the Spring, it may be in readiness, and the several Garrisons rendezvous'd, without the incumbrances of transporting stores and Provisions. These orders I have given, not knowing what else would be satisfactory; being ignorant of the plans, &c concerted, and acting entirely like a Wanderer in unknown paths I If it should not corroborate with your Honor's sentiments and with those of the Assembly, it is not too late to alter the directions, and give any others. It is for this purpose I mention it now that your Honor may, as Assembly are sitting, appoint the Commissary, and give me directions what quantity of provision to provide and in what magazines to lodge them; and then I will take the blame if it is not done, late as the season is.
The number of little paultry forts along the frontiers, render the forces very difficult and expensive to be supplied with provision. If the Assembly should continue determined to act defensively and should come into a Resolve of building a few Forts instead of the many intended, I would recommend only one at the most convenient place in each frontier county, vizt., Hampshire, Augusta, and Bedford, and that the one in Hampshire be built on a line betwixt this and Fort Du Quesne, and made cannon-proof; as it lies most exposed and has a free communication for carriages from the Enemy. As to the others, there being no possibility, without first opening the roads, to approach them with Artillery I conceive if they are built large, regular and defensible against musketry it is sufficient, for others will be very expensive.
I desired to know in my last what should be done with the Ranging Companies, since that, I am told they have all deserted to a few. Their posts must be filled with a Company of the Regiment from the Branch; which will occasion fresh uneasiness to the Inhabitants, as they are continually pestered by the enemy; a party of whom was defeated the other day by Ensign Smith and 12 men of the Regiment, who killed one man, took a number of -- moccasins, scalping knives, and 4 neat french Fuzees.
As Captain Mercer is summoned and must appear against Napp (as I do not) at the 6th day of the court, I expect he will get a supply of cash from the Treasurer, the last being all gone.
Blankets, Shirts & Cartridge-paper are much wanted for immediate use; and must if possible be soon provided, as we cannot do without them. They have had information on the Branch, that the Dunkers who are all Doctors) entertain the Indians who are wounded here, and that there were several then with them. Captain Spotswood marched out with 80 men to their Houses, to bring in all he finds there.
Winchester, September 28, 1756.
Sir' I arrived here last night, and observe your several letters concerning your present situation; and must acknowledge I have the greatest apprehensions of your danger: but as I have frequently expressed them to the Governor, and he has returned me no satisfactory answer, and know the determination of the Assembly and Committee is against improving that Fort: I can not give any orders as to your erecting new, or strengthening the old works. I have (enclosing one of your letters on the subject) wrote in most express terms now: and as the Assembly are sitting, it will be laid before them by the Governor; I expect his answer, which I shall immediately acquaint you with.
The waggon you mention was proved here to be the property of a poor man, who was obliged to quit it near Cox's Fort, being pursued by the Indians, and it was delivered to him, but I never concerned with the Horses; I understand they were claimed here by people who have left their Settlements. You have more waggons and many strays. Upon a representation of the affair you are to be allowed two pistoles for the Rangers or Drafts you enlist; of which you may acquaint the Officers. I shall very shortly send up ten or twelve waggons, which you must load with what you think least necessary to you, and most so to the Enemy, should they fall into their hands. The powder and grape we shall want. There was no accompt. of the Stores sent down. This makes me at a loss what to order, so leave it to you. I set out for Augusta to-morrow, to settle affairs on that Quarter. I am &c.
Halifax, October 10, 1756.
Sir: This day within five miles of the Carolina line, as I was proceeding to the southernmost fort in Halifax, I met Major Lewis on his return from the Cherokees, with seven men and three women only of that nation. The causes of this unhappy disappointment I have desired him to communicate, that your Honor may take measures accordingly.14 This account is sent by express, to give the earnest notice while the Assembly is sitting. I shall defer giving a particular detail of my remarks and observations on the situation of our frontiers, until I return to Winchester, as I expect by that time to be more intimately acquainted with the unhappy circumstances of the people. Yet I shall not omit mentioning some occurrences, which have happened in my tour to this place. I wrote your Honor from Winchester, that I should set out the next day for Augusta. I accordingly did, with Captain McNeill; and hearing at the Court-House, that the Indians still continue their depredations, although not so openly as at first, I applied to Colonel Stewart, then present, to raise a party of the militia, and said I would head them, and march to Jackson's River, to try to scour the woods, and, if possible, fall in with the enemy. He gave me very little encouragement to expect any men, yet desired I would wait four days, until Monday, and he would use his endeavours to collect a body. Until Tuesday I waited,
[Note 14: There had been sanguine expectations that 400 Cherokee Indians would join the Virginia forces, and it was supposed that Major Lewis would return with that number.-- Ford.] and only five men appeared. This being too inconsiderable a number to expose to a triumphant enemy, I was advised to apply to Colonel Buchanan for men, between whom and Colonel Stewart there was contention about command. As Colonel Buchanan lived at Luney's Ferry, on James River, sixty miles along the road to Vass's, on the Roanoke, where Captain Hogg was building a fort, to which place I did intend if I could have got men to range along the frontiers with me. I set out immediately for his house, attended by Captain Preston, who was kind enough to conduct me along, and acquainted the Colonel with the motives that brought me thither. He told me with very great concern, it was not in his power to raise men; for that, three days before, some of the militia in a fort, about fifteen miles above his house, at the head of Catawba Creek, commanded by one Colonel Hash, was attacked by the Indians, which occasioned all that settlement to break up totally, even to the ferry at Luney's; that he had ordered three companies to repair thither, to march against the enemy, and not one man came, except a captain, lieutenant, &c, and seven or eight men from Bedford. Finding then that it was impossible to get a party to range and scour the frontiers, it remained only to proceed without men to see the situation of the forts, or to return back again. The latter I was loath to do, as I had got thus far, and was anxious to see what posture of defence they were in. I therefore determined to come forward, at least to Vass's, and accordingly set out in company with Colonel Buchanan, who, being desirous that I might see and relate their unhappy circumstances, undertook to accompany me. We got safely to Vass's, where Captain Hogg, with only eighteen of his company, was building a fort, which must employ him till Christmas without more assistance. One Captain Hunt from Lunenburg, was there with thirty men; but none of them would strike a stroke, unless I would engage to see them paid forty pounds of tobacco per day, which is provided by act of Assembly for militia carpenters. This I certainly could not do, as your Honor, (who I thought had ordered them purposely out for this duty,) had given no directions in the affair. Whatever expectations your Honor may have had from the militia assistance, I am told they never lent a hand, save a few, that first came out with Captain Hogg, whom he has paid after the same rates with our men, at sixpence per diem. Vass's place is a pass of very great importance, being a very great inroad of the enemy, and secure, if it was strongly garrisoned, all Bedford and the greatest part of this county, notwithstanding they have built three forts here, and one of them, if no more, erected in my opinion in a very out-of-the-way place. This they call Fort Trial.
From Vass's I came off with a servant and a guide, to visit the range of forts in this county; and in less than two hours after, two men were killed along the same road, as will appear by Captain McNeill's letter, which I have just received, and herewith send, to let your Honor see, by the account of Captain Hunt's behaviour, what dependence may be put in the militia. The inhabitants are so sensible of their danger, if left to the protection of these people, that not a man will stay at his place. This I have from their own mouths, and the principal persons of Augusta county. The militia are under such bad order and discipline, that they will go and come when and where they please, without regarding time, their officers, or the safety of the inhabitants, but consulting solely their own inclinations. There should be, according to your Honor's orders, one third, of the militia of these parts now on duty at once; instead of that, I believe scarce one-thirteenth is out. They are to be relived every month; they are more than that time marching to and from their stations, and will not wait one day longer than the limited time, whether they are relieved or not, let the necessity for it be ever so urgent. An instant of this happened in my presence about four days ago, in the case of Captain Daniel from Albemarle, who was intreated by Colonel Buchanan to stay, at the time he was gathering or attempting to gather men, upon that alarm of the Catawba settlement before mentioned. But his month was out, and go he must and did. Nay, I believe I may venture to say, that, whether his month had been out or not, this would have induced him to go; for this gentleman went away fore Vass's, because he thought it a dangerous post, giving that for his reason, and left Captain Hogg with eighteen men, exposed to the insults of the enemy.
Perhaps it may be thought I am partial in my relation, and reflect unjustly. I really do not, Sir. I scorn to make unjust remarks on the behaviour of the militia, as much as I despise and contemn the persons, who detract from mine and the character of the regiment. Were it not, that I consulted the good of the public, and thought these garrisons merited redress, I should not think it worth my mention. I only want to make the country sensible, how ardently I have studied to promote her cause, and wish very sincerely, my successor may fill my place more to their satisfaction in every respect, than I have been able to do. I mentioned in my last to your Honor, that I did not think a less number than two thousand men would be sufficient to defend our extensive and much exposed frontiers from the ravages of the enemy. I have not had one reason yet to alter my opinion, but many to strengthen and confirm it. And I flatter myself, the country will, when they know my determinations, be convinced that I have no sinister views, no vain motives of commanding a number of men, that urge me to recommend this number to your Honor, but that it proceeds from the knowledge I have acquired of the country, people, &c, to be defended.
Your Honor, I hope, will give directions about laying in provisions on our southern frontiers. It is not in my power to do it, as I know not what troops can or will be put there; for the regiment is at present too weak to allow any men to march from the quarter in which they are now stationed. I set out this day on my return to the fort, at the head of Catawba, where Colonel Buchanan promised to meet me with a party to conduct me along our frontiers, up Jackson's River to Fort Dinwiddie, and higher if needful. If he does not meet me, I shall immediately proceed to Winchester, as it will be impossible to do any thing without men.
If your Honor thinks proper to advance the pay of the militia, in order to engage them to work, please to acquaint Captain Hogg therewith, and send him money for that purpose, and were there more men ordered to cover his party, and assist in the work, it would be highly advisable, for he lies greatly exposed. Major Lewis is extremely unwell. This express is referred to your Honor for pay. I have not money to do it. I am hurried a good deal, but have given a plain account of all those several matters mentioned in the foregoing sheet. I am, &c.
[Note 15: Of the Albemarle militia, at Millers Fort.]
Fort Dinwiddie, October 18, 1756.
Sir: Lieutenant Bullet, who commands at this place, in the absence of Captain Hogg, tells me that he applied to you for a few men to join such parties as this Garrison can afford, to range the woods, and assist the inhabitants in securing their Grain, gathering their Corn, &c, and that you have refused to aid him. I conceive if you did so, it must have proceeded from a misapprehension of his meaning. Therefore I apply to you myself on this head; and desire your compliance, or reasons for refusing.
I presume, Sir, it will be needless to acquaint you; your own good sense will doubtless evince it, that the intent of sending men hither was to protect the frontier inhabitants, and offer them comfort by relieving their distresses, and wants; which not in any wise be accomplished, while you remain in a body at a certain place, forted in, as if to defend yourselves were the sole end of your coming.
You will I hope excuse the liberty I have taken in mentioning this affair, when I tell you I am in a great measure authorized by the Governor to direct in these matters.
Winchester, October 23, 1756.
Sir: Last night I returned from a very long and troublesome jaunt on the Frontiers, as far as Mayo; where affairs seem to be in a dangerous situation: and to add to our misfortunes, I find our neighbourhood here on the wing, you and your Garrison in great distress and danger; the Enemy ravaging the country about Conogochieg, Stony-Run, and South Branch; loud and general complaints for protection; few or no men to send abroad for any Service. In short, so melancholy a scene, without the power of changing it to our satisfaction and interest, fills me with the greatest anxiety and uneasiness. I shall recite you all the Governor's last letter to me relative to Fort Cumberland as I had written for his positive directions, vizt.:
You have frequently complained to me of the situation, &c, of Fort Cumberland, and I have wrote you how disagreeable it was to me to give up any place of strength, as it wou'd raise the spirits of the enemy, at the same time suspect us to be in fear of them; and therefore if that place could be sustained with safety, till Lord Loudoun gives orders thereon, I should be glad. But as you are upon the spot, and think it very prejudicial to the Service to keep that Fortress; I desire you may call a council of officers and consult, whether the most advisable to keep it or demolish it, if the last, you must take care to have all the ammunition, &c. brought to Winchester; and detroy every thing which you conceive may be of any service to the enemy. This affair is now left to the determination of a Council of Officers; and I desire you to be very explicit in your arguments on the head, as they must be laid before Lord Loudoun. I was always averse to small garrisons on our frontiers, as they in course divide our men into small parties, but you know that the Assembly were so fond of them, that they passed a Law for that purport--and I cannot at present alter that determination.16
[Note 16: The original, dated September 30, is in the Washington Papers, and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 1, p. 372.]
Thus far his Honor. As it appears to be an affair of much importance, I cannot pretend to offer my advice, but would desire you and the officers there to deliberate seriously in Council, what you think most proper, to be done; and send me immediate notice that I may come up with a sufficient number of waggons, (if to be abandoned) to remove the Stores, and likewise to hold a General Court Martial on the matter, to avoid future reflection. I have frequently mentioned my dislike to the place, for these Reasons: First, Its insufficiency for any tolerable defence, Secondly, its distance from the inhabitants, difficulty of communication, and answering no other purpose than burying the service of 170 Men, in guarding the Stores, which might be more conveniently clone in other forts. Indeed, had we men enough to afford constant scouting parties from that place and cou'd defend the country hereabouts, I shou'd approve its being supported and improved in strength on account of the advantages we might expect from it, but as this is not the case, I look upon it as rather prejudicial to the country. The additional works you mention as necessary to strengthen the fort, I cannot consent to without positive orders from the Governor; as I shou'd become answerable from my own Estate for such expenses; unless commanded by the Governor or Assembly. The Assembly is prorogu'd to the second Thursday of next month, when we may depend upon some alterations in our present constitution: and if you think, after the removal of part of the Stores, it can be maintained, till we have their determination, probably may be more advisable, as His Excellency Lord Loudoun is then expected. But upon the whole, as you must be a better judge of your own situation and danger, and the Governor leaving the affair to a council of Officers, I refer the case entirely to your discretion; hoping you will observe the greatest circumspection and prudence in all your measures; so that we may be liable to no blame for any future consequences. Enclosed is a scheme I intend to offer the Assembly, if they cannot be persuaded off their defensive notions, although I am determined to urge my utmost to evince the advantages and necessity of an offensive campaign; as you and every body else must allow that carrying the war into the enemy's country is the surest method of peace at home and success abroad. And until an attempt is formed against Duquesne, so as to remove the fountain of all our disturbance and trouble, we never may expect a peaceable day. The policy of the French is so subtle that not a friendly Indian will we have on the continent, if we do not soon dislodge them from the Ohio.
I shall exert every power to make this plan go down with the Assembly, and press them to vigorous measures for the safety and interest of the Country, preferably to the Defensive, and demonstrate fully to them every thing I think demands their concern, as to the Frontiers. I also would have you collect whatever comes under your own observation in these respects, that we may omit nothing requisite for the Assembly's regard. As the fund for support of the Rangers is long since exhausted, the Governor orders them to be discharged. You will therefore acquaint the officers and men of these Companies, that they are discharged accordingly, &c, &c.
Winchester, October 23, 1756.
Parole Dinwiddie.
It is Colonel Washington's positive orders to the Officers of the Day, to Captain Stone, and all Overseers of the public works, not to suffer any man to straggle from his work, on any pretence whatever, as they are constantly running about the Streets, when they shou'd be employed. Therefore no man is to be seen in town without a ticket in writing from his Overseer, setting forth the reasons of his being absent. It is likewise expected the Overseers will be more circumspect in staying with the men, and not leave their stations, until the hours allotted for their refreshment, as they shall answer for the same.
The men are to be acquainted, that if any is found acting contrary to these orders, he will immediately be sent up to the Fort, and punished. It is likewise recommended to all Officers on duty, to examine every straggling Soldier they see in town without proper permits; that they do directly put the above Orders into execution.
The Drummers to take the Guard to-morrow as usual; and no man to be excused from work on any pretence, except by the Doctor. And those who stay not in the Hospital, are to be brought before the Doctor at Breakfast time, by a Sergeant or Corporal of each company, that he may pass his opinion of their capacity to work. Any Sergeant or Corporal, found screening any person on any pretence, and acting contrary to the above Orders, will not only be reduced, but also punished.
The Colonel having indulged them hitherto, is resolved not to forgive such evil practices for the future.
Winchester, October 28, 1756.
Parole Blakeney.
As Colonel Washington is to hold conference with the Catawba Indians, betwixt eleven and twelve o'clock. He desires all the Officers in town to attend at that time. And during the time of conference, he orders a Sergeant and Drummer to beat through the Town, ordering all Soldiers and Towns people to use the Indians civilly and kindly; to avoid giving them liquor, and to be cautious what they speak before them: as all of them understand english, and ought not to be affronted.
[Note 17: The Catawbas were one of the eight Indian nations of North America discovered by the Europeans in the seventeenth century. Their region lay southward of the Tuscaroras, between the Yadkin and Catawba Rivers. They were brave, but not aggressive, in warfare, and although at one time they belonged to the powerful league of southern Indians who were determined to extirpate the whites, later on they allied themselves with the English and remained stanch friends to them ever after.--Hamilton's Letters to Washington.]
[Winchester, October 28, 1756.]
Capt. Johnne: We Desire you to go to the Cherokees, and tell them the Road is now clear and Open; We expected them to War last Spring, and love them So well, that Our Governor Sent Some few men to build a fort among them; but we are mighty Sorry that they hearken so much to lies French tell, as to break their promise and not come to war, when they might have got a great deal of honour; and kill'd a great many of the French, whose hearts are false, and rotten as an old Stump. If they Continue to Listen to What the French Say much longer they will have great cause to be sorry, as the French have no Match locks, pow'd and Lead but what they got from King George our father, before the War began and that will soon be out; when they will get no more, and all the French Indians will be starving with Cold, and must take to Bows and Arrows again for want of Ammunition.
Tell them we long to Shake hands with them;
Let them get their knives and tomhawkes Sharpe, we will go before them, and show them the way to honour, Scalps, prisoners, and money Enough, We are mighty sorry they stay at home idle, when they should go to War, and become great men, and a terror and dread to their Enemies. Tell them they shall have Victuals enough, and used very kindly.
[November 9, 1756.]
A Plan of the Number of Forts, and strength necessary to each extending entirely across our Frontiers, from South to North.
[Note 19: Spelled indifferently Dickinson's, Dickersons, or Dickenson's.]
This plan is calculated upon the most moderate and easy terms for sparing the country expences, and I believe with tolerable justness may answer the design of protecting the inhabitants. It may be objected, that the distance between some of the forts is too small; in answer to which I must observe they are generally fixed upon the heads of creeks, &c, extending towards the Alleghany mountains with almost inaccessible mountains between them, and are placed in the most commodious manner for securing the inhabitants of such waters. Some Garrisons are larger than others, according as they cover a thick or thin settlement. The fort at Vass's (which Capt. Hogg is now building) is in a much exposed gap; subject to the inroads of the Southern Indians, and in a manner covers the greatest part of Bedford and Halifax.
Dickersons is situated for the defence of a once numerous and fertile settlement, on the Bull Cow and Calf pastures; and lies directly in the Shawnese path to Ohio, and must be a place of rendezvous, if an Expedition is conducted against the Ohio Indians below Duquesne.
The Garrisons on the Potomack waters, are yet larger than any; because an invasion is most to be dreaded on this Quarter.
It will be seen Fort Cumberland is not mentioned in this plan. If we act only on the defensive (a system on which this plan is founded) I think it employs a large garrison to very little advantage to Virginia. If we act offensively, it may be of infinite use, if properly fortified; and the Garrison at Cockes's will then only consist of about 50 or 60, as the rest may be removed to Fort Cumberland.20
[Note 20: "As to the affair of Fort Cumberland, I own it gives me great uneasiness; and I am of the same opinion with you, that it was very material to have supported that fort this winter, and after that we could easily have made it a better post than ever it has been, from what I hear of it. I can't agree with Co. Washington in not drawing into him the posts from the stockade forts in order to defend the advanced one; and I should imagine much more of the frontier will be exposed by retiring their advanced post near Winchester, where I understand he is retired; for, from your letter, I take it for granted he has before this executed his plan without waiting for any advice. If he leaves any o[ the great quantity of stores behind, it will be very unfortunate, and he ought to consider it must lie at his own door. This proceeding, I am afraid, will have a bad effect as to the Dominion, and will not have a good appearance at home."-- Loudoun to Dinwiddie, November or December, 1756.]
Winchester, November 9, 1756.
Honble. Sir: In mine from Halifax I promised your Honor a particular detail of my remarks and observations upon the situation of our frontiers, when I arrived at this place. Although I was pretty explicit in my former, I cannot avoid recapitulating part of the subject now, as my duty, and its importance for redress are strong motives.
From Fort Trial on Smith's River, I returned to Fort William on the Catawba, where I met Colonel Buchanan with about thirty men, (chiefly officers,) to conduct me up Jackson's River, along the range of forts. With this small company of irregulars, with whom order, regularity, circumspection, and vigilance were matters of derision and contempt, we set out, and, by the protection of Providence, reached Augusta CourtHouse in seven days, without meeting the enemy; otherwise we must have fallen a sacrifice, through the indiscretion of these whooping, hallooing gentlemen soldiers!
This jaunt afforded me an opportunity of seeing the bad regulation of the militia, the disorderly proceedings of the garrisons, and the unhappy circumstances of the inhabitants.
First, of the militia. The difficulty of collecting them upon any emergency whatever, I have often spoken of as grevious; and I appeal to sad experience, both in this and other countries, how great a disadvantage it is; the enemy having every opportunity to plunder, kill, and escape, before they can afford any assistance. And not to mention the expensiveness of their service in general, I can instance several cases, where a captain, lieutenant, and, I may add, an ensign, with two or three sergeants, and six or eight men, will go upon duty at a time. The proportion of expense in this case is so unjust and obvious, your Honor wants not to be proved.
Then these men, when raised, are to be continued only one month on duty, half of which time is lost in their marching out and home, (especially those from the adjacent counties,) who must be on duty some time before they reach their stations; by which means double sets of men are in pay at the same time, and for the same service. Again, the waste of provision they make is unaccountable; no method or order in being served or purchasing at the best rates, but quite the reverse. Allowance for each man, as other soldiers do, they look upon as the highest indignity, and would sooner starve, than carry a few days' provision on their backs for conveniency. But upon their march, when breakfast is wanted, knock down the first beef, &c, they meet with, and, after regaling themselves, march on until dinner, when they take the same method, and so for supper likewise, to the great oppression of the people. Or, if they chance to impress cattle for provision, the valuation is left to ignorant and indifferent neighbours, who have suffered by those practices, and, despairing of their pay, exact high prices, and thus the public is imposed on at all events. I might add, I believe, that, for the want of proper laws to govern the militia by (for I cannot ascribe it to any other cause), they are obstinate, self-willed, perverse, of little or no service to the people, and very burthensome to the country. Every mean individual has his own crude notions of things, and must undertake to direct. If his advice is neglected, he thinks him self slighted, abased, and injured; and, to redress his wrongs, will depart for his home. These, Sir, are literally matters of fact, partly from persons of undoubted veracity, but chiefly from my own observations.
Secondly, concerning the garrisons. I found them very weak for want of men; but more so by indolence and irregularity. None I saw in a posture of defence, and few that might not be surprised with the greatest ease. An instance of this appeared at Dickinson's Fort, where the Indians ran down, caught several children playing under the walls, and had got to the gate before they were discovered. Was not Vass's Fort surprised, and a good many souls lost, in the same manner? They keep no guard, but just when the enemy is about; and are under fearful apprehensions of them; nor ever stir out of the forts, from the time they reach them, till relieved on their month being expired; at which time they march off, be the event what it will. So that the neighbourhood may be ravaged by the enemy, and they not the wiser. Of the ammunition they are as careless as of the provisions, firing it away frequently at targets for wagers. On our journey, as we approached one of their forts, we heard a quick fire for several minutes, and concluded for certain that they were attacked; so we marched in the best manner to their relief; but when we came up, we found they were diverting at marks. These men afford no assistance to the unhappy settlers, who are drove from their plantations, either in securing their harvests, or gathering in their corn. Lieutenant Bullet, commanding at Fort Dinwiddie, sent to Major Lewis of Albemarle, who commanded a party of sixty militia at Miller's, about fifteen miles above him, where were also thirty men of Augusta, for some men to join his small parties to gather the corn. Major Lewis refused assistance, and would not divide his men. I wrote to him, but got no answer. Mr. Bullet has done what he could with his few; not quite thirty. Of the many forts, which I passed by, I saw but one or two that had their captains present, they being absent chiefly on their own business, and had given leave to several of the men to do the same. Yet these persons, I will venture to say, will charge the country their full month's pay.
Thirdly, the wretched and unhappy situation of the inhabitants needs few words, after a slight reflection on the preceding circumstances, which must certainly draw after them very melancholy consequences without speedy redress. They are truly sensible of their misery; they feel their insecurity from militia preservation, who are slow in coming to their assistance, indifferent about their preservation, unwilling to continue, and regardless of every thing but their own ease. In short, they are so affected with approaching ruin, that the whole back country is in a general motion towards the southern colonies; and I expect that scarce a family will inhabit Frederick, Hampshire, or Augusta, in a little time. They petitioned me in the most earnest manner for companies of the regiment. But alas! it is not in my power to assist them with any, except I leave this dangerous quarter more exposed than they are. I promised, at their particular request, to address your Honor and the Assembly in their behalf, and that a regular force may be established in lieu of the militia and ranging companies, which are of much less service, and infinitely more cost to the country. Were this done, the whole would be under one direction, and any misbehaviour could never pass with impunity. Whereas the others are soldiers at will, and in fact will go and come when and where they please, without regarding the orders or directions of any. And, indeed, the manner in which some of the ranging captains have obtained their commissions, if I am rightly informed, is by imposture and artifice. They produce a list, I am told, to your Honor, of sundry persons, who are willing to serve under them. One part, it is said, are of fictitious names; another, the names of persons who never saw the list; and the remainder are persons drawn into it by fallacious promises, that cannot be complied with without detriment to the service. But were it otherwise, surely any person, who considers the pay of the soldiers and that of the militia, will find a considerable difference, tho' both under the best regulations.
As defensive measures are evidently insufficient for the security and safety of the country, I hope no arguments are requisite to convince of the necessity of altering them to a vigorous offensive war, in order to remove the cause. But, should the Assembly still indulge that favorite scheme of protecting the inhabitants by forts along the frontiers, in which many of them too put their dependence, and as the building of these forts has been encouraged and confirmed by an act of the Assembly, I take the liberty to present your Honor with a plan of the number of forts, and strength necessary to each, reaching entirely across our frontiers from north to south. This plan is calculated upon the most moderate and easy terms for sparing the country's expense, and, I believe, with tolerable propriety to answer the wished-for design of protecting the settlers. Besides, most of the forts are already built by the country-people or soldiers, and require but little improvement, save one or two, as Dickinson's and Cox's. Your Honor will see Fort Cumberland excluded in this list.
The advantage of having the militia in Augusta, &c, under one command, I have already hinted; and I think Major Lewis should have your Honor's orders to take that duty in hand, with directions and orders to secure those important passes of Dickinson's and Vass's, by building a fort in the neighbourhood of Dickinson's, or by other means. And were it practicable to get the people to assemble in little towns contiguous to these forts, it would contribute much to their mutual peace and safety, during the continuance of the Indian war. The Augusta people complain greatly for want of money.
The other day eleven Indians of the Catawba tribe came here, and we undoubtedly might have had more of them, had the proper means been used to send trusty guides to invite and conduct them to us; but this is neglected. One Matthew Tool makes his boast of stopping them until he shall be handsomely rewarded for bringing them; and Major Lewis can inform your Honor of one Bemer, who uses every method to hinder the Cherokees from coming to our assistance. Complaint should be made to Governor Littleton of these persons. Indian goods are much wanted to reward the Catawbas, and encourage them to engage in our service. In what manner are they to be paid for scalps? Are our soldiers entitled to the reward like indifferent people? It is a tedious and expensive way to defer payment until proved and sent to your Honor.
Your Honor and the Assembly should determine these points and many others very essential, vizt., a proper method of paying rewards for taking up deserters, the present being very discouraging, in delaying payment until Courts of Claims, &c.; means to replace the drafts, that must be discharged in December; ascertaining the pay of workmen employed on all public works, or empowering the commanding officer to agree on the cheapest terms with them; how the servants enlisted for the Virginia regiment are to be paid for. We have already recruited fifty odd and are daily dunned for payment by the masters. A report prevails, to my great surprise, tho' disbelief, that your Honor had told some persons, who applied to you for satisfaction for their servants, that I had no orders to enlist any. This false rumor occasions very strange reflections, and must make me appear in a very unjust light to the world. I have, therefore, desisted from recruiting until your Honor directs me in what manner those already obtained are to be satisfied; and I beg your Honor will give me immediate advice on the affair, as the people are impatient, and threaten us with prosecutions from all quarters.
Your Honor has herewith a copy of the council of war, held in behalf of Fort Cumberland, in which the arguments are justly and fully laid down, both with regard to Virginia in particular, and in general, as to the three colonies whose mutual interest highly concerns, and should be by them equitably supported. On the back of the copy are my sentiments on the matter candidly offered your Honor,21 and to your Honor I leave the determination of this important affair, with the officers of the council. I have frequently wrote your Honor, desiring you would appoint a commissary in lieu of Mr. Walker, who has declined acting, and been absent for many months; but as I never had your Honor's answer, I have in consequence of your first and since repeated instructions made choice of a person, who I believe will do that duty with every necessary diligence and care; and hope your Honor will approve my proceeding. The £100 paid Colo. Stephen of the Ranger's money (by Colonel Fairfax) have already been accounted for to the Committee. I have since received from Colo. Fairfax £68.13.9 on the country's credit, and to be settled with my other accompts.
[Note 21: See Remarks on the Council of War, November 5, ante.]
As touching a chaplain, if the government will grant a subsistence, we can readily get a person of merit to accept of the place, without giving the commissary any trouble on that point, as it is highly necessary we should be reformed from those crimes and enormities we are so universally accused of.22
[Note 22: In reply to a request for the appointment of a chaplain to the regiment, Governor Dinwiddie wrote (November 16): "In regard to a Chaplain, you should know that it's necessary his qualifications and the Bishop's Letter of License should be produced to the Commissary and Self, but this Person is also nameless."]
Your Honor has had advice of two spies, that were taken at Fort Cumberland; one of whom they quickly hung up as his just reward, being a deserter; the other was sent to Governor Sharpe, to give information of the infernal practices followed by some of the priests of that province, in holding correspondence with our enemy.23 I am just setting out for Fort Cumberland. I am, &c.
[Note 23: A priest by the name of Neal had employed a William Johnston or Johnson as a messenger two years before. Governor Sharpe obtained considerable information from the latter. (See Correspondence of Sharpe, Maryland Archives, vol. 6, pp. 501--504.)]
Winchester, November 9, 1756.
Dear Sir: I am just returned from a tedious and troublesome tour around our frontiers which has afforded me many unpleasing views of the melancholy condition of our Countrymen: arising chiefly from the indolence and irregularity of the Militia, posted in different places for their protection.
I have always made it a principle of duty to promote the interest and Service of my Country by every endeavour, in contempt of all the calumny and censure that malice and illnature may suggest. And as many matters require speedy redress; I shall hint such as I think claim the serious regard of the approaching Assembly; which I hope will be received as the sincere dictates of a dispassionate mind, void of every view but the public good!
1st. The bad order of the Militia, and the insufficiency of defending the Inhabitants by them, are absolute certainties I have long been convinced of: But in Augusta and other frontier counties, they prove it by sad experience; which I have often regretted. The difficulty of collecting them in time of danger is so prejudicial, that the Enemy have every oppertunity to plunder, kill, scalp, and escape before they appear. The want of order, regulation and obedience, prevent any good effects, their assistance and force might have. For every petty person must assume command, direct and advise: otherwise he takes huff, thinks his wisdom and merit affronted, and so marches off in high contempt of every social Law. Then the expensiveness of supporting them, is in general very burthensome but where instances are of a Capt. Lieut. and Ensign, with two or three Sergeants, and six or eight men, going upon duty at a time; The disproportion of men and Officers is so remarkable as to need no further proof of the injustice done the country. Again, the waste of provision is unaccountable; they follow no method in serving a certain quota to each man. This wou'd be the highest indignity and they would sooner starve than carry a few days provision on their backs, for conveniency, as other Soldiers do. But regardless and prodigal of every thing; upon their marches they kill the first cattle they meet with, when Breakfast is wanted; and after this repast, march on 'till Dinner calls, then take the same method and so also for Supper; leaving the remainder after eating, for Wolves and buzzards. If by chance they impress provisions; the valuation is left to ignorant and indifferent people, who have themselves suffered by those practices; and who, despairing of pay, exact high prices. Lastly these Militia being raised only for a month, lose half the time in marching out and home (especially those who come from the adjacent counties) who must be on duty sometime before they reach their Station; by which means double sets of men are in pay at the same time, and for the same Service.
2ly. The Garrison I found weak for want of men; but more so thro' indolence and want of order. None I saw were in a posture of defence; and few that might not be surprized with the greatest ease. An instance whereof happened at Dickerson's fort; when the Indians ran down, caught several children playing under the Walls, and had got to the Fort gate before they were discovered. Thus Vass's fort was surprized and lost with the Garrison. They keep no Guards, but just when the enemy is about, or under fearful apprehensions of them: nor ever stir out of the forts from the time they reach them, until relieved, when their month is out: and then they march off, whatever be the event. Their diligence and resolution in pursuing the enemy are exemplified in Capt. Hunt, of Lunenburgh; who was persuaded by Capt. McNeil, on seeing a poor man inhumanly massacred on the road close by where I came, to go in search of the Savages. They followed the tracks, and came to a run, thro' which they had just passed, it being muddy, and the stones yet wet; the number of the enemy was supposed to be about 20, by all the signs that appeared. Here the Captain stopped, and finding he came fast up with them thought proper to desist his pursuit; and after some consultation with his men, contrary to the advice and entreaties of Capt. McNeil, &c. &c. did retreat; as appears by the depositions of Capt. McNeil and Colo. Buchanan on this occasion; nor is this the only instance. Some Militia of this county under Capt. Riddle, upon a late alarm, refused to proceed; on coming to fires from which Indians had just fled. All this owing to want of due command and obedience. The Militia are likewise negligent of their ammunition, and waste it in as great profusion as they do their provision; hunting with it, and firing it away at marks for wagers, &c. as I found in my last Journey. Of the many Forts I passed by, I saw but few that had the Captain present: most of them absent on their own business, and had given leave for many of the men to do the same.
From these and other circumstances too tedious to mention, it must appear a very natural conclusion, that the situation of the Frontiers is much to be pitied. And indeed they have a thorough sense of their danger, while dependant on the protection of the Militia: To avoid which they in general declare they must move off to the southward, without some favourable alteration in a little time. They petitioned me with the greatest earnestness for some Companies of the Regiment: But alas! it is out of my power to assist them with any. Unless I shou'd leave this dangerous quarter more exposed than they are. I promised to remonstrate in their behalf to the Assembly and Governor, that a Regular Force might be established in lieu of the Militia and Ranging Companies; which are of much less service, and of infinitely more cost, to the Country. Were this done, the whole wou'd be under one Direction; and no misbehaviour pass unpunished. Whereas the others are Soldiers at will, and in fact will go and come when and where they please, without regarding the Orders or direction of any person. I have likewise been informed, several of the Ranging Captains have obtained their Commissions by a subtle fraud imposed on the Governor. The certainty of advantage by an offensive scheme of action, is beyond any doubt much preferable to our defensive measures, and requires no arguments with you, Sir, I presume, for proof. Our scattered force avails little to stop the secret incursions of the Savages; so separated and dispersed into weak parties: and can only perhaps put them to flight, or 'fright them to another part of the Country; which answers not the end proposed. Whereas, had we strength enough to invade their lands, and assault their Towns, we shou'd then restrain them from coming abroad, and leave their families exposed. We should then remove the principal cause, and have stronger probability of success. We shou'd then be free from the many alarms, mischiefs and murders that now attend us. We shou'd then inspirit up the hearts of our few Indian friends, and gain more esteem with them. In short cou'd Pennsylvania and Maryland be induced to join us in an expedition of this nature; and to petition His Excellency Lord Loudon, for a small train of Artillery, with some Engineers. We shou'd then be able in all human probability to subdue the terror of Fort DuQuesne; retrieve our character with the Indians, and restore peace to our unhappy Frontiers.
I wish sincerely the three Colonies cou'd be brought to act in conjunction as our frontiers are so contigious, and our mutual interest so closely connected. But, shou'd our Assembly still pursue the defensive, by confiding in the security of Forts; a system of much incertainty and danger, where the frontiers is so very extensive, and next to an impossibility of being defended; after all shou'd they yet encourage this method allow me, Sir, to offer a plan of the strength necessary to support these Forts, and the number of Forts that is requisite, most of which are already built by the Militia and Soldiers and want little improvement; save those of Dickenson and Cocks's.
This plan is calculated upon the most moderate terms; and employs as few men as possibly can be proposed for the Service. And indeed the most probable method to render this plan efficacious wou'd be to induce the inhabitants to assemble in Townships, contiguous to these Forts; as many of them seem agreeable to the proposal, and would be more encouraged by the sanction of the Assembly. Then they cou'd cultivate their lands, preserve their Stocks, and contribute to their mutual security.
Thus did the New Englanders settle when infested as we are now. And answers well in either case, defensive or offensive. The number of men I have computed also, to serve in both cases, fewer cou'd not do, to afford a number sufficient to join in an expedition, and leave enough to preserve the Forts. And, shou'd they only act as Scouts, in defending the country; a less number could not afford constant Ranging parties, and cover the scattered inhabitants: besides the expence of 2000 Regulars, would not surpass the present charge of the Militia, Rangers, &c. now employed. And to raise this number of men, I know of no other method than to enlist Servants, even Convicts not excepted; the difficulty will be so great. We have already recruited 50 Servants or more, in consequence of the Governors Orders; but no provision being yet made for satisfying their masters by act of Assembly, I shou'd be glad to know what must be done in this case, as I am constantly importuned for their value. In case the Assembly shou'd come to the resolution of raising this number of men; I wou'd recommend the plan of Regulation I formerly offered in a letter to you of the 16th. April, when the Assembly were sitting.
As the Act for punishing Munity and desertion, is now expired; I wou'd press the Assemblys' regard to enforce the articles of war in general: at least so many of them as are not incompatible with the nature of the Service and establish certain rules for the regulation of your Troops. Also, some other method of paying rewards for taking up Deserters; as it is but small encouragement to be refered to a court of claims, then to the Assembly, and lie some years out of the money; whereas, had they immediate satisfaction, it wou'd be a great inducement to the people to be active in apprehending them. And cou'd the common people be brought better acquainted with the Laws against Desertion, and the rewards offered for discouraging it, we would perhaps lose fewer men. The Billeting Soldiers on the inhabitants. And the rates of Soldiers diet. It will never answer to pay 1/ for a meal, when 8d. are only allowed for a days maintenance. The wages or rates of workmen employed on public works should be ascertained, or left to the commanding Officer to agree in the cheapest way. The premium for Scalps', how to be paid the Indians? and whether our people are entitled to the reward as indifferent people? The way of proving and sending down to the Governor for payment, is both expensive and tedious; and will not suit with the suspicious temper of an Indian, who may think it an evasion of their promises. A Chaplain for the Regiment ought to be provided; that we may at least have the show, if we are said to want the substance of Godliness! As Fort Loudon must be supported; I would represent the prejudice we suffer by the number of Tippling-houses kept in this Town; by which our men are debauched, and rendered unfit for duty, while their pay lasts. Neither do the Court take any notice of them, tho' often complained of. The ruinous state of the frontiers, and the vast extent of land we have lost since this time twelvemonth, must appear incredible to those who are not eyewitnesses of the desolation. Upwards of fifty miles of a rich and (once) thick-settled country is now quite deserted and abandoned, from the Maryland to the Carolina lines: Great numbers below that, removed thro' fear, and apprehensions of danger; and the whole Settlement deliberating whether to go or stay. The cause of such desertion I believe is in great measure owing to Maryland and Pennsylvania giving ground so much faster than we do: whereby we are left exposed in a very fine tract of land as low as, Monocasy, on the Maryland side.
As the affair of Fort Cumberland will come under your cognizance; I have here with sent you a copy of a Council of War held there to enquire, whether it was advisable to continue or demolish it. The reasons for and against it, are very just; and as it respects Virginia in particular, answers no other end than guarding Potomack, securing the only road fit for wheel-carriages to Ohio, and employing 170 men, who might be of other service elsewhere. Indeed, to view it in the general regard to Pennsylvania, Maryland, and our Colony; it is of the first importance, and might answer great purposes, were it on a good spot of ground made cannon-proof, and well garrisoned; which might easily be done, if the three Colonies wou'd consent to support and strengthen it. Give me leave to refer you for many things I wanted to have observed and resolved in a long letter wrote you last August, when I sent down to settle my accompts. There you will find matters that require the attention of the Assembly &c. Ensign Fleming complains of the short allowance made him by the Committee for his trouble and attendance upon the Sick. And indeed as he acted as Surgeon to the whole party, upon the expedition against the Shawnese, as Major Lewis certifies; it was rather little, and more especially as he has had the care of Capt. Hoggs company for this twelve-month past. He now declines acting as Surgeon longer, without assurance of recompence. And as that Company is out of the reach of our Surgeon, should be glad you would take it into consideration. Also, that affair of Capt. Peachy being robb'd of £50; as mentioned in the aforesaid letter. Last week eleven of the Catawba Indians came to us; and say we might have had more of them, had we sent proper Guides to conduct them. These essential matters we are very negligent about. As we must reward those few in an extraordinary way, to encourage the others to come to our assistance; I am at a loss how to do it, having no Indian Goods, and know not how to be supplied. You have heard no doubt of their having taken two Spies at Fort Cumberland: one of whom informs us, of very unnatural and pernicious correspondence held with the French, by some Priests, &c. of Maryland. We have sent him to Governor Sharpe, to make the proper use of him. the other being a Deserter of ours, was justly hanged up, in reward for his villanous disloyalty. I am Sir, &c.
Winchester, November 9, 1756.
Parole Georgia.
To-morrow being the Anniversary of His Majesty's Birthday, the men to be drawn up at 12 o'clock, and Marched to the Fort, there to fire three vollies, which is to be taken from the cannon; Officers to appear in their Regimentals; and the Soldiers to dress as clean as possible.
The Colonel recomends it to the Officers to be very circumspect (during his absence to Fort Cumberland) in their several duties; especially those who oversee the works.
Alexandria, November 24, 1756.
Honble. Sir: At this place, on my way to Williamsburg, I received your Honor's letter of the 18th instant,24 and shall take care to pay the strictest obedience to your orders, and the opinion, so far as I can. The detachment ordered from
[Note 24: Dinwiddie had written (November 16): "The abuses mentioned in yours I have been made acquainted with from several hands; but I expected you would have been more particular in regard to the officers neglecting their duty, and the different forts not being properly garrisoned with men,--nay, without their officers. This vague report makes it impossible for me to call on the delinquents...I am of opinion the string of forts proposed is only weakening our strength, and will be a poor defence to our frontiers. I hope you will keep the Indians properly employed. Major Lewis has orders to send up the Cherokees. You seem to attribute neglect in me, not having proper conductors. The charge is unmannerly, as I did what I thought proper, though disappointed by the villanous traders...If you had sent down the amount of the money due for the servants enlisted, I would have given a warrant for the money. It's probable I might have refused payment to the masters of some of the servants enlisted, for want of certificate, but never said you did not act properly in enlisting them...I received the opinion of the council of war in regard to Fort Cumberland; as it was an affair of great consequence, I called the council for their advice and enclose you my and their opinion thereon. In consequence thereof, I hereby order you immediately to march one hundred men to Fort Cumberland from the forces you have at Winchester, which, Captain Mercer says, are 160 enlisted men. You are to remain at Fort Cumberland, and make the place as strong as you can, in case of an attack...You are to order one of your subaltern officers, (in whom you can confide,) to command at Winchester, and to oversee the finishing of the fort building at that place. These orders I expect you will give due obedience to, and I am with respect."] Winchester exceeds, I believe, the number of enlisted we have there; and the drafts, which made our strength at that place to consist of about one hundred and sixty men, will leave us in seven days. I have no hope of enlisting any, nor prolonging their stay, as we have heretofore engaged those, who were willing to serve. However my true endeavors shall be strictly aiding for this (more than ever) necessary purpose.
I am very sorry any expression in my letter should be deemed unmannerly. I never intended insults to any; on the contrary, have endeavoured to demean myself in that proper respect due to superiors. In the instance mentioned, I can truly say, so far from intending a charge or affront of any kind, it was distant from my thoughts; and I meant no more than to shew what strange, what unaccountable infatuation prevailed among the magistrates, &c., of the back parts of Carolina; who were so regardless of the common cause, as to allow fifty Catawbas to return, when they had proceeded near seventy miles on their march, for want of provisions and a conductor to entice them along. This was a fact I did not suppose your Honor was uninformed of, knowing Colonel Cobb25 had wrote you on the subject. I therefore thought I might be less explicit, and not have incurred this censure by that means.
[Note 25: Samuel Cobbs, of York, and afterwards of Amelia County. Hamilton notes that Cobbs married Edith Marot, daughter of the Huguenot emigrant, Jean Marot.]
I seem also to be reprimanded for giving a vague account of my tour to the southward. I was rather fearful of blame for prolixity and impertinence, in meddling with matters I had no immediate concern with; and related them rather as hints, to set you upon inquiring, than as a circumstantial account of the facts. And this I chose more especially to do, as Colonels Lewis and Buchanan, from whom, being heads of the militia, these representations, fully authenticated, more properly came. And they were represented, at least by the latter, then on his road to do so; and had as he told me, taken the testimony and depositions of several persons for this purpose, in order to demonstrate the thing more clearly and to shew who had and who had not done their duty. When I went to Augusta, it was with a good design, to relieve, if possible, a much distressed settlement; but, finding this impracticable without men, and hearing some complaints of Captain Hogg, and at the same time being desirous of seeing in what manner he proceeded, I continued on in no small danger; yet pleased with reflecting on this extraordinary duty, and of bringing myself more intimately acquainted with the situation of our frontiers, which, Sir, I related as well as I was capable, with a design, from which I have never intentionally swerved, to serve my country. And am sorry to find, that this, and my best endeavours of late, meet with unfavorable constructions. What it proceeds from, I know not. If my open and disinterested way of writing and speaking has the air of pertness and freedom, I shall redress my error by acting reservedly, and shall take care to obey my orders without offering at more. I should not have presumed to have appointed a commissary, had not your first instructions been plain and explicit on this point, and reiterated letters since that invested me with power. The omission of the name was a neglect indeed accidental, not designed. The gentleman intended was Mr. Ramsay of this place, well-known, well-esteemed, and of unblemished good character, practised in business and comes now properly recommended. I should not have appointed this gentleman or any other to serve as commissary, had not Mr. Walker in repeated letters desired it, and his absence from and neglect of duty rendered another highly necessary. This, I presume, you were unacquainted with, when you desired his continuance. Nor may you know that Mr. Walker intends to reside at home and act by a deputy, which, if I may be allowed to say, is equally inconsistent, as if I were to do it. This it is that encourages Mr. Ramsay to wait upon your Honor to be thoroughly informed. As the duty now will become more divided between Fort Cumberland and the lower forts, it may not be thought amiss if Mr. Ramsay26 is appointed to join a second in the commission. The business by this means must be conducted infinitely better, and in that case I would beg leave to mention Mr. Carlyle,27 who is willing to act, and whose knowledge and experience in this business are so well known, and need no recapitulating. They are both agreed to hold it in conjunction upon the same terms that Mr. Walker now has it.
[Note 26: William Ramsay, Alexandria merchant.]
[Note 27: John Carlyle.]
When I spoke of a chaplain, it was in answer to yours. I had no person in view, tho' many have offered; and only said, if the country would provide a subsistence, we could procure a chaplain, without thinking there was offence in the expression.
Because I was told the commissary had endeavored, but could get no one to accept of it. When I spoke about scalps, I had the Indians chiefly, indeed solely, in my view, knowing their jealous, suspicious natures are apt to entertain doubts of the least delay and a suspension of rewards causes a dissatisfaction and murmuring among them, which might be productive of bad events at this critical juncture.28So soon as I march
[Note 28: Atkin disapproved of offering high rewards to Indians for scalps, as it encouraged "private scalping, whereby the most innocent and helpless persons, even women and children," were murdered for their scalps. He instanced also some cases where the Indians picked quarrels among themselves that the scalps of the killed might be sold. Further, the high rewards sharpened the ingenuity of the Indians "for the Cherokees in particular have got the art of making four scalps out of one man killed." Atkin asserted that he was "well assured Lord Loudoun detests that practice [of purchasing scalps], and that the French general Montcalm in Canada does the same. Sir Win. Johnson gives no reward at all in particular for scalps by name."-- Ford. (See Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 3, p. 199.)] from Winchester, which will immediately happen, as I am setting out thence, and sent orders by Jenkins to have the troops paid and in readiness to march, I shall write your Honor a more distinct account of the situation of that place, which will be left entirely destitute of all protection, notwithstanding it now contains all the public stores of any importance, as they were removed from Fort Cumberland, and in the most dangerous part of our frontiers, at least in a part that has suffered this summer more than any (which has been so well secured) by the ravages of the enemy. The works, which have been constructed and conducted with infinite pains and labor, will be unfinished and exposed; and the materials for completing the building, which have been collected with unspeakable difficulty and expense, left to be pillaged and destroyed by the inhabitants of the town; because, as I before observed, one hundred men will exceed the number, I am pretty confident, we have there, when the drafts go off. So, to comply with my orders, (which I shall literally do, if I can,) not a man will be left there to secure the works, or defend the King's stores, which are almost wholly removed to that place.
Fort Loudoun, December 2, 1756.
Honble. Sir: When I wrote your Honor from Alexandria, I expected to have been at or near Fort Cumberland by this; but, upon coming here, and expecting wagons and provisions in readiness to go up with this escort, I received the enclosed from the commissary, which I send to evince that no delays or protracting of orders proceeds from me. The return of our strength, which I called in so soon as I arrived, is herewith sent, signed by the adjutant, amounting, exclusive of the drafts, to eighty-one effectives, including the sick, and young drummers, who were sent here to learn.
When Captain Mercer went down, our strength consisted of about twenty-five more, including drafts, which have been sent ever since the middle of October, to Conogochieg, Swearingen's Ferry, &c, to encourage that body of inhabitants to stay at their places, who otherwise were determined to forsake them. Your Honor's late and unexpected order has caused the utmost terror and consternation in the people, and will, I fear, be productive of numberless evils, not only to this place, and the public works erecting here, but to the country in general, who seem to be in the greatest dread for the consequences. The stores of every kind have all been brought from Fort Cumberland, save those indispensably necessary there, at a very great expense, and lie in the court-house and other public buildings, to the no small inconvenience and detriment of the county. I have frequently been importuned by the members of the court, and other public officers, to remove them, and have as often by gentle persuasives protracted the time; which was the more cheerfully granted, as it was evident that there were no other places to receive them, and that I strove with the utmost diligence to prepare the proper receptacles. What course to take with them now, I know not, and hope you will direct.
I am convinced, were your Honor informed how much this place (which is in every degree our outmost and most exposed frontier, there being no inhabitants between this and the Branch, and none there but what are forted in,) I say, I am convinced, if your Honor were truly informed of the situation of this place, of its importance and danger, you would not think it prudent to leave such a quantity of valuable stores exposed to the insults of a few; for a very few indeed might reduce them and the town too, to ashes. In the next place, as I observed in my last letter, the works, which have been begun and continued with labor and hardship, which lie open, untenable, and exposed to the weather, to say no more; and the materials, which have been collected with cost and infinite difficulty, to the mercy of every pillager; our timber and scantling for building used and burnt by the town's people; our plank, which has been brought from far, stolen and destroyed; and the lime, if not stolen, left to be wasted, &c., &c. And this is not the worst. A building, which in time might and would have been very strong and defensible, and an asylum in the greatest danger, in a manner totally abandoned. As the case now stands, we have no place tenable, no place of safety; but all is exposed and open to attacks; and by not having a garrison kept at this place, no convoys can get up to us, and the communication with the inhabitants entirely cut off, so that soldiers and inhabitants cannot be assisting each other.
In regard to myself residing at Fort Cumberland, I shall lay before your Honor such inconveniences as must unavoidably arise, while we pursue these defensive measures; in doing which, I think I only do my duty. First, Fort Cumberland lying more advanced, and wide of all other forts, will prevent me from having the immediate direction of any but that. Secondly, the stores being at this place, and I at that, will render it impossible to deliver them regularly. I either must trust to a subaltern officer to order them discretionally, or else an express must be first sent to me, and then I must send to the storekeeper to deliver the necessaries wanting to each garrison. How inconsistent this is for many reasons, your Honor may judge; but more especially, when it is known that there is no travelling to Fort Cumberland but endangering of life, without a pretty strong escort. Thirdly, by being at Fort Cumberland a total stagnation of business must ensue, because money is lodged with me for discharging all contingent expenses arising in the service, and no persons will, or can, come to me there. In course they will be slack in furnishing us with wagons and necessaries of every kind, which now by due payment may be had at call. And lastly, Winchester is in the center, as it were, of all the forts, is convenient for receiving intelligence and distributing orders; and notwithstanding any thing to the contrary, lies in a vale of land, that has suffered more than any other from the incursions of the enemy. I hope, after receiving a peremptory order, the mentioning of these things will not appear presuming or odd. I do not hesitate a moment to obey; on the contrary, shall comply the minute I can. I mean nothing more than to point out the consequences, that must necessarily attend, as I apprehend your Honor was not thoroughly apprised of our situation. Some, Sir, who are inclined to put an unfavorable construction upon this generous recital, may say, that I am loath to leave this. I declare, upon my honor, I am not, but had rather be at Fort Cumberland, (if I could do the duty there,) a thousand times over: for I am tired of the place, the inhabitants, and the life I lead here; and if, after what I have said, your Honor should think it necessary that I reside at that place, I shall acquiesce with pleasure and cheerfulness, and be freed from much anxiety, plague, and business. To be at Fort Cumberland sometimes, I thing highly expedient, and have hitherto done it. Three weeks ago I came from that place. I have used every endeavour to detain the Drafts, but all in vain. They are home-sick and tired of work. They all declare if an expedition is conducted in the spring, they will serve two, three, or four months; these tho' are words of course. The Catawbas' are out on the scout with an officer and some men of ours. They proposed, when I was at Fort Cumberland, to stay only one moon, and then to set out for their nation, with a report of the country and its convenience to the enemy, (but rather with a report of our usage, I believe.) It therefore behoves us to reward them well, and keep them in temper. They applied to me for several necessaries, such as each a suit of clothes, wampum, pipe, tomhawks, silver trinkets for the wrists and arms, &c. The wampum and tomhawks I have purchased; the want of the others may occasion some murmuring, and there are very few things suitable at Fort Cumberland. They seemed very desirous, that an officer shou'd return with them, and gave strong assurances of his bringing in a number. If your Honor approves it, I shall endeavour to fix upon some officer, that falls most in with their customs, and send him upon this duty. The Indians expect to be sent back upon horses. Does your Honor approve that they should? I will not take upon me to buy horses without your orders. The Cherokees are not yet arrived, nor the arms from Augusta. I am, &c.
Fort Loudoun, December 4, 1756.
Honble. Sir: Since writing to your Honor yesterday, a very base and villainous scheme has been discovered; which has been I believe, the sole cause of 18 Soldiers deserting from us last night. The Gentleman concerned is our (late Ensign) Denis McCarty; of whose Character and practises, the enclosed Depositions will afford your Honor a Specimen, and with whom all his ties of honor and morality are of no force. By virtue of your Honor's Commission to recruit for the Royal American Regiment, and under the specious pretence of immunity, offered in a late proclamation, he boasts the power & authority of enlisting Deserters and Delinquents of any kind whatever. With these pretences and his ungenerous principles, he scandalously and underhandedly seduced these, and I am afraid many more to abandon their duty and desert the Service. The Behavior of Mr. McCarty while in our Regiment was not so becoming and genteel as it ought: and had he not apprehended the danger of a Court Martial with disgrace, he would not have resigned to your Honor with so much privacy. I hope this flagrant instance of his unnatural, unjust and dishonorable proceedings will prompt your Honor to punish such pernicious practises so destructive in their consequences, and so fatal in their effects. I have despatched a party of 25 men under Capt. Mercer with orders that every endeavour and all possible diligence be made use of to apprehend those Deserters, who I imagine are gone to McCarty and should be glad your Honor wou'd direct what punishment shou'd be inflicted; as the act for that purpose is sometime ago expired. The loss of the Drafts and those desertions, render us unable to manage such heavy timber as is required about the Fort; or even sufficient to do other necessary work there. These misfortunes and the want of flour with the Commissary, conspire to retard my march longer than I had expected.
Fort Loudon, December 7, 1756.
Sir: Yours by Mr. Jones, was delivered to me this Evening. I know of no better expedient to relieve your distress than directing you to send the valuation of the Servants to the Governor representing the case at the same time as it really stands. I wrote you before in what manner I was instructed to proceed; and can not swerve from my orders, and advance you money, without positive direction.
His Honor, the Governor, in a letter to me, says "You shou'd send the amount of money due for Servants, and my warrant shall issue for payment". Now as you have not transmitted me the certificates on any account of the sum, it is not in my power to do this (unless I first send to you, which is protracting the conclusion of this affair) at a time when yours and the Service of the Recruits, is exceedingly wanted. And was the reason for ordering you in here. I therefore desire you will make off from the Majistrates certificates an exact list of the sums due each respective Owner for his Servant; taking care to specify the name of the Master and man, and to affix the sum. Have this certified by two Majistrates, to make it authentic and indisputable, and send it to His Honor the Governor, by a person in whom you can confide to receive the money: I shall in the meantime advise of this step, and the cause why this accompt, is not signed by me. As I mean nothing but what is fair and honest with the people (in respect of their Servants) I wou'd have you do nothing but what is strictly so. Yet as the Troops now here are to abandon this place and the Stores. It is indispensably necessary, to prevent not only the Inhabitants of the Town, but all between it and Potomack, from forsaking their dwellings, that a party shou'd be thrown in immediately, as Militia can not be raised: I wou'd I say for these reasons, be extremely fond of having your Recruits sent up, if it can be done without incensing the mob or fomenting disturbances. But this, at all events, avoid; as malice and envy are ever on the wing to misrepresent actions, and pervert our intentions, tho' never so laudably meant. I am &c.
[Note 29: Of the Royal American Regiment, at York.]
Fort Loudon, December 8, 1756.
Sir: I am informed you have enlisted one Patrick Murphy a Deserter from my Regiment who was confined in the Goal at York, tho' you had previous knowledge of his being so. You must be sensible such proceedings are repugnant to the public interest, and contrary to established articles of war; to say nothing of the ill effects that follow precedents of this nature. The suspicion of a Soldiers disloyalty, I shou'd have thought sufficient to suspend your desire of recruiting him, until confirmed of the truth: And as you then refused to give him up to a Sergeant sent on purpose to receive him: and now assured of his belonging to my Regiment, I hope you will take the first opportunity of returning him to his company at Maidstone (under command of Capt. Robert Stewart). It being impracticable to send so far as Philadelphia for him.
Your compliance will oblige Sir yours &c.
Fort Loudoun, December 10, 1756.
Honble, Sir: Capt. Mercer returned the 7th with sixteen of the Deserters; the other two escaped his diligence. They confirm the suspicion of Mr. McCarty's villany, by confessing he had inveigled them with promises of protection, rewards, and good usage! and a deep-laid plan was concerted for accomplishing his base designs, binding each individual with an oath to follow him; to stand true to each other in case of being pursued; to kill the officer who attempted the command; and in case of a separation, private instructions to repair to McCarty, or some of his friends who were to receive and entertain them. These proceedings and the within depositions must convince your Honor, how dangerous a person of Mr. McCarty's principles must be to the peace and quiet of Society.
The Soldiers surrendered to Capt. Mercer upon promise of pardon; and as they seem sorry for their Behaviour, assuring all duty and obedience for the future, I thought it most expedient to forgive them knowing we have no law at present to punish them, and believing the poor ignorant fellows less culpable than their Seducer.
I hope your Honor will therefore approve of my measures in this matter.
Before this reaches your Honor I imagine you will have received Capt. John McNeill's relative to the Servants recruited in Augusta. I desired him to transmit the valuation of them, according to your Honor's directions fully authenticated, in order to receive the money. Capt. McNeill's distance from me deprived me of the opportunity of certifying the accompts; and to prevent loss of time, expence and trouble, I ordered him to take this method, which I hope will not be disagreeable to your Honor.
Upon receiving your Honor's and the Council's resolve to make Fort Cumberland tenable, I wrote to Lt. Colonel Stephen to set immediately about it, but the want of tools for three parts of the men there will prevent its progress.
At Alexandria I gave orders to purchase a quantity; and Colonel Carlyle had gone to Annapolis for that purpose; so I look daily for the tools. The demand upon us at this time for money is very great, buying provisions, &c. We have almost exhausted the last sum received, and must be under the necessity of applying to your Honor for another supply in a little time. We long much for the arrival of the soldiers Clothing. The weather very severe, the Service hard, and men naked, are motives too strong for their accepting the specious promises of McCarty and others.
Fort Loudon, December 13, 1756.
Sir: I was not a little surprized to find what a quantity of provision had been consumed by your Command, in the short space they have been stationed on the Branch: There certainly must have been great waste and neglect. To prevent which for the future, it is my Orders; That you direct each of the Commanding Officers where the troops are stationed on the Branch to appoint a Sergeant of his command (the most trusty one) to be exempt from all other duty; to receive and issue the provisions which are brought to that Garrison. Let the Officer certify the quantity he receives from each person; and let regular returns be made each drawing day, signed by the Officer commanding each Detachment; and he must issue provisions agreeable thereto, and deliver none without a written Order from the Officer which will be his vouchers for the consumption of what he receives.
As some of the Officers have only small commands, and can not spare a Sergeant for this Duty. You must direct to take one of the best of the men, or make him do the Sergeants duty, which ever is most convenient. Let all the Officers know I expect they will account for the Shoes, &c. received from the Store, which they stand charged with on the Quartermasters Book. I am &c.
Fort Loudon, December 17, 1756.
Sir: You are strictly required, immediately upon receipt of this, to transport your provisions and Stores to Capt. Waggeners Fort, and there leave them: Then march your Company to Pearsals, in order to escort a quantity of Flour to Fort Cumberland; where you and your whole Company are to remain, to strengthen that Garrison. I expect you will pay due regard to this Order, and put it in execution with the utmost alacrity, as it is in consequence of express directions from the Governor and Council. I heartily commiserate the fate of the poor unhappy Inhabitants, left by this means exposed to every incursion of a merciless Enemy: And wish it was in my power to offer them better support, than good wishes (merely) will afford. You may assure the Settlement, that this unexpected, and if I may be allowed to say, unavoidable step, was taken without my concurrence and knowledge. That it is an express Order from the Governor; and can neither be evaded nor delayed: Therefore, any representations to me of their danger, and the necessity of continuing Troops among them, wll be fruitless: For, as I before observed, I have inclination and no power left to serve them. It is also the Governors Orders that the Forts be left standing, for the Inhabitants to possess if they think proper. I am Sir, &c.
N.B. A Copy of the above Orders was sent to Captains Cocke and Lewis on the Branch. Wrote Capt. Vanmeter to procure waggons, &c. and to assist in the removal of the provision and Stores; and to take due care of them. Wrote Lt. Walter Stewart, to receive those Stores and Provisions, and take care of them.
Fort Loudon, December 17, 1756.
Sir: Ensign Crawford has referred a dispute to me concerning his rank in the Army. I must determine in his favour: and allow their Officers to rank by the dates and dignity of their Commissions. For these reasons; vizt. That Companies, tho' esteemed and called Scouts, are raised and supported upon the same funds as those of the Regiment; have the same pay, entitled to the same privileges and immunities; and are subject to the same laws and punishments: therefore ought, in justice, to have the same rank. The only distinction between them and the Companies of the Regiment lies in this. Were we upon a march, they must, from the nature of their Establishment, encounter more hardship danger and fatigue; which in my opinion, shou'd rather encrease than diminish their claim to Honor!
It is a mistaken notion, in some, that they are Rangers, and shou'd rank as such. The Rangers had a particular sum levied for their support, and laws made to govern them by; distinct from those we have the honor to act under. To put an end to all future disputes, let the Officers be made acquainted with the contents of this letter. I am Sir, Yours &c.
Fort Loudoun, December 19, 1756.
Honble. Sir: Your letter of the 10th came to hand the 15th; in consequence whereof I despatched orders immediately to all the garrisons on the Branch to evacuate their forts, and repair to Pearsall's, where they would meet the flour, &c. from this place, and to escort it to Fort Cumberland. I expect the provisions purchased for the support of these forts, and now lying in bulk, will be wasted and destroyed, notwithstanding I have given directions to the assistant commissary on the Branch, and to Waggener's company, to use their utmost diligence in collecting the whole, and securing it where his company is posted. An escort, with all the flour we have been able to procure (which amounts to an insufficient quantity for want of water), sets out from this on Tuesday next. I expect to depart sooner myself, after leaving directions with Captain Mercer, whom I have appointed to command here, and shall repair as expeditiously as possible to Fort Cumberland.
I am a little at loss to understand the meaning of your Honor's orders, and the opinion of the Council, when I am directed to evacuate all the stockade forts, and at the same time to march only one hundred men to Fort Cumberland, and to continue the like number here to garrison Fort Loudoun. If the stockade forts are all abandoned, there will be more men than are required for these two purposes, and the communication between them, of near eighty miles, will be left without a settler, unguarded and exposed. But I mean nothing more by asking this question, than to know your Honor's intentions, which I would willingly pay strict obedience to.
Mr. Walker has been here, settled his accompts, and gone home again, fully resolved no longer to continue commissary. I acquainted him with the contents of your Honor's letters of November, and he has wrote you (he tells me) his reasons for resigning. What Indian goods were left by Colo. Innes I know not; no return was ever given to me, nor to the commanding officer, when he went away, if I am rightly informed.
I shall when I arrive at Fort Cumberland get a return of them, and transmit to your Honor.
A return of the stores at this place is enclosed. I should have sent it before, but waited to add those at Fort Cumberland, of which there are none yet come down.
If Captain McNeill goes to the Cherokee nation, it would be well for him to conduct the Catawbas home. But when I recommended an officer's going with them, it was with a view of engaging a body of their men to come to our assistance in the spring, and to march in with their warriors, not choosing to trust altogether to their unmeaning promises and capricious humors. But your Honor will be pleased to direct as you see proper in this affair. I have advanced very little money hitherto to the masters of servants, because I waited your directions on this head. I received forty-one last night from Captain McNeill, who desires leave to continue recruiting. I do not consent to it, until I know whether it is agreeable to your Honor, and whether I may send out as many other officers as can be spared for the same service. If this is approved of I should be glad that your Honor would send me general instructions, that I may know how to give mine, and to act consistently with the rules for recruiting servants for his Majesty's regiments. I should have been excedingly glad, if your Honor and the Council had directed in what manner Fort Cumberland is to be strengthened; i.e., whether it is to be made cannon-proof or not; and that you would fix the sum beyond which we shall not go, for I must look to you for the expense, knowing that the country has already rejected some articles of this. Immediately upon receiving your Honor's letter to McCarty, I enclosed it to Colonel Fairfax (as directed), and desired him to do what is needful in regard to the commission, as it was not in my power to deal with him as he deserved: first, because he has left this service; and next, because if he was still in it, we have no martial law to punish him, the mutiny and desertion act having expired in October last. The same with respect to the soldiers, but their penitent behavior induced me to pass by their faults. I have read over that paragraph in Lord Loudoun's letter, (which your Honor was pleased to send me,) over and over again, but am unable to comprehend the meaning of it. What scheme it is, I was carrying into execution without awaiting advice, I am at a loss to know, unless it was building the chain of forts along our frontiers, which I not only undertook conformably to an act of Assembly, and by your own orders, but, with respect to the places, in pursuance of a council of war. If, under these circumsctances, my "conduct is responsible for the fate of Fort Cumberland," it must be confessed, that I stand upon a tottering foundation indeed. I cannot charge my memory with either proposing, or intending, to draw the forts nearer to Winchester. The garrison of Fort Cumberland, it is true, I did wish to have removed to Cox's, which is nearer to Winchester by twenty-five miles; but not further from the enemy than where it now is, if a road from thence to the Little Meadows, which is about twenty miles distant, and the same from that place ( i.e. Fort Cumberland,) and more in the warriors' path, was opened. However, I see with much regret, that His Excellency Lord Loudoun seems to have prejudged my proceedings, without being thoroughly informed what were the springs and motives, that have actuated my conduct. How far I have mistaken the means to recommend my services, I know not, but I am certain of this, that no man ever intended better, or studied the interest of his country with more affectionate zeal, than I have done; and nothing gives me greater uneasiness and concern, than that his Lordship should have imbibed prejudices so unfavorable to my character, as to excite his belief that I was capable of doing any thing, "that will have a bad effect as to the Dominion, and no good appearance at home."
As I had your Honor's permission to be down when his Lordship shall favor us with a visit, I desired Colonel Carlyle to inform me when he should pass thro' Alexandria, and I will set out accordingly. I hope nothing has intervened to alter this indulgence. It is a favor I should not have thought of asking, had I believed the service would suffer in my absence; but I am convinced it will not. And I cannot help saying, I believe we are the only troops upon the continent, that are kept summer and winter to the severest duty, with the least respite or indulgence.
Captn. Pearis came to town the other day with six Cherokees and two squaws. He brought no orders from your Honor, and applies to me for direction of his services. I have desired him to carry the Indians to Fort Cumberland, as we can make nothing of them without an interpreter; and there wait the return of your Honor's instructions. Lt. Baker has leave of absence upon very urgent business, relative to an estate left him. He applied to your Honor and, having received no answer, I made free to grant this indulgence in so material a point. Lt. Lowry has applied for permission to quit the service; I referred him to your Honor, and he now waits your answer in a state of much anxiety and sickness. His resignation I apprehend will occasion no void or any loss to the service. I have therefore allowed him to go down, in order to support his spirits and comply with your Honor's pleasure, whatever that be. While Lt. Baker is absent, I would offer it to your Honor as expedient, he should make interest among the Tusks and Nottoways. His intimacy with these nations may be of service in engaging some assistance from them, and I think him very capable of the undertaking. He might also recruit, if your Honor approves of the proposal I have already offered.
The delay of the soldiers' clothes occasions unaccountable murmurs and complaints, and I am very much afraid we shall have few men left, if they arrive not in a week or two. Your Honor would be astonished to see the naked condition of the poor wretches. And how they possibly can subsist, much less work, in such severe weather. Had we but blankets to give them, or any thing to defend them from the cold, they might perhaps be easy.
I have formerly hinted to your Honor our necessity for a speedy supply of cash, and have advised with the Speaker likewise, that he might not be unprepared. I purpose to send down by the 10th of next month or sooner if I could be served. The men are quite impatient, and the want of small bills is very prejudicial to their peace. I should be glad your Honor would advise per return of Jenkins how soon I may send down. I cannot supply your Honor with a return of our strength as yet, because our scattered disposition hinders a regular discharge of the adjutant's duty. I am, &c.
Winchester, December 19, 1756.
Sir: You are no stranger, I presume, to the late resolutions of the Governor and Council, the consequence of which I meditate with great concern. We are ordered to reinforce Fort Cumberland with one hundred men, and, to enable me to carry that number thither, all the stockade forts on the Branch are to be evacuated, and in course all the settlements abandoned, except what lie under the immediate protection of Captain Waggener's fort, the only place exempted in their resolve. Surely his Honor and the Council are not fully acquainted with the situation and circumstances of the unhappy frontiers, thus to expose so valuable a tract as the Branch, in order to support a fortification, in itself (considering our present feebleness) of very little importance to the inhabitants or the colony. The former order of Council would have endangered not only the loss of Fort Loudoun, the stores, and Winchester, but a general removal of the settlers of this vale, even to the Blue Ridge. This last hath the same object in view, vizt., Fort Cumberland, and, to maintain it, the best lands in Virginia are laid open to the mercy of a cruel and inhuman enemy. These people have long struggled with the dangers of savage incursions, daily soliciting defence, and willing to keep their ground. To encourage them, all my little help has been administered, and they seemed satisfied with my intentions, resolving to continue while any probability of support remained. The disposition I had made of our small regiment gave general satisfaction to the settlements, and content began to appear everywhere. The necessary measures for provision and stores were agreeably concerted, and every regulation established for the season. But the late command reverses, confuses, and incommodes every thing; to say nothing of the extraordinary expense of carriage, disappointments, losses, and alterations, which must fall heavy on the country. Whence it arises, or why, I am truly ignorant; but my strongest representations of matters relative to the peace of the frontiers are disregarded as idle and frivolous; my propositions and measures, as partial and selfish; and all my sincerest endeavours for the service of my country perverted to the worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain; to-day approved, to-morrow condemned. Left to act and proceed at hazard, accountable for the consequence, and blamed without the benefit of defence! If you can think my situation capable to excite the smallest degree of envy, or afford the least satisfaction, the truth is yet hid from you, and you entertain notions very different from the reality of the case. However, I am determined to bear up under all the embarrassments some time longer, in hope of better regulation on the arrival of Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future fate of Virginia.
His Lordship, I think, has received impressions tending to prejudice, by false representations of facts, if I may judge from a paragraph of one of his letters to the Governor, and on which is founded the resolve to support Fort Cumberland at all events. The severity of the season, and nakedness of the soldiers, are matters of much compassion, and give rise to infinite complaints. Nor is it possible to obviate them, unless their clothing come in immediately. You would be surprised how the poor creatures live, much more how they can do duty. Had we but blankets, they might be appeased for a little time; and as we have not, I doubtful many will desert.
I advised you formerly of our necessity for cash, and would earnestly desire it soon. I think of sending down by the 10th of next month, or sooner if agreeable. Please to inform me, by Jenkins, what I may depend upon on that head, as our men are impatient, and with some reason, when without both money and clothes. I need not urge the comparative advantage of small bills; as you are truly sensible how disadvantageous large ones are in paying individuals and occasioning many other inconveniences. We shall have occasion for at least six thousand pounds to clear us to the 1st of January. The commissary wants above half that sum to furnish his stocks of provisions, &c; the other will be exhausted in paying the troops. We ought always to have money in hand, as we are often reduced to many inconveniences on account of waiting for it, not to mention the expenses and trouble.30
[Note 30: In reply to this letter, Speaker John Robinson wrote (December 31): "I am truly concerned at the uneasiness you are under in your present situation, and the more so, as I am sensible you have too much reason for it. The resolution of defending Fort Cumberland, and evacuating the other forts, was taken before I knew or mistrusted any thing of the matter. I must confess I was not a little surprised at it, and took the liberty to expostulate with many of the Council upon it, who gave me in answer, that Lord Loudoun had insisted that Fort Cumberland should be preserved at all events, and, as we had so few troops, it could not be done without breaking up the small forts, and taking the men from them. It was to no purpose to tell them that our frontiers would thereby be entirely exposed to our cruel and savage enemy, and that they could receive no protection from Fort Cumberland, as it was in another province, and so remote from any of our inhabitants;--and further, that the act of Assembly. which gave the money solely for the defence and protection of our frontiers, would be violated, and the money applied otherwise than the Assembly intended. Yet, notwithstanding all I could say, they persisted in their resolution, without alleging any other reason, than that it was in pursuance of Lord Loudoun's desire. It can't be any difficult matter to guess, who was the author and promoter of this advice and resolution, or by whom Lord Loudoun has been persuaded, that the place is of such importance. But supposing it was really so, surely it ought to be defended by the people in whose province it is [Maryland], or at least at the expense of the three colonies jointly, and not leave our own frontiers exposed for the defence of a place, from which we can't receive the least advantage or protection. The present unhappy state of our country must fill the minds of every well wisher to it with dismal and gloomy apprehensions; and without some speedy alterations in our counsels, which God send, the fate of it must soon be determined."]
Mr. Kirkpatrick will have my accompts to lay before the Committee, and will shew how the money has been applied.
December 20, 1756.
As I have Orders from his Honor Governor Dinwiddie to repair to Fort Cumberland, and leave an Officer here with the command of this Garrison; I have appointed you to this Command, and expect your particular diligence and care. You must observe all former Rules and Orders which have been given for the regulation of this Garrison; and let no Stores or other thing issue without an Order signed by you. So soon as you hear of the arrival of the Clothing at Alexandria, you must order a sufficient number of waggons down for them; and have them brought to this place, from whence you must send what are necessary to the several Garrisons and Commands; the remainder to be left here. As it will be necessary to supply the Workmen here with the usual allowance of Rum during the winter season, you must endeavour to provide it from time to time for them, upon the most reasonable terms. All Expresses on His Majestys Service, you are immediately to forward. Use your utmost endeavours as well to prevent Desertion, as to apprehend all that are guilty of that crime; and indulge the men as much as possible in their Duty during the cold weather. Whatever Tools, &c. are wanted for the works here, you must also procure from below. You are not to give Discharges to any men, nor grant Furloes to them for more than two days at a time. You are to settle with the Masters of Servants, and take certificates for each man on the back of his Indentures, to be laid before the Governor. You are to pay out of the money which will be left in your hands for all trivial contingencies, such as horse-hire, with Expresses, &c. observing the greatest economy therein.
Prepared under the direction of the United States
George Washington Bicentennial Commission
and published by authority of Congress
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor
Volume 2
1757--1769
United States
Government Printing Office
Washington
PRINTED
JUNE, 1931
Fort Cumberland, January [12], 1757.
Honble. Sir: Your letter of the 27th ultimo came to hand the 9th instant. I wrote to your Honor by Capt. Spotswood (who was charged with the care of Catawba Indians as far as Williamsburgh,) that I had sent Colo. Stephen with a detachment to bring the mutineers on the Branch to this place in irons. They were secured before he got there and he has brought all but six, who deserted from Capt. Joshua Lewis's company, before he reached it. We have held a General Court Martial on the Ring-leaders; flogged several severely; and have some under sentence of death. The proceedings of the Court I thought it needless to send, or ask warrants for execution, as we have no Law to inflict punishments even of the smallest kind.
I shall keep those criminals in irons, and if possible, under apprehensions of death, until some favourable opportunity may countenance a reprieve. We have as many men at work here, preparing Timber to strengthen the works, as tools will supply: but I wish I had been ordered to build a new fort altogether, rather than attempt to repair the old one.
Your Honor thinks Mr. Walker's discontinuing was for want of countenance, I must beg leave to answer, and I dare believe Mr. Walker will do me the justice to declare, that I have uniformly treated him with all the respect and complaisance in my power. That I did not approve of his staying is certainly true; I thought it was doing injustice to the service for him to be absent when his presence was requisite, and mentioned this circumstance to him accordingly. And since the subject hath been mentioned, I beg leave to add that if your Honor conceives Mr. Walker has been at any trouble in laying in provision, you have been exceedingly mis-informed. He left the Service the last of June or 1st of July, and has never done a day's duty since; either in making contracts, directing the purchases, or concerning himself in any manner whatever with the business; nay, no more than a stranger wou'd do: but either declined the Service altogether at that time, or intended to throw the principal burden of his office upon me. Had Mr. Walker continued to discharge the duties of a Commissary I never shou'd have thought of any other, as there is the greatest friendship between us. The part I have acted with that Gentleman, I shou'd have acted with my brother had he been in his place. But, to acquit myself of all suspicion of this sort, I shall observe that there never was the least disagreement between Mr. Walker and myself, either in words or actions before he left the Service, (which he did with my knowledge,) since which I have never seen him at this place, until he came up in December to settle his accompts: nor did I hear from him in all that time but once, when he informed me it was his intention to resign.
If your Honor thinks it proper to send Capt. McNeill (whom I also esteem a very sensible judicious Officer) home with the Catawba Indians, you will please to send for him: He must be at Winchester by this time, Capt. Spotswood having had charge of them to Williamsburgh only. When I left Winchester, I gave directions about carrying on the works at Fort Loudoun with all possible dispatch. But a letter from Capt. Mercer which accompanied your Honor's, informs me, that they are at a loss in respect of the manner of making the Ambrazures thro the parapet; although I gave directions in person before I came away on this head; they propose a method that will spoil the whole work. And as I could not make them sensible of my plan by instruction only when present, I have little hope of accomplishing it by writing, consequently am reduced to a disagreeable dilemma!
I have directed the provision on the Branch to be smoked, if there are conveniences for doing it.
No more forts were evacuated than were requisite to reinforce this Garrison with 100 men, and to continue 100 at Fort Loudoun, according to order. The others are continued at their former posts, as may be seen by the return of our strength, which I have caused to be noted.1 A Return of the Indians was sent in my last. I am &c.
[Note 1: A return of the strength and disposition of the Virginia Regiment, in Washington's writing, dated Jan. 1, 1757, is in the Washington Papers.]
January 26, 1757.
Sir: Yours from Staunton of the 1st. instant I have received. I am sorry you did not make a final settlement of your accompts, as it was for that purpose I appointed the meeting.
As I do not meddle with any accompts. or vouchers relative to provision, you must still settle that matter with the Commissary in the best manner you can, as it was prevented before, and draw upon him for money. At present I am entirely without, and shall be, until Mr. Kirkpatrick comes from Winchester. I have examined your accompt of contingencies, and some articles without vouchers (which you ought to have known would be required by the Committee for every farthing that is paid) will not pass: Others which relate more particularly to yourself, such as horse feeding &c. I can have nothing to do with. If Edmond Withs' disease is found so bad as to render him unfit for Service, it sho'd be certified by the Surgeon, and then Major Lewis may discharge him, 'till such time as the Committee shall come to some determination in regard to the pay of Ensign Fleming, as Surgeon, I can not desire him to officiate in that capacity.
I hope, and dare believe, his humanity and good disposition will induce him to assist the needy, as he has knowledge in physic.
If Mr. Wright's charge against Win. Bishop (who I suppose to be the person you speak of) be just, it ought to be paid.
With regard to David Evans, you cannot complain; when you consider that I ordered you three men from another Company, for which you have made no allowance.
The Governor has forbid me listing any more Servants 'till further Orders. You will observe this accordingly. I am &c.
[January], 1757.
My Lord: The posture of affairs in this quarter is really melancholy, and the prospect was rendered more gloomy while there appeared no hopes of amendment; but, from the presence of your Lordship at this time in the Dominion, we conceive hopes of seeing these threatening clouds dispelled.
The sums of money, my Lord, which have been granted by this colony to carry on war, have been very considerable; and to reflect to what little purpose is matter of great concern, and will seem surprising to those, who are not acquainted with the causes, and the confusion with which all our affairs have hitherto been conducted, owing to our having no fixed object, or pursuing any regular system, or plan of operation.
As I have studied with attention and care the nature of the service in which we are engaged, have been engaged therein from the beginning of the present broils, and have been an eyewitness to all the movements and various proceedings, I beg leave to offer a concise and candid account of our circumstances to your Lordship; from which many errors may be discovered, that merit redress in a very high degree.
It was not until it was too late, we discovered that the French were on the Ohio; or rather, that we could be persuaded they came there with a design to invade his Majesty's dominions. Nay, after I was sent out in December, 1753, and brought undoubted testimony even from themselves of their avowed design, it was yet thought a fiction, and a scheme to promote the interest of a private company, even by some who had a share in the government These unfavorable surmises caused great delay in raising the first men and money, and gave the active enemy time to take possession of the Fork of Ohio (which they now call Duquesne), before we were in sufficient strength to advance thither, which has been the chief source of all our past and present misfortunes. For by this means, (the French getting between us and our Indian allies,)5 they fixed those in their interests, who were wavering, and obliged the others to neutrality, 'till the unhappy defeat of his (late) Excellency General Braddock.
[Note 5: The Six Nations.]
The troops under Colonel Dunbar going into quarters in July, and the inactivity of the neighbouring colonies, and the incapacity of this, conspired to give the French great room to exult, and the Indians little reason to expect a vigorous offensive war on our side, and induced the other, which promised the greatest show of protection. This is an undeniable fact, and that all of the Indians did not forsake the English interest, 'till three months after the battle of Monongahela, but actually waited to see what measures would be concerted to regain our losses, and afford them the protection we had but too liberally promised them.
Virginia, it is true, was not inactive all this time: On the contrary, voted a handsome supply for raising men to carry on the war, or, more properly, to defend her self; matters being reduced to this extremity for want of assistance. But even in this she signally failed, arising, I apprehend, from the following causes:
The men first levied to repel the enemy marched for Ohio the beginning of April, 1754, without tents, without clothes, in short, without any conveniences to shelter them, (in that remarkably cold and wet season,) from the inclemency of the weather, and to make the service tolerably agreeable. In this state did they, notwithstanding, continue, till the battle of the Meadows, in July following, never receiving in all that space any subsistence; and were very often under the greatest straits and difficulties for want of provisions.
These things were productive of great murmurings and discontent, and rendered the service so distasteful to the men, that, not being paid immediately upon coming in, they thought themselves bubbled, and that no reward for their services was ever intended. This caused great desertion; and the deserters, spreading over the country, recounting their sufferings and want of pay, (which rags and poverty sufficiently testified,) fixed in the mind of the populace such horrid impressions of the hardships they had encountered, that no arguments could remove these prejudices, or facilitate the recruiting service.
This put the Assembly upon enacting a law to impress vagrants, which added to our difficulties, for, compelling these abandoned miscreants into the service, they embraced every opportunity to effect their escape, gave a loose to their vicious principles, and invented the most unheard-of stories to palliate desertion and gain compassion; in which they not only succeeded, but obtained protection also. So that it was next to impossible, after this, to apprehend deserters, while the civil officers rather connived at their escape, than aided in securing them.
Thus were affairs situated, when we were ordered, in September, 1755, to recruit our force to twelve hundred men. 'Tis easy therefore to conceive, under these circumstances, why we did not fulfil the order, especially when the officers were not sufficiently allowed for this arduous task. We continued, however, using our endeavours until March following, without much success.
The Assembly, meeting about that time, came to a resolution of augmenting our numbers to fifteen hundred men, by drafting the militia, (who were to continue in the service until December only,) and by a clause in the act exempting all those, who should pay ten pounds, our numbers were very little increased, one part of the people paying that sum, and many of the poorer sort absconding. This was not the only pernicious clause in the act for the funds arising from these forfeitures were thrown into the treasury; whereas, had they been deposited in proper hands for recruiting, the money might have turned to good account. But a greater grievance than either of these was restraining the forces from marching out of the colony, or acting offensively, and ordering them to build forts, and garrison them, along our frontiers (of more than three hundred miles in extent.) How equal they or any like number are to the task, and how repugnant a defensive plan is to the true interest and welfare of the colony, I submit to any judge to determine who will consider the following particulars.
First, that erecting forts at greater distances than fifteen or eighteen miles, or a day's march asunder, and garrisoning them with less than eighty or a hundred men, is not answering the intention; because, if they are at a greater distance from each other, it is inconvenient for the soldiers to scout between, and it gives the enemy full scope to make their incursions without being discovered, until they have fallen on the inhabitants and committed a ravage. And, after they are discovered, the time required in assembling troops from forts more distant, prevents a pursuit being made in time, and allows the enemy to escape without danger into a country so mountainous. and full of swamps hollow ways covered with woods. Then, to garrison them with less than eighty or a hundred men, the number is too small to afford detachments, but what are very liable to be cut off by the enemy, whose numbers in this close country can scarcely be known till they are proved. Indian parties are generaly intermixed with some Frenchmen, and are so dexterous at skulking, that their spies, lying about these small forts for some days and taking a prisoner, make certain discoveries of the strength of the garrison; and then, upon observing a scouting party coming out, will first cut it off, and afterwards attempt the fort. Instances of this have lately happened.
Secondly, our frontiers are of such extent, that if the enemy were to make a formidable attack on one side, before the troops on the other could get to their assistance, they might overrun the country; and it is not improbable, if they had a design upon one part, they would make a feint upon the other.
Thirdly, what it must cost the country to build these forts, and to remove stores and provisions into them; and
Fourthly, and lastly where and when this expense will end? For we may be assured, if we do not endeavour to remove the cause, we shall be as liable to the same incursions seven years hence as now; indeed more so. Because, if the French are allowed to possess those lands in peace, they will have the entire command of the Indians, and grow stronger in their alliance; while we, by our defensive schemes and pusillanimous behaviour, will exhaust our treasury, reduce our strength, and become the contempt of these savage nations, who are every day enriching themselves with the plunder and spoils of our people.
It will evidently appear from the whole tenor of my conduct, but more especially from reiterated representations, how strongly I have urged the Governor and Assembly to pursue different measures, and to convince them, by all the reasons I was capable of offering, of the impossibility of covering so extensive a frontier from Indian incursions, without more force than Virginia can maintain. I have endeavoured to demonstrate, that it would require fewer men to remove the cause, than to prevent the effects, while the cause subsists. This, notwithstanding, as I before observed, was the measure adopted, and the plan under which we have acted for eight months past, with the disagreeable reflection of doing no essential service to our country, gaining honor to ourselves, or reputation to our regiment. However, under these disadvantageous restraints I must beg leave to say, that the regiment has not been inactive; on the contrary, it has performed a vast deal of work, and has been very alert in defending the people, which will appear by observing, that, notwithstanding we are more contiguous to the French and their Indian allies, and more exposed to their frequent incursions, than any of the neighbouring colonies, we have not lost half the inhabitants, which others have done, but considerably more soldiers in their defence. For in the course of this campaign, since March, I mean, (as we have had but one constant campaign, and continued scene of action, since we first entered the service), our troops have been engaged in upwards of twenty skirmishes, and we have had near an hundred men killed and wounded, from a small regiment dispersed over the country, and acting upon the defensive, as ours is by order. This, I conceive, will not appear inconsiderable to those, who are in the least degree acquainted with the nature of this service, and the posture of our affairs; however it may to chimney-corner politicians, who are thirsting for news, and expecting by every express to hear in what manner Fort Duquesne was taken, and the garrison led away captive by our small numbers; altho' we are restrained from making the attempt, were our hopes of success ever so rational!
The next things, I shall beg leave to mention, is our military laws and regulations.
The first men raised, if I rightly remember, were under no law; if any, the military6 law, which was next of kin to it. But under this we remained a short time, and, instilling notions into the soldiers, who knew no better, that they were governed by the articles of war, we felt little inconveniences; and the next campaign we were joined by the regulars, and made subject to their laws. After the regulars left us, the Assembly, as I before mentioned, passed an act in September following to raise twelve hundred men, and, in order (I suppose) to improve upon the act of Parliament, prepared a military code of their own, but such a one as no military discipline could be preserved by while it existed. This being represented by the most pressing and repeated remonstrances, induced the Assembly to pass a bill in October following, for one year only, making mutiny and desertion death, but took no cognizance of many other crimes, equally punishable by act of Parliament. So that no officer, or soldier, accused of cowardice, holding correspondence with the enemy, quitting a post, or sleeping upon it, and many other crimes of a capital dye, or pernicious tendency, could be legally tried. Neither was there any provision made for quartering or billeting of soldiers, impressing wagons, &c., &c.
[Note 6: Sparks suggests that this word should be "militia." The text is from the copyist's record of 1784--85, and the instances of his carelessness in transcribing are numerous.]
But that which contributed the most towards rendering this law inconvenient and absurd, and at the same time to demonstrate that the Assembly fully intended to prevent any enterprise of their troops out of the colony, was a clause forbidding any courts-martial to sit out of it; by which means all proceedings held at Fort Cumberland (in Maryland) were illegal, and we were obliged to remove to Virginia for trial of offenders, or act contrary to law, and lie open to prosecution. How then were we to behave upon a march perhaps fifty, eighty, or an hundred miles distant? These circumstances concurring to render the law ineffectual, induced me again to recommend an amendment, which I did with all the force and energy of argument I was master of. But no regard has hitherto been paid to my remonstrances. To what cause it is owing, I know not, unless to short sittings and hurry of business; for I can conceive of no reason upon earth, why the Assembly should be against instituting rules for the regulation of their forces, which long experience in established armies has fully evinced the necessity of. But, to cut short the account, we are under no government at all, to speak properly. Indeed, there is a jumble of laws that have little meaning or design in them, but to conspire to make the command intricate, precarious in supporting authority, and not to offend the civil powers, who, tenacious of liberty, and prone to censure and condemn all proceedings which are not strictly lawful, not considering what cases may arise to render them necessary.
Another grievance, which this act subjects us to, is the method prescribed to pay for deserters. Many of our deserters are apprehended in Maryland and Pennsylvania, and, for the sake of reward, are brought to the regiment; instead thereof they receive certificate only, that they are entitled to two hundred weight of tobacco. This certificate is to be given into a Court of Claims, they refer it to the Assembly; and there it may lie perhaps two or three years before it is paid. This causes great dissatisfaction, and the ill-disposed to aid, rather than prevent, the escape of soldiers.
No regular provision is established for the maimed and wounded, which is a discouraging reflection, and grievously complained of. The soldiers justly observe, that the result of bravery is often a broken leg, arm, or incurable wound; and when they are disabled, and no longer fit for service, they are discharged, and reduced to the necessity of begging from door to door, or perish thro' indigence. It is true, no instance of this kind hath yet appeared; on the contrary, the Assembly have dealt generously by those unfortunate soldiers, who have met with this fate. But then, this provision is not established, nor in any wise compulsory, and a man may suffer in the interval of their sitting.
After giving this short and genuine account of our military laws, and then observing that these laws are expired, I conceive there need but few arguments to prove the difficulty of keeping soldiers under proper discipline, who know they are not (legally) punishable for the most atrocious crimes. When this happens to be the case, as it is ours at present, how is it to be wondered at, if mutiny, desertion, and all other irregularities should creep into the camp, or garrison? more especially if we consider that hard duty, want of clothes and almost every necessary that renders a soldier's life comfortable and easy, are strong incentives, and, to go further, when these in themselves intolerable grievances are set to view in the most glaring point of light by a person, who, lost to all sense of honor and virtue, (and building, I am sorry to say, upon a proclamation inviting the deserters from the Virginia Regiment to enlist into the Royal American Regiment,) hath made use of every artifice to represent the fatigues and hardships of this service, and the ease and conveniences of the other, to seduce them from their duty.
Want of clothing may be esteemed another principal grievance, which our soldiers have labored under. In the first twelve months of their service they received no clothing; but in March, 1754, they were presented each with a suit made of thin, sleazy cloth without lining, and flannel waistcoats of an inferior sort. After that no others were sent for (and two pence stoppages drawn from every man's pay, recruits not excepted,) until repeated complaints and remonstrances from me, enforced in June last by a representation of many gentlemen of the Assembly, (who had formed an association, and saw the disagreeable situation of the soldiers,) induced the Committee, to whom those addresses were presented, to send for clothing, &c. These were to have been here by the middle of October, but no advice is received of them yet, which gives the soldiers some pretence to suspect they are deceived. And it is owing to this irregular pay, and the causes aforementioned, that their late disobedience ought to be ascribed. For I can truly say, and confidently assert, that no soldiers ever were under better command than these were before.
Perhaps it may be asked, by gentlemen not thoroughly acquainted with the nature of our service, why the officers do not see that their men's pay is more properly applied? In answer I must beg leave to observe, that, after the soldiers have appropriated a part for purchasing reasonable and fit necessaries, the remainder is barely sufficient to keep them in shoes, owing, in the first place, to the very great consumption the service occasions, and, in the next, to the exorbitant price, which this article bears. I have known a soldier go upon command with a new pair of shoes, which shoes perhaps have stood from seven shillings and sixpence to ten shillings, and return back without any; so much do they wear in wading creeks, fording rivers, clambering mountains covered with rocks, &c.
As great a grievance as any I have mentioned is yet unnoticed, i.e., the militia under their present regulation. A representation of this matter comes better and more properly from others; yet my zeal for the service and my interest in the welfare of my country, have influenced me to touch slightly on some things relative to their conduct, as I cannot enter deeply into the causes that produce them.***7
[Note 7: The three paragraphs omitted were copied verbatim from Washington's letter to Speaker Robinson, Nov. 9, 1756, ante.]
When they come into service it is with the utmost difficulty they are prevailed upon to take measures for self-defence, much less for the protection of the inhabitants; But indolent and careless, and always unguarded, are liable to be surprized. By this means Vass's fort was taken (and the garrison destroyed, and Dickinson's was on the point of sharing the same fate!
To set forth all the reasons that can contribute to render the militia of little use, and to point out all the causes which combine to make our service infinitely hard and disagreeable, would swell these observations into a volume, and require time, and a more able pen than mine. But there are yet some things that require to be spoken to the ill-judged economy that is shown in raising of men. We are either insensible of danger, till it breaks upon our heads, or else, thro' mistaken notions of economy, evade the expence, till the blow is struck, and then run into an extreme of raising militia. These, after an age, as it were, is spent in assembling them, come up, make a noise for a time, oppress the inhabitants, and then return, leaving the frontiers unguarded as before. Notwithstanding former experience convinces us, if reason did not, that the French and Indians are watching their opportunity, when we are lulled into fatal security and are unprepared to resist an attack, to muster their force to invade the country, and by ravaging one part terrify another, and then retreat when our militia assemble, repeating the stroke as soon as they are dispersed, sending down parties in the intermedium to discover our motions, procure intelligence, and sometimes to divert our troops. Such an invasion we may expect in March, if measures to prevent it are neglected, as they hitherto have been.
The want of tools occasions insurmountable difficulties in carrying on our works, either offensive or defensive. Cartridgepaper is an article not to be met within Virginia. And now, before I sum up the whole, I must beg leave to add, my unwearied endeavours are inadequately rewarded. The orders I receive are full of ambiguity. I am left, like a wanderer in a wilderness, to proceed at hazard. I am answerable for consequences, and blamed, without the privilege of defence. This, my Lord, I beg leave to declare to your Lordship, is at present my situation. Therefore, it is not to be wondered at, if, under such peculiar circumstances, I should be sicken'd in a service, which promises so little of a soldier's reward. I have long been satisfied of the impossibility of continuing in this service, without loss of honor. Indeed, I was fully convinced of it before I accepted the command the second time, (seeing the cloudy prospect that stood before me;) and did for this reason reject the offer, (until I was ashamed any longer to refuse,) not caring to expose my character to public censure. But the solicitations of the country overcame my objections, and induced me to accept it.
Another reason of late has continued me in it until now, and that is, the dawn of hope that arose, when I heard your Lordship was destined by his Majesty for the important command of his armies in America, and appointed to the government of his dominion of Virginia. Hence it was, that I drew my hopes, and fondly pronounced your Lordship our patron. Altho' I had not the honor to be known to your Lordship, your Lordship's name was familiar to my ear, on account of the important services performed to his Majesty in other parts of the world. Do not think, my Lord, that I am going to flatter; notwithstanding I have exalted sentiments of your Lordship's character and respect your rank, it is not my intention to adulate. My nature is open and honest and free from guile!
We have, my Lord, ever since our defeat at the Meadows, and, behaviour under his Excellency General Braddock, been tantalized, nay, bid to expect most sanguinely a better establishment, and have waited in tedious expectation of seeing this accomplished. The Assembly, it is true, have, I believe, done every thing in their power to bring this about; first, by soliciting his Honor, the Lieutenant-Governor, to address his Majesty; and next, by addressing his Majesty themselves in favor of their regiment. What success these addresses have met with, I am yet a stranger to.
With regard to myself, I cannot forbear adding, that, had his Excellency General Braddock survived his unfortunate defeat, I should have met with preferment agreeable to my wishes. I had his promise to that purpose, and I believe that gentleman was too sincere and generous to make unmeaning offers, where no favors were asked. General Shirley was not unkind in his promises, but he has gone to England. I do not know, my Lord, in what light this short and disinterested relation may be received by your Lordship; but with the utmost candor and submission it is offered. It contains no misrepresentations, nor aggravated relation of facts, nor unjust reflections.
Virginia is a country young in war, and, till the breaking out of these disturbances, has remained in the most profound and tranquil peace, ne'er studying war nor warfare. It is not, therefore, to be imagined, that she can fall into proper measures at once. All that can be expected at her hands she cheerfully offers, the sinews of war, and these only want your Lordship's ability and experience to be properly applied and directed.
It is for this reason I have presumed to lay this information before your Lordship, that, if there be any thing in it which appears worthy of redress, and your Lordship will condescend to point out the way it may be obtained.
And now, my Lord, how to apologize to your Lordship, for assuming a freedom, which must (at any rate) give you trouble, I know not, unless an affectionate zeal to serve my country, steady attachment to her interests, the honor of arms, and crying grievances she is struggling under, will plead an excuse, till I am so happy as to have an opportunity of testifying how much I admire your Lordship's character, and with what profound respect I have the honor to be, &c.
February, 1757.
We, the Officers of the Virginia Regiment, beg leave to congratulate your Lordship on your safe arrival in America; and to express the deep sense We have of His Majestys great Wisdom and paternal care for His Colonies, in sending your Lordship to their protection at this critical Juncture. WE likewise beg leave to declare our singular satisfaction and sanguine hopes, on your Lordships immediate appointment over our Colony; as it in a more especial manner Entitles Us to your Lordships patronage.
Full of hopes that a perfect Union of the Colonies will be brought about by your Lordships Wisdom and Authority; and big with expectations of seeing the extravagant insolence of an insulting, subtile and inhumane Enemy Restrained; and of having it in Our power to take our desired Revenge.
We humbly represent to Your Lordship, that WE were the first Troops in Action on the Continent, on occasion of the present Broils, and that by several Engagements and continual Skirmishes with the Enemy, We have to our cost acquired a knowledge of them, and of their crafty and cruel practises: Which We are ready to testify with the greatest chearfulness and Resolution, whenever We are so happy as to be honored with the Execution of your Lordships Commands.8
[Note 8: Washington probably composed this. The "Letter Book" copy, however (made in 1784--85), which is the only one available, is unsatisfactory because of some evident carelessness with which the record was made.]
[Alexandria] April 5, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: A letter which I received from Capt. Mercer, upon my return to Alexandria, informs me, that 95 Cutawba's, beside 25 that are gone to Williamsburgh, are now in Winchester, waiting orders how to conduct themselves. That, according to custom they are in want of matchcoats, Shirts, leggings, and all other necessaries. I shou'd be glad to receive your Honors particular directions with respect to providing them with those things, and in what manner they are to be employed: as I understand they intend to accompany (in a body) any Troops of ours that may march towards DuQuisne: Or, if no Expedition of that kind is intended, then to go out in small Scalping parties against the Enemy.
As your Honor gave me no particular directions concerning withdrawing the Troops from Fort Cumberland, or how they are to be employed and posted, when relieved by the Marylanders; I shou'd be glad of orders now also, whether I am to bring off all the Virginia Stores (Provisions excepted) at the same time that the Indian Goods are removed.
If your Honor does not choose to give particular directions concerning the disposition of the Troops, but leave it to me; I shall endeavour to post them in the most advantageous manner I can, until I have the pleasure of seeing you; when this and many other affairs may be fully settled. And I hope you will not think it advisable to order any part of our small Regiment to march for Carolina, 'till the Assembly meet and come to some determination about raising more, as the consequences might be bad.
Notwithstanding I know it was determined that only--Forts shou'd be retained and that these were fixed on; I shall not evacuate the others without orders as I know it wou'd be attended with very ill effects. Nor do I think it advisable that they should be dismantled just at this time. However, in this as in all other points, I only wait your Honors determinations, to carry them into execution.
I set out immediately for Fort Loudoun, and from thence to Fort Cumberland, if time will admit of it. I have ordered this Express to proceed as soon as he receives your Honors Despatches, to the former. Governor Sharpe did not incline to give Captain Dagworthy orders to march to Fort Cumberland, until you shall have given particular Orders about withdrawing our Garrison. Therefore the sooner I receive them the better. I shall be down by the 28th. if possible, and remain. You Honors, &c.
Fort Loudoun, April 15, 1757.
Dear Sir : After so long Silence it maybe expected, I shou'd introduce this Letter with an Apology for my seeming neglect, it is necessary to urge something in my defence I own Sir, that I may satisfy you it proceeds from a very different cause than the want of Inclination, and what can be so proper as the truth.
I have been posted then for twenty Months past upon our cold and Barren Frontiers, to perform I think I may say impossibilitys that is, to protect from the cruel Incursions of a Crafty Savage Enemy a line of Inhabitants of more than 350 Miles in extent with a force inadequate to the taske, by this means I am become in a manner an exile and Seldom inform'd of those oppertunitys, which I might otherwise embrace, of corrisponding with my friends.
Experience Sir, has convinc'd every thinking Man in this Colony, that we must bid adieu to peace and Safety whilst the French are allow'd to possess the Ohio, and to practise their hellish Arts among the numerous Tribes of Indian Nations that Inhabit those Regions. They are also convinc'd that it must be attended with an expence infinitely greater to defend our Possessions (as they ought to be defended) against the sculking Enemy than to remove the cause of our groundless Fears, in the reduction of the Place, Fort Duquesne I mean, yet, from what strange Causes I know not, no attempts this Season will be made I fear, to destroy this Hold of Barbarians, for they deserve no better a name who have become a Terror to three populous Colonies. Virginia may justly say that she was always willing to furnish her full proportion of Men and money for this desirable end; and I think I can venture to affirm that there never was, and verily I believe never will be, a more favourable time than the present for an Enterprise of this kind while the Enemy's Troops are doubtless drawn of to the Northward to defend themselves at home against the more formidable attacks of Lord Loudoun.
I have now to add. That I am so little acquainted with the Business relative to my private Affairs that I can scarce give you any information concerning it. I know that I ought to have some Tobacco and that it ought to be shipp'd; that I have beg'd the favour of Colo. Carlyle on Potomack and Fielding Lewis, Esqr., on Rappahannock to do this for me and I desir'd them to write you in my behalf and draw for Sundry things which I am in want of; but whether any part, or all of this is done I know not. I shall therefore desire these two things of you; first that you may put yourself to no real Inconvenience in providing Goods to greater amount than my remittances will fetch, because I by no means intended to be troublesome when I solicited your Corrispondence; and secondly, that whatever Goods you may send me where the prices are not absolutely limited you will let them be fashionable, neat, and good in their several kinds. Enclos'd is a List of Sundries which I shou'd be glad to receive agreeable to those Directions. I am, &c.
Fort Cumberland, April 16, 1757.
Honble. Sir: Your letter by express, of the 5th9 instant, I fear has fallen into the hands of the common Enemy, for I never have seen it. The other of the 7th I this day received; and being exceedingly embarrassed to come to your Honor's intentions, and really at a loss to know in what manner to act, in such perplexed and difficult circumstances, I called a council of officers to my aid. The result of their advice you will find in the enclosed.
[Note 9: The "Letter Book" copy has the 8th instant.]
It will not be in my power to be in Williamsburg by the 22d, as your Honor desires; but as soon after as I can, I certainly will. I shall leave orders with Colonel Stephen to march this garrison to Fort Loudoun, as soon as it is relieved, which cannot be before this express may return, and then your Honor's further orders may be received. We have no advice of Dagworthy's marching, tho orders were sent to him.
I shall order all the country's stores to be carried to Fort Loudoun, and the two companies on Patterson's Creek to be posted on the Branch, to complete the number that was designed for that place. I have ordered a particular return of the provisions to be made out, and Colonel Stephen to take Captain Dagworthy's receipt for the quantity left.
We have been at a good deal of unavoidable expense and trouble to furnish the Indians with such things as they wanted. Some enemy Indians killed two Catawbas on Thursday last, at about one hundred and fifty yards from the fort, and seventy from a sentry, and made their escape, tho pursued by other Catawbas and near two hundred men. And the day before yesterday, two soldiers were killed and a third taken prisoner, as they were coming to this place from the fort below. The rest of the party, being ten in number, with Captain Waggener among them, made their escape.
The enclosed remonstrance:10 I received just now and think it expedient to send it to your Honor, that you may know the temper and disposition of the troops. As I expect to be with your Honor in two or three days after the express, I think it needless to add any thing but an apology for the incoherence of this. The Indians are all around teazing and perplexing me for one thing or another, so that I scarce know what I write. I have the honor, &c.
[Note 10: See following document.]
[Note 11: This remonstrance seems to have been inclosed in Washington's letter to Dinwiddie of April 16. It is, doubtless, a collaboration in which Lieut. Col. Adam Stephen and other officers joined; but the flavor of Washington's manner of expression may be found therein.]
[April 16?], 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: We may I think with great propriety and justice represent That The Virginia Regiment was the first in arms of any Troops on the Continent, in the present War. That the three years they have served has been one continued scene of action That, Whilst other Troops have had agreeable recess in Winter Quarters, the nature of the Service in which we are engaged, and the paucity of our numbers (so unequal to the task) have kept us constantly in motion. That, nevertheless all these Services have hither to been performed with great spirit and chearfulness: But, that continuing in a Service precarious and uncertain; hazarding life, fortune and health to the chances of War, for a present and bare subsistance, are serious and melancholy considerations, evidently tending to promote langer and indifference: They sicken for that laudable and generous Emulation, so necessary among Troops: It is nipping the hopes we were led to cherish: It is discouraging to merit, and (I can not help repeating) it is in the greatest degree dispiriting to those Officers who, having thrown themselves out of other employments, must now perceive that they are wasting the prime of the life and constitution, in a Service at once the most hazardous and uncertain that can be! In which they can expect to be continued no longer than hard blows and continual dangers render it necessary. And when these cease their Services are to be dismissed; perhaps in a state of disability and indigence occasioned by wounds, &c.
These are reflections which strike deep in every breast, and have made our Officers anxiously solicitous to know their fate at once and the extent of their dependence; that they may regulate themselves accordingly. We can not conceive that because we are Americans, we shou'd therefor be deprived of the Benefits common to British Subjects, nor that it shou'd lessen our claim to preferment. And we are certain, that no Body of Regular Troops ever before served three bloody Campaigns, without royal notice!
The idle argument which is often used, namely, you are defending your Country and property; is justly look'd upon as inapplicable and absurd. We are defending part of the Domain of Great Britain: And altho' the inhabitants of our Mother Country are a little farther removed from danger than the most of us are, yet they are equally concerned and interested in the fate of the War. Therefore, if we shed our blood and waste our Substance in defence of the Country, we do service to them, and have an adequate right to preferment. Some, boast of their long Services, meaning I suppose the length of time they have borne a commission: shou'd this alone recommend a man? I apprehend it is the Service he has done, not the length of time he has borne a Commission, that can merit reward; and that there may be as just a claim to promotion from 3 years hard and bloody Service, as from ten, where neither real danger or Field of Battle was ever seen.
If it shou'd be said the Troops of Virginia are Irregulars and ought not to expect more notice than other provincials: we beg leave to deny the assertion, and observe, that we want nothing but Commissions from His Majesty to make us as regular a Corps as any upon the Continent. Because we were regularly enlisted, attested and bound, during the Kings or Colonys pleasure. We have been regularly Regimented and trained; and have done as regular Duty for upwards of 3 years, as any regiment in His Majestys Service. We have been regularly and uniformly clothed, both Officers and Soldiers. We have been at all the Expence that Regulars are, in providing Equipage for the Camp. And, in a word; we labour under every disadvantage, without enjoying a single benefit which the Regulars do. How different the establishment from all others this is, may easily be seen, when we consider, that they are raised for a time assembled in the Spring, and dismissed in the Fall: consequently are totally ignorant of regular Service. They knew their dependance, and had nothing to expect. They are never clothed, and are at little expence; as they act as Regulars, and are paid exorbitantly!
But, were there not these differences to give us the preference, the following, in my opinion are fully sufficient to obviate all scruples, vizt. We have been in constant pay, and on constant hard duty, since the beginning of these Broils, while none others have. We are, Sir, etc.
The Colonel laid before the Council a Letter which he had just received from His Honor, Governor Dinwiddie, (dated at Williamsburgh the 7th. instant;) referring him to another letter, by Express, of the 5th. which had not yet come to hand; for Orders and Directions concerning the marching two hundred men to Fredericksburgh by the 20th. instant, for the purpose of embarking them for Carolina. Also for the disposition of other Troops for the benefit of the frontier inhabitants: As also, concerning the sending out parties of Soldiers with the Indians. And desired their advice on the most expedient and proper measures to be used in the present situation of Affairs. The Governors letter of the 7th. without that of the 5th. inst. being altogether inexplicable.12
[Note 12: Dinwiddie's letter of April 5 finally arrived, but it could not have altered the situation, as it is assumed that the Maryland troops had arrived at Fort Cumberland. His letter of the 7th contains these statements: "Mr. Sharpe told me he had wrote by you to Captn. Dagworthy to march his men to take possession of Fort Cumberland when you withdrew your forces from thence and I was in hopes it wou'd have been immediately done...I wonder Govr. Sharpe shou'd hesitate in sending Capt. Dagworthy with his men to Fort Cumberland, when he knew you had positive orders to withdraw our troops on his arrival at that place, and delays may now prove of bad consequence." These two letters are in the Washington Papers and are printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, pp. 61--62.]
The Council after duly considering the Governors letter, and weighing the consequences of evacuating Fort Cumberland, before the expected relief shou'd arrive: and thereby exposing the frontier inhabitants to inconceivable danger, were unanimously of opinion.
First, that Fort Cumberland shou'd not be evacuated by the Virginia troops 'till they were relieved by those from Maryland, and the Stores cou'd be removed; unless more explicit orders shou'd arrive from the Governor, requiring it.
Secondly, That the Detachment ordered to march with the Cuttawba Indians, to gain intelligence and annoy the enemy; ought not to be countermanded, because it might create Jealouses and uneasiness among the Indians, who earnestly desired to be accompanied by Soldiers.
Thirdly, That, as the French and Indians have already this Season committed acts of hostility upon the Inhabitants; of the Branch, which had, together with the small force that was posted among them, discouraged the Settlers from planting, and determined a pretty large part of them to move off entirely. It is thought absolutely necessary to post troops upon the said Branch, in order to preserve that valuable Settlement, to induce the people to plant a sufficiency of Corn; and to prevent by that means, the vale of Winchester from becoming the Frontier.
Fourthly, That in order to this it is advisable to evacuate the Forts on Pattersons Creek (which serve no other purpose than to Secure the Communication between the forts Loudoun and Cumberland).
Fifthly, We humbly conceive, that the measures here proposed by this Council, are, under our present circumstances, absolutely requisite for the good of the Service, and are in no wise contradictory to any thing contained in the Governors Letter of the 7th. whose Intentions, for want of the letter of the 5th. instant, are not to be understood.
[Fort Cumberland], April 17, 1757.
Sir: You are to remain with the Garrison at this place, 'till the Maryland troops shall relieve you: As soon as possible you are to march the Virginia Troops to Fort Loudoun; taking care to carry all the Virginia Stores to that place, except a few tools which shou'd be sent to the Branch.
But, if it shou'd so happen that there do not come waggons enough to carry off the whole at once; you must have the remainder well secured here, and left under a Guard of our own Soldiers, which is to escort them down when more waggons arrive.
You are also to order the two Garrisons on Pattersons Creek (as soon as they can get waggons to transport their Stores to Pearsalls) to march to the South-Branch: One of which to be posted at Harness's Fort; the other at the Upper Tract (unless any of the Militia are there) then and in that case, they are to be posted at Fort Defence: and to use their utmost endeavours in protecting the Inhabitants, and encouraging them to plant. You must have the most exact account taken of the provisions that are in this Garrison; they are to be left for the use of the Marylanders, and a receipt taken from the commanding Officer for the quantity delivered.
The Indian Goods are to be removed to Fort Loudoun. Order the Quarter Master to have them and the Tools, together with the Soldiers clothing; and all the small things that are liable to be lost or stolen, carefully packed up.
In the execution of all these things I recommend it to you, to be as expeditious as possible, and to have due regard to the Interest and honor of Virginia.
Williamsburgh, Friday morning, April 29, 1757.
Honble. Sir: I make use of this as a less troublesome, the most effectual, and (I think), most expeditious method of recommending certain matters relative to the Regiment, &c., to your Honor's notice. And to begin:
The act of Assembly which subjected the Virginia troops to Martial law, is now expired; and when in force, was altogether ineffectual for the purpose. It is I think quite obvious, that we can prepare no Law more fit than that provided by Act of Parliament, as a military code for the government of our Troops.
We now have, and are likely to get a goodly number of Indians. I would therefore humbly recommend, that a judicious person acquainted with their customs, be appointed to the care of them: To conduct them agreeably to your Honor's direction, or to the orders which he may receive from the Commanding Officer. To make it his business to see that they are well supplied with provisions and commit no waste of them. To provide them with such necessaries as they may stand in need of, and are allowed by the country. To keep regular Accompts of all expenses occurring, &c.
It cannot be supposed that this duty (which will fully employ, to execute as it shou'd be, the time of any one person,) ought to fall upon the Commanding Officer; whose other engagements will render it absolutely impossible for him to pay so much attention to it, as the service requires. And if they are neglected the consequences will be bad. The paying a person for this extraordinary duty, will, in the end, be an advantage to the Country. A good many goods should be provided for this purpose, and that immediately.
There are many Masters of Servants yet unpaid, who are very anxious to receive their valuation. I shou'd be glad if there cou'd be a way pointed out to do it, as the owners look to me for the money.
The choice of good men to complete the Regiment is really a matter of great importance.
We received (because necessity obliged us) many Drafts last year, who were unfit for any sort of Duty and who were rather an expense than service to the Country. The Officers hearing that their numbers are to be reduced, are very desirous of knowing who are to go out.
Some other method to pay for Deserters besides that prescribed by act of Assembly, is absolutely necessary. It is also necessary that some expedient should be used to bring the commonalty acquainted with the consequences of harbouring and buying clothes and arms from Deserters, &c.
Not to confine the troops to our own frontiers and defensive measures only. By this means we put it into the power of the enemy, to use advantages as they offer. Last year we could not, without transgressing the Law, move out of the Colony.
[Not] Paying Soldiers in small bills is an intolerable grievance. It wou'd add to the credit of the Service and be a strong inducement for numbers to enlist, were the Assembly to make some regular provision for the maimed and wounded Soldiers, who shall be disabled in the Country service. It is an uncertain tedious and expensive way for each individual, after he is rendered unfit to serve, to come down and petition the Assembly for subsistence.
The Commissary's Office has for a long time, been under very bad direction thro' Mr. Walker's uncertainty of continuing. It wants much to be regulated.
The Garrison which, by the Council at Philadelphia, is to be fixed at Enochs's plantation, in order to secure a communication with Fort Cumberland; will be a manifest disadvantage to the Country; as it can answer no other purpose, and will be attended with the ill consequence of leaving exposed the old road to Fort Cumberland; which also is the road to our Settlers on the South-Branch, betwixt whom and the Inhabitants about Fort Loudoun, are not any persons living, save those at the Forts, which we have built, and garrisoned for securing the said communication. Were the men who are appointed to Enochs's divided, and one part put at Edwards's, and the other (which shou'd be the largest) at Pearsalls; it wou'd be of infinitely more service to Virginia, and still keep open a communication with Fort Cumberland: But not m so direct a course; nor could the road this way, pass by the Fort at Cresaps.
When my opinion was asked concerning a place to build on between Fort Loudoun and that at Cresaps, I was obliged to say Enochs's, because there was no other place more suitable than Enochs's on that road; and to that road I was confined. But, at the same time, I mentioned the other road as answering the two ends of securing the communication with Fort Cumberland and the inhabitants of the Branch. And asked Lord Loudoun in a particular manner, whether the Troops were to be confined to the places specified? His answer was "no, because" (says he) "that might defeat our intentions. The places now fixed upon are only nominated as passes which appear to be of the most importance; but the Troops will be removed to this place or that as occasion may require"; which was my motive for saying no more on the disadvantages that might arise from building a garrison at Enochs's. A full and discretionary power being thereby left in the commanding officer to post them here or there, as the good of the service, and change of circumstances, in his judgment might require, I therefore beg leave to offer this matter to your Honor's consideration, in time; as it may and doubtless will be attended with very bad consequences to this Colony, to secure the direct road that leads to Fort Cumberland only: and neglect the security of the other which is now become of much more comparative importance to the Settlers.
I also beg leave to observe here that the Fort at the Upper Tract, notwithstanding it is more in the Indian pass of the mountains, is too high up; since numbers of the inhabitants from those parts, if I am rightly informed, are lately moved down about Harness's, and a place called Butter-Milk-Fort; which renders it necessary to place the troops, or at least a principal part of them, there also; to protect the Inhabitants in sowing and gathering their Crops, &c.
It is a hardship upon the Regiment I think, to be denied a Chaplain.
Establishing the militia upon a good footing is a matter of very great moment. Under this present regulation they are of very little Service, upon any emergency, and very expensive! The rates of Soldiers diet when marching thro' the Country, or upon recruiting parties, ought to be settled. As also the Bounty-money allowed the Officers to recruit with; in case the Country compleats the Regiment by Enlistment. The Officers complain heavily of their losses in the recruiting service. Their allowance is much inferior to that of the British Officers; while their duty and fatigue are equally hard, if not more so.
I doubt not but your Honor will, when you settle with Governor Sharpe, about the provisions, at Fort Cumberland consider that the carriage of them up, &c., should be added to the first cost. If we only receive the like quantity at Fort Loudoun, the Country will sustain a considerable loss; as the carriage, &c., is almost if not quite as much as the first cost of the provisions.
I have, in the preceding pages mentioned every thing that occurs to me relative to the service in general, and must now beg leave to know, as there are new regulations making in respect to the strength and establishment of the Regiment, upon what terms your Honor purposes to continue me, and what may be my certain Dependence?
The Speaker informs me that the Country Committee have determined no longer to be concerned in disposing of the public money; nor have any thing more to do with settling accompts, &c., and that the House have committed or intend to commit the care of it to your Honor's management. The Speaker farther informs me, that he has made your Honor acquainted with the allowance the country have made me, vizt., 30/ per day, pay, and two per cent commissions for examining, settling and paying off accompts; and that you seemed to think it high. I flatter myself Sir, that your Honor will not differ in opinion from the whole country in this particular. For the Committee first gave it, and the Assembly afterwards allowed it as a recompense for my services and the extraordinary trouble and confinement I shou'd meet with in the prosecution of such complicated duties, as the nature of this service wou'd oblige me to engage in. I also hope, that your Honor will not, after the repeated assurances given of your good inclination to better my Command, render it worse by taking away the only perquisite I have; and the only thing that enables me to support the expence which unavoidably attends my Table and removing about from place to place on our frontiers where every kind of necessaries is accompanied with incredible expence, from the distresses which exist there.13
[Note 13: Two instructions to Colonel Washington, dated May 16, 1757, both signed by Dinwiddie, are in the Washington Papers; one is in Washington's writing and the other in that of George Mercer. By them the 2 per cent commission was discontinued and a lump sum of £200 a year allowed Washington for his table and expense. "In all other Respects you are to be on the same footing as formerly; and to Act as you heretofore have done." The Virginia Regiment was reduced to 10 companies of 100 men each and all captains, except 7, were reduced to lieutenants to the number of 20; there were to be 10 ensigns. Stations of the troops are specified and Washington ordered to remain at Winchester. "You are no longer to have concern with, or the management of, Indian affairs."]
Fort Loudoun, May 24, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: The Bearer of this is Sergeant Feint,14 a young fellow who went out with the first party of Cuttawba Indians, commanded by Capt. Johny, and taken near the french fort at the time we supposed and reported him to be killed, from the information which the Indians brought in.
[Note 14: Joseph Fent, Fant, Feint, who had recently escaped from Fort Duquesne. The governor described him as "a well-behaved man." He, later, became a lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment.]
He made his escape from a small Delaware Town on a branch of Muskingum called White Womans Creek, in company with a Cuttawba who was taken when he was. As he is a Sensible young fellow, I beg leave to refer your Honor to him for particulars, with regard to his observations on the country; strength of the Enemy, and the manner of his escape.
He is now going with my consent to visit his friends. I have inform'd the disbanded Captains at this place that they were not discontinued from any misconduct that hath been attributed to them: and that you were pleased to offer them Commissions as Lieutenants, But I have met none who are inclinable to accept of such. I have also dispatched an Express to the Branch, informing the Officers there of your Orders: But have received as yet no answer from them.
I shall endeavour so soon as the regulation of companies is made, to dispatch those destin'd to the Southern frontiers immediately to their respective posts: and apprehend I shall meet with much difficulty in getting them off before they are paid: as the march of the Detachment for So. Carolina was attended with innumerable inconveniences and grievous complaints from their Creditors.
It seemed to be the intention of the House of Burgesses (when I left Town) to raise a greater number of Regulars, and not to employ Militia. If this plan shou'd be carried into execution, it may employ all the Captains now in the Service, and more Subalterns will be wanted: in which case I must beg leave to recommend the Volunteers in the Regiment that have served 15 and 18 months, in hope of preferment. They amount to eight, in the whole.
I must also beg leave to mention Mr. Kirkpatrick again to your Honor. As the hurry of Business and other Solicitations may have caused you to have forgotten him. I presume to recommend him to your Honor in this warm manner from two motives. First, he has merit to deserve any favour that you may please to confer on him, and Secondly, I think myself bound in honor, as well as from inclination to Serve him, as I prevailed on him to accompany me, under expectation of an appointment as Commissary of Musters, added to some other Commission, might be worth his acceptance.
I doubt not but your Honor before this is informed, that a party of Cherokees under Warhatchie is come in with 4 Scalps and 2 Prisoners: They are much dissatisfied that the presents are not here. Look upon Capt. Mercers going off as a trick to evade the performance of the promise that has been made to them; will not believe that Mr. Atkin is coming; and in short, they are the most insolent, most avaricious, and most dissatisfied wretches I have ever had to deal with. If any thing shou'd detain Mr. Atkins arrival, it will not be in my power to convince them that it is not a mere hum! All the rhetoric I can muster is not likely to detain them more than two or three days to wait this event.
I imagine your Honor must have been much surprized to find so few of the Officers whom you had ordered for Carolina with the Detachment. And it was matter of astonishment to me when I found upon my arrival at this place, that Colo. Stephen had taken the liberty to dispense with your Orders on this point. However, this is not the only instance in which he has used such liberties.
The Regimental Stores are, by his Orders, distributed among the Indians although I left express Instructions to the Contrary with Capt. Mercer and the Quarter Master when I went from this place. Had I met with him here I Shou'd most assuredly have made him answer for his conduct; which has also been pretty extraordinary in drafting the men for his Detachment. I am &c.
May 28, 1757.
Sir: Your Orders of the 23d. instant I was favoured with this morning; and have complied therewith as punctually as possible. The following is a List of the particulars which John Spour15 hath passed his receipt to me for; and promised to deliver to Edward Shippen, Esquire (at Lancaster) agreeable to your direction.
[Note 15: Spore's receipt, dated May 28, 1757, is in the Washington Papers.]
There is not, belonging to His Majesty at this place, either match or cartridge-paper: neither brimstone, Saltpetre, or three-pound ball.
We have but 20 Rheam of cartridge paper for the use of the Regiment: and that I bought and sent from Philadelphia, during my Stay there in March last.
In a Return which was given in to His Excellency, the Earl of Loudoun, mention was made of a cask containing matches and Cartridges: But, upon a later examination, we discover that no matches were in it; and that we are in want of this article ourselves. The load of each waggon is completed with six-pound ball to the amount as above.
A Return of His Majestys Stores I herewith send (at least at this place) as given to me by the Quarter-Master of the Virginia Regiment. For there never has been any person appointed (since Mr. DeFever left us) to take charge of them.
The Cuttawba's have been of little use, but a great expence to this Colony; and are now gone home: The Cherokees I apprehend will follow their example. There is a party of 70 or 80 of them, with some Soldiers, now out, commanded by Major Lewis of the Regiment. But I expect very little from them; as I conceive it will scarcely be in the power of the Officers to carry them far enough to do much Service.
We are still without pay, and must continue to be so for six weeks longer. Yet I have been lucky (for I can call it nothing but luck) under my circumstances, to keep the Soldiers from mutiny and desertion; employed as they are on very fatiguing and laborious Duty.
You will excuse me, Sir, for saying that I think there never was, and perhaps never again will be, so favourable an opportunity as the present for reducing Fort DuQuisne. Several Prisoners have made their escape from the Ohio this Spring and agree in their accounts, that there are but 300 men left in the Garrison. And I do not conceive that the French are so Strong in Canada as to reinforce this place, and defend themselves, at Home, this Campaign. Surely, then this is too precious an apportunity to be lost.
Any Commands wherewith you are pleased to honor me, I shall take delight in obeying. And am Sir,
Fort Loudoun, May 29, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: Mr. Atkins delay is productive of numberless ill consequences. I am teased incessantly by the Indians to know when he will come; and have put them off so long, that their patience is quite exhausted; and several of them are going off without waiting his arrival. Among these are three who I must beg leave to recommend to your Honors particular notice. The first is Capt. Aires, about Hixayoura; a Cuttawba: He was the Indian that took the Scalp which King Hiegler brought to your Honor; and shewed a great desire to encourage his Brethren to go to war again, and did go himself with Capt. Bullen. The next is Captain Tom, the Chief of the Nottoways: He has received less, and deserves more than any of them; as he used great pains to bring the Tusks, and has met with no reward for it, although he was promised one.16 And the last is a young Cuttawba fellow, who made his escape with Sergeant Feint, after having killed and scalped two of the enemy just by their own Town: The scalps he has with him. I am, etc.
[Note 16: That is, to persuade certain Tuscarora Indians to join the Virginia forces.]
May 30, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: The Indians are so dissatisfied at Mr. Atkin's delay, that I am obliged to send this Express to beg the favor of your Honor to hurry him up immediately, or to give Orders in what manner the Present shou'd be disposed of, which arrived here two days ago from Mr. Donald. If one or the other of these is not done, and in a very short time too, it will not be in my power to prevent their going off full of resentment! They complain in very opprobious language of the treatment they have received; of their being referred from one to another for the Presents, which ought, according to promise, to have been ready before they left their nation: And, in Short, recapitulate a great number of grievances which they say have arisen from the perfidy of our promises.
It is disagreeable to me to repeat this Subject to your Honor, but it is necessary you shou'd be informed of the disposition of these people: and it is for this reason only that I mention it in the terms they express themselves to me.
The Indians not being under one direction, is the cause of great expence to the Country; and has other pernicious tendencies. For, as we are Strangers to the only proper method of managing them; and all of us being desirous of pleasing them, as knowing their importance: they have been very much indulged, to little purpose. Which will ever be the case while they are left to the management of different people.
I therefore beg leave to recommend (not from an inclination to dictate; much less from a disposition to intermeddle, but with due Submission) that some person of good Sense and probity, with a tolerable share of the knowledge of their customs, be appointed to transact, under your Honors direction, or that of the Southern agent, the Indian Affairs of this Colony, of every kind whatever. That a Stock of Goods, suitably chosen, be put into his hand; and that he may have power to reward them occasionally as their Services require: Pay them for Scalps; provide them with Provisions, arms, clothing, &c.
It appears in a very clear light to me Sir, that, unless something of this Sort is done, the Country will be involved in insuperable expence, immense difficulties; and no advantage meanwhile will accrue from the Indians. An Indian will never forget a promise made to him: They are naturally Suspicious; and, if they meet with delays, or disappointment, in their expectations; will scarcely ever be reconciled. For which reason, nothing ought ever to be promised but what is performed; and one only person be empowered to do either. If your Honor shou'd think this an advisable measure, and be inclined to carry it into execution, I wou'd beg leave to recommend Mr. Gist as the most proper person I am acquainted with to conduct the Business. He knows but little of their language it is true, but is well acquainted with their manners and customs; especially of the Southern indians. And, for his honesty and zeal I think I dare vouch.
It is also advisable that such a person shou'd be appointed, if it were for no other purpose than to receive, examine, and pay off the innumerable accounts that have arisen to the Country on account of these Indians. I have been presented with numbers of them myself, and have promised the people to represent their case to your Honor, that you may direct in what manner they are to apply for their money. Many of those accompts. are for provisions, &c. as they have marched along: while others are for presents &c. and certified (principally) by Colo. Stephen and some other Officers.
Capt. Bullen17 has proposed a scheme to Capt. Gist, for bringing in the Creek and Cherokee Indians: and I have desired them to communicate it to your Honor.
[Note 17: Capt. Jemmy Bullen, a Catawba Indian.]
If this cou'd be effected so as to have them here at a time when a body of troops was marching for Fort DuQuesne; it wou'd be a propitious circumstance and worthy of Bullen: whom I beg leave to recommend to your Honor as deserving particular encouragement for his endeavours to save the Country. He has Spent more of his things to inspirit his own people, as well as £10 cash in bringing them in.
Colo. Stanwix has sent to this place, and taken away 100 Barrels of gun-powder; three ton of musket-ball, 100 of 6 lb round-shot, and 12,000 musket-flints.
I fear, Sir, it will not be in my power to move the Troops from their present posts 'till the money arrives; as they are so involved in debt, and so much arrears due to them.
The Works at Fort Loudoun go on so slowly with the small number of men now employed, that I despair of getting them finished in time. I am your Honor's &c.
Fort Loudoun, May 30, 1757.18
[Note 18: The assembly, "having considered the great expense the Virginia regiment has cost the country from the number of companies it has consisted of, and those companies not half complete in proportion to the vast charge of officers," remodeled it in form, and made it consist of 10 companies of 100 men each, reducing all captains but 7. The force was distributed as follows: At Fort Loudoun, 100 men, commanded by Washington; at Maidstone, 70 men, commanded by Captain Stewart; at Edwards, 25 men, commanded by a subaltern; at Pearsall's, 45 men, commanded by Captain McKenzie; in the neighborhood of Buttermilk Fort, 70 men, commanded by Captain Waggener; at Dickinson's, 70 men, commanded by Major Lewis; at Voss's, 70 men, commanded by Captain Woodward. Washington was to remain at Winchester, and was deprived of all "concern with or management of Indian affairs," Mr. Atkin being appointed the King's agent to take charge of all affairs relating to the Indians who inhabited the country between Pennsylvania and Georgia. (See Dinwiddie's letter to Washington, May 16, 1757.) Dinwiddie's letter is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, p. 71.]
Dear Sir: We receive fresh proofs every day of the bad direction of our Indian affairs. It is not easy to tell what expenses have arisen on account of these Indians, how dissatisfied they are, and how gloomy the prospect of pleasing them appears, while we pursue our present system of management.
I therefore beg leave to propose a plan, which I know is exactly agreeable to the French policy of treating them and which may, if properly executed, be a means of retrieving our lost credit with this people, and prove of infinite advantage to the country. The French, Sir, have a proper person appointed to the direction of these affairs, who makes it his sole business to study their dispositions, and the art of pleasing them. This person is invested with power to treat with and reward them for every piece of service, and, by timely presents on suitable occasions, obtain very great advantages. There is always a store of goods committed to his care to answer these purposes, and no other person is suffered to meddle with it; by which means the whole business is thrown into one channel, and it thereby becomes easy and regular. Whereas, with us it is every body's business, and no one's, to supply. Every person attempts to please, and few succeed in it, because one promises this, and another that, and few can perform any thing, but are obliged to shuffle and put them off, to get rid of their importunities.
Hence they accuse us of their perfidy and deceit! I could recapitulate a great number of their reproachful complaints, if I judged it necessary to confirm what I have already advanced. But I believe, Sir, you are convinced from what you have seen, that there can be no deception in my story. Therefore, I shall endeavor to remark with candor, freedom, and submission, that, unless some person is appointed to manage the Indian affairs of this colony, under the direction of the Governor, or the southern agent, that a vast expense and but little advantage will accrue from the coming of those Indians among us. And I know of no person so well qualified for an undertaking of this sort as the bearer, Captain Gist.19 He has had extensive dealings with the Indians, is in great esteem among them, well
[Note 19: "When I proceed to the southward, I shall appoint some person to act for me in this colony according to my instructions during my absence, who I believe will be Capt. Gist, who resigns his post in the Virginia regiment. He is so well recommended to me, and does I believe understand the Indian affairs so much better than any man else I can find or hear of in this colony, that I hope he will give satisfaction to all that will be interested in his behaviour."-- Atkin to Governor Sharpe, June 30, 1757.] acquainted with their manners and customs, is indefatigable, and patient, most excellent qualities indeed where Indians are concerned. And for his capacity, honesty, and zeal, I dare venture to engage. If he should be appointed to this duty, or, if this plan should take effect, I dare say you will judge it advisable to send for a large assortment of those species of goods which are the most likely to carry on the above mentioned business.
Bullen, a Catawba warrior, has been proposing a plan to Captain Gist for bringing in the Creek and Chickasaw Indians. If such a scheme as this can be effected by the time we shall march for Fort Duquesne, it would be a glorious undertaking, and worthy of the man. I am, &c.
June 3, 1757.
Sir: In a letter which I wrote to you yesterday, I desired that the Indians might not be brought to this place if it cou'd possibly be avoided: Since which, the Hon'ble Edmund Atkin, Esquire, Superintendant of Indian Affairs, is arrived, and desires to hold a conference with them here.
No bad consequences are likely to ensue by bringing them from the Frontiers (of which, however, you are to judge from appearances.) Mr. Smith the Interpreter,20 you are to bring without fail; as, without his assistance, no conference can be held. I am &c.
[Note 20: Richard Smith, Indian interpreter.]
Fort Loudoun, June 6, 1757.
You are Ordered to take under your command the men belonging to your own Company, together with those joined thereto by a late Order; as also those (now) of Capt. Spotswoods Company: And, with Lieutenants Lomax and Steenburgen, and Ensign Thompson, with four Sergeants, four Corporals and a Drummer. You are to march to Maidstone, in order to relieve Capt. Stewart and the Troops under his command; except those of my Company,21 at Forts Patterson, Mendenhall and Neally: and as many of the said Company (which are now at Maidstone) as will replace the number of private men detained from you to work on the Fort at this place.
[Note 21: In Colonial and early Revolutionary times it was the military custom to have the field officers of a regiment also command a company of the regiment; when the regimental duties interfered, the command of the company devolved upon the lieutenant of the organization.]
These will reinforce your Detachment until I direct further concerning it. When you get to your post you are then and there, to observe the following Instructions: Vizt.
First, To take an exact account of all the Stores, provisions, and other necessaries at that place belonging to the public, and pass your receipt to Capt. Stewart for the Same (except it be for the Tents he is to bring up here); and you are to be careful in preventing waste of any part or parcel thereof: and to see that the whole be used with the greatest economy, and prudence for the Country.
Secondly, As the principal end proposed in sending you to that Post is, to protect the Inhabitants of parts adjacent, and to keep them if possible easy and quiet: I injoin it upon you, to use every means which you and your Officers shall judge advisible to answer this Salutary purpose, especialy the following; First, at the Forts above-mentioned, to post a Sergeant and fifteen men: vizt. the Sergeant and 7 at Pattersons, and the remaining 8 at the other two places; namely, Mendenhalls and Nealys; four at each, which you are to relieve weekly, and cause (after the Country provisions now at these Forts are expended) them to take their weeks allowance with them; as also other Suitable necessaries; and a sufficient quantity of ammunition. Secondly, with the remaining part of your Detachment you are to keep out constant Scouts, to consist of not more than one-third of your well men at a time, if necessity shou'd not require more. And order them generally to range the woods and country about the Falling Waters, and heads of Garlands, and Peter Tustees Springs. In these Tours of Duty an Officer is frequently if not always to command, although he may judge the party too Small, for his Rank...22
[Note 22: The third to ninth instructions which follow are included, practically verbatim, in the General Instructions to all the Captains of Companies, July 29, post.]
To cause all the provisions to be exactly weighed out; and when you want more, to apply to the Commisary at this place, who will have orders to Supply you. You must also apply here for ammunition and other necessaries which may be wanted for the use of your Garrison...23
[Note 23: This variation from the General Instructions to all the Captains of Companies, July 29, post, is in the fifth paragraph.]
Fort Loudoun, June 7, 1757.
You are hereby Ordered to take charge of the Cherokee Indians, whereof Warhatchie and Yautanou are Chiefs, and to conduct them in the nearest and best way you can from this place, thro' Augusta, Bedford and Halifax Counties, to the Borders of North Carolina; and deliver them over to some Civil or Military Officer of that Province, in order to their being further conducted towards their Nation.
That the Indians may not be disappointed in provisions, you are to send on a man a days march before, you, to provide them. You are to get exact accounts of the kinds, quantities and value, from every man that supplies you; which you are to certify and keep copies, and endeavour to be as frugal of, as possible. The person who goes on before is to desire the people at whose Houses the Indians may halt, carefully to conceal any liquor they may have. Shou'd the Indians however, behave in a mild discreet manner, you may at night give them a little rum mixed with water, if to be had; which you are to inform them is procured thro your own influence upon the White people, on account of their good Behaviour, and not by virtue of Orders.
Shou'd any of the Indians misbehave, you are not to find fault with the Agressor, but to apply for redress to Warhatchie24 only.
[Note 24: Warhatche, spelled also Wawhatchee, and probably the Wahawtehew mentioned by Dinwiddie, was chief of all the southern Cherokee towns. Edmund Atkin described him as the "greatest rogue among them, most certainly of unbounded avarice, well and long known to me in particular, and not having the least regard for the English, further than he can get presents from them." The cause of the separation mentioned by Washington is fully described in a letter from Atkin to Croghan in Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 3, P. 175.-- Ford.]
The party now at this place from Capt. Hogg's Company, is to march with you so far as their road and yours is one (and shou'd be supplied with provisions in the same manner that the Indians are; as they are intended for an Escort to them:) After which you are to order them to join their Company; unless you shall find it necessary to take them farther, to keep the Indians from mischief. In such case you may carry the men, but in no other.
As you have applied to me for liberty of absence, you have hereby liberty for days, after you shall have conducted the Indians, agreeably to the above Orders.
June 10, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: Your letters of the 23d. ultimo and 2d. instant are received.
Mr. Atkin will write your Honor by this opportunity; therefore my observations shall be principally confined to Indian Affairs. In the first place, I fear that, the different colonies struggling with each other for their assistance, will be productive of very great Evils; and, in the end, introduce insupportable expence to these Governments, or to the Crown.
Maryland hath already held treaties with, and given presents to them.
Pennsylvania hath sent Speeches to them, and offers presents (and to the latter a great part is now gone). The consequence is, those Savages look upon themselves in a more important light than ever, and have behaved very insolently thereupon; as Mr. Atkin can inform you.
Part of the Cherokees is returned to their nation. I have sent, agreeably to your Honors Order, a person with them, to procure provisions along the road; and a small Detachment (a large one we cou'd not afford, as we are greatly straightened for want of men every where, especially at this place, to carry on the Works) to escort them to Vauses Fort.
I have in late letters mentioned some of the inconveniences which arise for want of money: and must now add, that unless there is a good deal sent up in a very short time, I must inevitably Suffer, as well as the Service, in a very great degree: As all the country people who have any demands upon the Public, think I am liable, and look to me for payment. Mr. Atkin has received the Indian Goods which were at this place, brought from Fort Cumberland and elsewhere, the enclosed is a copy of the return of them: A return of our strength is also enclosed, as the Companys stood after the Draughts were taken for South-Carolina;25 and, at the reduction of the Captains, the reason why my Company appears so much larger than
[Note 25: This return, dated May, 1757, is in the Washington Papers.] the others, is because all the Workmen that have been taken out of other Companies for this employment, have been returned in it.
That Capt. Paris26 has misbehaved, I verily believe: He has a commission in the Maryland Forces: which I think pretty extraordinary on every account. However, as your Honor empower'd Mr. Atkin to enquire into his behavior, I did not interfere, or concern myself in any shape with him.
[Note 26: Capt. Richard Pearis or Paris. He seems to have raised a company, which was incorporated into the Virginia Regiment; then accepting a commission from Maryland, he insisted that both he and his company were still in Virginia's pay. Dinwiddie wrote to Washington (June 24): "Capt. Pearis having excepted a Como. from Govr. Sharpe, forfeits any expectations from this Colony, his conduct has been bad, so I think its a good ridance of him."]
Colo. Bouquets information after what I was told to the northward, after what I know was established under General Braddock (from whom, if I am rightly informed, proceeded the allowance of Bat-men, to the Virginia Officers;) and, after giving in, at His Excellency Lord Loudouns own request (and to his satisfaction, as far as I cou'd learn) the quantity of provision, number of Batmen, &c. allowed each Officer. And, that I did this, Capt. Stewart knows to be fact (for he himself made a fair copy of the return for me:) I say, after all this, Colo. Bouquets' information is matter of surprize to me.
However, if this is the practice of the Army by any late regulations, I dare say every Officer here will chearfully acquisce in it: and wou'd wish from their very heart, that every other regulation that is dispensed to the Regular Officers, was extended equally to them.
The Wampum which Capt. McNeil lost, is since found and delivered to Mr. Atkin. I shall order Capt. Woodward to march his Company to Vauses and relieve Capt. Hogg, whose Company will be given to Major Lewis, as it formerly belonged to him.
I am importuned by the country people inhabiting the small Forts, for Supplies of ammunition. I have refused them all, until I know your Sentiments. Ammunition is not to be purchased; and indeed some of them are too poor to buy, if it was. Therefore they apply to me. If your Honor thinks proper to order me to deliver it out to such people as I conceive will appropriate it to a good use, and in such quantities as we may be able to spare, I will do it; but not without.
I have found it expedient to relieve the Detachment at Maidstone, commanded by Captain Stewart, and bring them to this place. There were several material reasons which urged me to this Step; but the two following will, I hope, meet with your approbation. I have found by experience, that it is impossible to work Soldiers, and train them to the use of their arms at the same time: and that, if both are attempted, both will be more or less neglected. For which reason it appeared to me evidently for the Interest of the Service, that the men at this place (except the necessary tradesmen) shou'd be removed to some other post; where they might be regularly exercised, when they are not upon the Scout. Then there was no Company so proper to relieve them as Capt. Stewarts; who having had and improved the opportunity of discipling his men, was desirous of coming hither, as they have been a long time detached from the body of the Regiment. The other reason is, half the men at Maidstone being enlisted by Capt. Gist, in Maryland, and so contiguous to, and under the immediate influence and persuasion of their friends (who encourage them to desert: and not only do so, but protect them openly in it, under the eye and authority of their Majistrates, if we are rightly informed) that in a little time, not one wou'd have been left. Eleven are at this time under confinement for desertion from this Company. I hope your Honor will direct me in what points and how far I am to pay regard to Colo. Stanwix's Orders: If I shou'd meet with any thing from him at any time, that may clash with yourinstructions to me, how I am to conduct myself in the affair.A case of this kind happened in Maryland, as I am told, andColo. Stanwix sent orders to the Officer under ... 27 to disobey his (Stanwixes) orders at his peril.
[Note 27: Blank in the manuscript.]
Major Lewis cou'd not prevail with the Cherokee Indians to take out with them any more than 8 days provisions; the consequence of which is that he is come in with a part of them. There are yet out two parties, one of which consisting of 20 Indians and 10 Soldiers, under Capt. Spotswood, and are gone toward Fort DuQuesne: while the other amounts to 15 Indians and 5 Soldiers, under Lt. Baker, bent their course for Log's Town.
I wrote your Honor in my last, that Colo. Stephen did, whilst I was in Williamsburgh, give out many of the Regimental Stores for the use of the Indians, among which were 122 Blankets. There are at this place, come up for the Indians, several pieces of dutch blanketing. I shou'd be glad to know whether we may not take out of them (if there is a sufficiency to replace our loss) as the Indians have all been supplied?
I doubt not that your Honor has been informed of the fate of our Beef at Fort Cumberland: I was all along apprehensive that this wou'd be the consequence of Mr. Walkers absence. And as soon as I heard the account, I desired Mr. Rutherford to go up and overhale the casks and see what cou'd be saved. His answer was, that he was employed by Mr. Walker to trans. act the business at this place, and did not care to undertake it without his instructions. I thereupon desired he wou'd communicate the affair to Mr. Walker, and receive his directions, as I apprehended the Country wou'd look to him for the damage. What notice Mr. Walker has taken of it I know not. But since I have heard they have destroyed the provisions in an unwarrantable manner. Indeed I shou'd be glad if your Honor wou'd direct what is to be done in this affair.
Capt. Bell waits upon your Honor in hopes he may be able to obtain one of the additional compys. which we hear are to be raised. I have been greatly importuned by his friends to Speak in his favor, or say what I know of him. All that I can say is that, so far as I have had an opportunity of judging, he appears to be a good-natur'd honest man; and willing to do his duty. He has had no opportunity of proving his Bravery, that I know of, nor do I remember ever to have heard it called in question.
As to his abilities in other respects, and his bodily activity, your Honor can judge of them better than I, being more acquainted with him.
I must once more presume to ask your Honor leave to attend the Settlement of my (deceased) Brothers Estate (when the Executors and Colo. Lee will fix upon a time)28 You were so indulgent on a former occasion as to consent to my being absent for this purpose. But the Assembly called off my Brother,29 and several others who were principally concerned, and prevented the completion of this affair since. Altho' it is matter of great moment to have this business finished, it yet lies open. I am &c.
[Note 28: That of Lawrence Washington. Col. George Lee had married Lawrence's widow. The estate included Mount Vernon.]
[Note 29: Augustine Washington, half brother to George, whom the latter called Austin.]
Fort Loudoun, June 10, 1757.
Dear Sir: A person of a readier pen, and having more time, than myself, might amuse you with the vicissitudes, which have happened in the Indian affairs since Mr. Atkin came up. I acknowledge my incompetency, and therefore shall only observe, that the Indians have been pleased and displeased oftener than they ought to have been; and that they are gone off (that party under Warhatche, I mean,) in different ways, and with far different views; one part southwardly to their nation; and the other northwardly to treat with the Pennsylvanians, contrary to the sentiments of Mr. Atkin, who has, I believe, sent to forbid any conference to be held with them.30
[Note 30: As to Indian matters, you must know I can be but a stranger, and I find all those employed as agents very jealous of one another, and I can perceive Mr. Croghan so of Colonel Armstrong, and...Mr. Atkin so of them all, as well as of the Provinces."-- Colonel Stanwix to Governor Denny, June 12, 1757.
Armstrong said that Atkin was "miffed" about the provinces taking any notice of the southern tribes without first consulting him; while Croghan believed that Atkin had been prejudiced by the Virginians. Atkin wrote to Croghan (June 8) that on arriving in Virginia he "found it just on the brink of confusion and distraction, by means of the very Indians that had been drawn with great pains and expense to its assistance," as they "behaved like freebooters in an enemies' country." And to Governor Sharpe: "You will see how fortunate my being at Williamsburg was, to prevent a convulsion which must otherways happened in this colony and shaken all the colonies in its consequences."-- Ford.]
Major Lewis is returned with part of the Indians, that went out with him, in consequence of their having taken only eight days' provisions with them. He was unable to prevail with those savages to take more. One party of twenty, with ten soldiers, is gone towards Fort Duquesne, under Captain Spotswood; and another party of fifteen, with five soldiers, under Lieutenant Baker, but they course towards Logstown. God send them success and a safe return, I pray.
Unless you will interest yourself in sending money to me to discharge the public debts, I must inevitably suffer very considerably, as the country people all think me pledged to them, let what will happen. They are grown very clamorous, and will be more than ever incensed if there should come an inadequate sum, and that sum be appropriated to the payment of the soldiers.
I am convinced it would give pleasure to the Governor to hear that I was involved in trouble, however undeservedly, such are his dispositions toward me.
I should be glad to know whether Capt. Mercer received any money from the public while he was down; and if he did, on what account. If he did not, I would be glad you would pay none, until you hear further from me, altho' he may have drawn orders. 'Tis on the account of the public I desire this.
June 11, 1757.
Sir: The exorbitant expence, and bad precedent of giving to every Indian who is pleased to demand it, a Horse to ride, compel me to tell you, that a stop must be put to the practise, or the Officer who directs it will be made liable for the cost. The County will not allow it; Nor are you to give them liquor, but upon extraordinary occasions.
I have the pleasure to inform you, that you are one of the Captains continued in the Service; and that I have passed all your accompts which you put into my hands, except that of contingencies, which lies over for Vouchers: As soon as you procure these, the Committee consent to the payment. After this it will, I presume be needless to say, that you ought not to pay a farthing without taking a receipt for it. I am Yrs. &c.
June 12, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: The enclosed is a return of the Subaltern Officers and Cadets in the Virginia Regiment, Set down according to their Seniority. I think it proper to send this to your Honor that you may be enabled to fill up the Commissions below, if you prefer, it, rather than sending blank ones to the Officers who have resigned their Commissions at different times, of which your Honor has been informed. Since I came up two only have followed their example: Namely, Lieutenant Williams, of Capt. Peachy's Company; and Ensign Deane, of Cap. Bell's. The latter was afraid of having his conduct enquired into, concerning an arbitrary exertion of Military power: and chose this method of avoiding an examination, as it was agreeable to all parties; and the Service, I very well knew, wou'd not suffer by his resignation. I gave him my consent accordingly; and hope it will meet with your Honors approbation. Capt. Gist is the only one of the reduced Captains who is agreed if he can regularly, to accept of a Lieutenancy. And he accepts of it upon condition that he is appointed the next oldest Lieutenant to Capt. McNeil whose first commission is dated the 4th. day of December 1754; and his second, the 18th. of August, 55. This I thought highly consistent with justice, and therefore promised my endeavours to have it so. Because these Captains wou'd otherwise have become the youngest Lieutenants; and might have been commanded by those Officers, whom they once had in their own companies as Subalterns.
There is no other method therefore, that I can see, to do them justice (and to preserve the proper Rank of the Subalterns) than to antedate their Commissions: It is attended with no expence nor inconvenience.
Being informed that the Money-Bill is passed, and that Troops will be raised by drafting the Militia; I shou'd be glad to receive timely Instructions, in what manner, and where I am to receive them. What privileges and immunties they are entitled to; and what Laws they are to be governed by, &c. I shou'd also be glad to know on what footing the Ranging Companies are to be established, and how they are to rank; compared with the Regiment? and whether (but this can not be) they are entitled to any of our Regimental clothes, &c. I recommended when I was in Williamsburgh, Sergeant Hughes (of Captn. Stewarts Company) for the Adjutantcy of the Regiment. Your Honor seemed to approve of it then, and will now, I hope, send him a Commission. We shou'd also be glad if our Chaplain was appointed, and that a Gentleman of sober, serious and religious deportment were chosen for this important Trust! Otherwise, we shou'd be better without. Enclosed your Honor will receive a copy of the proceedings of a Court of Enquiry, held upon Lt. Campbell, for not going according to Orders, with the Detachment to Carolina. Lt. Steenburgens case was pretty nearly the same with this and many other cases extraordinary in their nature, were transacted by Colo. Stevens, while I was at Williamsburgh.
Mr. Boyd goes down for money. I am &c.
If your Honor is pleased to promote the Officers &c. according to their Seniority, and present Rank in the Regiment: They will then, if there are twelve Companies, stand as follows.
There remains according to this, a vacancy for an Ensign, to which I wou'd humbly recommend Mr. Kirkpatrick; with the Office of Commissary of Musters. If Captn. McNeil should be promoted, Capt. Gist will be Captn. Lt. in his room; and another Ensign will be wanted: In that case the oldest Ensign will be made Lt. and I would beg leave to speak in behalf of Mr. Thomas Rutherford for the vacancy of Ensign. He is a young man who, for his modesty and good behaviour gained a very good reputation as Lieutenant of one of the Ranging Companies on this quarter. I am etc.
June 12, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: Since closing my packet for your Honor of this date, I have received by Express, from Fort Cumberland the agreeable news of Lt. Bakers return to that place with 5 Scalps &c. one french officer, prisoner. Two other Officers were also made prisoners; but one of them being wounded and unable to march, the Indians killed; and the other they served in the same manner soon after: and both contrary to the intreaties of Mr. Baker. In this they took revenge for the death of the truly brave Swallow-Warrior, who was killed in the Skirmish, and for the wound received by his son; whom they brought from the head of Turtle-creek, where the Engagement happened (about 100 miles beyond Fort Cumberland) on their Shoulders, without eating a morsel the whole distance. The name of the Officer commanding the french troops on the Ohio, together with the names of the two who were killed, and the other taken prisoner, are given in by the latter, as enclosed. The party they engaged, consisted of 10 french, 3 of whom were Officers; who had parted only the day before with fifty odd Shawnese, returning from war. Our people wou'd have taken the whole party, had it not been for the unfortunate loss of the indian chief, which put a stop to his mens pursuing. If this party was to meet with a reward for their Scalps and Services, with no more difficulty, than Warhatchie did in Maryland; it wou'd be attended with happy consequences. If they do not, discontent and murmuring will ensue.
I have spoken to Mr. Atkin about the prisoner whom the Indians have brought in; and he will endeavour to have him brought to this place.
I have this instant received your Honors letter by Captn. Gist; and must observe in answer thereto, that it was the refactory behaviour of the Cherokee indians, which caused Capt. Mercer to promise them presents. It is very certain he had no power or authority to do it: But his case was peculiar, These Indians came upon him expecting presents; and no Orders or Instructions (I believe) were Sent concerning the manner in which they were to be treated: Upon which they grew dissatisfied and unruly; and he therefore, with the advice of the Officers, chose rather to make them the promise he did, than suffer them to run back in a discontented mood! This was the (alone) alternative he was reduced to, if I am rightly informed. I fancy your Honor will not think, him, upon a second thought, so much to blame, as might appear at first view: especially when it is considered that he (nor are any of us who are now here) is but little acquainted with the proper manner of treating them. Indeed I am fearful, as I have frequently observed, that unless some person is appointed whose sole business it shall be to take charge of those people, there will be many other errors committed equally pernicious with this (if it be a wrong measure at all.) I have spoken to Mr. Atkin sundry times on this head. He thinks it the most advisable, yea, the best plan that can be devised, to answer our purposes. But says, unless the Colony will Support the expence, he can not appoint such a person, having no authority from the Crown to incur the expence which wou'd attend that appointment.
Enclosed is a return of the arms and ammunition at this place. I shall acquaint Colo. Stanwix that your Honor desires to know whether arms may be had of him, if they shou'd be wanted.
There are many indian accompts against the Country. The people are continually at me to know who is to take them in, and how they are to be paid. I hope your Honor will direct Mr. Boyd, that he may satisfy the Creditors. I am &c.
June 12, 1757.
Dear Sir: I embrace this opportunity of congratulating you upon your Safe return; and of thanking you, for the Services you have done the public, in your late Scout and Skirmish.
I was greatly surprized at not receiving an account of this matter from yourself: but am satisfied, there was some particular reason why I did not. For I can not belive that you, who have behaved so well in one respect, wou'd be so deficient in your duty in another.
Mr. Smith, at the instance of Mr. Atkin, has written to the Indians, requesting that the french officer be brought to this place.31 Use all fair arguments and endeavours to encourage this, but no foul measures must be taken. You must remain yourself with the company at Pearsalls; if there is no particular
[Note 31: Baker's letter to Washington, describing his skirmish, dated June 10, 1757, is in the Washington Papers. The fight occurred on Turtle Creek, Pa., about 35 miles from Turkey Foot and about 20 miles from Fort Duquesne. The failing of The Swallow, a Cherokee chief, so enraged the Indians that they murdered two of the French prisoners. The one whose life was saved by Baker was an ensign named Velistre.] reason, on account of the Indians, to the contrary? I am your most obedt. Servt.
[Note 32: Colonel Stanwix was stationed by the Earl of Loudoun on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, with the command of five companies of the Royal American Regiment, and such troops as Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia might raise. He was now at Lancaster, Pa., but his headquarters were afterwards at Carlisle, Pa.-- Sparks.]
Fort Loudoun, June 15, 1757.
Sir: I have the pleasure to inform you that a scouting party, consisting of 5 soldiers and 15 Cherokee Indians, that were sent out the 20 ultimo towards the Ohio, under Lieutenant Baker, returned the 8th instant to Fort Cumberland with 5 scalps, and a French officer, prisoner, having killed two other officers of the same party. Mr. Baker met with this party vizt., ten French, three officers on the head of Turtle Creek, twenty miles distance from Fort Duquesne, (the day after they had parted with 50 Shawanese Indians returning from the war,) and would have killed and made prisoners of them all, had it not been for the death of the Indian chief, who being killed prevented his men from pursuing them. The name of the officer taken, according to his own account, is Velistre; and of those killed, Lasosais and St. Oure; all ensigns.
The commandant at Duquesne and its dependencies is Delignery, a knight of the military order of St. Louis, and captain of a company of detached troops from the marine. This officer likewise says, that the garrison at Fort Duquesne consists of six hundred French and two hundred Indians. I believe he is a Gasconian. We sustained on our side of the loss of the brave Swallow warrior, and one other Indian was wounded, and brought in on a bier, near 100 miles by the party, who had nothing to live upon for the four last days but wild onions. Mr. Atkin (who is now here) and I shall use our endeavours to have the French prisoner brought to this place.
Captain Spotswood, with 10 soldiers and 20 Indians, who went out at the same time with, but to a different place, from Lieut. Baker is not yet come in, nor any news of him; which makes me uneasy.
Our Assembly have granted a further sum of eighty thousand pounds for the service of the ensuing year, and have agreed, (I believe,) to complete their regiment of this colony to 1200 men, besides three companies of rangers, of 100 each. Our strength, since the detachment has embarked for Carolina is reduced to 420 rank and file only and these much weakened, by the number of posts we hold. Governor Dinwiddie is apprehensive, that he shall not be able to provide arms for all these men, and desired me to advise with you thereupon.
If it is not too troublesome I should [be glad] to be informed what proportion of bat-men there is allowed to a company of 4 officers and 100 men, in the Royal American battalions? or rather, the allowance to each officer, beginning with the colonel.33 And how these bat-men are clothed, paid and victualled, and by whom? Whether the officers have any allowance made them for their servants, and if the officers in garrison receive provisions as soldiers or an allowance in lieu of it, and how much to each? Also, if the officers in their battalions provide bat-horses at their own expense, or have their baggage transported at the King's? Whether any forage
[Note 33: Washington had recently been taken to task by the governor for asking allowance for a greater number of batmen than Colonel Stanwix had. "Surely Colo. Washington cannot expect more than Colo. Stanwix, and I think it was your duty to inform me of this and to conform your regiment to the allowances given the [Royal] Americans; and pray, how shall I appear to Lord Loudoun on my report of our regiment, when so widely different from that he commands...You know the clamor of the people in regard to the vast expense, and it's your duty as well as mine to make all prudent savings." (See Dinwiddie's letter to Washington, June 2, 1757.) The entire letter is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, p. 83.] money is allowed them, and what other allowances they have made to them? Should also be glad to know what proportion of women is allowed to a company.
It is wrong, I must confess Sir, to trouble you in this manner; but I have particular reasons for asking these questions, and getting them answered by authority, and none unwarrantable.
Duty and inclination equally induce me to communicate all remarkable occurrences to you, and shall be punctual in doing so.
Fort Loudoun, June 16, 1757.
Honble. Sir: This instant the enclosed letters came to my hands. I have not lost a moment's time in transmitting them to you, as I look upon the intelligence to be of the utmost importance. If the enemy are coming down in such numbers, and with such a train of artillery, as we are bid to expect, Fort Cumberland must inevitably fall into their hands, as no timely efforts can be made to relieve the garrison. I send you a copy of a council of war held upon this occasion. The advice I intend to pursue, and until I shall receive orders how to conduct myself. It is morally certain, that the next object, which the French have in view, is Fort Loudoun, and that is yet in a very untenable posture. They have no roads for carriages into any other province, but thro' this; and there lies a quantity of stores here, belonging to his Majesty and to this colony, very much exposed and unguarded.
I shall not take up your time Sir, with a tedious detail. You will be a sufficient judge of the present situation of affairs, from those circumstances already related. I have written to the commanding officers of Fairfax, Prince William, and Culpeper: (a copy of which letters I enclose your Honor) to march part of their militia to this place immediately, that no time may be lost. I shall you may be assured, Sir, make the best defence I can, if attacked. I have wrote to Colonel Stanwix an account of this affair, and enclosed him copies of the letters and council of war.34 I am, &c.
[Note 34: Six Cherokee Indians came to Fort Cumberland and told Captain Dagworthy that they saw the French near Fort Duquesne coming in that direction with wagons and great guns. An attack was apprehended, the country alarmed. the militia called out, and Colonel Stanwix's regulars were put in motion; but it proved to be a false report. "Colonel Washington told me," Armstrong wrote to Governor Denny, "if he [the enemy] came without erecting something by the way, that it was not in his power to be early enough to assist the garrison, nor would all his men be more than a breakfast to the French and their Indians."-- Ford. (See Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 3, p. 189.) The council's proceedings are printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, p. 94. The purport of the above letter, with copies of those from Dagworthy and Livingston, were sent to Colonel Stanwix and to Governor Sharpe. Dagworthy's and Livingston's letters, dated June 14, 1757, are printed in the Maryland Archives.]
The following account sent to Colo. Stanwix and Governor Dinwiddie together with the Council of War.
Fort Loudoun, June 16, 1757.
The number of men fit for Duty in the Virginia Regiment, exclusive of the Detachment gone for Carolina; where Stationed, and the distance of each Garrison from this place.
June 16, 1757.
Sir: I have just received intelligence from Capt. Dagworthy and Major Livingston, that they were informed by six Cherokee indians, of a large body of French and Indians being on their march towards Fort Cumberland.
You are therefore ordered to use every method (by means of the indians &c.) to gain intelligence of the real design and approach of this body of the Enemy: and if you find that they are numerous, and that their object is an attack upon Fort Cumberland, rather than the establishment of an advanced post for themselves, you are immediately to evacuate the small Forts on the Branch, and retire with the Garrison to this place. You should give the country people notice of their danger, and advise them at all events to send off their women and children before it may be too late! *Take especial care to communicate to me all the intelligence you possibly can procure, if you shou'd be obliged to retire hither. Perhaps it may be more advisable to cross the mountains above the Trough, rather than come down to Pearsalls, as your retreat may be intercepted at this place.
N. B. To this mark (*) is a copy of the Letter wrote Captn. McKenzie.
June 16, 1757.
Sir: I have seen your letter, and have dispatched copies of it by good Expresses to Governor Dinwiddie, Govr. Sharpe, Colonel Stanwix and the County Lieutenants of four counties. So that I have no doubt that a very considerable force will be with you in a very short time. I have dispatched the Bearer to inform you of this, that it may inspirit your Garrison. I heartily wish you all the success your merit may deserve; and am Sir, etc.
Fort Loudoun, June 16, 1757.
Gentlemen: This moment the enclosed is come to my hand, with another letter much more particular, but too long for me to copy, as I think no time shou'd be lost in transmitting intelligence of this important nature. Three Indians are come in wounded, and saw the french army this side of Monongahela, near the place of Genl. Braddocks defeat: So that the truth of this report is, I believe, unquestionable.
I therefore hope you will not think it needful at so critical a juncture as this, to wait the Governors Orders for marching your Militia, or part thereof to this place.
You may be assured, the more dispatch you make, the more agreeable it must be to the Governor, and to, Gentlemen, Your most obt. H'ble Servant,
Fort Loudoun, June 20, 1757.
Sir: Yours of the 18th from the camp at Carlisle I received about noon this day, when I was examining (in company with his Majesty's agent for Indian affairs) the French prisoner brought to this place by Lieutenant Baker and the Cherokee Indian. A copy of this examination I herewith enclose. You will find, Sir, from the tenor of his answers, that a large body of Indians was hourly expected at Fort Duquesne, and that, altho' there was not (if his intelligence is to be literally credited, and surely it is not) a train of artillery fit for such an expedition; yet this might have been brought by those three hundred men, who arrived there after he left the place.
It is altogether evident, (if the Indian intelligence may be relied on,) that the French are bringing howitzers with them for the easier reduction of the place, if they should attack us. For, they say, your guns are but muskets, compared with those the French have with them. Theirs will admit a fawn in the muzzle, while yours will not take in a man's fist. To any person, who is in the least degree acquainted with the mountainous country about our settlements, it is clear, that the French can bring artillery along no other road, than that from Fort Duquesne to Fort Cumberland, without spending immense time in mending one. Then I conceive the garrison at Fort Augusta has been very negligent and inactive, not to discover the enemy sooner. On the other hand, we all know that a blazed path in the eyes of an Indian is a large road; for they do not distinguish, between one track and another without a circumspect inquiry, i.e., between a track which will admit of carriages, and a road sufficient for them to march in.
These, Sir, are only my own sentiments, and I submit them to your better judgment for improvement. We very well know, that from Fort Duquesne to Fort Cumberland there is a plain road already made, and bridges also. I shall, however, continue to pursue every means in my power to gain the earliest and best intelligence I can of the approaches of the enemy, and shall transmit it forthwith to you. I have sent Major Lewis of the regiment fifty miles advanced from this, with orders to keep out constant spies for intelligence, and to lose no time in transmitting it to me.
We have received nothing new from Fort Cumberland since the 16th. The Indians, who brought the first intelligence, imagine, that some of Spotswood's party are yet skulking after and watching for the motions of the enemy. On the contrary, I apprehend they are all cut off; for a man, who left Fort Cumberland the 16th, says, that the woods appear to be quite alive with enemy Indians, who shew themselves openly in the day. This is unusual for them to do, unless they are strong. We work on this Fort, both night and day, intending to make it tenable against the worst event. Mr. Croghan, &c. write you by this express, and will no doubt be more explicit on Indian affairs, than I can pretend to be, and to them I refer.
It would have given me great pleasure, had you been pleased to signify your sentiments on the Revolution having come to this place, that I might act conformably with your orders.
[Note 36: Of the Maryland independent company.]
June 20, 1757
Sir: Yours of the 19th. instant came to hand about noon this day. As there now remain but a few Indians here, who cou'd by no means be prevailed on to return towards Fort Cumberland, altho so much wanted on that Quarter; imagining we wished to sacrifice them by attempting to expose them to (what they think) certain destruction, they positively refused marching until they saw such numbers as wou'd give some probability of success against the formidable force of the enemy.
I have had no account later than that of the 16th., that one Trotter left that Garrison: Does he add what C. D.37 transmitted the 14th. more than that the enemys indians were in great numbers about that place, and frequently appeared openly to the Garrison?
[Note 37: Capt. John Dagworthy.]
Should I receive any thing remarkable, will communicate it to you. I correspond in opinion with you, as to the chanel of conveying Colo. Stanwix's intelligence. Therefore I enclose you a letter for him, which I must request, you will lose no time in forwarding.
I have endeavoured all in my power to raise the Militia, but have only a small prospect for success.
June 21, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: I this day received the enclosed from Capt. Dagworthy. The Indians mentioned therein are likewise got here with their Scalps: and altho' I believe from several circumstances that the Enemy are bringing down no Artillery. Yet, as they all agree that a formidable body of french and indians is certainly on their march down; and as it is impossible to know what province they will make an eruption into. I did not think it proper to countermand the march of the Militia, which I am informed are ordered hither from Culpeper and Fairfax consisting of one hundred from each county: As I conceive the great expence of these Militia, until we can learn the enemys destination, for a short time, is trifling compared with the risque of having this part of the country laid waste, shou'd the enemy march this way when we were unprepared for their reception.
In consequence of the first intelligence which I received from Fort Cumberland, and the result of the Council of War held on that occasion: I gave Major Lewis (who at present commands at the South-Branch) orders to give all the country-people warning of the danger with which they were threat'ned; and that he, and the troops under his command, shou'd hold themselves in readiness to retreat hither, in case it shou'd prove expedient; but not to evacuate the Forts on the Branch, until he shou'd have certain accounts of the enemys intentions against that Quarter.
I wrote to Colo. Stanwix, to know if he cou'd supply us with arms: and, altho' I have since heard from him, he does not answer that part of my letter. I send your Honor, enclosed, a copy of the french Officer's38 (who is now here) examination. I am etc.
[Note 38: Ensign Velistre.]
[Fort Loudoun], June 21, 1757.
Sir: Since writing to you by Express, last night, I have received a letter from Capt. Dagworthy (a copy of which I enclose:) and have had an opportunity of examining the Indians, who brought him the last intelligence myself. They unanimously agree, there is a large party of French and Indians marched from Fort Duquesne; but, whether they are destined against the frontiers of Virginia, Maryland or Pennsylvania, or all of these, is yet uncertain. The enemy, however, are without carriages; and by their track (for the Indians did not see more than a party of about 100) pursued them towards Rays-Town. This they would do whether they be coming to either of the above Provinces (without artillery) It is the way they have used altogether of late, in coming to, and returning from us.
I return you my thanks, Sir, for answering my queries; as you took no notice of the arms I asked for, by the Governor's Order.
N. B. There was a great misapprehension between Capt. Dagworthy and the Indians that first came in. They deny to me, having said that there was a body of the enemy with wheel-carriages, on their march to attack Fort Cumberland. These Indians were not within 30 miles of Fort Duquesne; but nevertheless heard the discharge of the French artillery which they conceive, was fired at the departure of a large body of troops from that place. Capt. Dagworthy might easily have misunderstood these people for want of a good interpreter.
Fort Loudoun, June 21, 1757.
Sir: I received yours of the 20th. instant; and am glad of the judicious, regular step which you have taken; and judge it necessary you shou'd lose no time in marching the Detachm't up here; as we have received no intelligence which contradicts that formerly received a few days ago. A man arrived here from Fort Cumberland who left that Garrison on the 16th. instant: at which time there were great numbers of the enemy's indians around that place, who frequently appeared openly to the Garrison. This is probably a party detached from the main Body, and sent out before it, to reconnoitre. I keep Major Lewis 50 miles advanced from this place, with Orders to use all possible means of procuring Intelligence. I am &c.
Fort Loudoun, June 24, 1757.
You are with the company of Mila. under your command, to march with all convenient expedition from hence to Pattersons' Fort: From whence you are to send out parties for the protection of that neighbourhood. You are to maintain a proper command; to place sentries at proper places by day and by night, when in Garrison; and to be very circumspect in your marches, and counter-marches, by keeping some alert woodsmen advanced a small distance before, and on your flanks. This, every party, however small, is constantly to observe. In short; you are to use every precaution to prevent surprizes, which generally prove fatal: And, as the principal intention of your being ordered thither, is to protect the Inhabitants. You are to spare no pains or trouble to accomplish that desirable end.
You are to use all possible means of procuring what intelligence you can of the enemys numbers, motions, and intentions, and give me due information of all material occurencies.
You are to send me an exact return of all the ammunition and Stores you find at that place, of which (with what you carry with you) you are to be particularly careful. And give your Officers and men plainly to understand, that they will be answerable for what they may lose, waste or spoil. The provisions are to be weighted and regularly served; vizt. a pound of flour and a pound of meat for each man, per day. Shou'd you find that the inhabitants in the neighbourhoods of Mendenhall and Neally's Forts, will not remain there without some additional protection to their own; you are to send a few men to each of these places, under the command of a Sergeant or Corporal, and to relieve them every week.
Fort Loudoun, June 25, 1757.
Gentlemen: This will serve to acquaint you, that I have received subsequent intelligence to that transmitted to you, which contradicts the report of the enemys having carried down a train of artillery, and that they have taken Ray's-town road, by which it is imagined their intention is more probably against Pennsylvania than this province. Therefore I hope that the Militia may not be immediately wanted. However shall leave it to you to act as you shall think proper.
As I am informed by the Governor that he has (in consequence of our first intelligence) ordered up a third of the Militia of several Counties; among which yours are included; and as I sent him an express immediately upon the receipt of this last account: And, altho' it is beyond a doubt, that a considerable body of the enemy is coming down, yet I think by their rout, they will not send their principal force this way. I am, &c.39
[Note 39: Practically the same letter was sent to the county lieutenants of Orange, Stafford, and Spotsylvania, Va.]
Fort Loudoun, June 25, 1757.
Sir: I have sent the enclosed to Colonel Lee, open to you, that you may peruse it, and afterwards transmit it immediately to him.
As I have many Expresses to dispatch, I am puzzled to procure Horses for that Service. I send you enclosed, letters for the County Lieutenants of Stafford and Spotsylvania; which I must desire you will forward with the utmost expedition; as it may be the means of preventing a great deal of trouble to them, and a heavy expence to the Country. I am &c.
Fort Loudoun, June 25, 1757.
Sir: I was this day favoured with yours of the 23d. instant. I think your proposals relative to the provisions at Fort Cumberland quite equitable. But as the management of them properly belongs to Mr. Walker, I do not choose to interfere in the business without Governor Dinwiddie's instructions. I have therefore enclosed your letter to His Honor, that he may be the better able to give explicit directions concerning the matter; and will inform you of his resolutions on the head, so soon as his answer returns to my hand. But, in the mean time, I hope care will be taken of those provisions, and an exact account taken of what is used; as it is evident some must be used, the people having no other to live on. It wou'd be obliging were you to direct fresh pickle to be put to the meat, or any other means whereby to preserve it; for which you wou'd be properly compensated. I am &c.
June 25, 1757.
Dr. Sir: Your favors of the 17th. and 19th. instant I have received. Captains Fairfax40 and Minor arrived here with their companies on tuesday last. The latter I have sent to Pattersons
[Note 40: Capt. Bryan Fairfax and Capt. Nicholas Minor.] and Mendenhalls; small forts lying under the North-mountain and much exposed to the incursions of the Enemy.
The storm which threatened us with such formidable appearances is, in a manner, blown over. It arose in a great measure from a misunderstanding (in Captn. Dagworthy) of the Indians, for want of a proper interpreter. The indians are, nevertheless unanimous in asserting that a large Body of French and Indians have marched from Fort DuQuesne; but without artillery; and that they pursued the Ray's-town road which leads very conveniently, to the three Colonies of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania.
I have for this reason, and because the enemy have already committed several depredations in this, as well as the neighbouring Colonies, since Sunday last, thought it expedient to detain what Militia have already arrived, a few days longer.
I do not think we have any occasion for more: and judge it necessary to apprize you thereof, knowing the Governor has ordered one-third of the Militia to repair to this place, that you may act as you shall see meet on this occasion, or 'till you may hear further from the Governor, to whom I wrote (on Tuesday last) an account of our subsequent intelligence.
Our Soldiers labour on the public works with great spirit and constancy, from Monday morning 'till Sunday night, notwithstanding there is a month's pay due to them. We have no other assistance.
I have been exceedingly hurried of late, and still am so; which prevents my being explicit on the occurrencies that have happened on this Quarter.
Poor Spottswood,41 and a party that went towards duquesne, with some Cherokee indians are, I fear, lost! Lt. Baker from the said place, has brought 5 scalps, and a french Officer, prisoner, after killing two others.
[Note 41: Capt. Robert Spotswood.]
Kieruptica, a Cherokee Chief, is just come in with two scalps, which, according to his own account, he took within musket-shot of fort duquesne. He is now permitted, by Mr. Atkin, to go to Pennsylvania with Captn. Croghan.
Outossita42 came to town last night with 27 Cherokee indians from his nation. And by him we learn, that a large party may soon be expected.
[Note 42: Outasitta, Outacite, Wootassitie, Otassity, or Mankiller, a king of the Cherokee Nation. See note 50, page 82, post.]
These, I think, are the most material occurrencies.
I have been obliged to furnish your Militia with provisions and ammunition, but with a good deal of reluctance; as I was blamed for the like proceeding last year.
I offer my Compliments in the most affectionate manner, to the family at Belvoir. Yours,
[Note 43: Of the Culpeper, Va., militia.]
Fort Loudoun, June 26, 1757.
You are with the Militia under your command, to march from hence to Back-Creek, and carefully range it quite down to its mouth. From thence you are to march to New-kirks fort where, and in its neighbourhood, you are to remain 'till further Orders.
You are to maintain strict discipline among your men; and when you are in Garrison, to place Sentries at proper places by day and by night. In your marches and countermarches, you are to be very circumspect, to keep a few alert woods' men always advanced before, and on your flanks; and use every precaution to prevent surprizes: as you have to deal with a cunning dextrous enemy.
You are not to indulge your men in idleness, but keep them constantly on the Scout, as the most effectual means of answering the desirable end expected from you, that of protecting the distressed Inhabitants.
Shou'd you discover certain signs of any large Body of the Enemy being near to you; you are instantly to inform Mr. Pearis, and Captn. Minor of it. You are likewise to inform me of all material occurrencies.
Fort Loudoun, June 27, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: I was favoured with yours of the 16th. instant by the Cherokee Warrior, Autasity, who I am in hopes will be of service to us.
I hinted to Mr. Gun44 your Honor's proposals. He seemed surprized, and said you well knew he wou'd not serve for Lieutenants pay. I do not understand he has much to say with the Indians.
[Note 44: Mr. Gun seems to have been a person of some influence with the Cherokees, whom those Indians asked to have sent out on the warpath with them. Dinwiddie answered Washington to the effect that if Gun would not accept a lieutenant's pay he need be noticed no further.]
Yours of the 20th. came safe to hand. And as I wrote to you, by Jenkins concerning the subsequent intelligence I received of the enemy's motions, and from what those contradictory accounts took their rise.
I therefore beg leave to refer your Honor to a former letter. I have since received various intelligencies of their appearing at many different parts, widely distant from each other, at the same time, which inclines me to think that they have detached their principal force into many scalping parties. I have therefore made the best dispositions I cou'd by posting my small numbers at the most advantageous posts for obstructing their inroads, and protecting the inhabitants.
The enemy have captured 3 children near Cunninghams fort, 12 miles from hence; and killed several person near Conogochiege, on the Maryland-side. They attempted to surprize some people upon the South-Branch (where our troops and inhabitants yet maintain their ground:) and are constantly heard and seen about Fort Cumberland.
Colo. Stanwix is at Carlyle; from whence he purposed to have marched to this place, had the enemy come down in the manner we once had reason to expect. I presented your Honors compliments to the Colo.; and will pay due regard to his Orders.
We are indefatigably assiduous in forwarding the workmen; All work from day-light to day-light, sundays not excepted, and but one hour in the day allowed for eating, &c. But it is impossible that so small a number of men as we had and now have at work, can be imagined sufficient to complete such a vastly heavy piece of work, in a much greater time than you mention. Nay, 300 men could hardly finish it by next October.45 And as with our present number it will require a considerable time to put it in a tolerable posture of defence; and as the great importance of this place, renders the completion of its works so necessary; I hope you will give me leave to employ at least double its present Garrison upon them when the Draughts come up.
[Note 45: Fort Loudoun, Va.]
I have ordered 5 Subalterns, 4 Cadets, and five Sergeants to Fredericksburgh to receive the draughts; who will be soon followed by Major Lewis: No more Officers can be spared. I expected you wou'd have completed the number of Officers, now much wanted.
I think myself under the necessity of informing your Honor, of the odd behaviour of the few Militia that were marched hither from Fairfax, Culpeper, and Prince William counties. Many of them unarmed, and all without ammunition or provision. Those of Culpeper behaved particularly ill: Out of the hundred that were draughted, seventy-odd arrived here; of which only twenty-five were tolerably armed.
I proposed to the unarm'd, that as they came from home (at least with a shew) of serving their country; and as they were, from the want of arms, incapacitated to defend themselves, much less to annoy the enemy, or afford any protection to the Inhabitants; that they shou'd (during their short stay here) assist in forwarding the public works; for which I offered them 6d. per day extraordinary. But they were deaf to this and every other proposition which had any tendency to the interest of the Service.
As such a conduct is not only a flagrant breach of the law, and a total contempt of Orders, but will be such a precedent (shou'd it pass with impunity) as may be productive of the most dreadful consequences. I therefore flatter myself, your Honor will take proper notice of these men. I have written to their County Lieutenant on this subject.
I have been under a necessity of delivering out some ammunition to several parties of the Militia. And shou'd be glad to have your Honors' directions for my government on the like occasions; as the few of them that were willing to do service, cou'd do none, without ammunition.
Enclosed is Doctor Ross's (the Commissary for the Maryland troops) letter, about the provisions at Fort Cumberland; I shall gladly receive your explicit directions relative to this affair.
I have not been able to send any men to the Southward. The continual alarms on this quarter retarded it, until we received the news of the french marching with artillery, and then it was judged quite imprudent to draw them from a part so much exposed.
Mr. Boyd arrived here this evening; by whom I am not honored with a Letter from you, altho' I was in hopes you wou'd, by him have answered those parts of my letter, the hurry you was in, when you wrote yours of the 20th. obliged you to pass over.
I imagined I was to have been supplied with cash to pay off the Draughts on their arrival here: as their not being paid may be of bad consequences.
I have written twice to Colo. Stanwix about arms: but he takes no notice thereof in his letters to me. From which I conclude he is not inclined to furnish us with any. We shall want them much.
The money Mr. Boyd brought up is very insufficient to pay off the large demands against the Regiment for provisions and contingent charges, and as we are quite plagued by the continual dunning of the country people; I hope a sufficient sum will be sent up soon.
This place when finished, will mount 24 Guns; and we have no more than 4 twelve-pounders, and 10 four-pounders. Six more wou'd do tolerably well. I understand there are some pieces of cannon at Colonel Hunters, belonging to the Colony, which I imagine wou'd be of greater service here.
Fort Loudoun, June 28, 1757.
Dear Sir: I have had the pleasure of receiving your two favors both of the 22d instant. We were reinforced, upon the late alarm, by one hundred and seventy militia from the adjacent counties, one half of them unarmed, and the whole without ammunition or provisions.
Had you, Sir, in consequence of Captain Beale's46 suggestions, ordered me to reinforce Fort Cumberland, with part of
[Note 46: Capt. Alexander Beall, commandant of the garrison at Fort Frederick in Maryland.-- Sparks.] my regiment, I should have given you proof of my willingness to obey your commands, in a speedy compliance with them; but since you are so kind as to leave it discretionary in me, I freely confess that I cannot entertain any thoughts of parting with the few soldiers I have to strengthen a place that now seems to be in no actual danger. And can not help observing, that I think it a little odd Captain Beale, after having received subsequent notice of the first should intimate that it was reasonable to reinforce Fort Cumberland, at the expense of Virginia, which has a frontier thirty times the extent of Maryland to defend, and that frontier left solely to the protection of her few regular troops.47
[Note 47: Colonel Washington was in some sort under the command of Colonel Stanwix, but to what extent he did not know, as he had received no instructions on that head. and the governor continued to issue his orders as formerly. At length the governor wrote as follows: "Colonel Stanwix, being appointed commander in chief [of the middle and southern provinces], you must submit to his orders without regard to any you have from me; he, being near the place, can direct affairs better than I can." Notwithstanding the above direction, the governor did not cease to write, give commands, require returns, and utter complaints as usual, thereby increasing the endless perplexities and bewildering doubts with which Colonel Washington was harassed in all his plans and operations. It has hereinbefore been seen that he had requested leave of absence for a few days to attend to certain private affairs of a very pressing nature at Mount Vernon. He afterwards repeated this request, and as he seemed to be under two commanders he thought it expedient to consult them both. The governor answered: "As to the settlement of your brother's estate, your absence on that account from Fort Loudoun must be suspended, till our affairs give a better prospect." Colonel Stanwix replied to the same request: "More than two weeks ago I answered your letter, in which you mentioned its being convenient to your private affairs to attend to them for a fortnight. In that answer I expressed my concern that you should think such a thing necessary to mention to me, as I am sure you would not choose to be out of call, should the service require your immediate attendance; and I hope you will always take that liberty upon yourself, which I hope you will now do."-- Sparks.]
I would only ask Capt. Beale which is most eligible: the militia of Maryland (who were also in motion at the same time with those of Virginia) defending whatever stores that province might hold at Ft. Frederick, while the troops in that garrison should march to the other; or, for us to leave the valuable stores which are at this place, belonging to his Majesty and the Colony in an unfinished fort, to the uncertain defence of militia, who would not be prevailed upon to give the least assistance towards the public works at this place, and march a part of the only force which we can in any wise depend upon from a much-exposed part of the country, in order to ease Maryland. If the expense of keeping her militia in arms is really the question, Capt. Beale can appear in no favorable point of light to me.
I flatter myself, the expected attack of Fort Augusta, will prove more favorable, than Colonel Weiser48 imagines; for I have no conception, that a road fit for the reception of carriages can be cut within ten miles of a fort, without the garrison discovering it. It was a careless mistake of my Quarter master to send you 101 barrels of gun powder.
[Note 48: Conrad Weiser, Pennsylvania Indian agent. He is credited with delaying alliances between the French and Indians until the English Colonies had developed strength enough to defend themselves.]
It is quite manifest to every person who has had an opportunity of experiencing the advantage of Indian services, that the friendship and assistance of the Cherokees are well worth cultivating. For my own part, I think they are indispensably necessary in our present circumstances, and am sorry to find such unseasonable delays in bringing them amongst us. Since Captain Croghan49 left this Outassity,50 an Indian warrior of that nation, with twenty-seven followers, has arrived here. He brings an account of many more that are coming; but whether they will wait for Mr. Atkin's passport, or will come on with their own, I know not.
[Note 49: George Croghan.]
[Note 50: Also spelled Outacita. He was one of the most noted Cherokee chiefs of the day, and as early as 1721 was known as king of the lower and middle Cherokee settlements. In 1730 he visited England with Sir Alexander Cumming and entered into a treaty with George II. He was in the service of Virginia in 1755 and 1756; his name occurs frequently in connection with Indian affairs in the Colonial records, and as late as July, 1777, he signed the treaty of Holston.--Maxwell's Virginia Historical Register, vol. 5.]
I have just received a letter from Governor Dinwiddie, in which he desires me to present his compliments to you. I am, &c.
[Note 51: Of the Prince William, Va., militia.]
Fort Loudoun, June 30, 1757.
Sir: I have received yours of the 28th. instant, in consequence whereof I have discharged John Wood (who has employed Doctr. Bowles to serve in his room.) I have, also, finding it inconsistent with the interest of the service, discharged John High Werden, who, thro' age and consequent infirmity, is altogether unfit to undergo the fatigues of a Soldier.
As the number of draughts I have received from your County, is far short of the complement you are to furnish; I recommend it to you (and at the same time flatter myself you will conform thereto,) to use the most speedy and effectual means of sending your quota; for we stand greatly in need of them. I am, Sir, etc.
July 8, 1757.
Dr. Sir: The enclosed was wrote the 28th. ulto. upon Mr. Atkins giving me notice that he shou'd send an Express to you the next day. But, the important affairs in which he is continually engaged, have detained the express day after day 'till now.
Nothing remarkable has happened in this quarter. We continue to discover tracks and signs of the enemys parties, but none appear to be numerous: nor have they done any mischief lately. Outassity, with about 30 Indians, &c. and an Officer from my Regimt. are marched from this, and intend, if they shou'd not meet with the enemy sooner, to go the length of Fort duquesne.
We have received 210 Draughts towards compleating this Regiment, and sustained great loss by desertion. More men are expected, and I do not know what we shall do, for want of arms for them. When the hurry of this Duty is over (which I expect will be before August) I shou'd be much obliged, cou'd I obtain your permission to be absent about 10 days, to settle some private affairs of very great consequence to me. You may be assured, Sir, I shall make no ungenerous use of your indulgence if my request is granted; and that I shall not quit my post if there is even an appearance of danger. I am Sir, etc.
Fort Loudoun, July 10, 1757.
Dr. Sir: I have had the pleasure of receiving your favours of the 21st. and 29th. ultimo. I did indeed begin to think (tho' I cou'd scarcely believe it) that you had quite forgotten me.
I am greatly at a loss how to proceed, wanting the mutiny-bill and do not know whether the Assembly have provided any reward for apprehending Deserters, which is very detrimental, and impedes the service much at this time, as more than one fourth of the draughts deserted before they reached this; and still continue to go off, notwithstanding I use every precaution I can possibly devise, to prevent this infamous practice.
I am greatly obliged to you for your endeavours to serve Capt. Gist. He seems to have sanguine hopes of Mr. Atkins, doing something for him. How justly they are formed, I know not.
I received the money you mention in your first letter, by Mr. Boyd, and have disbursed the greatest part of it, and with the best economy I cou'd, to give content. The sum was trifling, and unless more is speedily sent, we shall be in the suds again.
The accounts transmitted by Capt. Dagworthy, made our Affairs appear with a gloomy aspect; but they begin to revive again. It was a surprising mistake for an Officer (in the least degree acquainted with the service) to make.
I had an opportunity of examining the same indians afterwards, and to me, they denied having given such an account, but all agree, that many large scouting parties were sent hitherwards. And I believe they are exercising their cruelties in Pennsylvania, as I heard of several murders committed there lately.
Capt. Dagworthy did I suppose for want of a good Interpreter, misunderstand the Intelligencer who was brought to him. I have received the two thousand pounds which you sent to Fredericksburgh; and have also received the Draughts etc. and from your County, except John Stevens and James Johnston who have deserted. We have at this place in all, about 210 Draughts: Have lost since their arrival at Fredericksburgh near 80; and shall I fear lose very many more, unless severe Examples are made of some: which can not be done unless the military and civil powers, in their respective counties, will unite to apprehend these Fellows, who go off in full confidence of finding protection.
It is I fear beyond all doubt that poor Spotswood has fallen into the hands of the Enemy. Three men of his party are come in, who left him by his own order (to disperse) after they had fled from a party of Indians. They are however positive that he escap'd that party of indians. But the certainty of this is doubted. That matter which I hinted to you about Mercer, is since cleared up. He borrowed £250 by my order, and for the use of the public, while he remained at this place, and I was ordered to Ft. Cumberland: and went off from here without rendering me any account of it; so that I was liable for payment, and unacquainted with the disbursements. But since that he has pointed out the method to re-imburse Cox (who is crying every day thro' apprehension of wrong). The sum of £164.1.5d. which you speak of, is to assist in discharging this debt. I send you Mr. Palmers certificate, and shou'd be obliged to you for the money: (I believe it may safely be trusted with Jenkins) that Cox's doubts may be removed. I will send you a receipt for the money as soon as I get it.
I have settled Mr. Carlyles accompt. for necessaries furnished, and was obliged to pay him £70 to appease his complaints. It was hard he said, to have the balance from myself to him of £186.9.2 stopped, because he owed the country according to another accompt which he produced, only £25.1. (unless the country wou'd not pay him £93..¾ accompts which he has charged and advanced money for 3 years ago). I did not care to pay him more than 70£ till I acquainted you with the affair; and shall now be glad if your sentiments on this matter: that is, whether I may allow him my whole accompt, and let him settle his other with the Committee; deduct the £25.1 only, or the 25 and 93 £ both?
Working destroys and wears out Soldiers clothing very much, and unless some timely measures are taken, to lay in a supply, we shall be as bad off as formerly.
Were we to begin now to engage those things, it wou'd be next fall twelvemonths ere they wou'd come to hand; and that wou'd bring two years about, between their receiving one Suit and the other.
If there shou'd be any thing done in it, I hope, as it is a perquisite inseparable from the Colonel, that the Country will allow it to me: especially since the Governor has strip'd me of the only one that was allowed, and substituted a very inadequate reward in its room.
I shou'd be glad to know whether the overplus of the two thousand pounds, after paying enlisting money to the Draughts and volunteers, may not be applied to other purposes?
Since writing the above, 71 out of 95 Draughts that marched from Fredericksburgh on Wednesday last, arrived at this place, the rest deserted. I am with great sincerity, etc.
P.S. We are greatly distressed for want of Arms for the Draughts. I have mentioned this to the Governor; but on this head, as on most others, he is silent.52
[Note 52: The "Letter Book" copy attributes this letter to the Treasurer.]
July 10, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: I received your Honors letter of the 27th. ultimo by Jenkins. The whole of the Militia from the adjacent counties that arrived here did not amount to more than 170 men: One half of those were unarmed, and the whole without ammunition or provisions. I detained such as were fit for Service, and discharged the rest; with threats to acquaint your Honor with the naked manner in which they came out. We have at this time about 50 of the Militia from Fairfax, 20 from Culpeper, and 40 from this County at different posts, employed in scouting, and assisting the inhabitants in harvesting.
The Letters I had from Colo. Stanwix53 only informed me, that he had determined (and agreeably to that determination, had procured waggons and every thing in readiness) to march to this place which, upon the first intelligence from Captn.
[Note 53: Two letters, both dated June 22, 1757. They are printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington.] Dagworthy, he intended to make the general Rendezvous; and stand, until proper measures cou'd be concerted. That he approved much of the steps I had taken; and of the council of War held here. And that, upon the second advice, he had dismissed his waggons, and intended to remain at his camp near Carlyle. This is the purport of what he has written to me, except in answer to a letter of mine concerning Bat-men, which I desired to have certified by himself, as your Honor seemed to imagine I intended an imposition, in setting down the allowance due to the Officers of the Virginia Regiment.
As your Honor was pleased to make the Regulars a precedent for reducing out Bat-men; we hope you will also do it for establishing an allowance for the expence of keeping them, and for affording the other allowances of Waggons, &c. to transport the Officers Baggage and necessaries (which hitherto has always been done at their own private cost).
I send your Honor the original writing under Colo. Stanwix's own hand, as it came to me, annexed to his letter. I forgot to mention before, that Colo. Stanwix also wrote me, he had received advice from Colo. Wiser,54 that the Garrison of Fort Augusta, at Shamoken, apprehended an attack; because some Indians who had just come in reported, that the french and indians had cut a large road within 10 miles of that fort. This letter was dated the 16th. ulto. and the Colonel observed, that he shou'd wait for further intelligence, before he moved.
[Note 54: Colonel Weiser, Pennsylvania Indian agent. He was adopted by the Mohawk Tribe; lived with the Iroquois, learned their language, and was adopted also by them.]
There are 209 Draughts at this place; great numbers deserted before they got here, and some since: and, unless the civil and military Officers in the respective counties will exert themselves in apprehending these fellows, and severe examples are made of some (as warning to others) we shall not be able to keep a man, notwithstanding I take every precaution I possibly can to prevent this infamous practise. Very few of the Draughts have arms; I have several Smiths employed in repairing the old ones in store here, which can scarcely be made serviceable. They can not be completed with Bayonets and cartouch-boxes. It was not 'till lately, I have been able to procure an Armourer; altho I had used my best endeavours to do so these 8 months past. That the Draughts may not be useless (thro' the want of arms) I shall employ them on the public works until your Honors pleasure, on this head, is known.
I think it my duty to represent, that the contractors or Commissaries, who are to lay in provisions for the forces of this Colony for the ensuing year, shou'd be immediately appointed; as the season for engaging Beef is fast approaching, and the Pedlars and Butchers from Pennsylvania, are coming amongst the Settlers for the purpose of buying.
After the arrears if the Regiment (for which I am answerable) are paid off; it is necessary I shou'd have a fund of money lodged in my hands, to answer the contingent Expences of the Service.
I have acquainted many people with the answer your Honor gave to my representation in behalf of the accompts of the indians. They are greatly dissatisfied at the thoughts of going to Williamsburgh; and I believe it will be attended with such bad effects, that no services of a similar kind, will ever again be done by them on the most urgent occasion.
I wou'd therefore, to prevent this which may be very injurious in its consequences, beg leave humbly to recommend, that some person should be appointed to take in and adjust, if not to pay off, all these accompts; and at the same time wou'd mention Captn. Gist for this Duty: Because I understand Mr. Atkin intends to give him the management of all matters that relate to the Indians on this quarter, and it will therefore be consisted with his Office.
I now enclose two receipts which I presented to your Honor in Williamsburgh, for money which Capt. Mercer laid out for Moccasons for the Indians. The Committee refused having any thing to say to them; because the money was to come properly out of a fund, of which your Honor has the management alone: and desired me to apply to you for it; and if your Honor remember, you returned for answer, that there was no money in your hands: offering at the same time a warrant upon the Speaker for it; which I did not take, as he had before assured me, there was no money in the Treasury.
I hope you will be kind enough to send it now by Jenkins, as it is very much wanted. I shou'd be glad to know whether your Honor intended to continue Jenkins's pay?
Two Officers have desired leave to resign, since I wrote you last; namely, Lt. Eustace and Ensign Pert.55
[Note 55: Lieut. Hancock Eustace and Ensign Griffin Pert.]
I have received 2,000 £ of the Speaker, to pay the Draughts: We are greatly at a loss how to proceed, wanting the mutiny and desertion Bills (passed by the last Assembly:) and I shou'd be very glad to know what reward the Assembly have given for apprehending deserters; and in what manner payment is to be made.
It is not in my power to send your Honor a return of our Strength, because I have not received the returns from the Officers at the detached posts. There is however, but little alteration from that of May.
Since writing the above, 70 more Draughts out of 95 that marched from Fredericksburgh on Wednesday last, are arrived here; the rest deserted. When the whole have joined the Regiment I shall (if your Honor is pleased to signify it as your desire,) send you the number I receive from each County; and, if you require a return yet more particular, will transmit the names of each man. I am your &c.
July 11, 1757.
Honble. Sir: I had just closed mine yesterday, and was going to send off Jenkins56 with it, when yours of the 24th ultimo came to hand.
[Note 56: An express rider between Williamsburg, Va., and the army.]
The Deserters apprehended at Maidstone, were treated with such lenity as their subsequent behaviour convinces me was misplaced: several of them having since deserted.
This infamous practice, wherein such numbers of our men have (by means of the villainy and ill-judged compassion of the country-people, who deem it a merit to assist Deserters,) has been wonderfully successful; and is now arrived at such a height, that nothing can stop its scandalous progress, but the severest punishments, and most striking examples. Since mine of yesterday, no less than 24 more of the Draughts (after having received their money and clothes) deserted: notwithstanding every precaution I cou'd suggest was taken to prevent it: among others, I had all the roads way-laid in the night.--Seven of those who went off last night, took that road which happened to be blocked up. Mr. Hughes (whom your Honor has been pleased to appoint adjutant) and two Soldiers, took two of them, after exchanging some shot, and wou'd in all probability have taken them all, had he not been disabled in the right hand, and one of our Soldiers shot thro' the leg; and, it is believed, one of the Deserters was killed in the conflict.
I must again, earnestly request, your Honor will please to send me up a copy of the mutiny and desertion bill, passed the last Session of Assembly,57 with blank warrants to execute the Sentence of the Courts martial; without which I fear we will soon lose, not only all the draughts, but, by their going off with impunity, there is such a bad example, as will render even the detention of the old Soldiers impracticable.
[Note 57: "Our printing office is so closely engaged in printing the paper currency that I could not get the mutiny and desertion act in print."-- Dinwiddie to Washington, July 18, 1757.]
As the pressing exigency of this unhappy juncture demands the utmost expedition, in which the welfare of the Colony is so nearly concerned; I flatter myself your Honor will not hesitate at sending me blank-warrants.
By a course of unerring experience, I am convinced beyond any doubt, that nothing but the most rigorous measures can have the least effect.
The inconceivable trouble those discontented turbulent fellows give us, and the few Officers that now remain here, have greatly impeded the service; and laid me under the necessity of appointing the three oldest volunteers, vizt. Mess: Speake, Felt, and Wood, Ensigns, which I hope your Honor will approve of.
I am glad your Honor does not think of the additional companies, or Rangers, till the Regiment is complete. A short time has already demonstrated how justly founded your apprehensions on that head were. As I now begin to despair of seeing the 8 companies that remain in the Colony, compleated, I am convinced every day will lessen our numbers 'till some sad examples are made of the Deserters.
As the unhappy fate of poor Capt. Spotswood seems now to be ascertained, and made a vacant company in the Regiment; I beg leave to recommend Capt. McNeill in the warmest manner to your Honor for it; not only from his undoubted title of seniority but from his great merit, hard fate, and long sufferings in his rank and pay.
Should he be again superseded, it cannot be imagined that a man of his spirit will be any longer detained in the service however prejudicial his leaving it may otherwise be to him. And I must confess it would give me pain that we should lose a good officer thro' the default of common justice.
Your Honor seems surprized at my returning 432 men in May, and but 384 in June. It is true, there were several desertions in that interval, but if your Honor will take the trouble of looking [at] those two returns it will immediately remove your surprize; That of May was of my total effectives; and that of the 16th of June was only of the number I then had fit for Duty; designed to shew your Honor what I [had] actually fit for service, at a time when we were threatened with the most imminent danger.
The reason of my being so urgent for the blank warrants is that I am persuaded, that postponing the punishments ordered by the courts-martial will not only diminish the terror of delinquents, but encourage other of the Soldiers to follow their base example. And, would your Honor think proper to issue your proclamation, commanding all the officers, civil and military, to exert themselves in apprehending these Deserters, it wou'd probably have a good effect.
I have ordered a roll to be made out of the Draughts that deserted, since they were received at Fredericksburg, which I here enclose your Honor, that you have it advertised, if you shall think it proper.
Although my Brother's affairs have been long in an unsettled state; and I am nearly interested in having them properly adjusted, and which cannot be done without my presence, being one of the Executors; yet I did not purpose when I asked leave, nor ever intended to be absent, but at some favorable time, when the Service cou'd admit of it without any detriment.
In mine of the 27th ultimo, I enclosed your Honor Doctr. Ross's (commissary for the Maryland troops) letter, relating to the provisions at Ft. Cumberland; and desired your Honor's instructions on that head. Since which the enclosed, on the same subject, came to my hand.
As Mr. Atkin, will not agree to part with any of the Dutch blankets which came up for the Indians, to replace those of the Regiments, which Colo. Stephen injudiciously gave away, I shall be at a great loss, not having a Blanket left. And unless they can be sent up soon from Williamsburgh, I shou'd be glad to receive orders to send for them to Pennsylvania. I am, &c.
July 12, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: After Jenkins left this yesterday evening, the enclosed, from Capt. Dagworthy, came to hand.
We have pretty many men, and very few arms here (that are fit for service). I must now beg the favor of your Honor, to send me a commission for holding General Court's-martial; as I apprehend that which I had under the former act, was no longer in force, than while that act existed. Irregularity and confusion will continually prevail among us, till the Companies are formed, and the proper Officers appointed to each: which can not be done, unless your Honor will take the trouble upon yourself, or invest me with power and blank commissions to do it. At this time it will take nearly a dozen and an half commissions to complete the eight Companies in Virginia with Officers, and to make the necessary changes.
There are (including those which I have appointed the oldest volunteers to) five or six vacancies, besides nine or ten Ensigns that will be made Lieutenants: and if Captn. Spotswood's company shou'd be disposed of to McNeill (but I think it would be a little premature to give the company away till time or something else, shall confirm his death) there will be another vacancy occasioned by his promotion.
Capt. Woodwards company, nor any of the companies on the Branch were brought to this place. I am &c.
July 15, 1757.
Dear Sir: Your obliging favor of the 11th instant I received this morning. It will seem odd to send you three letters under one cover, and those so widely differing in their dates: But the truth only shall account for it.
Mr. Atkin has told me day after day, since the date of my first, that his Express would go off the next morning, as he would the preceding evening be able to finish his despatches to you. This prevented my enquiring after any other conveyance, and is the cause of the delay of my letters 'till now.
Militia, you will find, Sir, will never answer your expectation, no dependence is to be placed upon them; They are obstinate and perverse, they are often egged on by the Officers, who lead them to acts of disobedience, and, when they are ordered to certain posts for the security of stores, or the protection of the Inhabitants, will, on a sudden, resolve to leave them, and the united vigilance of their officers can not prevent them.
Instances of the above nature I have now before me, which put me to some difficulty.
No man I conceive was ever worse plagued than I have been with the Draughts that were sent from the several counties in this Government, to complete its Regiment: out of 400 that were received at Fredericksburgh, and at this place, 114 have deserted, notwithstanding every precaution, except absolute confinement has been used to prevent this infamous practice. I have used the most vigorous measures to apprehend those fellows who escaped from hence (which amounted to about 30) and have succeeded so well that they are taken with the loss of one of their men, and a Soldier wounded. I have a Gallows near 40 feet high erected (which has terrified the rest exceedingly), and I am determined if I can be justified in the proceeding, to hang two or three on it, as an example to others.
An affair has happened at this place, which may, I apprehend, be productive of very unhappy consequences; it is this: About 6 days ago, came to this town, from Chota, in the Cherokee Nation, ten Indians; some of whom call themselves Mingo's tribe of the Six Nations; others Cherokees, &c. But as they gave no good account of their intentions, Mr. Atkin suspected their loyalty; and taking them for Spies, has caused them to be put in close confinement, in which they now remain.
This procedure greatly alarmed and at the same time exasperated about 12 Cherokees, who were at this place and knew all the prisoners: and has obliged Mr. Atkin to send an Express to the South Branch to bring Outassity down, who now lies sick there, to clear the matter up. He is not yet arrived. Nineteen Indians and the Officer I mentioned in my last, marched from Fort Cumberland the 9th instant, for Ft. Duquesne. By their return I hope I shall reecive some intelligence worth transmitting to you. At present we are pretty peaceable.
The Philadelphia post, which formerly came to this place, being stopped, prevents our hearing any foreign news; but what are transmitted in the channel of friendly Letters. We greatly regret the loss of this post, and wou'd gladly keep it up by private subscription, from this to Carlyle, if it comes that length.58
[Note 58: The post office of the Colonies was at this time under the management of Benjamin Franklin and Col. John Hunter, and its service extended from Georgia to New Hampshire. The Assembly of Pennsylvania, when Braddock marched west, had established a special post from Winchester to Philadelphia, "for the accommodation of the army chiefly"; but as early as August, 1756, Franklin had given notice that it must be discontinued unless supported by grants from Maryland and Virginia. (See Franklin's Works, vol. 2, p. 470.) Governor Denny, of Pennsylvania, asserted that Franklin took advantage of his official position to circulate his newspaper and receive intelligence free, "which he may make the best or worst use of in the present situation of affairs." (See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vol. 7, P. 447.)-- Ford.]
July 19, 1757.
Dr. Sir: Your favour of the 14th. instant is come to hand.
I wrote you fully in three several letters, under one cover, about four days ago. Before yours came to hand, I had received a letter from Captn. Dagworthy, enclosing a copy of Steels deposition; and made particular enquiry (of the bearer) whether the account was transmitted to you, being answered in the affirmative, and hearing by the Express to Mr. Atkin that the Messenger was near Carlyle; I forbore, in my last, troubling you with a repetition of it. I sent one to Governor Dinwiddie, that, in case the affair shou'd turn out worse than I apprehended, the charge of negligence shou'd not lie at my door. But I shall not literally believe every account (now) from that quarter; as the late alarming news was founded in so little truth.
I can not believe, either, that the french on the Ohio do think of more than their own defence, and sending out scalping parties of Indians to annoy and keep our frontiers in terror. Be this as it may, I shall always think it my duty to stand in the best posture of defence, that the situation of my affairs will possibly admit.
I beg leave to offer my compliments to those Gentlemen of your Battalion, with whom I have the honor to be acquainted. I am, Sir, etc.
July 20, 1757.
Sir: I have undoubted intelligence that many Deserters from the Virginia Regiment are gone to, and are harbored and protected in several counties of your province, especially Baltimore County, under the specious pretext of their unjust detention, after the expiration of the time, which, the Deserters (I learn) pretend was limited when they enlisted. And some in authority, either from an ill placed compassion, or from that spirit of opposition to the service, which is too prevalent through the Continent, have not only countenanced those Deserters, but made use of your Excellency's name for that purpose; as you may observe by the enclosed, (a copy of the original is in my possession.)
I am quite certain, that no orders have been issued, since I have been honored with the command of this Regiment, to enlist for any limited term, and Captn. Gist (upon whom the Deserters would fix this charge) declares on his honor, that he never mentioned limiting their time of Service in any other way than this, that they should be discharged at the conclusion of the War or Expedition, which might possibly be ended in 6 or 8 months: which could be deemed nothing more than one of those little subterfuges which, from the disagreeable nature of the Recruiting Service, has, at some junctures been considered necessary; Though I must still think, [it] would come with a better grace, from a Sergeant, than a commissioned Officer.
I am sure, from your Excellency's good sense, experience, and knowledge in military affairs, that you have given no decision in this affair, without a proper enquiry, which cou'd not well be made without the attendance of those who recruited the Deserters; and that Magistrates have, from the report of the Deserters, afforded them this unjustifiable protection. As this is the point of view in which it appears to me; I have ordered Ensign Fell, (who assisted in recruiting them) to wait on Your Excellency; and request you wou'd be pleased to have the affair enquired into; that if the allegations of the Deserters be false, you will please to give such orders as will enable me to have them apprehended and if they are well grounded, that I may have Captn. Gist's conduct, for disobedience of orders, enquired into.
I judge this step necessary to be taken, previously to my laying the affair before the Commander in Chief, therefore hope His Excellency will forgive this trouble from him who has the honor of being with great respect, &c.59
[Note 59: Upon the receipt of this letter Governor Sharpe at once issued circular instructions calling upon "all and every of the officers, both civil and military in Baltimore County" to use their best endeavors in securing the deserters.-- Ford.]
July 24, 1757.
Sir: I should have written fully to you long since, and sent an Officer to relieve you, but the expectation we were in (by reports from Fort Cumberland) of a french invasion from Ohio, kept us in continual alarm, and readiness to oppose the attempt.
I must now, as I formerly have done, say, that all accompts relative to provisions must be settled with the Commissary; and all that concern the payment of your company, with the pay-master. I have nothing to do with either, nor do I choose to interfere with their Business. I shall send money by Major Lewis (if the pay-master does not go himself) to discharge your recruiting accompt, and the sums due to the Masters of such Servants as you may have enlisted. The reason why this was not done before, was the want of money, which I have been without since December, 'till about a fortnight ago; and now an insufficient sum is come to hand, to answer the numerous demands against the public.
I mentioned to Captn. McNeill your demand upon David Evans, and he has stopped the money: But as he writes to you by this opportunity, I refer to him. In respect to your other demand, against Trotter,60 it wou'd have been regular to have made out your accompt and sent it to the commanding Officer of the Company he is in; and then if Trotter refused to pay it, I shou'd have appointed a Court of Enquiry to sit and examine into the justice of your claim, and the reason of his denial, and order'd payment, if they thought it due. But I never will assume an arbitrary power, and oblige any person to pay a sum, unheard. I have heard nothing more about the matter; and the company in which Trotter is Sergeant, lies at a great distance
[Note 60: Sergeant Richard Trotter.] from this: So I presume, that affair either is, or may be settled without my interposition.
I have great complaints made concerning your manner of carrying on the works at the Fort you are building. It has cost infinitely more money than ever was intended for it. and, by the injudicious spot of ground you have chosen to fix it upon, it has caused a general clamour.
Mr. Bullet and Mr. Fleming inform me, that you refuse to do the necessaries belonging to it.
I therefore desire you will immediately upon receipt of this, deliver up the company, arms, stores and fort, to the command of the former; that the Kings Service may not suffer: You are to take Lt. Bullets' receipt for every thing delivered to him.
I shall suspend giving any directions concerning the provisions at Ft. Dinwiddie, or matters relative to the company. Major Lewis will have the command of it, and will be instructed in these points. I am &c.
July 24, 1757.
Sir: I have received two or three letters from you and Ensign Fleming. In answer I shall observe, that I think you have an undoubted right to sit as a regimental court martial, and to punish offenders; and that I am sorry to hear of the desertions which have happened in your company, and the temper of mind that prevails in your men; and hope, that you hitherto have, and do still continue to check this growing evil, and to maintain discipline.
It was a mistake (I believe I might say negligence) in the Quarter-master, that he did not send Hats for your Company, Garters and Buckles; as to spatter-dashes,61 none of the Soldiers have received any: and, with regard to what they call half-mounting,62 I must tell you, that every Soldier who has received these, has paid for them. So that you may assure your Company, there is no distinction made.
[Note 61: Leggings, or knee-length gaiters, the equivalent of the puttees of to-day, though the colonial protection was either buttoned or laced.]
[Note 62: Half-mounting was, generally, the underclothes and minor articles of dress; it may have meant, in Virginia, the stock, shirt, shoes, and stockings.]
If you have one Halbert, it is more than we have in the whole Regiment; and I desire it may be laid aside, and a musket, &c. substituted in its place. Cartridge-paper is an article not to be had here; and we make use of horns and pouches in its stead, which you must also do. Drums will be sent by Major Lewis, who is to have the command of your company, and will move it hitherwards.
I have directed Capt. Hogg to give up the command of the company to you; and I desire that you will exert your best endeavours to finish the fort in the most expeditious manner; altho' it shou'd, by that means, be roughly done. You are to take an exact account of all the stores and of every thing you receive from Captn. Hogg; and pass your receipt for them.
In answer to the Queries which you and Mr. Fleming have put, I shall observe, that it is the duty of every commanding Officer to use the greatest diligence and care, to pursue and apprehend Deserters; and that at as little expence as possible; but that such expence as must inevitably arise, be paid by the country.
The second case is pretty clear, from several of the articles of war; one of which requires the commanding Officer to forbid a Soldiers being credited, without orders from him: another prohibiting any persons dealing with Soldiers without his leave. No Soldier is to be credited for more than his pay: and that pay so much as is due (and not more) shou'd be applied in paying off his accompt with the Captain, or other Officer, who keeps the Companys accompts, and furnishes them with necessaries: and the remainder to pay the expence apprehending them.
I think, whoever enlisted a man under the late regulation for recruiting, was entitled to the two pistoles, bounty-money; but it cou'd not be expected that the Captain wou'd advance this sum, if he had no money of the Countrys in his hands.
By the present act of Assembly, the person or persons enlisted, are entitled to £5 without the least deduction, and the Officer to his expences. If they are sent recruiting no person (either Servant or any other) after they are enlisted and attested, can be discharged by no person but myself, or the Officer whom I may appoint: and whoever assumes this liberty, subjects himself to be tried by a General Court Martial.
I have got several small accompts amounting to £2.12. which you sent me down, passed for the Soldiers; and will send the money by Major Lewis.
Give my Complim'ts to Mr. Fleming, and tell him, that if the appointment of Officers is left to me, his detached situation will be no prejudice to his promotion.
Fort Loudoun, July 29, 1757.
Sir: You are ordered forthwith to march with all the Draughts which are at this place belonging to your own Company and Capt. Woodwards, together with Capt. Spotswoods, to Dickinsons plantation, on the cow-pasture; where I expect you will meet Captn. Woodward on his march to Vauses. When a junction of these three Companies is formed, you are, if the ravages of the Enemy, and circumstances of the Inhabitants, do not render other dispositions necessary, to detach Capt. Woodwards whole company; and an officer and 25 men of Captn. Spotswoods, to occupy Vases fort and, (if you think proper) the posts on Cuttawba, and at Campbells place: and with the rest you are to proceed to Dickinson's fort; where you are to order Lt. Bullet, and that part of your company under his command, to join you.
I can not at this distance, with the least degree of propriety, pretend to order a disposition of your command further than to advise you, not to divide it into too small parties. You are nevertheless to assist any body of Inhabitants, which may have gathered together in certain places, and need protection, but to appoint no more men to this service, than what are absolutely necessary to act upon the defensive, reserving as many as possible under your immediate direction, at Dickensons fort, to turn out in pursuit of the Enemy, when you hear they are about.
You will have the direction of the aforesaid Companies, till further orders, and to you they are to apply for instructions, to you make the returns, as required in my general instructions; and from you I expect them myself.
You will deliver Captn. Woodward the Kettles sent for his company. You will receive from me £21.18. the contents of a recruiting accompt of Capt. Hogg which you are desired to pay him. You will also receive £30.4.2 value of sundry Servants enlisted in that part of your company lately under Captn. Hogg's command: And I shall be glad if you will settle this matter, and pay the Masters according to appointment, which is as follows; Charles Campbell for Mark Donally, £9. to Wm. Lewis, for Francis Adams, £13.11.6 To Andrew Duncan, for Thomas Davis, £7.12.8.
You will likewise receive £2.12 to be paid to the following Soldiers, in the following sums, agreeably to their several accompts handed in by Lt. Bullet: To John Heart, 8/ John Leak, 8/ Mark Donally, 4/ and Moses Gawin 32/.
You must apply to the Surgeon of the Regiment for a small assortment of medicines, which Mr. Fleming has promised to administer to the sick of your Detachment. For other directions, I refer you to my General Instructions herewith delivered.
Fort Loudoun, July 29, 1757.
Sir: You are Ordered forthwith to march from hence to the South-branch with your own men, and such of Capt. McKenzie's as are at this place. The latter you are to deliver to him so soon as you arrive at this Garrison (with the Orders and Instructions herewith given you for him). And, immediately after he has taken a size and necessary roll of his company, you are to demand 25 men and an Officer, (if he can possibly spare one) to reinforce your command; and with them proceed to the post assigned you (namely, Butter-milk-fort) and there use your utmost endeavours to protect the numerous body of Inhabitants in all those parts.
I am sensible, there is a necessity of throwing a few Soldiers into some of the country-forts, in order to detain the Inhabitants in them; and I approve of your doing it; but at the same time recommend, that no more be appointed for this Service, than what are absolutely necessary to detain the inhabitants, and to resist any sudden attempts of the enemy to surprize the fort; reserving the principal part of them at the fort you reside at, to turn out and pursue the enemy, when you hear they are about it.
You are, as soon as you arrive at Captn. McKenzie's Garrison, to dispatch a Messenger to Captn. Woodward, that he may hold himself in readiness to march immediately upon your arrival; (and to take with him the company lately belonging to Captn. Bronaugh, which is now joined to his own).
You are also to inform the Officer (Lt. Weeden) commanding the company, lately Captn. Cocke's, now joined to Captn. Lewis's, that he is to march those men to Conogochieg immediately upon your arrival. And you are to see that not the least delay is made, after you do arrive, in having this done.
As all the companies, agreeably to their present regulations, are now supplied with Kettles from the public stores; you are desired to collect all the old ones, pots, &c. that are among the troops upon the branch, and send them down to this place, under escort of Lt. Weeden, giving him a strict charge to be careful of them: and you will deliver to Captn. McKenzie, those which you have received at this place, for the use of his company.
You are, for farther direction, referred to the General Instructions herewith delivered to you.
Fort Loudoun, July [29], 1757.
Sir: You are ordered, immediately upon receipt hereof, to march with your own company (which by a late regulation, has the one that was Capt. Bronaughs added to it) to the plantation of Captn. Dickenson on the cow-pasture; and to pursue the following rout, vizt. First you are to go up the south fork; thence to the head of the cow-pasture river, and thence down the same to Dickensons; where you are to halt 'till joined by Major Lewis, and the Draughts sent by him to strengthen your company; or till you receive Orders from the Major, what to do, if he shou'd not be there himself.
That he may have timely notice of your coming to Dickensons; you are to despatch an Express to him at Augusta Courthouse, so soon as you begin your march. I expect you will make but little halt at Dickensons, as your place of destination is Vauses, on Roanoake, to relieve the company that is posted there. Not knowing what may intervene at this distance, to render other orders necessary; you are as above, to receive directions from the Major, who is ordered to command the Detachment of the Regim't in that Quarter. And to him you are, till further orders, to apply for instructions in any thing you may require. You are also to send your Returns (agreeably to my General Instructions herewith sent you) to him; who is to send them with his own and Captn. Spotswoods, to me.
As you will receive new Kettles from the public stores (to be delivered you by Maj. Lewis:) I have desired Captn. Waggener to call in all the old ones, pots, &c. which were made use of in yours and Bronaugh's late company; and to send them to this place, and I desire you will be punctual in seeing this done, as well as in seeing that great care is taken of the new kettles.
As the Fort which Captn. Hogg is building, and to which you are now going, has, either thro bad conduct in the Director, idleness in the workmen, or thro' some other cause which I can not comprehend, been of infinitely more expence to the country, and much longer about, than was ever expected. You are required to finish it with the utmost dispatch; and that in any manner, however rough, if it will secure you upon an attack. You are for farther direction referred to the General Instructions herewith delivered you.
July 29, 1757.
Sir: I have received yours, and have paid Doct. Craik the contents of your recruiting accompt.
Colo. Stephen has given so many strange Orders, Orders, so inconsistent with my Instructions and incompatible with his own; that it will be with great difficulty, if it is even possible, to extricate the Officers and myself from the dilemma and trouble they have occasioned. What right Colo Stephen had to order any repairs to your fort, without giving me previous notice of his design, I know not; and why you shou'd apply to him for those orders (when I was nearly as convenient, and alone had the right to direct) is matter of surprize to me.
The fund established for building of forts, has long been expended, and how your demand will be answered, I am at a loss to determine. However, that you may not suffer by complying with Colo. S[tephen]s'; draw out an exact accompt, and what assistance I can be towards procuring your money, shall be chearfully given.
I have ordered the Adjutant to transmit you copies of those Orders, relative to the regulation of the Companies. General Instructions I have myself sent, and kettles will be delivered to you by Captn. Waggener, whom I have given orders to demand a detachment of 25 men from your Company, and an Officer (if you can spare one) to strengthen his command, for the better protecting the Settlers above the Trough. All your old kettles, pots, &c. are to be sent to this place; and great care taken of the new. I am Sir, etc.
July 29, 1757.
Gentlemen: The principal end proposed in sending you to the post to which you are ordered is to protect the Inhabitants of those posts, and to keep them if possible easy and quiet.
I enjoin it upon you, therefore, to use every means which you and your officers shall judge advisable, to answer this salutary purpose, particularly by keeping out constant scouting parties; who with diligence care and precaution, are to range all those parts thro' which the Enemy make their inroads; and, when the enemy draw near the Quarter you are in, to exert your utmost efforts in preventing the inhabitants from suffering, by giving them all the intelligence you can of their danger, and by endeavouring to cover them, by way-laying those defiles, thro' which the enemy are most likely to pass, before they can penetrate into the Inhabitants.
These parties are to consist of such numbers as the service may require, and your circumstances will admit. But in general I wou'd have a third part of your well men and an officer (frequently, if not always to command; altho' he may judge the party too small for his rank.)
You are by no means to impress Horses, yourself, or licence any person or persons under your command to do it, except in cases of necessity and where the Interest of the Service indispensably requires it for Expresses, &c, and then you are to be careful in seeing that, as soon as the service is performed, they be immediately returned to their proper owners in good order; paying the hire of them, or else to give a certificate, specifying for what service they were pressed, and how long employed in it.
You are not to accommodate any Indians, that may happen to pass your way, with Horses, unless it be upon extraordinary cases, nor are you to hold any Conferences with them upon Business, only on such points as relate to the Service in which you are immediately engaged. Neither are you to attempt making Treaties with them, or to make them presents, promises, &c., or give any liquor, but in a very sparing manner.
If at any time or upon any occasion, you shou'd pay away money for contingent Expences, you are to take receipts for them, ascertaining the sum, and for what service paid; and keep an exact accompt thereof, in order to lay it before me, or any other person whom the Government may think proper to substitute. And all Services done the public for which you do not pay ready money, you are to give certificates, setting forth the nature and causes thereof, as aforesaid. And all accompts relative to provisions you are to settle with the Commissary or agents whom the Governor shall appoint and all that relate to your own and company's pay, with the pay-master.
You are to take care that only one pound of flour, and the like quantity of meat, be delivered to each man per day, and that no more women draw provisions, than in proportion as 6 to 100 men.
You must prevent any provisions issuing without a written order from yourself, or the officer commanding in your absence. To have regular returns made out for that purpose. To cause all provisions to be exactly weighed, &c.
You are to use every imaginable precaution to prevent irregular suttling, licentious swearing, and all other unbecoming irregularities and to neglect no pains or diligence in training your men (when off duty) to the true use and exercise of their arms; and teaching them in all other respects, the duties of their profession.
Be particularly careful in seeing that they take proper care of their clothes and accoutrements; which you are to do, by inspecting narrowly every Saturday at least, into their order; and by furnishing and making stoppages from those who have lost, sold, or otherwise made away with, or abused their things, till full reparation is had.
That this piece of duty may be conducted with ease; divide your men into as many squads as there are Sergeants, and make it the duty of each Sergeant (who is to keep the Roll of their necessaries for that purpose) to see that the men of his squad have their clothes, arms, and accoutrements always together, and in good order. This method I recommend as an alleviation of but not an excuse for the officers to neglect this duty themselves.
I also desire that the greatest regularity may be constantly observed in relieving the Guards, the Sentries, and all other parts of ceremonious duty. That the men may not by neglecting this, contract bad habits, but rather thro' a strict observance, become intimately acquainted with, and knowing in their duty. And as I wou'd have the whole regiment tho' never so much divided at present, pursue the same system of discipline, even in the most minute punctilios, You are to send an alert Sergeant or Corporal and two or three men, fit for the Drill, to this place to be perfected therein, who, on their return, are to instruct the rest of your Command.
I recommend it to you, likewise, and in the strongest terms, that you and the officers under your command, do make yourselves master of the necessary salutes.
You are to give in an exact size, and necessary role of your company and to see that no non-commissioned Officer or Soldier is ever provided with less than 3 good shirts, two pair of good Stockings, and one pair of good Shoes, and that the initial letters of their names are marked upon their ammunition, clothes, and accoutrements, which you must cause to be entered in a Book kept for that purpose, to prevent their swapping and changing their things. You are also to be vastly careful in making them preserve their Regimentals, and to make them appear always neat and clean, and soldier-like, especially when they are upon Duty.
You are to transmit me the most exact and regular returns, made out once a month, not only of the strength of, and alterations in, your company (or command) but also of the arms, ammunition, clothes, and stores, carefully examined by yourself, to prevent such egregious mistakes as often happen thro' the negligence of the Officers in trusting to the Sergeants, as, upon failure herein, you may depend upon being relieved and tried for disobedience of orders.
You are also to hold me duly advised of all material occurrences in your Quarter. You are not to give furloughs to more than one Soldier at a time, unless some particular cause requires it, and then you are to insert the reasons and time of their absence at the foot of your return, if they should not happen to be present at the time it is made. Shou'd any of your men desert, you are to use your utmost endeavours in having them apprehended; and whatever expence you are at, over and above what the country allows, is to be deducted from the pay of such offending Soldiers, if they shou'd happen to be taken.
Each Deserter is advertised at 40 s. reward, and more, when other aggravating circumstances accompany his desertion.
I expect you will take great pains to make your Soldiers good marks-men by teaching them to shoot at Targets.
I have been thus particular in my Instructions to you, because I expect the most punctual obedience will be paid to them; being determined not to overlook neglects of duty in any, but to act with the utmost strictness (agreeably to the Instructions which I am honored with from the Governor): and therefore, in order to enable you to support a proper command:--
I hereby require, that you do put any officer under arrest whom you shall find negligent in his duty, or misbehaving as a Gentleman, and either enquire into his conduct with your own Officers (in order to a further examination at this place), or send him here, (at once) for that purpose.
And I do hereby direct you to hold courts martial for trying and punishing non-commissioned officers and soldiers (Without which the former are not to be broke, and after which, by no means to be reinstated, nor new ones appointed, without my approbation.) In all other respects you are to govern yourselves exactly agreeable to the articles of War, and the rules and customs of the Army.
Permit me before I finish (and now that the companies are formed for service, and agreeable to order) to recommend, and I do in the strongest manner I can to you and your Officers, to devote some part of your leisure hours to the study of your profession, a knowledge in which cannot be attained without application; nor any merit or applause to be achieved without a certain knowledge thereof. Discipline is the soul of an army. It makes small numbers formidable; procures success to the weak, and esteem to all; and may, in a peculiar manner to us, who are in the way to be joined to Regulars in a very short time, and of distinguishing thro' this means, from other Provincials.
You are to be at no expence in building or repairing old works, without first apprizing me thereof, because the money appropriated to that purpose is expended. The safety and convenience of soldiers render it a duty upon them to repair the works, and make lodgments for themselves. I wou'd therefore have you observe this, and act conformably to it.
Fort Loudoun, July 30, 1757.
Dear Sir: My former letters wou'd inform you how little share I had in confining the Indians in the public jail at this place.
Mr. Atkin, in his Majesty's name, applied to me as commanding officer for aid to secure these people, which I thereupon did, but not without first representing the consequences, that might and in some measure really did happen. This step was no sooner taken, than the Cherokees in town, about twenty two in number, despatched a runner to inform their people, that the English had fallen upon their Brethren, and desired that they (the Cherokees) would stand upon their defence. Another runner, you are sensible, came to Carlisle to inform the warriors there of it, who returned fully resolved to rescue the prisoners, or die in the attempt. The former they did, and were so enraged with Mr. Atkin, that they wou'd hold no conference with him the next day, when he sent to desire it, till they had first been with me for information. I took great pains to convince them, that it was a mistake, and happily succeeded; they readily agreed to send an Indian with an express, which I might procure, to their nation to prevent a massacre of all the traders and white people there, which they looked upon as inevitable, except timely measures were taken to prevent it.
Out of the great number of Draughts that have deserted from us, we have been able to apprehend twenty-two; of whom two were hanged on Thursday last. The eight companies now remaining in Virginia are completed to about eighty, rank and file, four commanding officers, four sergeants, and two drummers, and are all marched to the several posts assigned them.
The commission, which I have received from Governor Dinwiddie, to hold general courts-martial, is very long, and rather a repetition of the act. I shou'd be obliged, if you wou'd let me know whether this be right or not. I took the liberty in a letter of the -- to ask leave to be absent about twelve or fourteen days, if circumstances in this quarter would permit, but having heard nothing from you since, I am inclined to address you again on that head, because the 1st of August is the time appointed for the meeting of the executors (of which I am one) of an estate that I am much interested in a dividend of; and have suffered much already by the unsettled state it has remained in. This estate does not lie more than a day's journey from this place, so that I could return very quickly, if occasion required it.
P. S. Since writing the above I have received the enclosed from Captn. McKenzie. Captn. Waggener just before with upwards of 100 men, had marched to the place he speaks of, to strengthen the garrisons on the Branch. I have sent him orders to select a good company (if the enemy still remain there) and use his best endeavors to fall in with their encampment; and I am certain he will neglect no means to accomplish it. I have also advice from the southern frontiers of Augusta County, that the Indians have appeared, and done some mischief. Major Lewis with a detachment of 250 men (including a company of 50 already in those parts) marched to occupy Vausses and Dickinson's forts, and to repel the enemy if they still continued to commit depredations.
Fort Loudoun, August 3, 1757.
Hon'ble Sir: Your favours of the 13th. and 18th. ultimo, with the commissions, Warrants, and money, I have received.
The Indian accompts I have so often mentioned, and which your Honor says, you do not understand, are expences which have accrued on account of provisions, as they have marched from place to place (for they will not eat salt meat; but kill fresh wherever it is to be found). Liquor, unavoidably to be given them; Horses, pressed for the use of their sick, &c. and never returned: Tomahawks, and a great many other things which there was a necessity of purchasing for them. The people will never trust their vouchers, for the delivery of these things, to doubtful Messengers; and most of those articles are too inconsiderable to induce them to go down to Williamsburgh. They therefore think themselves ill used, and complain of oppression.
We have received Draughts as per the enclosed list: which list is agreeable, I hope, to your Honors orders to me. Their number has fallen so far short of expectation, that the 8 remaining companies will not exceed 90 rank and file, each. It is not in my power to send a roll of each company, 'till the Captains get all their men together; as soon as this is done, I have ordered an exact size-roll to be transmitted to me, of each company, and I shall forward them to your Honor, without loss of time.63 As the best Captains were fixed upon by your Honor, below; and some of our worst Subalterns resigned since, I have filled up the vacant commissions according to seniority, and hope it will be agreeable, as I think it was most equitable. Your Honor desired I wou'd give Sergeant Feint an Ensigns commissions: But I apprehend you only meant it, in case there had been Draughts enough for 12 companies. And therefore I declined doing it 'till I hear further from you: especially as there are yet volunteers in the Regiment, who have long served in hope of preferment, and given equal proofs of good Behaviour and of course expect to be preferred before Sergeants.
[Note 63: Washington forwarded the size roll of his own (the colonel's company) on August 28. It is in the Washington Papers.]
However, I have reserved one vacancy, to be filled up either with Feint or Mr. Chew64 (the oldest volunteer) as your Honor shall now direct.
[Note 64: Coleby Chew. He was, later, a lieutenant in the Virginia Regiment.]
The present Officers names, and dates of their commissions, may be seen by the enclosed. The men are marched for Augusta, that were designed for the forts at Vauses and Dickensons, and Major Lewis sent to command there. Those for the Branch, under Captn. Waggener, are also marched: and there now remain here no more than Capt. Stewarts company and my own, except about 40 workmen which I took from the Draughts, to work at this place.
I have ordered two Officers to Ft. Cumberland to inspect the refused Beef; and have sent up Mr. Kennedy, who acted as Commissary, there, with directions to use every means to save it, as adding fresh pickle, &c.
I send your Honor a copy of the proceedings of a General Court martial. Two of those condemned, namely, Ignatious Edwards, and Wm. Smith, were hanged on thursday last, just before the companies marched for their respective posts. Your Honor will, I hope excuse my hanging, instead of shooting them. It conveyed much more terror to others; and it was for example sake, we did it. They were proper objects to suffer: Edwards had deserted twice before, and Smith was accounted one of the greatest villians upon the continent. Those who were intended to be whipped, have received their punishment accordingly; and I should be glad to know what your Honor wou'd choose to have done with the rest?
A return for the month of June, I herewith send.65 I had a letter from Colo. Stanwix the other day, concerning the deposition of Street. He seems to put no great confidence in the report; and wrote me, that he was intrenching himself at Carlyle.
[Note 65: This return, dated July 1, 1757, is in the Washington Papers.]
I have received advice from Augusta, that the Indians had appeared in large bodies there, and done some mischief. A letter also from Captn. McKenzie, on the South-Branch, informs me, that the enemy had taken away four or five men, and scalped another, who was carelessly reaping in a field.
As Major Lewis is gone towards the first, and Capt. Waggener towards the latter parts, I am in hopes they will keep the inhabitants from hurt.
We are, by reason of our dispersed situation, greatly at a loss for the articles of war, I should be glad if your Honor wou'd order many of them to be printed: In the regular Service there is scarcely a Sergeant but what has a copy.
I shou'd be glad to know too, in time, whether your Honor intends to pursue the last resource of the Act of Assembly for compleating the Regiment vizt. recruiting? If so, money will be wanted. I am &c.
Fort Loudoun, August 3, 1757.
Sir: As the inhabitants in general unanimously concur in opinion, that Pattersons wou'd much better answer the end proposed by your Command (vizt. the protection of the Inhabitants) than your present Station; You are therefore upon receipt of this, immediately to quit your present post, and proceed to Patersons, leaving five men at Captain Catons. You are to apply to Patterson and his neighbours for waggons &c. They have tendered every service in their power to expedite your march. When you arrive at Pattersons, you are to detach 10 men to Neillys' 6 to Bells, and 4 to Mendenhals: The remainder of your command is to be employed in scouting agreeably to your former Orders. And apply to the country people, who I doubt not will act as your guides.
As the small parties will have only Garrison duty, I wou'd recommend the sending your sick to those places, who may do that duty nearly as well as these; and, by change of air, and there being but few together, may recover much sooner than they otherwise wou'd.
As I think fresh provisions now and then, by way of change, necessary; you may purchase (if you can do it upon reasonable terms) from the country people. As to Bacon, I shall not meddle with it; that being under the direction of the Commissary: Therefore, all applications of this nature must be made to him only. You may have the same match-coats which you had at Maidstone, when you send for them. I am a good deal surprized at your taking 13 more Blankets than you had occasion for: especially as you knew how much we stand in need of them. You are to send them back so soon as you arrive at Pattersons. I am &c.
Fort Loudoun, August 4, 1757.
Sir: I received yours of the 3d. instant, covering a size and necessary roll of your company; which, being incomplete, is not what I wanted. Whenever you get all your company under your own command, you are to have them completed with necessaries agreeably to Orders; and then to transmit an exact size and necessary roll of the whole; and afterwards you are each month to send me a return of your company, as usual, and a general return of its necessaries agreeably to the enclosed form.
I wrote you fully yesterday when I desired you to send what spare Blankets you had, to this place, so soon as you arrived at Pattersons. I have sent you the articles of War; which you will return when you are done with them.
Fort Loudoun, August 27, 1757.
Sir: Your favor of the 13th by Mr. Boyd, I have received. The draughts from Lunenburg are arrived, to the number of sixteen, which does not replace the soldiers, that have deserted since my last so prevalent is this infamous practice yet. The draughts, when they were divided among the eight companies in July, completed them to eighty-six rank and file; and there remained over and above forty workmen, which I detained at this place, as mentioned in a former letter.
What the strength of the companies is just at this time, I am no more able to say, (not knowing what casualties may have happened since,) than I am to send your Honor a return of the regiment, which is impossible to do till I get my returns from the several out-posts; and that, I believe your Honor must be sensible, is difficult and precarious, dispersed as the regiment is. I have given express orders, however, that those returns shall be made to me as regularly as the nature of things will admit, and I shall not be wanting in my duty to forward them, nor shall I delay to send the companies' size-rolls, when they come to my hands, and I have directed these last also be made out and sent to me, carefully examined.
The enclosed is a copy of a report made to me by two officers, who were instructed to inspect into the state of the provisions at Fort Cumberland. Mr. Kennedy, who was entrusted with the care of these provisions, is now there repacking and pickling them; and when he has finished, I shall endeavour to do the best I can with them, but despair of turning them to the least advantage.
A letter, which I received a few days ago from Captain Waggener advises, that the enemy appeared upon the Branch, not far from his neighbourhood, (their numbers uncertain,) and killed ... men, and captivated others, without his being able to meet with them. On Sunday last, a small party of five Cherokees, who came here a few days ago, set out to war.
Your Honor having asked my opinion concerning recruiting, I shall give it candidly as follows. I believe, unless we are permitted to enlist servants, we should spend much time to little purpose in this service; There is such a spirit of opposition prevailing in one sort of people, and so little spirit of any kind in another. I never thought, in the most distant degree, of recruiting for the additional companies, till the others were complete; nor should I have mentioned that but thinking it was required by act of Assembly.
As your Honor were pleased to leave to my discretion to punish or pardon the criminals, I have resolved on the latter, since I find examples of so little weight, and since those poor unhappy criminals have undergone no small pain of body and mind, in a dark room, closely ironed!
I have filled up a commission for Sergeant Feint, and will send it to him by the first safe conveyance. Colonel Stanwix, I am told (the truth of which I doubt), is marched to the northward. I have had no account from him for these four weeks.
Mr. Boyd, (whom I have spoken to on the matter,) conceives, there will be no money left for contingent expenses, when he has paid the troops. I shall do as your Honor directs, with regard to escorting Mr. Boyd to Augusta, and ordering officers to wait upon him at this place, however inconvenient it prove to the service.
Nothing remarkable has happened, for which reason I have nothing particular to add. I must beg leave, however, before I conclude, to observe in justification of my own conduct, that it is with pleasure I receive reproof, when reproof is due, because no person can be readier to accuse me, than I am to acknowledge an error, when I am guilty of one; nor more desirous for atoning for a crime, when I am sensible of having committed it. But, on the other hand, it is with concern I remark, that my best endeavors lose their reward, and that my conduct, although I have uniformly studied to make it as unexceptionable as I could, does not appear to you in a favorable point of light.66
[Note 66: The governor had written (August 13): "You have sent a detachment from the regiment to Augusta, but you do not mention the number; or do you mention the receipt of the small arms sent from this; or any account of the misunderstanding with the Indians at Winchester. You must allow this is a loose way of writing, and it's your duty to be more particular to me."-- Sparks.] Otherwise your Honor would not have accused me of loose behaviour and remissness of duty, in matters where, I believe, I have rather exceeded than fallen short of it. This, I think, is evidently the case in speaking of Indian Affairs at all after being instructed in very express terms, not to have any concern with or "management of Indian affairs." This has caused me to forbear mentioning of Indians in any of my letters to your Honor of late, and to leave the misunderstanding, which you speak of, between Mr. Atkin and the Indians, to the former to relate, knowing that he maintained a correspondence with your Honor on matters relative to his office. But, with regard to the accompts, when he would have nothing to do with them, and when I was hourly importuned for the payment, and knew I had not the means to do it, what could I do less than promise the people, that I would recommend their cases to your Honor, in hopes that you would appoint a person, in whom you could confide, to take in and pay off their accompts, as I always looked upon it as a duty distinct from mine, and therefore was unwilling to intermeddle in the affair?
I really thought it unnecessary to say more, than that "the detachment destined for Augusta was marched," because your Honor gave me a copy of the council held at Philadelphia, which directed one hundred and fifty men to be posted at Dickinson's, and one hundred at Vauses, which direction I observed, and thought it would be sufficiently understood when I wrote as above.
I should have acknowledged the receipt of the arms, had they come, but they were not arrived when my last was wrote; which obliged me to disarm the men that remained here, in order to supply those who marched, rather than detain them, as I had sent wagons to Falmouth to bring 'em from thence. However, if I have errd in these points, I am sorry for it, and shall endeavour for the future to be as particular and satisfactory, in my accounts of these things, as possible. I am, &c.
Fort Loudoun, September 10, 1757.
Dear Sir: The Inclos'd addresses Copy of mine of the 15th. April by a Vessel which I find has mistaken her Rout and got to France.
On board the Integrety Captn. Thompson I ship'd 14 Hhds. of best Sweet-Scented Tobo. for 4 of which and no more I was allow'd liberty of Consignment; and these four I Ship'd to you; the other ten together with 8 More in Captn. Younger are sent to Mr. Bacon; of whom please to demand the neat proceeds.
Alexandria Captn. McKay is preparing with all possible dispatch to Sail with the Convoy: On Board her I have put eight Hhds. consign'd to yourself and I have order'd my present Crop (which at this time wears a very favourable Aspect, and without some Signal Stroke of Providence will equal my most Sanguine expectations) to be got ready for the first Ships, after these which are just taking their Departure; and for as many as I can get liberty I will ship to yourself, but it is with concern I tell you, we have very little choice.
I have receiv'd your favour of the 2d. of April, and find Insurance so exorbitantly high, that I have determined to risk my Tobo, as it is convey'd in several bottoms. But my Goods, unless they come under Convoy (and even then if you think proper) I wou'd choose to ensure. In the Invoice Mr. Caryle sent you for me I think [ ... 67] for a Small Sword of 8 or
[Note 67: Space between brackets indicates mutilated manuscript.] 10 Guins price. This is of 12 Months standing, which gives me cause to fear, having heard no mention of it by you, that his Letter has miscarried; if this is really the case please to embrace the earliest oppertunity of complying w' this desire and send'g spare Scab'ds and Slips w' it. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
[Fort Loudoun], September 10, 1757.
Gentn: I hope by the time this comes to hand you will receive Eighteen Hogsheads of my Tobo. Ten in the Integrety and eight in the endeavour Captns. Thompson and Younger. That in Captn. Thompson was of the best Sweetscented, neatly handled; and must if the Ship arriv'd Safe get to Market in the Nick of time. The other by Captn. Younger is also of the best quality and Weights, for which Reasons I expect they will Command such prices as I know the like Tobo. fetches to my Acquaintances in Virginia.
I can't forbear confessing Sir, that the exceeding low price you got for my first venture to you discourag'd me for sometime from making a Second; but as I expect for the time to come, to Ship, if I find my Accts. in it, a pretty considerable quantity of the best Tobos. of my own growth annually I flatter myself you will deal by me in such a manner as to render a change of Merchts. unnecessary. The Nett proceeds of these Tobaccos you will please pay my name-sake Mr. Rich'd Washington.
I thank you very heartily Sir, for the Magazine you sent me, and your kind offer to render me Services. I am now remov'd to this place, and shall if continued at it, be more convenient than I have been to Cultivate a more intimate corrispondance.[ ... 68]
[Note 68: Space between brackets indicates mutilated manuscript.]
Fort Loudoun, September 17, 1757.
Sir: Your favor of the 2d instant came safe to hand, and Jenkins's sickness has prevented my answering it sooner.
I apprehend that thirteen of the twenty-nine draughts from Lunenburg have deserted, as sixteen only have arrived here, and I have no accounts of any more being upon the march. Your Honor may observe by the enclosed list of deserters, all of whom have left the regiment since the last return I sent, and after having received too their clothes, arms, and bounty money, how prevalent still is that infamous practice among the dastardly draughts, especially at this garrison, where I indulge them in every thing but idleness, and in that I cannot, the nature of the work requiring the contrary. Lenity, so far from producing its desired effects, rather emboldens them in these villainous undertakings. One of those who were condemned to be hanged, deserted immediately upon receiving his pardon. In short, they tire my patience, and almost weary me to death. The expense of pursuing them is very considerable, and to suffer them to escape, without aiming at pursuit, is but giving up the point, altho' we have had but little success of late.
The uncertain and difficult communication with the outposts must apologize for my not sending you a return of our strength for August. For the second month will always be far advanced, before I can get in the returns of the preceding, as the latter must be first expired, before the returns can be made out, and then some of them are to come two hundred and fifty miles, and great part of that distance thro' an uninhabited country.
If special messengers are always sent with these returns, it will be a pretty considerable expense. I should therefore be glad if your Honor would be pleased to direct, whether they are to be sent me by express, or to embrace the best conveyance without. In the one case, as I before said, there must be a constant expense, and in the other, great uncertainty. By the enclosed for July, your Honor will see that our total strength amounted to six hundred and ninety-nine; but, as there happened many changes and casualties in that month, by reason of the draughts joining, deserting, and the companies not being properly formed, this return will, I apprehend, appear confused and irregular. Our present strength, I guess, is about seven hundred. Major Lewis did, as he wrote your Honor, march from this place with about one hundred and forty men only; but then Captain Woodward, who also marched at the same time, with his company from the South Branch, joined him at Dickinson's; which with the men under Captain Hogg, formed a body of something more than two hundred and fifty men, agreeably to the number appointed at Philadelphia for the forts at Dickinson's and Vauses.
I am sorry I did not know it was necessary to give the name of each officer of the command, but shall do it now, and set them down as they are placed in companies: Major Lewis, Lt. Bullet, Lt. Fleming, Ensn. Speake, Capt. Woodward, Lt. Dangerfield, Lt. Milner, Ensn. Sumner, Capt. Spotswood, Lt. Lomax, Lt. Crawford, Ensn. Starke.
The above are the officers belonging to three companies that went to Augusta. But your Honor knows Capt. Spotswood was absent; Mr. Milner was also absent, and has been so at his father's these 8 months, in a consumption, as I am told. And I have given a Sergeant a commission and appointed him to Woodward's company, in lieu of Ensign Sumner, who is now to join Capt. McKenzie's company.
As soon as I was informed that Colo. Reid was to supply the troops in Augusta with provisions, I acquainted Major Lewis therewith.
As there is no addition made to the draughts, no men recruited, and our numbers daily diminishing by desertion, I cannot see how you can expect that I should complete the companies that are now under 90 to 100 rank and file each, as you mention in your letter.
I never expected, nor ever desired, that there should be an addition made to the number of those persons appointed to transact public business, much less that there should be one to settle every little affair. I only humbly proposed, that, as Captain Gist was empowered with your Honor's approbation to manage the Indian affairs here, and as he is to be paid for that duty by this colony, that he, as a more proper person than myself, should take in and adjust the accounts against the Indians (so often mentioned), as it cannot reasonably be supposed that I, who am stripped of the help I once was allowed (and told that I should be freed from these things in consequence), can turn my hands and my thoughts to such a multiplicity of business, as naturally arises out of the variety of occurrences, which are occasioned by our scattered and detached situation and the many extraneous concerns of the Indians. Every person, who sees how I am employed, will readily testify, that very little recreation falls to my lot. Nevertheless, if it is your Honor's orders, that I shall collect these accompts, I will do it in the best manner I am able, and that with cheerfulness; but it will be some time ere it can be accomplished, as I have turned them off once.
The Indian chiefs, before they departed for their nation, warmly solicited me for some drums; and, as I had none but those belonging to the regiment, which could not be spared, I was obliged to promise them, that I would acquaint your Honor with their request, that you might, if you thought proper, provide them against their return.
Since my last, the enemy returned to the Branch, where they killed four men, wounded one, captivated a man and woman, and burned some grain, notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the troops, who are constantly scouting. The people in that quarter are terribly affrighted by this last eruption, and I fear can hardly be prevented from evacuating that valuable settlement.
Enclosed is a return of the Deputy Commissary's return and report of the state of the provisions at Fort Cumberland and my letter to Doctr. Ross69 on that subject, an answer to which I hourly expect. I have heard from second-hand, that they intend to make no allowance for the fish we left there, saying they were the King's fish, as they really were, and therefore as much theirs as ours. I should be glad to know your Honor's sentiments on this matter. I apprehended they would claim the fish as a right, and therefore when I left Ft. Cumberland, to attend the Committee in the Spring according to order, directed Colo. Stephen to have them removed, which he neglected to do.
[Note 69: The letter to Dr. David Ross (September 6) concerned the use of the salt beef at Fort Cumberland by the Maryland troops. "To settle this matter to the reciprocal satisfaction of both colonies, in an amicable way wou'd be quite agreeable to me." This letter is in the Washington Papers.]
I have received from Mr. Boyd, notwithstanding his first declaration to me, £500. Which, with what remains of the 2000, shall be applied and accounted for as you direct.
I was obliged to detain £250 out of the first sum which came up for the companies, but can now refund it.
When your Honor is pleased to order the vacancy, which Captain Spotswood occasions to be filled up in the name of Captain McNeill, there will be room for a lieutenant; and then if you please to bestow it on Mr. Fairfax,70 I should take it infinitely kind, if you would oblige me so far as to send the
[Note 70: William Henry, the son of Colonel Fairfax.-- Ford.] commission immediately from yourself to that gentleman.71 For altho I esteem him greatly on account of his father, for whose memory and friendship I shall ever retain a most grateful sense, yet, making him lieutenant over many old ensigns, will occasion great confusion in the corps, and bring censure on me; for the officers will readily conceive, that my friendship and partiality to the family were the causes of it. If Mr. Fairfax would accept of an ensigncy, the matter might pretty easily be accommodated. The letter under cover to Colonel Fairfax is not come to hand.
[Note 71: The commission had not been solicited by Colonel Washington nor was the application of Mr. Fairfax's friends made through him but directly to the governor.-- Sparks.]
I have heard nothing yet from Colonel Stanwix; but soon shall, as I wrote to him a few days ago, and expect his answer. Robert Holmes is among the deserters.
I send your Honor a size-roll of my own, Captains Stewart and Lewis' companies. The others were sent to me, but being signed by the commanding officer only, as is usual, I was obliged to send back for the subalterns to sign also. When these come in I shall forward them.
As we have not at this time either commissary or assistant here, it is not in my power to send a return of the provisions with any tolerable exactness. But I do not doubt, that Mr. Rutherford, our acting commissary, who is now down, has satisfied your Honor fully in this particular; if he has not, I will take care to do it in my next.
The monthly return for July, mentioned in the body of this letter as sent, upon re-examination I find so unintelligible, by reason of some mistakes in Captns. Spotswood's and Woodward's return, that I am ashamed to sign it, 'till the mistakes are rectified, and for this end, I have ordered those companies in a peremptory manner to be careful for the future, or answer the contrary.
Your Honor in estimating our numbers at about 700, will be near the complement; but if I may presume to advise, the contractors should provide for companies of 100 each, as it is supposed we shall complete to that number as fast as possible.
I doubt not your Honor will see the necessity of making an agreement with the contractors, for furnishing the Indians with provisions; otherwise they will take no concern in this matter, as I conceive they are allowed so much for each soldier, that shall be returned, in which case Indians are included. If they were not, no person would supply them on the same terms they do soldiers, for Indians eat and waste triple what the latter do. I am, &c.
Fort Loudoun, September 17, 1757.
Honble. Sir: A letter of the 22d ultimo, from Captain Peachy, came to my hands the other day, contents as follows: (here was inserted the letter).72 I should take it infinitely kind, if your Honor would please to inform me, whether a report of this nature was ever made to you; and, in that case, who was the author of it?
[Note 72: The letter begins by detailing a conversation, which the writer had lately held with Mr. Charles Carter, of Shirley, Va., respecting a transaction in which Captain Peachy has been concerned some months before, on a mission to Williamsburg, Va., when the frontiers were in great alarm from the incursions of the enemy; and then proceeds: "He [Mr. Carter] says, that Mr. Christopher Robinson told him he heard Colonel Richard Corbin say, that I affirmed, that my whole business at that time was to execute a scheme of yours to cause the Assembly to levy largely both in men and money, and that there was not an Indian in the neighbourhood; that the frontiers, or even Winchester and the adjacent country, did not appear to be in any more danger at that time than any other. Mr. Robinson also informed Mr. Carter, it was said, that that piece of deceit, or imposition of yours (as they term it), had lessened the Governor's and some of the leading men's esteem for you; or, at least, they make use of it as a reason for their ill treatment, and the worse opinion (they say) they have than formerly of you. I hope Colo. Washington knows me better than even to suppose I could be guilty of a thing of this kind; therefore, shall only add, that you may depend I shall use my endeavor to trace the matter, fill I find the scoundrel that dares make himself the author of such a scandalous report. If you think fit to make use of the above, you are at full liberty to do so." The entire letter is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2. p. 181.]
It is evident, from a variety of circumstances, and especially from the change in your Honor's conduct towards me, that some person, as well inclined to detract, but better skilled in the art of detraction, than the author of the above stupid scandal, has made free with my character. For I cannot suppose, that malice so absurd, so barefaced, so diametrically opposite to truth, to common policy, and, in short, to every thing but villainy, as the above is, could impress you with so ill an opinion of my honor and honesty.
If it be possible, that Colonel Corbin, (for my belief is staggered, not being conscious of having given the least cause to any one, much less to that gentleman, to reflect so grossly,) I say, if it be possible, that Colonel Corbin could descend so low as to be the propagator of this story, he must either be vastly ignorant in the state of affairs in this county at that time, or else he must suppose, that the whole body of inhabitants had combined with me, in executing the deceitful fraud. Or why did they, almost to a man, forsake their dwellings in the greatest terror and confusion; and while one half of them sought shelter in paltry forts, (of their own building,) the other should flee to the adjacent counties for refuge, numbers of them even to Carolina, from whence they have never returned?
These are facts well known; but not better known, than that these wretched people, while they lay pent up in forts, destitute of the common supports of life (having in their precipitate flight forgotten, or were unable rather to secure, any kind of necessaries,) did dispatch messengers of their own (thinking I had not represented their miseries in the piteous manner they deserved), with addresses to your Honor and the Assembly, praying relief. And did I ever send any alarming account, without also sending the original papers, (or the copies,) which gave rise to it?
That I have foibles, and perhaps many of them, I shall not deny. I should esteem myself, as the world also would, vain and empty, were I to arrogate perfection.
Knowledge in military matters is to be acquired by practice and experience only; and, if I have erred, great allowance should be made for my errors for want of it; unless these errors should appear to be willful; and then, I conceive it would be more generous to charge me with my faults, and let me stand or fall according to evidence, than to stigmatize me behind my back.
It is uncertain in what light my services may have appeared to your Honor; but this I know, and it is the highest consolation I am capable of feeling, that no man, that ever was employed in a public capacity, has endeavoured to discharge the trust reposed in him with greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's interest, than I have done; and if there is any person living, who can say with justice, that I have offered any intentional wrong to the public, I will cheerfully submit to the most ignominious punishment, that an injured people ought to inflict. On the other hand, it is hard to have my character arraigned, and my actions condemned, without a hearing.
I must therefore again beg in more plain, and in very earnest terms, to know, if Colonel Corbin has taken the liberty of representing my character to your Honor with such ungentlemanly freedom as the letter implies? Your condescension herein will be acknowledged, as a singular favor done your Honor's most obedient, humble servant.73
[Note 73: To this request, Governor Dinwiddie replied (September 24): "Your other letter of the 17th I perused. I would gladly hope there is no truth in it. I never heard of it before, or did I ever conceive you would have sent down any alarms without proper foundation. However, I shall show it to Colonel Corbin when he comes to town; but I'd advise you not to give credit to every idle story you hear; for if I was to notice reports of different kinds, I should be constantly perplexed. My conduct to you from the beginning was always friendly; but you know I had great reason to suspect you of ingratitude, which I am convinced your own conscience and reflection must allow, I had reason to be angry, but this I endeavor to forget; but I cannot think Colonel Corbin guilty of what is reported. However, as I have his Majesty's leave to go home, I propose leaving this in November, and I wish my successor may show you as much friendship as I have done." Dinwiddie's letter is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, p. 204.]
Fort Loudoun, September 18, 1757.
Dear Sir: Your favor of the 22d ultimo came to hand about four days ago. In answer to that part, which relates to Colonel Corbin's gross and infamous reflections on my conduct last spring, it will be needless, I dare say, to observe further at this time, than that the liberty, which he has been pleased to allow himself in sporting with my character, is little else than a comic entertainment, discovering at one view his passionate fondness for your friend, his inviolable love of truth, his unfathomable knowledge, and the masterly strokes of his wisdom in displaying it. These several talents he has, I think, exhibited in a most conspicuous manner to every person, who was in the least degree acquainted with the situation of affairs in this county at that juncture. The report of your false musters is equally absurd, and may take credit as above.
You are heartily welcome to make use of any letter, or letters, which may at any time have been written to you; for, altho' I keep no copies of epistles to my friends, nor can remember the contents of all of them, yet, I am sensible, that the narrations are just, and that truth and honesty will appear in my writings; of which, therefore, I shall not be ashamed, though criticism may censure my style.
Mr. Boyd is now in Augusta. I am perswaded he told me that the Governor forbad his paying you for the month of June. I have nevertheless certified, that you did duty until sometime in July and wish it had been your lot to have continued with [ sic]
That our poor friends Spotswood, and Benj. Bullet are lost, is a truth (I believe) too certain. I am, etc.
Fort Loudoun, September 24, 1757.
Honble. Sir: Enclosed is a copy of a letter, which I received from Captain McKenzie. Since my last, the different parties I detached in quest of the enemy, (who committed the late depredations in this neighborhood,) are returned, after having prosecuted the most probable measures, and exerted their utmost efforts in vain, in endeavoring to come up with and prevent the enemy's escape. Nor is it in any degree surprising, for when the vast extent of country, the scattered and distant manner in which the inhabitants are settled, the nature of the ground, and disposition of the enemy we have to cope with, are collectively considered, it is next to impossible, that any of our parties should ever see the enemy, except when they possess such advantages as render their victory certain.
The inhabitants of this valuable and very fertile valley are terrified beyond expression. Some have abandoned their plantations, and many are packing up their most valuable effects in order to follow them. Another irruption into the heart of this settlement will, I am afraid, be of fatal consequence to it. I was always perswaded, and almost every day affords new matter for confirming me in the opinion, that the enemy can, with the utmost facility, render abortive every plan, which can be concerted upon our present system of defence; and that the only method of effectually defending such a vast extent of mountains covered with thick woods, as our frontiers, against such an enemy, is by carrying the war into their country. And I think I may, without assuming uncommon penetration, venture to affirm, that, unless an expedition is carried on against the Ohio next spring, this country will not be another year in our possession.
Sickness, and the different parties, which the distressed situation of affairs here obliged me to detach from this garrison, so greatly retard the works, that finishing even the principal parts of them, before the winter sets in, will, I am afraid, prove impracticable.
I understand there are a mortar and a number of shells for it at Williamsburg, which would be of infinite service here, tho' of little or none where they are. We have a quantity of round and grape-shot for six-pounders, but no cannon to use them. A few pieces of that size would be a great addition to our strength; and, as this is the only place we have, (were it finished,) where a stand could be made, in case of any formidable attack, I conceive nothing in our power should be omitted to make it as defensible as we can.
Mr. Rutherford is not yet returned. Enclosed is a list of the killed and captured by the enemy, when last down. This is sent to Fredericksburg, in order to go by post.
Fort Loudoun, October 5, 1757.
Honble. Sir: Both your Honor's letters of the 24th ultimo I received by Jenkins. As I cannot now send a proper monthly return of the regiment, for want of the remarks of the officers at the out-posts, I enclose your Honor an exact return, however, of our effective strength, and how disposed of, which will at present answer the end proposed equally well. I likewise send you enclosed the return of provisions, specifying the time they will serve.
I am informed "the contractor is to lay in the provisions for the troops in New [ sic] Hampshire, at this place; that he is to have 6 d a man per diem for the whole he supplies, and that he is not to pay those who must inevitably be employed in issuing out the provisions at the different garrisons."
This information, I flatter myself, is without foundation; as it is beyond doubt that provisions could be purchased in Hampshire, where the troops are quartered for half of what the contractor has for laying them in here, and that the amount of the waggonage and other charges of transporting these provisions from hence to New [ sic] Hampshire will exceed the whole cost of the provisions, if purchased there; not to mention the great risque, trouble of escorts, &c., &c.
The assistant commissaries must still be continued, or some persons in their room, who, under the direction of a principal, would have purchased the provisions upon as good terms as any contractor. Besides, the commissary used to act as wagonmaster, supply the different garrisons with candle, made from the tallow of the country's beeves, and do many things for the good of the service, not to be expected from a contractor.
I shall take the earliest opportunity of communicating your Honor's intentions, respecting the ranging company, to Captain Hogg, who, I am informed, is lying ill, in consequence of the bite of a snake at Dickinson's Fort, and will, I fear, be unable to raise the men I am afraid the recruiting one hundred men will be found a very difficult task. I am quite at a loss how to act, as you did not inform me upon what terms they are to be levied and supported, what bounty money to allow, what pay to engage the officers and men, how clothed and supported, what the officers' pay and what kind of commissions they are to have.
Mr. Robert Rutherford, late deputy-commissary here, says that he could raise the men in a shorter time than any other, and from his universal acquaintance on the frontiers, and the esteem the people in general have for him, I am apt to believe he could raise them as soon as any person whatever.
If they should have the same bounty, allowed by the Assembly for recruits, I shall want money for that purpose. The £68 13 s 8 d I received from Colo. Fairfax of the country's money I accounted with the committee for in April last. Enclosed is a copy of the last letter I received from Colonel Stanwix.
The enemy continue their horrid devastations in this settlement. Enclosed is a copy of a letter from Capt. Josha. Lewis. Immediately on receipt of Capt. Lewis', Capt. McNeill, 3 subalterns, 4 sergeants, and 70 rank and file, marched up to act in conjunction with Captn. Lewis. The day before Captain Lewis was attacked, twenty Cherokees, headed by one of the principal warriors of that nation, marched from hence to the South Branch, which with the troops under Captains Waggener and McKenzie, will, I hope, secure that quarter.
So soon as Captn. McNeill returns, I will order him up to his company to which I have by your orders appointed him; as I have Mr. Chew in room of Mr. Fell.
When Mr. Atkin went from here he carried Mr. Gist and the Indian interpreter with him. Since several parties of Cherokees have been here, by which I and my officers were involved in inconceivable trouble, as we had neither an interpreter, nor a right to hold conferences with them; nothing to satisfy their demands of things of which they were in the greatest need; nor liberty to procure them. These warlike, formidable people, altho they seem to have a natural strong attachment to our interest, will, I am afraid, be induced by such treatment to hearken to the pressing solicitations of the French, who (by the latest and best accounts, copies of which I enclose) are making them vastly advantageous offers. The Chief of the Cherokee party, who went last to the Branch, (and is said to be a man of great weight among that nation), was so incensed against what he imagined neglect and contempt, that, had we not supplied him with a few necessaries, without which he could not go to war, he threatened to return, fired with resentment, to his nation. In short, I dread that, by the present management of Indian affairs, we are losing our interest of that people, the preservation of whose friendship is of the last importance to the colonies in general, and this in particular.
I am sorry to acquaint your Honor that Hamilton, the quartermaster hath misbehaved egregiously, embezzling and disposing, (in a clandestine manner) of some of the regimental stores, and afterwards running away and carrying a man of the regiment with him. He had leave to go to Alexandria, to order up some of the stores left there, and managed his affairs with such cunning, that he was gone too long to be pursued, before he was suspected.
Enclosed is a copy of the proceedings of the court of enquiry. Several things were found at many different houses, and the magistrates did not behave consistently with their duty.
I do not know, that I ever gave your Honor cause to suspect me of ingratitude, a crime I detest, and would most carefully avoid. If an open, disinterested behavior carries offence, I may have offended; because I have all along laid it down as a maxim, to represent facts freely and impartially, but no more to others, than I have to you, Sir. If instances of my ungrateful behavior had been particularized, I would have answered to them. But I have long been convinced, that my actions and their motives have been maliciously aggravated.
As your Honor proposes to leave the colony in November, I should be glad of liberty to go down to Williamsburg towards the last of this month, or first of the next, if nothing should intervene, to settle some accounts with your Honor and the Committee, which may not be done in so satisfactory a manner after you are gone.79
[Note 79: "I cannot agree to allow you leave to come down here at this time. You have been frequently indulged with leave of absence. You know the fort is to be finished, and I fear when you are away little will be done; and surely the commanding officer should not be absent when daily alarmed with the enemy's intentions to invade our frontiers, and I think you are in the wrong to ask it. You have no accounts that I know of to settle with me; and what accounts you have to settle with the country may be done at a more proper time."-- Dinwiddie to Washington, Oct. 19, 1757. The copyist (in 1785) of this letter in the "Letter Book" was more than usually careless. The two instances of writing New Hampshire and "maliciously aggravated" (pp. 140 and 141) are evidence of this. Dinwiddie's letter is in the Washington Papers, and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, p. 216.]
The last alarm occasioned a great many of the inhabitants in this county to go off, whereupon vast numbers are still moving. I fear that, in a short time, this very valuable valley will be in a great measure depopulated; and what farther steps to take, and how to obviate so great a misfortune, I am quite at a loss. As I have hitherto neglected nothing in the compass of my power, it is very evident, that nothing but vigorous offensive measures, (next campaign,) can save the country, at least all west of the Blue Ridge, from inevitable desolation.
We are in great want of a Quartermaster to take care of the stores, and I really do not know of a fit person, unless your Honor will please to bestow the office upon Mr. Kennedy. He acted sometimes as Quartermaster-sergeant, then as Commissary, and I believe is better acquainted with the duty than any one we can get. He bears a good character and is acquainted with figures.
The Dunkard doctor gave me notice of his intentions to wait upon your Honor again for his release, I in a late letter transmitted an information of the French deserters (who came from Fort Cumberland) against them, and think it my duty further to add, that I firmly believe they are employed as spies, and are useful to the French. Of this, all the frontier inhabitants seem convinced, and are so apprehensive of the consequences that it has caused numbers to remove, and will cause a general terror among them, if this person is suffered to return and the others to remain out there. For which reason I should really be glad to receive orders to bring the others in. 'Tis better, provided they do not assist the enemy, to bring them in, than to keep a whole country in perpetual uneasiness on their account.
Mr. Rutherford set about making his return, the moment your Honor's letter came to hand, and but this instant has finished it, having everything to measure and weigh, in order to be exact.
Since writing the foregoing, the express, which I sent to Major Lewis, is come in, and brings returns of those companies; so that your Honor will now receive proper monthly returns of our strength for July and August; by which you will see, that our total strength amounts to thirty-two commissioned officers, forty-eight noncommissioned, and seven hundred and three rank and file; whereof twenty officers, thirty non-commissioned, and four hundred and sixty-four rank and file, are employed in this county and Hampshire. But there are always six women allowed to a company, who draw provisions; and the officers receive more or less according to their respective rank, as your Honor would see by the estimate I received from Colonel Stanwix, and enclosed you some time ago; which must be allowed for in the calculation.
I have this instant received letters from Captains Waggener and McKenzie, by express. The first writes that two men were killed, [or] captured about 2 miles from his fort. The other says that a Cherokee party just as they were setting out to go to Captn. Waggener's heard that Pearis was at Fort Cumberland and marched to him.
Fort Loudoun, October 8, 1757.
Dear Sir: I am favored with an opportunity by Mr. Livingston, to acknowledge the receipt of your agreeable favor of the 19th ultimo; and to inform you of a very extraordinary affair, which has happened at this place, namely, the desertion of our quartermaster. This infamous fellow, as he has proved himself, after having disposed, in a clandestine manner, of many of our regimental stores, being called upon to settle his accounts (not that I, or any officer in the regiment, had the least suspicion of the scene of roguery he was carrying on), pretended, that he could not come to an exact settlement without going to Alexandria, where some of the stores yet lay. Several of our soldiers deserting at the same time, (being the time when Lt. Campbell called upon you) he was sent in pursuit of them, which (for we had no doubt of his honest intentions) afforded him the desired opportunity of making his escape. He was ordered too to take Alexandria in his return. His villainy was not laid open, before his departure, and was at last only accidentally discovered. This person John Hamilton had been several years a sergeant in one of his Majesty's regiments, in which character he served three years under me. During that time he gave such signal proofs of his bravery and good behavior, as bound me, in honor and gratitude, to do something for him. And I therefore got him promoted to be quartermaster, as he was acquainted with the duty, and capable, (I thought,) of discharging it.
We have had several visitations from the enemy, and much mischief done, since my last to you. About the 17th ultimo there were upwards of twenty persons killed only twelve miles from this garrison, and notwithstanding I sent a strong detachment from hence to pursue them, and ordered the passes of the mountains to be waylaid by commands from other places, yet we were not able to meet with these savages.
On Friday se'nnight, a body of near or not quite a hundred fell upon the inhabitants along the great road between this place and Pennsylvania, got fifteen more. The mischief would have been much greater, had not an officer and twenty men of the regiment, who were then out, fallen in with and engaged the enemy. Finding, however, that his party was overpowered, and like to be surrounded, he retreated to a stockade, not far distant, in which they were besieged for three hours; but the firing communicated an alarm from one habitation to another, by which means most of the families were timely apprised of their danger, and happily got safe off. Our party killed one Indian, (whose scalp they obtained,) and wounded several others.
I exert every means in my power to protect a much distressed country, but it is a task too arduous. To think of defending a frontier as ours is, of more than three hundred and fifty miles' extent, with only seven hundred men, is vain and idle, especially when that frontier lies more contiguous to the enemy than any other. I am, and have for a long time been, fully convinced, that, if we continue to pursue a defensive plan, the country must be inevitably lost.80
[Note 80: From the time that the Virginia Regiment was organized it had been Colonel Washington's opinion that an offensive war should be kept up against the enemy. In this sentiment Governor Dinwiddie agreed with him, and he urged upon Lord Loudoun the advantage of an expedition against Fort Duquesne. But the great operations at the north absorbed his lordship's attention, and he placed the whole southern frontier upon the defensive. Hence the enemy made perpetual inroads, committing murders and ravages. Considering the weak state of the garrison at Fort Duquesne, a large portion of which had been withdrawn to defend the Canada borders, it was deemed an object of easy attainment, as no doubt it was, for Colonel Stanwix, with his 500 Royal Americans, in conjunction with the Virginia and Maryland troops, to seize that fort. This would have effectually put a stop to all the savage depredations. But such were not his orders, and nothing was done. The Indians were emboldened by this inactivity, and the frontier inhabitants were molested in every quarter.-- Sparks.]
You will be kind enough, Sir, to excuse the freedom with which I deliver my sentiments, and believe me to be, (for I really am,) with unfeigned truth and regard, your most obedient, humble servant.
N.B. These constant alarms and perpetual movements of the soldiers of this garrison, have almost put a stop to the progress of the public works at this place.
October 9, 1757.
Honble. Sir: As I wrote to your Honor fully by Jenkins, have little more to add, than the affair hinted at in my last, on the conduct of the magistrates here, which (from what I can collect) appears to me to be of a most extraordinary nature and whose substance is, or nearly, as follows, vizt.:
From the Court of Enquiry upon the Quartermaster's affairs, and from the credit which the tippling house keepers (with which Winchester abounds) gave to many of the Soldiers, we had reason strongly to suspect, that some there had received and concealed some of the Stores, arms, &c., belonging to the Regiment: and upon application, Justice Speake issued his search-warrants. But Thomas Wood, Constable, refused to execute them, from various frivolous pretences: nor was there one in the town who wou'd act even pro tempore: So that affair must have been dropped, had not Mr. Alexander Wood, now a merchant here, genteelly offered his service, and executed the Warrants with indefatigable assiduity. Enclosed is a copy of his return. The goods, and the people at whose houses they were found, were brought before Mr. Speake, who, being a young Justice, desired the assistance of Captn. Thomas Swearingen, one of the representatives of the County, and a man of great weight among the meaner class of people, and supposed by them to possess extensive knowledge.
Mr. John Lindsay, another Justice, likewise sat on this affair; and after having examined the goods and people brought before them, Mr. Swearingen sagaciously determined that the affair must be further tried at Court; the other two Justices readily coincided in opinion with him; and accordingly, without giving any other judgment or taking any security for the appearance of the delinquents, tho' many of them have few obligations to common fame for their character, they dismissed them by telling them they must appear at the next Court. When that period arrived, I ordered Captn. Stewart to apply to Mr. Gabriel Jones for his advice and assistance, as I conceived that procedure of the Magistrates not only to be absurd and irregular but expressly illegal. Enclosed is a copy of what he did, and advised, taken in writing and signed by himself.81
[Note 81: Gabriel Jones's opinion is entered in Washington's "Letter Book" immediately preceding this letter.]
Mr. Jones further advised me, to transmit to your Honor an account of the whole; and observed, that you no doubt wou'd direct the Attorney General to prosecute the Magistrates, as bringing a suit against them in this court wou'd not avail for this end.
I have taken every precaution I cou'd possibly suggest, to prevent the Soldiers of this Garrison from having any dealings whatever with the inhabitants of the town; and have issued the strictest orders against their parting with any of their clothes, arms, &c.; and moreover several severe examples have been made of those detected in the breach of those orders. But from the all alluring temptations of liquor, &c., many ventured to transgress, and the fear of consequent punishment, induced them to desert.
Were it not too tedious, I cou'd give your Honor such instances of the villainous Behavior of those Tippling-Housekeepers, as wou'd astonish any person; but the little I have already said, will suffice to convince your Honor, that it is impossible to maintain that discipline and do that Service with a Garrison thus corrupted by a set of people, whose conduct looks like the effect of a combination to obstruct the Service, and frustrate the methods pointed out for their own preservation. And when some of those practises were at length proved, the laws made for the punishment of such gross offences, trifled with by the Magistrates, in the manner the above fact and the enclosed will render conspicuous: I could [not] believe did I not see it, that these are the people of a country whose bowels are at this juncture torn by the most horrid devastations of the most cruel and barbarous enemy.
But enormities of this kind have got to such a height, that nothing, I fear, but your Honor's interposition in ordering those Magistrates to be brought to Justice, and appointing others from whom more may be hoped, can prevent the worst of consequences to a (seemingly) infatuated people.
The enemy did not so much mischief in their last irruption as was at first apprehended. Ten of those who were missing, and supposed to be killed or captivated, have since appeared.
The party of the regiment that was out with Captain Lewis suffered greatly in point of clothes and necessaries. From the first intelligence Captain Lewis received of them he imagined the enemy's numbers trifling and inconsiderable; and, in order to better his chance of coming up with them, stripped and ordered his men to follow his example. In that condition he soon overtook them, but was obliged to make a very precipitate retreat, the enemy getting near the fort almost as soon as he did. He has applied to me in behalf of his men, to get them supplied out of the public stores, for what they lost; but as I had no directions in such case, cou'd not let them have any thing, altho' I thought they deserved it. They have likewise applied for the reward of the scalp they took, which I have sent your Honor, and hope they will by Mr. Byrd's return receive it which will greatly encourage them. Enclosed is a copy of Doctr. Ross's Letter respecting the provisions at Fort Cumberland. I am, Sir, &c.
October 23, 1757.
Sir: You are immediately to proceed from hence with the party of Cherokee and northern Indians now here, to Captain Waddell's fort, or the nearest Garrison (otherwise) in N. Carolina, taking the safest and best road.
When you arrive there, you are to deliver them over to Captn. Waddell, or the Officer commanding the Garrison, at which you shall deliver them.
In your march you are to use your utmost endeavours in getting the Indians accommodated with provisions and other necessaries. You are to be particularly careful to procure those necessaries on the best terms; keeping the most exact accompts of all your disbursements; and taking receipts for every farthing you pay.
After having delivered over the Indians, you are to apply to him for some deserters from the Virginia regiments, which I am informed he has entertained; and of which you have herewith a list.
Shou'd he hesitate at delivering them up, you are to demand his reasons for so illegal a proceedure in writing. It being not only expressly contrary to an Article of War; but evidently detrimental to His Majestys general interest: and which I will not fail to represent to the Commander in Chief. But shou'd he deliver them up (as I am apt to believe he will) you are to apply to him for an Escort for them to the first Garrison in this Colony.
You are to make the greatest expedition, and rejoin this Garrison as soon as the nature of the service, to which you are now ordered, will admit.
[Note 82: Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania.]
Fort Loudoun, October 23, 1757.
Sir: Your favour Inclosing Sir William Johnson's Letter, I had the Honour to receive Yesterday between four and five P.M. at which time the Indians therein spoke of arrivd here. About the same hour to day they depart; Escorted by an Officer whom I have chargd with the care of conducting them to the first Garrison in Carolina.
I have bought of the bearer, Mr. James Innis, the Horses which conveyd them hither, and which he tells me, he was Instructed to sell. All other necessary Expences arising in their March through this Colony, I shall pay in behalf of this Government. I am etc.
[H.S.P.]
[Fort Loudoun], October 24, 1757.
Honble. Sir: Your favour of the 19th instant was delivered to me this evening.
The raising a company of Rangers, or augmenting our strength in some other manner, is so far necessary, that without it, the remaining inhabitants of this (once fertile and populous) valley will scarcely be detained at their dwellings 'till the Spring. And, if there is no Expedition to the westward then, nor a force more considerable than Virginia can support, posted on our frontiers (if we still adhere to our destructive, defensive schemes,) there will not, next campaign I dare affirm, be one soul living on this side the Blue Ridge the ensuing autumn; unless it be the Troops in Garrison, and a few inhabitants of this town, who may shelter themselves under the protection of this fort. This I know to be the immovable determination of all the settlers of this County; which to give a more succinct account of than I cou'd in writing, was the principal among many other reasons that induced me to ask leave to come down. It was not to enjoy a party of pleasure I wanted leave of absence; I have been indulged with few of those, winter or summer! I must here add, that an incredible number of Inhabitants has fled in consequence of the two last incursions of the Enemy, of which your Honor has already been advertised. And that I have taken indefatigable pains, and found it no easy task to prevail on the bulk of the country to wait the consultations of this winter, and the event of this Spring. I do not know on whom this miserable and undone people are to rely for redress. If the Assembly are to give it to them, it is time that measures were concerting; if we are to seek it of the Commander-in-chief, it is time our grievances were made known to him: for as I before said, another campaign, such as was the last, will depopulate this country. Then let the consequences be considered, where are we to get supplies of provisions for our armies, when this valley which is the only support of them, is entirely abandoned to an Enemy, which by that means will be entirely possessed of every thing necessary to pursue their conquest; and that the adjacent counties will fly much faster than this, not being half so well settled, is a fact indisputable.
I shall also add, what I did not in my last (lest it shou'd be thought I spoke from prejudice) that Captain Hogg is the most unfit person in the world, to raise and command a company of Rangers. He in the first place is generally disliked, were he not, he has neither activity, spirit or knowledge enough of the woods, to answer this end. And again, the men most proper for such an undertaking would be backward to enlist under him, fearing his discipline; whereas, I conceive, a person in some degree upon a level with themselves wou'd have it in his power to engage for the good pay which is offered, huntsmen, who have been used to arms from their childhood, and in a particular manner acquainted with the country from which many have been drove.
These are my reasons against Capt. Hogg, and in behalf of some such person as Mr. Rutherford, to whom I have no particular attachment, or desire to serve. He refuses to accept of the second command.
I have expressed my sentiments upon this latter, as well as the first affair, with the utmost candor and sincerity; in doing which I conceive I have done no more than my duty. The whole is submitted to your Honor's better judgment.
Yesterday arrived here the Indians spoken of in the enclosed (copies of letters which came with them to me) I purchased four Horses, bridles, and saddles, for £14., and send them off to-day, escorted by an officer who is charged with the care of conducting them thro' this Colony. The Cherokees that were on the Branch, are on their return to their nation, having left this for that purpose several days ago. They met (about 8 miles beyond Fort Cumberland) a party of Indians under command of a French cadet, whom they engaged. The French cadet was killed and scalped, his orders found, which Captain Dagworthy detained, without even sending me a copy of them. I understand, however he was ordered to take a view of Fort Cumberland and then proceed into the Inhabitants, to kill, captivate, and lay waste the country.
Mr. Kennedy I shall appoint in the place of Mr. Hamilton. I am, &c.
P.S. Your Honor has not mentioned what pay the officers commissioned and non-commission'd, are to have.
I cou'd settle the provisions in dispute at Fort Cumberland, with Doctor Ross upon no other terms than these; He is to replace the flour and so much of the beef as the Marylanders used at this place, and to pay for the flour and beans. The remainder of the beef I must have transported to the Branch.
Fort Loudoun, October 25, 1757.
Sir: I applied to the Governor for leave to come down in order to settle my accounts before he left the country, and to represent the melancholy situation of our distressed frontiers, which no written narrative can so well describe, as a verbal account to a judicious person inclined to hear. In a verbal account, the questions resulting from one relation beget others, 'till matters are perfectly understood; whereas the most explicit writing will be found deficient. But his Honor was pleased to deny his leave, thinking my request unreasonable, and that I had some party of pleasure in view.
I have, in a letter by this conveyance, endeavored to set in as clear a point of light as I am able, the situation of our frontiers, and the disposition of the inhabitants, to the governor; and shall endeavor also, in as succinct a manner as possible, to make you sensible of both.
In doing which it will be necessary to observe to you that the inhabitants of this fertile, and (once) populous valley, are now become our most western settlers, save the few families that are forted on the Branch; that the enemy have, in great measure, ceased committing hostilities on the Branch, and fallen upon the people of this valley; and that a considerable part of them have already removed. This, by persons unacquainted with the country, and the enemy we have to deal with, may be attributed to the cowardice of the inhabitants, or inactivity of the soldiers, but by others it will be imputed to neither. No troops in the universe can guard against the cunning and wiles of Indians. No one can tell where they will fall, till the mischief is done, and then 't is in vain to pursue. The inhabitants see, and are convinced of this, which makes each family afraid of standing in the gap of danger; and by retreating, one behind another, they depopulate the country, and leave it to the enemy, who subsist upon the plunder. This, Sir, is a matter of fact which you may depend on from me; and further, if we pursue a defensive plan next campaign, there will not, by autumn, be one soul living on this side of the Blue Ridge, except the soldiers in garrison, and such of the inhabitants as may seek shelter therein. This, Sir, I know to be the immovable determination of the people; and, believe me, when I tell you, that I have been at great pains, before I could prevail on them to wait the consultations of this winter, and the event of spring.
I do not know on whom those miserable, undone people are to rely for redress. If the Assembly are to give it to them, it is time that measures at least were concerting, and not when they should be going into execution, as has always been the case. If they are to seek it from the Commander-in-chief, it is time our grievances were made known to him; for I cannot forbear repeating again, that while we pursue defensive measures we pursue inevitable ruin, the loss of the country being the inevitable and fatal consequence. There will be no end to our troubles, while we follow this plan, and every year will increase our expense. This, my dear Mr. Speaker, I urge not only as an officer, but as a friend, who has property in the country and is unwilling to lose it. This it is, also, that makes me anxious for doing more than barely represent, which is all that is expected of an officer commanding.
It is not possible for me to convey a just sense of the posture of our affairs. It would be vanity to attempt it. I, therefore, content myself with entreating you to use your influence to prevent such delays, as we have hitherto met with, if you think this affair depends upon the Assembly. If you conceive the Assembly have done what they are able, and that recourse must be had elsewhere, I am determined, as I will neither spare cost nor pains, to apply to Colonel Stanwix (who commands on this quarter, with whom I am acquainted, and from whom I have received several kind and affectionate letters,) for leave to wait on him with an account of our circumstances.
Through these means, perhaps, we may be able to draw a little of Lord Loudoun's attention to the preservation of these colonies.
Pray let me have your sentiments83 in respect to these affairs. I have not time to put my thoughts on these matters in a proper
[Note 83: The speaker, at the conclusion of his answer to this letter (November 3), after mentioning the governor's intended departure, writes: "We have not yet heard who is to succeed him. God grant it may be somebody better acquainted with the unhappy business we have in hand, and who, by his conduct and counsel, may dispel the heavy cloud at present hanging over this distressed and unhappy country. Till which happy event, I beg, my dear friend, you will bear, so far as a man of honor ought, the discouragement and slights you have too often met with, and continue to serve your country, as I am thoroughly convinced you have always hitherto done, in the best manner you can with the small assistance afforded you." Robinson's letter is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, p.230.] dress. The bearer is in waiting, and I am in other respects hurried. But the truth of what I have asserted, believe me, is unquestionable; as well as that I am, with the most affectionate regards, your most obedient servant and friend.
Fort Loudoun, November 1, 1757.
Sir: Your favour of the 25th. ultimo was delivered me to-day. If you had been more explicit in relating the circumstances of the abuse you were pleased to complain of, I shou'd have been better enabled to judge of the fact. But, after confessing, as you have done, that you made no enquiry at all into the affair, I am not more surprized at your making the complaint, than I am at a loss how to redress it.
I hope you will do me the justice to belive, that I never countenance commissioned, much less non-commissioned, Officers, or private men, irregular and disorderly Behaviour: especially in matters that may interrupt the good harmony subsisting, or which ought to subsist between troops of the different Governments. It hath been my study to cultivate unanimity and a quiet correspondence among them, and to prevent every thing which might have had a contrary tendency.
Henry Williams, the Sergeant, of whom you complain, belongs to Capt. Lewis's Company, and is posted not far from your Garrison. If, therefore, you will produce testimony of this outrage to his Captain, he will see that satisfaction is made to the injured party. The enclosed directs you there. I am, Sir,
Fort Loudoun, November 5, 1757.
Sir: Duty to my Country, and his Majesty's interest, indispensably requires, that I again trouble your Honor on the subject of Indian affairs here; which have been impeded and embarrassed by such a train of mismanagement, as a continuance of which must inevitably produce the most melancholy consequences.
The sincere disposition the Cherokees have betrayed to espouse our cause heartily has been demonstrated beyond the most distant doubt; and, if rewarded in the manner in which that laudable and meritorious disposition entitles them to, wou'd, in all human probability, soon effect a favorable change in the present (apparently) desperate situation of this poor, unhappy part of his Majesty's dominions.
But, in the stead of meeting with that great encouragement, which the esential services of that brave people undoubtedly merit, several of them, after having undergone the rudest toils and fatigues of an excessively long march, destitute of all the conveniences and almost necessaries of life, and, (to give us still more convincing proofs of their strong attachment to our interest) in that very situation went to war, and in the way behaved nobly (from which we reaped a signal advantage,) and when they returned here, with an enemy's scalp, baggage and other trophies of honor, they must have gone home without any kind of reward or thanks, or even provisions to support them on their march, justly fired with the highest resentment for their real-treatment, had not I and my officers strained a point, procured them some things, of which they were in absolute want, and made it the object of our care, in various respects, to please them.
Another party of those Indians since very opportunely arrived to our assistance, at the very juncture the enemy made an irruption into this settlement, pursued their tracks, came up with three of them, two of whom they scalped, and wounded the third. They are now returned from this pursuit, and are nearly in the same situation with those abovementioned. I applied to Captain Gist in their behalf, and told him I must represent the matter to your Honor. But he assures me that he has neither goods to reward them, money to procure them, or even an interpreter, which totally incapacitates him for doing any kind of service. If so (which I have no reason to doubt) it is surprising, that any man shou'd be entrusted with the negotiating of such important affairs, and not be possessed of the means to accomplish the undertaking. By which he, and several others, who received high pay from Virginia, are not only rendered useless, but our interests with those Indians is at the brink of destruction. Whenever a party of them arrive here, they immediately apply to me; but I have neither any thing to give them, nor any right to do it. Nor is there anybody to inform them to what these and their other disappointments is owing; which reduces me to such a dilemma, as I wou'd most gladly be extricated from.
I must likewise beg leave to mention to your Honor once more the vast hardships, many of the people groan under here, having been so long kept out of the money, which the country owes them on account of the Indians. When I proposed going down to Williamsburgh, many of them brought their accounts to me, which I intended (had you given me liberty,) to have laid before your Honor. I mention this circumstance, not with any view of being employed in examining and paying off those accounts, (which for many reasons I can by no means undertake,) but in hope that your Honor will be pleased to give directions to and denominate some person for that purpose, for the neglect of which so many poor people greatly suffer.84 I am, &c.
[Note 84: This was Washington's last letter to Governor Dinwiddie. In his answer (November 14) Dinwiddie expressed surprise at Edmund Atkin's failure to manage the Indian affairs properly. He gave orders to send up the Indian goods required and sailed for England in January, 1758.
Colonel Washington was now laboring under an indisposition, which shortly increased to an alarming illness. He left the army at the pressing request of Doctor Craik, his physician and intimate friend through life, and retired to Mount Vernon, where he was reduced so low by dysentery and fever that it was more than four months before he was able to resume his command. Dinwiddie wrote to Captain Stewart (November 15): "The violent complaint Col. Washington labors under gives me great concern, it was unknown to me or he shou'd have had leave of absence sooner, and I am very glad he did not delay following the Doctrs. advice, to try a change of air. I sincerely wish him a speedy recovery." This letter is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 1, p. 239.]
[Note 86: A merchant of Bristol, England.]
Mount Vernon, December 26, 1757.
Sir: Your favour of the 28th. September came to hand the 20th. Inst't. My Goods, that is, such part as you have sent me I am told will be round from Rappahannock River shortly. I can't help expressing great concern, and some Surprize at your not sending the following Articles, which were Included in an Invoice sent the 18th. Jan'y last, the Receipt of which you acknowledge. (viz)
These are Articles Sir, I greatly wanted, and must now be oblig'd to buy in the Country for this years use at exorbitant prices and that perhaps after sending over good part of the Country before they can be procur'd.
On board the Nugent Only I have 14 Hhds. Tobo. of the best Mountn. Sweetscented; your best endeavours in the Sales will be exerted I hope in my favour. Tobo. of the like kind, sent by my acquaintances to the London Market commands great prices, and this of mine made upon the same sort of Land as theirs is and handled equally as Neat will, I flatter myself, sell full as high in that of Bristol.
The Nett proceeds of this Latter, and Ball'e of the former Tobo. please to pay to Mr. Rich'd Washington of London, who is directed to draw upon you to the amount. Please also to Insure one hund'd pounds on the 14 Hhds., a Sum much less than the value of the Tobacco but I choose to risk part; I doubt not of hearing from you soon and receiving Accounts of Sales, and Acct. Curr't. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, December 26, 1757.
Dear Sir: I have been under concern for sometime past at your long Silence; and have been put to many Shifts, and some Expence for want of my Goods: I have wrote you several times and address'd Copies, to which be refer'd.
I have now to inform you that finding no Ships for London and despairing of oppertunities of consigning to yourself; I have put on board the Nugent Only, Captn. Copythorne for Bristol, fourteen Hhds. of best Sweet Scented Tobo. (this years Crop) and Consign'd them to Mr. Knox who I have drawn upon for some few things and desir'd him to pay the Ball'e of this as also of some former Tobo's into your Hands. I shall Ship more in the first Vessells for London or elsewhere if I find the Markets favourable; I hope you will take the first oppertunity of sending me (if you have not already done it) all the Goods which, from time to time I have wrote for, and Inclose at the same time my Acct. Curr't. I am, with great Esteem, etc.
Mount Vernon, January, 1758.
Sir: I wrote to you on the 26th. and 30th. Ulto. and Address'd Copies Since which I have receiv'd my Bill of Lading for 14 Hhds. Tobo. one of which is Inclos'd. I have also receiv'd my Goods from the Recovery, and cant help again complaining of the little care taken in the purchase: Besides leaving out one half, and the most material half too! of the Articles I sent for, I find the Sein is without Leads, Corks and Ropes which renders it useless;87 the Crate of Stone ware dont contain a third of the Pieces I am charg'd with, and only two things broke, and every thing very high Charg'd. It wou'd be in my power, cou'd I be upon any degree of certainty that my Tobo. wou'd suit the Bristol Market, to Ship you a pretty large Quantity annually, but I apprehend the quality and Management will scarce meet an adequate price; what I have on board the Nugent is of this sort, and all of the present Years growth; the Sales of which will probably determine my future Shipp'g. If I can get any of my Tobo. Rents88 in time enough for your Ships I shall recom'd them to your Care also.
[Note 87: The seine was for the Potomac fishing, the fish runs being utilized by Washington to lay up a stock of fish for food for his slaves as well as for sale. The catches weresalted down in barrels and formed one of the staples of the negroes' food.]
[Note 88: The tobacco Washington received from tenants upon his lands in the Shenandoah Valley and elsewhere.]
In my last I desir'd two pair of Work'd Ruffles at a guinea each pair; if work'd Ruffles shou'd be out of fashion send such as are not, and to the things wrote for in my last add these following viz.
Your sending these things together with those wrote for in my last by the first Vessel will very much Oblige, I am,
Mount Vernon, January 8, 1758.
Dear Sir: I wrote you a Letter of the 26th. Ulto.; since which I have had an oppertunity of seeing the great damage China is apt to come to in its transportation to this Country (unless much care is us'd in the Package) which has determin'd me to desire you if this gets to hand time enough for that purpose, to send me instead of what was directed in a former Invoice 2 doz'n Dishes (properly sorted) 2 doz'n deep Plates and 4 doz'n Shallow Ditto that allowance may be made for breakage, pray let them be neat and fashionable or send none.
I shall be very glad to send my Goods by the first opertunity; together with a true state of the Accts. between Us. I am, etc.
[Note 89: John Blair was born at Williamsburg, Va., in 1689 and died there Nov. 5, 1771. He was long a member of the House of Burgesses, member of the council, its president in 1757--58, and Acting Governor of Virginia in 1768.-- Ford.]
Fredericksburgh, January 30, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: Hearing of the Governor's departure for England; I think it a duty incumbent on me to inform your Honor, that I lingered a long time under an illness, which obliged me to retire from my command (by the Surgeons advice, and with the Governors approbation) and that I am yet but imperfectly recovered from it: which is the cause that detains me from my Duty.
I have many accompts to settle with the country committee, and should be glad to obtain leave to come down for that purpose now. This being the proper season, as our Frontiers are quiet. I also want to receive money, for contingent Expences, before I return to Winchester; as there are several demands of the Public, that I shou'd be glad robe provided against. And further I shall, at that time, have an opportunity of laying before your Honor, a state of the frontier Settlements; a matter worthy of great attention; as the well being of the people depends upon seasonable and well-concerted measures for their defence!
If your Honor has any Orders for the Troops under my command, please to favor me with them, and they shall be forwarded up; while I come down myself, for the purposes aforesaid. I am, with great Esteem, etc.
Fredericksburg, January 31, 1758.
Honble. Sir: I wrote to your Honor yesterday. Since which your favor of the 25th is come to hand, I am greatly distressed to know what conduct to observe with regard to the Indians that are coming to our assistance. I would notwithstanding the ill state of health I am in, go directly to Winchester, cou'd I flatter myself that the Service wou'd reap any real advantage from it; but as I am not entrusted with the management of Indian Affairs, farther than directing their war-route's (and even here, they are governed by caprice and whim rather than by real design), I am of opinion, I should only share in Mr. Gist's embarrassments, without rendering him, the desired assistance. Because, if he informs me rightly, he is in no wise prepared for the reception of such a party, either with arms, or proper goods, and how he can be timely supplied with either, I know not. But this I am certain of; that were I on the spot, all their disappointments would be attributed to me, as they look upon the commanding officer to be culpable in all those cases.
Never was any thing more unlucky, perhaps, than these Indians coming at this time, having very little to apprehend, and the season being too rigorous to admit of incursions into the Enemy's country. If they were sent out to war, it is more than probable that they would return to their nation as soon as they came in; by which means we should need their assistance in the Spring, when they would be of infinite service in offensive or defensive measures; and to feed and clothe them thro' the winter, if they could be prevailed with to stay, would be at; tended with great expence.
Upon the whole, it appears to be a very ill judged step, the sending them in at this time and an affair of so much importance, that I do not care to meddle in it, without particular instructions from your Honor.
I have dispatched a special messenger to Mr. Gist, apprizing him of this matter, and shall wait at this place for your Orders, as to my own conduct. I am, &c.
Mount Vernon, February 20, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: I set out for Williamsburgh the day after the date of my letter by Jenkins; but found I was unable to proceed, my fever and pain encreasing upon me to an high degree; and the Physicians assured me, that I might endanger my life in prosecuting the journey. In consequence of this advice, I returned back to this place again, and informed your Honor of the reason of my detention by the Post, whom I met with on the road, and who I have since understood, never lodged my letter in the Post-office at Fredericksburgh; which is the cause of my writing this second one to the same purport. Whenever I shall be sufficiently able to attempt the journey again, I can not say: but shall delay no time after I am in a condition to perform it. I am your Honor's &c.
Mount Vernon, March 4, 1758.
My Dear Colonel: Your favors of the 13th January and the 24th ultimo, with the extract of a letter from Lord Loudoun, were this day delivered to me. In the latter you condescend to ask my opinion of Major Smith.90 Pray, does not his plan sufficiently indicate the man? Can there be a better index to his abilities, than his scheme for reducing the enemy on the Ohio? and his expeditious march of a thousand men to Detroit? Surely, he intended to provide them with wings to facilitate their passage over so mountainous and extensive a country, or what way else could he accomplish it in?91
[Note 90: Maj. John Smith.]
[Note 91: Colonel Stanwix replied (March 10): "have been favored with your obliging letter, and find your judgment tallies with Lord Loudoun's and mine, in regard to Major Smith's wild scheme."]
I am unacquainted with the navigation of the rivers he proposes to traverse, and, consequently, cannot be a competent judge of his scheme in this respect; but the distance is so great, and that through an enemy's country, that, I candidly confess, it appears to me a romantic plan, in general, that may exist in the imagination, but cannot be executed. For, if we are strong enough to attempt the reduction of the Ohio, what necessity is there for our making such a circuitous march, and leaving Fort Duquesne behind us, which is the source from whence flow all our ills? And if we are too weak to attempt this place, what have we not to dread from leaving it in our rear?
These, Sir, are my sentiments upon Major Smith's plan. With regard to the person, if I have been rightly informed, he actually had a commission to command a ranging company, and obtained it by making promises, he never could comply with. He was adjudged, by persons better acquainted with him than I am, to be quite unfit to command even a company, and lost the Block-House, in which he commanded, by suffering his men to straggle from it at pleasure, which the Indians observing, took advantage of his weakness, and attacked him at a time when he had no men in his works. It is, nevertheless, agreed on all hands, that he made a gallant defence, but I never before heard of any capitulation that was granted to him.
I have not had the pleasure of seeing Major Smith, though I have been favored with a letter from him, in which he politely professes some concern at hearing of my indisposition, as it prevented him from seeing me at Winchester; but desires, at the same time, that I will attend him at his house in Augusta, about two hundred miles hence! or in Williamsburg by the 20th instant, when, I suppose, he intends to honor me with his orders.
I have never been able to return to my command, since I wrote to you last, my disorder at times returning obstinately upon me, in spite of the efforts of all the sons of Æsculapius, whom I have hitherto consulted. At certain periods I have been reduced to great extremity, and have now too much reason to apprehend an approaching decay, being visited with several symptoms of such a disease.
I am now under a strict regimen, and shall set out to-morrow for Williamsburg to receive the advice of the best physicians there. My constitution is certainly greatly impaired, and as nothing can retrieve it, but the greatest care and the most circumspect conduct, as I now have no prospect left of preferment in the military way, and as I despair of rendering that immediate service, which my country may require from the person commanding their troops, I have some thoughts of quitting my command, and retiring from all public business, leaving my post to be filled by some other person more capable of the task, and who may, perhaps, have his endeavors crowned with better success than mine have been. Wherever I go, or whatever becomes of me, I shall always possess the sincerest and most affectionate regards for you; being, dear Sir, your most obedient and obliged humble servant.92
[Note 92: Washington set out for Williamsburg, Va., the same day he wrote this letter, where he consulted Doctor Amson on March 15. He seems to have received the proper treatment, for he was able to be back to his command at Fort Loudoun April 5. The assembly passed an act (April 7) to augment the forces of the colony to 2,000, besides the three companies of rangers. A bounty of £10 was to be paid to every new recruit to serve only till December. The Second Virginia Regiment was organized, and William Byrd appointed its colonel. By the same act all the Virginia forces were to be united, by direction of the president, or commander in chief, to such troops as should be furnished by his Majesty, or by the other colonies, for a general expedition against the enemy, and were to be subject to the orders of the commanding officer of his Majesty's forces in America. Washington was placed in command of the two regiments with the title of brigadier.]
Williamsburg, March 18, 1758.
Dear Sir: Since my last of the 8 Jan'y I have receiv'd your favour of the 9th. of Septr. proceeding together with an Invoice and Acct. Currt.; but the carelessness of the Captn. prevent'd their coming to my hands till near Six Weeks after his arrival: and the Goods got home but a few days ago. I suppose I shou'd not have receiv'd them at all, had I not been at great pains and expence myself to send them up. So unaccountably Indolent is Captn. Dick! The Powder I have not receiv'd; and the Cyder was all lost.
The China came without any breakage, for which Reason I must counter order the addition to it desir'd in my last, and instead thereof beg you'll send me a Sumpture Saddle,93 Bridle &ca. cornpleat for Furniture; with a sett of Holster Caps and a housing of fine blew Cloth, with a small edging of Silver Embroidery round them. My expectation of a large Crop of Tobo. has fallen greatly short; However, besides those you have an Acct. of already, I shall put on board a Vessel of Mr. Grymes's to your Consignment about 15 Hhds. which I hope you will make the most of; and least she may (being a very large Ship) lye sometime in the Country I shall remit you a Bill of Exchange, so soon as I can meet with a good one, of about £50 or 60; which with my other remittances and the £50 Insurance sav'd in the Integrety Captn. Thompson may go to my Credit.
[Note 93: A packsaddle.]
I have been much afflicted by Sickness since last Fall, and am not yet recover'd, but hope I am now in a fair way of regaining my health; I shou'd always be glad to hear of your prosperity and am, etc.
March 18, 1758.
Sir: If this reaches you in time, it is intended to prevent your purchasing the Saddle and Furniture, and two pair Work'd Ruffles desir'd in a Letter of the 30th. of Dec'r last; and instead thereof send me 60 Ells of Sheeting at about 4/pr. Ell. I am, etc.
On the road to Winchester, April 2, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: The Bearer, unfortunately pursuing me, insted of continuing on from Fredericksburgh (when he heard that I had passed that place, in my way to Alexandria) is the cause of the enclosed being detained so long from your Honor. The business which carried me by Alexand'a, was partly of a public and partly of a private nature; and I embraced this opportunity of accomplishing both, doubting whether another might offer, before I should be obliged to take the field.
The enclosed papers contain matters of a most important and interesting nature. The subject is explicitly handled; for which reason I shall urge nothing more on it, than to recommend, in the most pressing and submissive manner, the necessity of providing for the reception of our Indian Friends. The consequence of inviting these people to our assistance, and their finding us so unprepared when they come, may be destructive of our Interest; it being the cause already of much murmuring and discontent. These people are too sensible of their importance, to be put off with vague promises. I do not know at whose expence those numerous parties of Indians are to be furnished, whether at the charge of the Southern Colonies in general, or this Government in particular? But of this I am fully satisfied, that, until such time as the indian Agent, or some other person, is invested with Power, and the means also of laying in suitable necessaries for them; we shall never be in a condition either of fitting them for war, or giving them content. For, although much money hath been laid out for Goods to present them with yet those presents have been so injudiciously chosen, that, when they have been offered to the Indians, they have laughed at, and refused them. I have no other motive for representing this matter so freely to your Honor, than as the Assembly are about to sit, that those Inconveniences, if the should appear such, being fully represented, may be redressed.94
[Note 94: Blair answered this (April 9) by informing Washington that he had sent up £1,500 worth of Indian goods and paid £500 in the discharge of debts for what was already due for such supplies.]
I have now, Sir, to apologize for my paper, &c. The Bearer overtook me on the road within less than a days ride of Winchester; and being unwilling to detain the enclosed put into the first house to dispatch him, which was unprovided with paper; except such as could be taken from a Book; and such is made use of by your Honors' Most obed. Servant.
Winchester, April 5, 1758.
Dear Sir: Captn. Whiting is arriv'd and my Letters by him are come to hand, but not the Goods: the latter I apprehend is in bad order as I understand the Captn. enter'd a protest immediately upon his arrival. The Locks and Hinges I fear are slight if I am to judge from their Sizes and price. The Sword pr. Captn. Nicholson I have receiv'd.
The Inclos'd is a Bill of Excha. for £100 Sterlg. 60 of w'ch the Cash is receiv'd must go to the Credit of Lord Fairfax. Mr. Carlyle will send the other's of the same Tenor and write fully on the matter; I lodg'd the other day £72.10 with Field'g Lewis Esq'r to buy me a Bill of £50 and hope you will receive that also in a very short time as he had hopes of purchasing of Mr. Hunter upon Lyde of London.
You will perhaps think me a crazy fellow to be ordering and Counterordering Goods almost in a breath. It was but the 18th. Ulto. from Williamsburg that I wrote you Via Bristol, advising the arrival of my Goods pr Captn. Dick and desiring you wou'd desist sending me the China wrote for in a Letter of the 8th. Jan'y and in lieu thereof to send me a compleat sett of Horse Furniture I must here beg you will forbear sending either as I am now provided with the latter but dispatch the following things by the first Ship bound to any part of Virginia (Viz)
A Compleat hunting Saddle and Bridle with two neat Sadle Cloths to cost 40/ the whole.
As much of the best superfine Blue Cotton Velvet as will make a Coat Waistcoat and Breeches for a Tall Man with a fine Silk button to suit it and all other necessary Trimmings and Linings together with Garters for the Breeches.
Six pr. of the very neatest Shoes (viz) 2 pr. double Channel pumps; 2 pair turn'd Ditto and 2 pr. stitch'd Shoes to be made by one Didsbury on Colo. Bailers Last but to be a little wider over the Instep
Six pair Gloves, 3 pr. of w'ch to be proper for Riding and not to have Stiff Top's; the whole larger than the middle size.
I shou'd be extreamely glad to have the above things in as soon as possible. If they go either to York or James River, recommend the Package to Peyton Randolph Esq'r Attorney Genl. Wms'burg and he will see that they are forwarded. This Letter is intended to go by the Packet from New York, and the Post is just setting out for that place which prevents my adding more than that I am, etc.
P.S. You are pleas'd to Dub me with a Title I have no Pretension's to, that is, the Hon'ble.
Fort Loudoun, April 9, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: Since my last of the 2d. instant, nothing remarkable has occured: But, having an opportunity, by the Sheriff of this County, I enclose your Honor returns of the Regiment for the months of January and February.95 Those for March, are not yet come to hand from the several out-posts; for want of which a general return can not be made. About 400 Indians had come to this place before I arrived, and the most of them
[Note 95: These returns, dated Feb. 1 and Mar. 1, 1758, are in the Washington Papers.] (accompanied by some Officers and Soldiers) are gone out to War. One hundred and forty more are expected in to-day, and numerous other parties we hear are upon their march to join us: So that Colo Byrd96 will, in a manner, find the Business done to his hands, when he gets to their nation; if he proceeds that length. I wish we may be able to detain those People still: but I fear it will be a difficult matter, without an early campaign, of which I am sorry to see so little prospect. I shall impatiently expect your Honors' Instructions about assembling the Regiment; as it will be of great service to have them rendezvous some short time before they enter upon the Campaign, many things being requisite to prepare, which can not be so well accomplished whilst we remain in the present dispersed situation. Indeed it is necessary for the ease of the Troops; some of them having a march to perform of more than 200 miles before they join the main Body of the Army, if it shou'd even happen at this place. I have written to Major Lewis concerning Captn. Hogg, as your Honor desired. I am with great Respect, etc.
[Note 96: Col. William Byrd, who had been appointed to the command of the Second Virginia Regiment, was also commissioner to the Cherokee and Catawba Indians.]
Fort Loudoun, April 10, 1758.
Dear Sir: Permit me, at the same time I congratulate you, (which I most sincerely do) upon your promotion, you have met with and justly merited, to express my concern at the prospect of parting with you.97 I can truly say, it is a matter of no small regret to me! and that I should have thought myself happy in serving this campaign under your immediate command. But every thing, I hope, is ordered for the best; and it is
[Note 97: Colonel Stanwix had been promoted to brigadier general. He was ordered to a station between the Mohawk River and Lake Ontario, where he built Fort Stanwix.] our duty to submit to the will of our superior. I must, nevertheless, beg, that you will add one more kindness to the many I have experienced, and that is, to mention me in favorable terms to General Forbes, (if you are acquainted with that gentleman,) not as a person, who would depend upon him for further recommendation to military preferment, for I have long conquered all such expectancies, (and serve this campaign merely for the purpose of affording my best endeavors to bring matters to a conclusion), but as a person, who would gladly be distinguished in some measure from the common run of provincial officers, as I understand there will be a motley herd of us.
Nothing can contribute more to his Majesty's interest in this quarter, than an early campaign, or a speedy junction of the troops to be employed in this service. Without this, I fear the Indians will with difficulty be restrained from returning to their nation before we assemble, and, in that event, no words can tell how much they will be missed. It is an affair of great importance, and ought to claim the closest attention of the commanding officer; for on the assistance of these people does the security of our march very much depend.
There should be great care taken, also, to lay in a supply of proper goods for them. The Indians are mercenary; every service of theirs must be purchased; and they are easily offended, being thoroughly sensible of their own importance. Upwards of five hundred are already come to this place, the greatest part of whom are gone to war. Many others are daily expected, and we have neither arms nor clothes (proper) to give them. Nor, indeed, is it reasonable to expect, that the whole expense accruing on account of these people should fall upon this government, which hath already in this as well as in many other respects, exerted her utmost abilities for his Majesty's interest, and, in the present case, shares only an equal proportion of the advantages arising from Indian services.
These crude thoughts are hastily thrown together. If you find any thing contained in them, which may be useful, be pleased to improve them for his Majesty's interest. The latitude which you have hitherto allowed me, joined to my zeal for the service, has encouraged me to use this freedom with you, Sir, which I should not choose to take unasked with another.
If it is not inconsistent, I should be glad before I conclude to ask what regular troops are to be employed under Brigadier-General Forbes, and when they may be expected? Also, where they are to rendezvous?
Fort Frederic,98 I hear, is mentioned for this purpose, and, in my humble opinion, a little improperly. In the first place, because the country people all around are fled, and the troops will, consequently, lack those refreshments so needful to soldiers. In the next place, I am fully convinced there never can be a road made between Fort Frederic and Fort Cumberland, that will admit the transportation of carriages. For I have passed it with many others, who were of the same opinion; and lastly, because this is the place to which all Indian parties, either going to, or returning from war, will inevitably repair.
[Note 98: The ruins of Fort Frederick still exist. It was built by Governor Sharpe in 1755, on the Potomac, about 50 miles east of Fort Cumberland and 14 miles west of Conococheague, now in Washington County, Md.]
I am with most sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and obliged humble servant.
[Note 99: Quartermaster general of the forces under General Forbes.]
Fort Loudoun, April 12, 1758.
Sir: Your favor of the 7th. from Philadelphia, I had the honor to receive this Evening. It gave the Officers at this place and myself, very sensible pleasure, to find your sentiments correspond with ours, on the measures taken with the Cherokee Indians. And we are not less pleased, to find you determined to interest yourself in the well-ordering of those important affairs, on the good regulation of which so much depends.
Great pains have already been taken to encourage the Indian scouts to preserve their prisoners. Some Officers and volunteers of the Regiment have gone to war with those Parties for this salutary end: But the hard frosts, and exceedingly deep snows upon the Alleghany mountains, have forced the most of them back again.
I have directed Mr. Gist, Deputy-agent for indian Affairs, to transmit you an exact return of the number of Indians that have marched from this to war; what now remain here, and such as he has undoubted reason to expect; together with a succinct account of indian affairs in general; that you may be thereby enabled to judge of our situation, and to inform General Forbes of it.
As yet, I have received no Orders from Mr. Blair on the head you mention, nor have we received any advice of the arrival of our two Companies from Carolina. A return of our strength for February, and how that strength was disposed of, is enclosed. The returns from the out-posts for March, are not yet come to hand, but I believe little alteration has happened since February. Those men returned upon command, are small parties detached among the country people, to encourage them to plant: without this precaution, the whole country wou'd have been depopulated. So soon as it shall suit your convenience to come up, we shou'd think ourselves happy in seeing you here; in the meantime, I shall communicate your desires to the Farmers on the score of Forage and Waggons; but I do not think that much dependence should be placed on them for either. The cold and backward Spring has caused a scarcity of provender; hay especially, and the country does not much abound in Waggons.
We are highly delighted at the prospect of seeing Sr. John once more among us. The officers have desired me to testify this in their behalf; and very heartily join with me to offering their compliments to you. I have the pleasure to be, etc.
Fort Loudoun, April 12, 1758.
My Dear Halket: Are we to have you once more among us? And shall we revisit together a hapless spot, that proved so fatal to so many of our (former) brave companions? Yes! and I rejoice at it, hoping it will now be in our power to testify a just abhorrence of the cruel butcheries exercised on our friends, in the unfortunate day of General Braddock's defeat; and, moreover, to show our enemies, that we can practise all that lenity of which they only boast, without affording any adequate proofs at all.
To cut short, I really feel a degree of satisfaction upon the prospect of meeting you again, although I have scarce time to tell you so, as the express is waiting.
I am with most sincere regard, dear Sir, yours, &c.
Fort Loudoun, April 12, 1758.
Dear Sir: With a great deal of sincerity I thank you, for the notice you have been pleased to take of Mr. Hall. And, if possible, I more sincerely congratulate you upon the promotion you have justly met with, yourself.1
[Note 1: Gage had been promoted to colonel of the Eightieth Foot.]
I wou'd now, altho' I think modesty will scarcely permit me to ask it, beg the favour of you to mention me to Gen'l Forbes (if you are acquainted with that Gentleman:) I mean not, Sir, as one, who has favors to ask of him; on the contrary, having entirely laid aside all hopes of preferment in the Military line, (and being at present induced to serve this Campaign from abstract motives purely laudable.) I only wish to be distinguished in some measure from the general run of provincial Officers, as I understand there will be a motley herd of us! This, I flatter myself, can hardly be deemed an unseasonable request, when it is considered, that I have been much longer in the Service than any provincial officer in America.
I most sincerely wish you success in whatever Enterprize you may go upon; and with the most affectionate regard, I am etc.
Fort Loudoun, April 17, 1758.
Honble. Sir: An unlucky, but unavoidable accident happened in the neighborhood of Patterson's fort the other day.
The proceedings of an examining court of officers on that occasion (which are herewith sent) will bring your Honor acquainted with the circumstances. I caused a very strict enquiry to be made into the conduct of Mr. Chew, that equal justice might be done to the dead and to the living; and it appeared that Mr. Chew had acted with great spirit and activity in pursuing the tracks of those people; and that in shooting them (altho' it was unlucky in the event) he had done nothing that was not strictly warrantable, Lane and Cox appearing both in dress, disguise and behavior, to be no other than Indians.2
[Note 2: Capt. John Baker's letter to Washington describing this unfortunate affair of mistaken identity, dated Apr. 10, 1758, is in the Washington Papers. It is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, p. 276.]
I think it incumbent on me to be informed by your Honor, how the regiment under my command is to be furnished with tents, ammunition, cartridge-paper, and many other requisites, that may be wanted in the course of the campaign. We expect it is here to be furnished with all those articles from his Majesty's stores, but it is necessary for me to learn this from your Honor.
Captain Joshua Lewis, of the Virginia regiment has applied to me for leave to resign, urging as a reason, that his interest lies in the navy, and if longer neglected, it may be very detrimental to him. He has therefore obtained my consent to do so, and my promise of mentioning the thing to your Honor.
Captn. Lt. Thomas Bullet will in this event, by seniority, succeed to his company; which with the death of Lt. Milner, and the removal of Mr. Wm. Henry Fairfax to the northward, cause two or three vacancies (to be filled up, I hope, by the volunteers who have served for that purpose) and some promotions of Ensigns to Lieutenants, which will require at least half a dozen blank commissions. I therefore beg the favor of your Honor to send them to me; and you may depend, that in filling them, I shall have strict regard to justice, and will act conformably to the rules of the army. I have, at this time, four or five blank commissions of Govr. Dinwiddie's signing, but they are now useless.
The last Assembly, in their Supply Bill, provided for a chaplain to our regiment, for whom I had often very unsuccessfully applied to Governor Dinwiddie. I now flatter myself, that your Honor will be pleased to appoint a sober, serious man for this duty. Common decency, Sir, in a camp calls for the services of a divine, and which ought not to be dispensed with, altho' the world should be so uncharitable as to think us void of religion, and incapable of good instructions.
I now enclose a monthly return for March, and am, honorable Sir, your most obedient, humble servant.
Fort Loudoun, April 18, 1758.
Sir: Your letter of the 13th addressed to Captain Bullet, came to my hands about an hour ago. I have not words to express the great pleasure I feel, at finding General Forbes and yourself so heartily disposed to please the Indians, who are our steady friends and valuable allies.
Mr. Gist will send you a return of the number of Indians who have come to our assistance, of what nations they are composed; how many are gone to war; and what number is yet expected in; and I shall enclose you a return of the Virginia Regiment, for the month of March last.3 The Indians seem hearty in our cause, and full of spirits at the prospect of an Expedition, which they have long been wishing for. But I fear the rendezvous of the troops at the mouth of Conogochieg will give them some disgust; because from long use, this place is become perfectly known and familiar to them; and it is here they repair upon every occasion. Here, also all their scouting parties, that are gone to war, will return, and at this place, the earliest intelligence of occurrencies on the frontiers, will always arrive.
[Note 3: This return is in the Washington Papers.]
I have taken great pains to encourage all that have gone to war, since my return here to take each a prisoner; and if they should get more than one, to keep them asunder; which they have promised to do.
That part of your letter relative to the building flats, I have communicated to Lt. Smith, and we shall endeavor to get plank and other materials in readiness; but at the same time I must observe, that all the men of this garrison are employed (by authority of this government) in finishing the works here; and I do not know how far my conduct may be justified in withdrawing them from them, as I have received no order from the President to regard any instructions but his own.
I now flatter myself, that this settlement will be able to furnish a pretty number of waggons, and willingly; but what quantity of forage may be had, I am unable to say. I have, however, made your desires known to the people on this occasion.
I have advice, that our Assembly have voted 2,000 men for the expedition; which are to be commanded by General Forbes, besides militia, for the security of the frontiers; and that they have also voted an additional fund of £6,000 for Indian expences.
Your express with letters of the 7th came safe to this place, on the 12th in the Evening, and was dispatched early next morning. I am, &c.
Fort Loudoun, April 21, 1758.
Sir: I do not yet know, whether any of the Levies raised by the newly appointed Officers, in consequence of the late Act of Assembly, will fall to our share; and as we want about 130 men to complete the Virginia Regiment, I earnestly recommend, that you will use the most efficacious means in your power to recruit your quota in Augusta, and its Borders: Farther than this District I wou'd not have you send Officers recruiting, as they must be ready to join you as soon as the Troops are ordered to this place. I have no money to send you for this purpose (which is a misfortune) but you may give the Recruits the strongest assurances, in my name, that they shall, upon their arrival at this place, receive each man £10 and a suit of Clothes, advantage of the Recruits for the New Regiment. I would have you send Lt. Crawford4 directly to this place; he is well acquainted in those parts, and I hope from such encouragement, will be able to pick up some clever fellows.
[Note 4: Lieut. John Crawford.]
I have so often, and earnestly recommended the due practice of the Soldiers in their Exercises, that it is needless, I hope, to urge it again to [you] in this letter. But I must desire, that you will take great pains to get all your Arms straightened, and the men taught to shoot well at Targets, as that is an highly necessary qualification in our Service.
I offer my Compliments to Captn. McNeill, and all the Officers, and am, Sir, etc.
[Note 7: Forbes was in command of the expedition against Fort Duquesne. He was of the Seventeenth Foot and had been Lord Loudoun's adjutant general.]
Fort Loudoun, April 23, 1758.
Sir: Permit me to return you my sincere thanks for the honor you were pleased to do me, in a letter to Mr. President Blair: and to assure you, that, to merit a continuance of the good opinion you have therein expressed for me, it shall be one of my principal studies. I have no higher ambition than to act my part well, during the compaign, and, if I should thereby merit your approbation, it would be the most pleasing reward, for the toils I shall undergo.
It gives me no small pleasure that an Officer of your experience, abilities, and good Character, should be appointed to command the Expedition, and it is with equal satisfaction I congratulate you upon the promising appearance of a glorious campaign.
The Indians seem to anticipate our success, by joining, thus early, with 700 of their Warriors; of whose good inclinations to assist His Majestys Troops, Captn. Bosomworth,8 who held a conference with their Chiefs, can fully inform you; and to whom I shall refer. There are two things, however, which I must beg leave to indicate as likely to contribute greatly to their ease and contentment. To wit, an early campaign, and plenty of Goods: These are matters which they often remind us of, both in their public Councils, and private Conferences.
[Note 8: Capt. Abraham Bosomworth.]
I have received no Orders yet to assemble the dispersed Companies of the Virginia Regiment; some of whom are 200 miles distant from this: So that I fear, we shall make a shabby appearance at the General Rendezvous. We are very much in want of Tents, having none with which to encamp the Regiment when it assembles; and this fort can not yet furnish Barracks, or the Town, quarters for it. I am Sir, with very great respect, etc.
Fort Loudoun, April 24, 1758.
Sir: Your letter of the 19th instant, intended to come by Colonel Stephen, was delivered me to-day about noon by express. As there are several matters contained in it of an interesting nature, I chose to be aided in my determinations by the advice of my officers, and have enclosed your Honor their and my opinion on the several heads.
I could by no means think of executing, (willingly,) that discretionary power, with which you were pleased to invest me, of ordering out the militia.9 It is an affair, Sir, of too important
[Note 9: This power of drafting the militia, with which the forts were to be garrisoned while the regular troops were employed in the expedition, was conferred equally on the president of the Virginia council and the commander in chief; a substantial proof of the confidence reposed in the latter by the assembly. Washington called a council of officers on the subject, and, after viewing the matter in every light, it was the opinion that it was best to leave the ordering out of the militia to the president and council. The proceedings of this council are printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 2, p. 281.] and delicate a nature for me to have the management of; for much discontent will be the inevitable consequence of this draft.
Your Honor will no longer be at a loss for a return, after you receive my letter by Jenkins; and lest any accident may have happened to that, I herewith enclose another for the same month.
When the relief of our outposts in Augusta marches, Major Lewis, who commands on that quarter, should be advised thereof, and he will order them to their stations.
That was a most extraordinary request of Colonel Mercer, concerning the exchange of officers, and calculated, it would seem, rather to breed confusion, and to gratify his own vanity, than to benefit the other regiment.10 There is not an ensign there, that would not rather quit the service, than accept of a company in the other regiment, so much do they disapprove Colonel Mercer's proposal; and I have neither inclination nor power to force their compliance.
[Note 10: George Mercer was lieutenant colonel of the second, or new, regiment. The commanding officer was Col. William Byrd.]
Captain Rutherford's company was raised and posted on this quarter by Governor Dinwiddie's express orders, and can be more useful here, then any other men whatever, being all sons of the neighboring farmers, men of property, young, active, and entirely acquainted with the woods on these frontiers. Whereas, if they go to the southward, they will be utter strangers to the enemy's haunts, and of no more use there, than the militia of an adjacent county; while their places here must be supplied by militia equally ignorant of these woods as they will be of any others; besides giving them a useless march of two hundred miles, and exposing the frontiers in the mean time. Another reason may be urged; their property all lies in this county. Interested motives induced them to enlist, and to be vigilant in defending it, and, I believe, they would desert, rather than go to the southward.
If your Honor will please to remember, it was one among the last questions, I had an opportunity of asking, if I should send parties a recruiting? You replied, "that, as the Assembly was so near meeting, you would defer giving any directions on that head," and as I had no money for that purpose, I hope it will not seem surprising, that we have recruited but a few men since, and that I have been waiting for orders to complete the regiment. I shall now use my best endeavors, with what few officers, can be spared from the garrisons, (which will be very few, indeed!) dispersed as we are. I shall also be under a necessity of sending down for money to carry on this service; and should be glad that your Honor would order it to be ready immediately to prevent delay of the officer, who will set off to-morrow, or the next day after at the farthest. I am, &c.
April 24, 1758.
Sir: I have this instant, and not before, received Orders from the President to complete the Regiment under my command. But, as no money is yet come for that salutary purpose, I am at a loss how to act. However, that no time may be lost, or blame laid at my door; I desire that you will send as many Officers on this Service as can be spared from your command; and let them recruit about Fredericksburgh and the parts adjacent. You will no doubt take care to direct them, to enlist such men as will not finally be refused. Let the Officers give a little advance, and an order upon me for the balance of the levy-money, to each recruit; which shall be paid to them immediately upon their arrival. They are to enlist upon the same footing with the new raised regiment; with this advantage, to the recruit, that he will receive clothing immediately upon his coming here. For other necessary directions I must rely on you, being extremely hurried and not able (therefore) to write fully to you at this time.
I entreat you to forward a letter herewith sent, to the President, with the utmost expedition; not one moment should be lost. I am Sir, etc.
Fort Loudoun, April 25, 1758.
Sir: I received Orders yesterday from the President, to direct the Captains of the Virginia Regiment to complete their Companies, with all possible expedition, to 100 Rank and File. Ten pounds, bounty-money, are to be allowed to each recruit; the Officers (reasonable) Expences borne, and the men so enlisted, to be discharged, the first day of December next: which is greater encouragement than hath been given before; and I hope will be the means of procuring us the Complement we want, speedily.
I must desire, you will send an Officer or two to this place for the above purpose, if you can spare them; and use your utmost endeavours to pick up what able-bodied men you can upon the Branch. Inform all the Officers under your care, that this is expected of them; and strictly charge them to enlist no men but those entirely fit for the Service.
I have no money to send you, having received none from below; but if you can muster up a little for advance, you may give each Recruit an Order on me for the balance of his £10 and it shall be duly paid.
There is another encouragement which I forgot to mention at first, and that is; clothing, which they will receive.
Doctor Johnston is sent for down. I am, Sir, etc.
Fort Loudoun, April 26, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: Having wrote fully to your Honor on the 24th. past, I have little to offer at this time. I then thought to have sent an Officer for money but all of them that can be spared from the several Garrisons, must be employed in recruiting. I have therefore ordered Mr. Gist, a volunteer in my Regiment, to wait upon your Honor for this purpose.
I have not as yet received any returns from Colo. Stephen, but hear that he wants near 30 men to complete the companies he commands; if so, we shall, in the whole, want 150 men of our complement; to recruit which will require £1,500 levy money, besides officers expences, and other incidental charges, that must I dare say, amount to near £300 more. The £600 which I received on your Honor's warrant, for contingencies, is just expended, there being many more demands upon me than I could have apprehended, for waggonage and other services done the public in my long absence (which was occasioned by sickness.) An account of those payments, I shall send down by Mr. Boyd, about the first of next month, when he goes for the Regiments pay.
In the mean time I beg leave to assure your Honor, that I am, etc.
April 26, 1758.
Sir: I have this instant and not before, received the Presidents orders to direct the Captains of the 1st. Virginia Regim't to compleat their Companies with all possible expedition, to 100 Rank and file each. The enclosed is a copy of the Instructions which I have given the Officers sent out from this place. You may give the same to yours; with this only difference; that all the Officers you can possibly spare for this service, be directed to rendezvous, the 10th. of May, at Staunton, if you shall not have marched before for this place; and to follow you as fast as possible, if you have.
I have received no money yet to carry on this Service; but shall this day send down to Williamsburgh for some.
You are not to delay a moment in marching to this place, after you are relieved; and orders, I believe, are issued to the Militia for that purpose. Take great care to distribute the Militia properly, according to the numbers that may come out. l scarcely know what direction to give you about the Country Stores (ammunition and Tools, I mean) as I can not tell in what manner the Militia will be provided with those Things. The tools, I think, if they are not absolutely necessary there, ought to be brought to this place: as they certainly will be wanted here. The Pay-Master will appoint a time to meet your Companies pay-rolls at Staunton; and you must punctually observe it. I am etc.
April 27, 1758.
Dr. St. John: The Post calling suddenly upon me, only allows me time to acknowledge the receipt of your obliging letter (by Rinker) and to inform you, that I have received Mr. Presidents Orders, to obey any Command you shall be pleased to honor me with: also, to tell you, that the two Companies from Carolina were at Fredericksburgh, and may be expected here daily.11
[Note 11: These two companies, under the command of Lieut. Col. Adam Stephen, were returning from South Carolina, having been sent down to that colony by Governor Dinwiddie.]
I have made known the contents of your letter to Mr. Gist; who thinks himself extremely obliged by the care you have taken of Indian Affairs. We do all we can to keep them in temper, but I have still apprehensions that many of them will return home, if the Troops are long in Assembling; not on account of their treatment, but the nature of these people is such as induces them to retire with their first scalps.
It gave me real pleasure to hear you say, that my Company was desired by the General, Sr. John, and Major Halkett: I shall think myself quite happy, if I shall be able to return the good opinion they seem to entertain of me: for I have long despaired of any other reward for my Services, than the satisfaction arising from a consciousness of doing my Duty, and from the Esteem of my Friends. I am, with great regard, etc.
May 1, 1758.
Dr. Sir: The enclosed came to my hands, by Express, about five days ago; but as it was addressed to you, at this place, and I had hopes of seeing you here shortly, I shou'd have detained it 'till your arrival, had not Mr. Rutherford told me, you would make some stay at Lancaster, and desired that you might be directed to at that place, if any letters were sent.
Nothing particular hath occured since my last: I shall therefore embrace this opportunity of asking your advice how, and what sort of conveyancies I am to provide for carrying our regimental Stores, and Companys Baggage; and what allowance is made for those purposes? I should not have troubled you on this head, now, were I not afraid it may be too late when you arrive; and I should be sorry to be taken unprepared!
We are upon a queer establishment; the Country having made no provision for the expences of a march; but expect, and I believe are willing, that we should be governed in such cases by the Rules observed by the Regular Troops.
I am sorry to give you so much trouble at a time when I am sensible you are greatly hurried, and employed in more important affairs. But, the importunate enquiries of my Officers concerning those matters, have induced me to ask this favor. I never received Orders to recruit till the 24th. ultimo; and then had no money sent me for that purpose: However, I have sent down for the cash, and shall use my best endeavours to get the Regiment compleated to its establishment.
As our Detachments at the out-posts are to wait till the Militia relieve them I fear it will be some considerable time ere I get the Regiment together. The President gave me a discretionary power, to order out an equitable draught of the Militia; but it was so vague an one and attended with such delicate and peculiar responsiblity, that I do not incline to avail myself of it.12 I am, etc.
[Note 12: This determination was based upon the decision of a council of war of April 24.]
May 1, 1758.
Sir: I shall be much obliged, if you would provide for me, and send immediately to this place, by the Bearers waggon, the following articles: vizt.
As much green half-thick's, as will make indian-leggings for 1,000 men: if green can not be had, get white; if there is not enough of that, then get any other colour.
Two proper English pack-saddles, for carrying field-baggage on; and four wanteys [ sic] suited to ditto. Three leading-halters. A travelling letter-case, with stands for ink, wafers, &c. A pair of light shoe-boots, round toes, without linings, and jockey-tops made of thin, english calf-skin, by the enclosed measure. A hair-cloth, [trunk] to go under a field-bed. Half a dozen china cups and saucers.
Unless those articles come to hand speedily, they will be useless to me. Mr. White, I believe, can furnish the Leggings, if you have them not by you; and may be usefully employed in providing the other Things ( Boots and china excepted.) I sent a few weeks ago for 4 Pack-saddles; and the dutchman who undertook to procure them, brought common saddles, such as indian traders generally use, that were of little service to me.
Please to send your accompt with these things, and the money shall be paid to your order, or lodged with any person in this place, whom you shall think proper to direct.
I must beg to know how our paper money passes with you; for I suppose I shall be under the necessity of paying in that currency, having little of another kind with us.13 I hope you will excuse the liberty I have here taken, without first knowing whether it would be agreeable to you. I am Sir, etc.
[Note 13: Franks was in Philadelphia, and as each colony had its own currency Washington was asking the rate of exchange between the Virginia and Pennsylvania currency.
In the personal preparation for the campaign, the following entry, dated May 4, 1758, is found in "Ledger A": "By Cash sent Mrs. Fairfax to Pay Miss Dent for making some Shirts for me £3:12."]
Fort Loudoun, May 4, 1758.
Dear Sir: I have now had an opportunity of examining Ucahula, an Indian Warrior, who brought in the scalps mentioned in my last. His account is nearly the following:
That, about the 1st. of last month, Lt. Gist with 6 Soldiers, and 30 Indians, left the South-branch of Potomack-river; and after a tedious march, occasioned by deep snows on the mountains, they got upon the waters of Monongahela, where Mr. Gist, by a fall from a steep Bank, got lamed, and was rendered incapable of marching: That the white men and some Indians staid with him, and the remainder of the Indians divided into three small parties and proceeded, when he (Ucahula) with two others, went down the Monongahela in a bark-canoe, and landed on the north-side, not far from Ft. du Quesne.
That they lay concealed two days to make discoveries and, if possible to get a prisoner; but no favourable opportunity offering to accomplish the latter, they attacked a canoe in which two french-men were fishing; both of whom they killed and scalped, in sight of some other frenchmen, also a fishing.
This indians account of Ft. DuQuesne, corresponds with most others I have heard, vizt. that it is strong on the land-side, but stockaded only, where it faces the Ohio-river. It does not appear, from his information, that there are many men there, or that they have thrown up any New Works. He saw a party on the other side of the river, which he supposed to be newly come, because there were several canoes near them, and they seemed to be busy in putting up bark-huts, which however were not many; and only two Tents pitched. When he had got about 15 miles on this side of Fort du Quesne, he came upon a large indian encampment, and tracks, steering towards Virginia, and after the parties had joined and were marching in, Lt. Gist came upon a track of another large party, pursuing the same course. These parties have since fallen upon the back-inhabitants of Augusta-County, and destroyed near 50 persons, besides an Officer and 18 men, belonging to Captn. Hogg's ranging-company, who we suppose (for I have no advice from him) were sent to the country-peoples' assistance. As soon as I obtained notice of this, I ordered a Detachment from the Regiment, and some Indians, that were equipped for War, to march, and endeavour to interecept their retreat, if they are not too numerous. I have also engaged Ucahula, with a small party of brisk men, to go immediately for Ft. du Quesne, and try to get a Prisoner. He seems confident of success, and promises to be back in 20 days at the farthest.
The two Virginia Companies from Carolina, came to this place yesterday. Enclosed is a Return of their strength. I am etc.
Fort Loudoun, May 4, 1758.
Honble. Sir: The enclosed letter from Capt. Waggener, will inform your Honor of a very unfortunate affair.14 From the best accounts I have been able to get, there are about 60 persons killed and missing. Immediately upon receiving this Intelligence, I sent out a Detachment of the Regiment, and some Indians, that were equipped for war, in hopes of their being able to intercept the Enemy in the retreat. I was fearful of this stroke, but not time enough to avert it, as your Honor will find by the following account which came to hand just before Capt. Waggener's letter, by Captn. McKenzie:
[Note 14: The Indian raid on Augusta County, Va., backwoods inhabitants. (See Washington's letter to Sir John St. Clair, May 4, ante.)]
"Lieutenant Gist with 6 soldiers and 30 Indians marched the 2d of April from the South Branch; and after a tedious march (occasioned by the deep snows on the mountains) got on the waters of the Monongahela, where Mr. Gist was lamed by a fall from a steep bank, and rendered incapable of marching. The white people and some of the Indians remained with him; and the rest of the Indians divided themselves into three parties and separated. Ucahula and two more went down the Monongahela in a bark canoe and landed near Ft. Duquesne, on the no. side, where they lay concealed for two days. At length an opportunity offered of attacking a canoe, in which were two French men fishing; those they killed and scalped in sight of two other canoes with French men in them, and came off safe.
"When he got about 15 miles on this side Ft. Duquesne, he came upon a large Indian Encampment, from the size of which, and the number of tracks, judged to be at least 100, making directly for the frontiers of Virginia, as they again discovered by crossing their tracks."
At present I have nothing more to add to your Honor, having written several times lately on matters, to which I have received no answer.
I had wrote thus far, and was going to send off an Express with this melancholy account, when I received advice, that the Particulars relative to those murders had been transmitted from Augusta, to your Honor. I thereupon thought it most advisable to postpone sending 'till I should receive answer to my several letters by Jenkins and Mr. Gist; which I was accordingly honored with, the 7th and last night.
May 10th. After due deliberation on your Honor's letter of the 2d by Gist, I am of opinion, that the number of Militia you have ordered for the defence of the Posts, to be evacuated by the regiment, will be sufficient, unless the completing the works at this place should be thought necessary.
As it can not be supposed that the Enemy will attempt any formidable inception after the march of our army; and as to the depredations to be feared from their small scalping-parties, it would be out of the power of thrice the proposed number (or indeed of any number) effectually to prevent them. But, as you are pleased to desire my opinion, I beg leave to offer a few, things relative to the disposition you propose.
I humbly conceive therefore, that it would be infinitely more for the interest of the service, to order the 100 from Prince William to the South Branch, and continuing Rutherford's company in its present station, making this its headquarters. For, as that company is perfectly acquainted with all that range of mountains, extending from the Potomack to the Augusta Line, and thro' which the Enemy make incursions into this settlement, they could with greater facility obstruct their inroads and assist the inhabitants of this valley (of whom they themselves form a very great part) than those who are ignorant of the ground. The militia from Prince William, equally know the Branch and this vicinity, and therefore may be supposed to do as much there, as here; whereas moving Rutherford's there, would be stripping them of those essential advantages which they may derive from their thorough knowledge of these parts, and removing them from defending their immediate rights (the sole motive of the enlisting).
One half of this company, were it continued here, might be constantly ranging, and the other left in this fort, which is centrical to their present station.
It the works here are to be completed, which from their great importance I should think highly necessary, in that event, an additional number of 60 or 80 good men from the militia, for that particular service, would be wanted; and I do not know any person so capable of directing the works as Major Joseph Stephen, of Caroline County. He formerly had the overlooking of them, and managed with remarkable industry.
A part of the militia ordered for the Branch should take post at Edwards's (on Cacapehon) and at Pearsalls, for the security of convoys passing from hence to Fort Cumberland.
I really do not know what method can be practised to compel the country people to deliver up the public arms, unless there could be a general search in every county.
Governor Dinwiddie, if I remember right, issued two or three proclamations ordering them in, to no purpose.
With regard to opening the roads, I think it would be most advisable to postpone all attempts, 'till Sir Jno. St. Clair's arrival, as he is expected so soon. For Pearsalls, altho' it is the most convenient road for the Virginia, may not be used by the northern troops; as I understand their rendezvous is ordered at Fort Frederick in Maryland. This may also (altho' I cannot yet absolutely say) render garrisons at Edwards and Pearsalls, useless, unless it be a few to preserve the forts and the families gathered into them.
As several of our best sergeants were made officers in the Carolina Regiment (besides some other vacancies in that Rank) parting with 10 for the use of the new Regiment will be a very great hardship at this juncture.
We are likewise short of our number of Drummers, and many of those we have are raw and untutored. As the General expects not regularity from the new levies, well knowing how little any attempts towards it, in a short time, would avail; I can not help being surprized at their requesting your Honor to give direction for doing what would be of no real service to the new Regiment, and would be of vast prejudice to that I have the honor to command.
In consequence of your orders for completing the Regiment (with all possible despatch) by recruiting, I sometime ago sent all the officers I could spare to those parts of the Country where there is the greatest probability of success and furnished them with all the money I had, and directions to draw upon me for whatever sum they might want for that service. I likewise engaged some of the most popular of the country gentlemen to recruit for me, giving them the same liberty to draw upon me. Well knowing the difficulty of getting any tolerable number in a short time, I exerted myself in prosecuting every measure, that afforded a prospect of success, having then not the least reason to doubt of being duly supplied with money: But how great is my surprise at that paragraph of your Honor's letter, that you can not send me any for that service. As I had immediate demands upon me, which I put off until Mr. Gist's arrival, I consulted with my officers about applying the £400, sent for contingencies, towards these demands; and enclose you their opinion on that head; and I must earnestly request, that you will be pleased to fall upon some measures of sending me 800 or 1,000 £ more; as your honor, the honor of the Colony, as well as mine, and the officers, together with that of those gentlemen above-mentioned, who I have employed, is so nearly and immediately interested in the completion of those engagements, which I have, in consequence of your orders, entered into. Surely it cannot be imagined that I can pay the money (if I had it to deposit) out of my own private fortune; nor does the shortness of the time, nor the circumstances I am under, admit of any other alternative.
I will chearfully bespeak, and can easily procure, the Stage Horses you desire; when furnished with money for that purpose.
As Jno. Berry was made a soldier (how legally the Court of Officers &c, that sent him can better declare) I must think it not only repugnant to law, but to the articles of War, and the customs of the army, to allow him to enlist in any other corps; for, by this means, if there were no other bad consequences attending it, he defrauds the Country of double-bounty-money.
I shall make a prudent use of the power you have been pleased to give me, respecting the issuing orders to the parties of militia.
Your favor of the 3d by Mr. French Mason, I have just been presented with; and would gladly have appointed him Ensign in the regiment, had not the vacancies been disposed of, in the following manner, before it came to hand, vizt.:
Capt. Lt. Bullet, to Joshua Lewis's company, Mr. Duncanson, oldest Ensign, to the Lieutenancy occasioned by this removal: and Mr. Thomas Gist and Mr. Allen, volunteers, and John McCully and John Sallard, worthy Sergeants, (all of whom had served a considerable time with credit and reputation) to be Ensigns. I had likewise before the receipt of yours, promised Major Hire,15 of this County, a gentleman of good
[Note 15: Probably John Hite, of Frederick County, Va., referred to as Colonel Hite.] character, the Colors that would become vacant; upon the event of Colo. Mercer's Company being filled up; as he in consideration, had engaged to recruit 50 men, for the service which I then thought would be a vast advantage. I am, &c.
Fort Loudoun, May 11, 1758.
Dear Sir: I am this day favored with yours of the 4th instant, and would have thought myself extremely culpable and deficient in my duty, had I delayed one moment in transmitting to the General any intelligence I could procure; much less such a material one as that he has had information of. I must, therefore, beg that you will, from me, assure the General, the Catawbas have not this year brought in one prisoner or scalp to this place, nor indeed to any other that I ever heard of. There hath been no prisoner taken by any of our friendly Indians this season, and no scalps, except the two taken near Fort Duquesne by Ucahula, of which, and all the intelligence of the enemy in that quarter, which that young warrior was able to give, I, by the last post, sent to the General a full and circumstantial account. Nor would I have failed to have kept him duly informed of every interesting occurrence, even had it not been recommended to me.
It gave me no small uneasiness when I was informed of there solution which some of the Cherokees had made of wandering towards the Indian settlements in Maryland and Pennsylvania, clearly foreseeing the bad consequences such a peregrination would produce. I therefore represented the matter to Captain Gist in the strongest manner, and must do him the justice to say, that nothing in his power was left unessayed to prevent it. But our efforts proved ineffectual, as those two provinces last year, very impolitically I humbly conceive, made those Indians presents, and encouraged their returning thither this spring. And such is the nature of Indians, that nothing will prevent their going where they have any reason to expect presents, and their cravings are insatiable when there is any farther prospect of getting a benefit.
I and my officers constantly have, and always will pay, the strictest regard to every circumstance, that may contribute to put and keep the Indians in a good humor. But, as Governor Dinwiddie ordered me not to meddle or interfere with Indian affairs on any pretence whatever, the sole management of them being left to Mr. Atkin and his deputy Mr. Gist, and those orders never having been countermanded, neither I, nor my officers, have adventured to do any thing relative to them, but in a secondary manner through Mr. Gist.
The Raven warrior was on a scout,16 in which he was unsuccessful. On his return hither, he produced two white men's scalps, which he brought from his own nation, and wanted to pass them for the enemy's, taken in his unsuccessful scout. In this villany he was detected by the other warriors, who were highly offended at so base a deceit, and threatened to kill him for it. A consciousness of his guilt, and a dread of being called to a severe account by his own countrymen, were the reasons which many of them assigned for his going away in so abrupt (but by no means dissatisfactory) a manner to the English. As Captain Bosomworth was here transacting Indian affairs, under the immediate orders of the Commander-in-chief, when the Raven warrior returned and was detected, I only wrote in mine to General Forbes superficially on the subject, referring
[Note 16: From Fort Frederick, in Maryland.-- Ford.] to Captain Bosomworth for particulars imagining it more properly belonged to him to do so.
It gives me infinite pleasure, that the General seems (by the great pains he takes) to be so well satisfied of the importance their services will be of; but cannot help being under some uneasiness that it will be almost impracticable to keep them until they will be wanted. They say that they did not leave home with an intention of staying any considerable time, that they can see no appearance of our being soon able to take the field, that staying any time for our assembling, and afterwards for our slow motions, would detain them too long from their own nation; but that they would go home and be back again by the time they are wanted. These and many things to the same purpose are used by must of the parties that come in from war, as reasons for going off; and altho' we have (here) done every thing in our power to remove these objections and to prevent their going, yet a party of 25 Cherokees went off this morning. But on receipt of your letter I followed them, told them it was from the General, and by its assistance at last prevailed on them to return. Yet I dread that unless they see the troops assemble soon, it will be very difficult if not impossible to retain any number of the Cherokees, altho' nothing in my power will be wanting to prevent their leaving us, which might be of the most fatal consequences to this part of the continent.
Enclosed is my return for April, but you will please to observe that Captn. Woodward's is made out from his last, as his great distance from hence puts it out of his power to send it in due time.
I beg you will inform the General, that I shall, with great alacrity, obey all the orders, with which he may honor me with. In the mean time, I am, with unfeigned regard, dear Halkett, yours, &c.
Fort Loudoun, May 11, 1758.
Your favor of the 7th. from York, I had the pleasure of receiving last night.
The Raven Warrior, with 30 others (some of whom afterwards returned) left this place for their nation about the 24th. or 25th. of last month. I took no notice of it in my letters, because Capt. Bosomworth was here, a Superintendant (as he said) of Indian Affairs, when that party came in. He was in consequence made acquainted with the motives of their returning home, and set out the next day to report distinctly the situation of Indian Affairs (at this place) to the General; and proposed seeing you in his way.
You yet seem to be unacquainted with the villainy of the Raven warrior and his Party. I shall therefore inform you, that he brought two white mens scalps from his nation, and after making a small excursion from Fort Frederick in Maryland, endeavoured to impose them upon us for the enemy's scalps; but being detected, by the rest of the warriors, in this deception, and fearing the effects of their resentment (as it was a reflection upon their nation) he thought it proper to march off; but not before the Deputy-agent, who wou'd not seem to credit the account, gave him some Presents, to prevent bad talks (as they term evil reports) among his People.
Every kind of business which I have had with the Indians since June last, has been transacted thro' the Agent or his deputy. Because, first, I thought it might be attended with bad consequences for more than one to confer with them. And next, because I had Governor Didwiddie's express Orders, not to interfere in any shape, with their Affiars: but, upon receiving the General Orders on several matters relative thereto; I sent for Mr. Gist to communicate, them; when I was informed, that another party of 25 had set off homewards: I immediately followed them with the Interpreter; and with great difficulty brought them back. But I am notwithstanding under great apprehension, that no exertions in my power will prevent other parties of the Cherokees from returning home, unless the Troops assemble sooner than there seems to be a possibility of their doing.
I have, for a considerable time past had an Armourer to work repairing our Arms; and those you send will be a great assistance to him. I have engaged Lodgings for you at Mr. P. Buchby's, much the best House in this Town.
The Gentlemen at this Garrison, offer their Compliments and wishes to you. I am, etc.
Fort Loudoun, May 21, 1758.
Sir: Immediately upon receipt of this, you are to put a stop to Recruiting, and to call in all your Officers, who are employed on this Duty. You are not to receive any but good Men; and those to be according to the Instructions I sent to you.
I was in hopes that, by this time, your Companies would have been relieved, and you on your march for this place. I beg that you will not delay one moment after the Militia get to you. In the mean time, if you were to make out a list of such necessaries as (perhaps) may be wanted for your Companies, and send it by Captn. McNeill, or some other Officer to this place, the Things might be providing against your arrival, and prevent further delays when you shall get here.
I am sensible that your own good sense has sufficiently prompted you to study the nature of your Duty; but at the same time permit me (as a duty incumbent on myself) to recommend in the strongest terms to you, the necessity of qualifying yourself (by reading) for discharging the Duty of Major; a post that requires a thorough knowledge of the Service; and on the due execution of which, your own, as well as the Credit of your Regiment, greatly depends.
If you have any advice, or knowledge of the time you are to be relieved, inform me of it. I offer my Compliments to all the Gentlemen of your Command, and am, etc.
Fort Loudoun, May 24, 1758.
Sr. John St. Clair having, by virtue of a Power from the Commander in Chief for the Southern district, put the Troops of this Colony under marching Orders; and at the same time thought it necessary, that I should wait upon the President, to settle the Affairs of the two Virginia Regiments. You are therefore if no contradictory Orders come from a Superior Officer, to remain at this place; ready to execute any Instructions that may arrive for me.
For this purpose, you are to open all Letters that may come directed to me, on His Majesty's Service.
I expect you will be very diligent in having the Mens Arms and Clothes put in the best repair: and that every other necessary step, which time and circumstances will admit, be taken to equip them for the Field. As I expect the Detachment from the Prince William Militia (who were ordered to relieve this Garrison, but forgot their Arms) with which they will be furnished in a few days. You are, rather than suffer them to be idle, to send them toward Stoney-Creek (or any other distressed Settlement not very far off) until the Troops are ready to march from this place.
The Companies of the 1st. Regiment, as they arrive at this Garrison, are, every morning to be exercised by Battalion, with those now here, the remainder of the Day to be employed in mending their own Clothes, &c. if they can not get Taylors to do it for them fast enough. Perhaps a number of Taylors might be hired out of the Second Regiment, to assist in this Work.
You will see by my Orders (a copy of which I shall leave with you) what is expected from me by the General, and will regulate your conduct accordingly.
You are to cause the New Barrack to be covered in, and rough floors laid, as expeditiously as possible, for Lodgments to the Companies expected at this place. And you are to see that the Exercise we now use, be followed strictly.
I expect Sir Jno. St. Clair will send a parcel of Powder-horns and shot-pouches to this place. Out of these, all the Soldiers of the first Regiment (who are not already supplied) must be furnished, and laid under stoppages to pay for them.
You are to get 40 men from the Second Regiment, to supply the places of the like number to be taken out of the First, to assist in forming a Troop of Light Horse: And, to prevent, the evil consequences of forcing men out of one Regiment into the other; you are, with Colo. Mercer (who will assist you in the undertaking) to use your best endeavours to persuade the number of men wanted, to offer themselves voluntarily.
Since writing the above I am informed that there will not be powder-horns &c. enough for the New Regiment.
You are therefore, to take no concern about them.
Fort Loudoun, May 24, 1758.
Sir: I can not Order your march to this place in more effectual Words, or in a more effectual manner, than by enclosing you a Copy of my Orders from Sir John St. Clair.
You will see by these, that not a moment shou'd be lost in beginning your march, nor the least delay in prosecuting it to this; you will also see, the necessity of providing for your Companies wants, in time, as there will be so little time allowed you to stay here, before we begin our march to join the Main Body of the Army.
I expect 1,000 pair of Indian Leggings every hour from Philadelphia. I also expect to get Spatterdashes made for the whole Regiment, by the time you join: Those are Articles, therefore which you need not provide.
You will lose no time in sending these Orders to Captn. Woodward; write pressingly to him, to march forthwith to this place.
I have the pleasure to tell you, that I have got Ensigns commissions for Mr. Allen, and Sergt. McCully,17 but shall keep them until they arrive here. They may, however, in the mean time, act as Officers. I am, etc.
[Note 17: Ensigns John Allan and John McCully.]
Williamsburg, May 28, 1758.
Honble. Sir: I came here at this critical juncture, by the express order of Sir John St. Clair, to represent in the fullest manner the posture of our affairs at Winchester, and to obviate any doubts, that might arise from the best written narrative. I shall make use of the following method, as the most effectual I can at present suggest, to lay sundry matters before you, for your information, approbation, and direction. And I hope, when your Honor considers how we are circumstanced and how absolutely necessary [is] despatch, that you will please to give me explicit and speedy answers, on the several points which are submitted. For without the latter the service will be greatly impeded and wanting the former, my conduct may be liable to error and to censure. To begin:
1st. Sir John St. Clair's letter will, I apprehend, inform your Honor of our principal wants, namely, arms, tents, and other sorts of field-equipage, articles so absolutely and obviously necessary, as to need no argument to prove, that the men will be useless without them, and that the vast sums of money which have been expended in levying and marching them to the place of rendezvous, will be entirely lost, besides impeding if not defeating the expedition, and losing every Indian now on our frontiers by delay.
2. The officers will be entirely unprovided with the means of taking the field, till they have an allowance made to them of baggage, forage, and bat-money. Governor Dinwiddie, from what cause I could never yet learn, thought proper to discontinue this allowance to the companies that remained in Virginia, at the same time that he allowed it to those who went to Carolina, although I produced [evidence] under General Stanwix's hand, (the then commanding officer on this quarter) that all officers were entitled to it, and that it was indispensably necessary to equip them for, and enable them to take the field. General Forbes has obtained this allowance for the Pennsylvania troops, and desired Sir John St. Clair (who has given me a copy of it signed) to urge it strongly on this government also. See the copy.
3. The different pay of the two Virginia regiments will, I conceive, if a stop is not put to it, be productive of great discontent, and many evils. For the soldiers of the first regiment think their claim upon the country equally good, if not better than that of the second, because their services are not limited.18 They
[Note 18: The second regiment was raised for the campaign only, and, by the terms of the act of assembly, it was to be disbanded, and the men discharged on December 1; whereas the soldiers of the first regiment were enlisted to serve during the war.-- Sparks.] have lacked the great bounty, which the others have received, and have had no clothes for near two years, when in strictness they have an annual call for and an equal right to expect them.
4. As our regimental clothing cannot possibly last the campaign, will it not be advisable to send for a supply against next winter? I have sent to Philadelphia for one thousand pair of Indian stockings, (leggings), the better to equip my men for the woods; and should be glad to know whether I am to pay for them in behalf of the country, or deduct the cost out of their pay. As they have not received the clothing they are entitled to, they may think this latter rather hard.
5. Should not the pay of the surgeon's mates in the first regiment be equal to that of those in the second? The latter have four and the former only three shillings per day, and should there not be the same number of surgeon's mates allowed to the old as are to the new regiment?
6. It will cause great dissatisfaction in the regiment, if Lieutenant Baker is put over the heads of older officers. It is granted, that Mr. Baker is a very deserving officer, but there are others equally deserving, and have adventured equally to seek glory, and to merit applause. Ensign Chew, for instance, was with him when the scalps were taken; Capt. McKenzie, Lt. Gist, Mr. Woodward and many others have adventured as far into the enemy's country, tho' with less success. I therefore hope (to prevent the disorders consequent upon his advancement) that your Honor will suffer Colo. Mercer's company to be given to Mr. Stewart, the oldest Lieutenant, as Captn. Lewis' in the like case was to Mr. Bullet.
7. Sir John St. Clair directs in consequence of orders from the General, that the first Virginia regiment shall immediately be completed, and leaves the mode of doing it to your Honor. I should be glad of direction in this affair. The season, I fear, is too far advanced to attempt it now by recruiting.
8. Lt. Steenbergen, having been guilty of several irregular and ungentlemanly practices, and finding his conduct was about to be inquired into, begged leave to resign, which I granted so far as depended upon me; because the crimes he was then accused of, were not sufficient to break him, altho' quite sufficient to give the whole corps the most indifferent opinion of his morals. This resignation, and Captn. Lt. Stewart's promotion will cause two vacancies in the regiment; to fill up which, and to make the several promotions hereby occasioned will require five blank commissions.
9. I should be glad to know if the works at Fort Loudoun are still to go on? In what manner to be forwarded? and under whose direction? Nothing surely will contribute more to the public weal, than this fort when completed; because it will be a valuable repository for our stores, if the event of our enterprise prove successful, and an asylum for the inhabitants, (and place of retreat for our troops,) in case of a defeat.
10. Great advantages must consequently arise, by appointing Lieutenant Smith to that direction, and to the command of Fort Loudoun. First, because he has had the overlooking of the works for nearly two years, is, by that means, become perfectly well acquainted with every thing intended to be done, and is exceedingly industrious. Secondly, because there must necessarily be many sick and lame soldiers left at that garrison, who may require the eye of a diligent officer to keep them together. Thirdly, because all the regimental stores and baggage must be left at that place, and ought to be under the care of an officer, who can be made accountable for his conduct; and not left to the mercy of an ungovernable and refractory militia. And fourthly, it is necessary, if for no other reason than to preserve the materials for finishing the works that are now lying there.
11. I conceive we shall be ordered to take with us the greatest part of the ammunition now at Fort Loudoun. It will be necessary, therefore, to have a supply laid in there for the use of the frontier garrisons.
12. I did in a late letter endeavor to point out, in what manner the service would be benefited, by continuing Rutherford's rangers in the parts they now are, and sending the militia of Prince William to the Branch in their stead, and I again recommend it, for the reasons then given, and for many others, which might be given.
I must now conclude, with once more begging, that your Honor would come to some speedy determination on these several matters. From what Sir John St. Clair has wrote, from my orders, and from what I have here set forth, I conceive it must sufficiently appear, that the greatest dispatch is absolutely necessary, the success of our expeditions, in a manner, depending upon the earlycommencement of it. Every delay, therefore, may be attended with pernicious consequences.
The Indians, glad of any pretence for returning home, will make use of delays for a handle; and a spirit of discontent and desertion may spring up among the new levies for want of employment.
These are matters obvious to me, and my duty requires, that I represent them in this free and candid manner.19 I am, etc.
[Note 19: As the government in England had determined to prosecute offensive operations on the southern frontiers, great preparations had been contemplated for a vigorous campaign under General Forbes against Fort Duquesne. William Pitt had, on December 30, written a circular to the Governor of Pennsylvania and the several Colonies at the south, requesting a hearty cooperation from the assemblies in aid of General Forbes's expedition. He stipulated that the colonial troops raised for this purpose should be supplied with arms, ammunition, tents, and provisions, in the same manner as the regular troops, and at the King's expense; so that the only charge to the Colonies would be that of levying, clothing, and paying the men. The governors were also authorized to issue commissions to provincial officers, from colonels downward, and these officers were to hold rank in the united army according to their commissions. Had this liberal and just system been adopted at the outset, it would have put a very different face upon the military affairs of the Colonies. Maj. Gen. James Abercromby, who had succeeded Lord Loudoun to the command in America, assigned 6,000 troops to Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland as their quota for the expedition to the Ohio. Of this number the Pennsylvania Assembly resolved to raise 2,700. (See Votes and Proceedings of the Assembly, vol. 4, p. 799.) The Maryland Assembly voted 1,000, but their bill was defeated by the usual quarrel with the governor, who refused his assent to their proposed mode of levying the tax to defray the expense. (See Votes and Proceedings, March, 1758.) The troops actually employed under General Forbes were 1,200 Highlanders, 350 Royal Americans, about 2,700 provincials from Pennsylvania, 1,600 from Virginia, 200 or 300 from Maryland who had been stationed in garrison at Fort Frederick under Colonel Dagworthy, and also two companies from North Carolina; making in all, including the wagoners, between6,000 and 7,000 men,-- Sparks.]
Fort Loudoun, June 14, 1758.
Dear Sir: I found upon my return to this place, last Night, the Letters Inclos'd. I shou'd hardly have opened them, notwithstanding you desir'd it had not Col. Byrd advis'd it as necessary, thinking there might be something contain'd that we might be preparing to execute.
I greatly fear that we shall be in want of Arms. at all events we have but a Scanty allowance; and if those from Williamsburg shou'd be in bad Order, as we have reason to apprehend they are from the Inclos'd Letters; I don't know what we are to do: delay'd we must be at least till they are clean'd, and made fit for Service. There will be a difficiency of Bayonets when the Maryland Arms are returned; and there is not a possibility of my supplying Byrds Regiment with Cartooch Boxes, as the Arms which Mr. Henry is repairing are entirely without these Appendiges. My regiment will I expect, be compleat in both these Articles.
Mr. Cunningham20 in a P S to me adds "McSwaine this moment tells me the two Waggoners have escap'd from Colo. Lewis; so that the Blankets will not be up so soon as I wrote Sir John".
[Note 20: Capt. James Cunningham.]
Among the Inclos'd, you will find a Letter from Mr. Strother,21 concerning the French Negro I wrote to him for at
[Note 21: Anthony Strother.] your desire; this Negro I find to be a shrewd, Sensible Fellow; and may be useful if he did not come into the Inhabitants for the purpose of discoveries, rather than his escape from our Enemies, he is very well acquainted with the Ohio, and those parts, but has been longer from Fort DuQuense than I at first understood him. He will set out from this to-morrow, with a Waggon I shall send towards Fort Loudoun in Pennsylvania, and I shall desire he may be forwarded to you from thence. I am Dr. Sir, etc.22
[Note 22: This and most of the subsequent letters up to September 12, inclusive, are from what is known as the "Bouquet Expedition Letter Book," a small folio of 80 pages containing 51 letters in Washington's writing. The original covers are missing and one leaf, containing two letters, has been abstracted by an unknown spoilsman. Two or three of the letters are in the hand of John Kirkpatrick, but they are signed, with one exception, by Washington. This record "Letter Book," like the one of the Braddock expedition (1755), was revised by Washington in 1784--85 for his copyist, and, as revised, the letters were entered in "Letter Book No. 2" and "Letter Book No. 4," 27 years later. The texts here printed follow the letters as written in 1758 and ignore the later alterations, which are not nearly so numerous as those made in the 1755 letters and are, generally speaking, of little consequence. Ford notes that the original letters of 1758, as sent, are in the British Museum, and he uses the text of William Henry Smith, who printed 26 of these 53 letters in the Magazine of American History (February, 1888). In that magazine Smith published a facsimile of Washington's letter of Aug. 7, 1758, to Bouquet, and a comparison of this letter, as sent, with the record copy made by Washington at the time shows minor transposition of words but no alteration of meanings. The editor uses the text of these record copies m Washington's writing rather than the printed text of Smith's publication or the transcriptions of 1784--85. Where Smith's print shows additional matter this is noted. As both Ford and Sparks printed such of these letters as they used in the revised form of 1784--85, the curious, who wish to compare Washington's later idea as to phraseology, can easily do so by consulting the Ford and Sparks editions It would be difficult to present both versions (1758 and 1784--85) with clearness in type on the same page.]
Fort Loudoun, June 15, 1758.
Sir: As you have been long under Marching Orders, I can't doubt your readiness to depart from your present Station. I shall leave this the 23d. Inst't with three Companies of my Regiment; one of the Second Regimt.; and the Troop of Light Horse; and expect to be at Pearsalls the 25th., if not delay'ed by my Waggons. I also expect that you will join me there at that time with your own, and McKenzie's Companys.
If possible, I shall get the Prince William Militia up in time, to relieve your Parties; but if this shou'd be found impracticable, you are not to delay y'r Marching waiting for them.
Use your best endeavours to procure all the Horns you can for carrying your Powder. You cannot get two many of them, nor of Shott Pouches; as the first, as well as Second Regiment, are in want of them.
You will receive Sundry necessaries from Lt. King for the use of the two Companies on the Branch, you will also receive by him the Country's allowance of Forage and Bat-money for yourself and Ensign; the other Officers of your Company will be paid these Art'ls here.
Have an exact review of the two Companies with you, and let me know by express, the names, and number of Men unfit for Service; and which ought to be discharg'd, also of those who, tho not able to March, may do Garrison duty. I likewise desire that you will send me at the same time an exact report of the bad Arms; and of the Arms wanting repair in these Companies. I am Sir, etc.
[Note 23: Of Rutherford's Rangers.]
June 17, 1758.
Sir: Captn. Stephen assuring me, that so soon as the Prince William Militia are taken from his House the Families there, and in the Neighbours also will immediately remove; I am oblig'd, having it no otherways in my power to Order a few of your Men to be station'd there in their place: you are not to put so many there, as to distress the other Posts you secure; and if Swearingen'24 Division can afford you any for this place, I shall take care to Order some accordingly. I am, etc.
[Note 24: Capt. Van(?) Swearingen.]
[Note 25: Lieutenant Governor of Virginia.]
Fort Loudoun, June 17, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: Although but a poor hand at Complimenting, but permit me, nevertheless to offer your Hon'r my congratulations on your appointment; and safe arrival to a Government which His Majesty has been Graciously pleas'd to entrust to you with the Administration of, and to assure you, that I most sincerely wish your Administration may be attended with pleasure to yourself and strength to the People Governed.
I flatter'd myself with the pleasure of seeing your Honour in Williamsburg, when I was down, but the business that carried me there was of too Urgent a Nature to admit of delays, when I had once got it accomplish'd. Mr. President Blair has, no doubt, inform'd you of that business and of the State of the Troops here, and situation of other Affairs in this Quarter; I will not therefore, trouble your Hon'r with a repetition of them; but Enclose you a Copy of my last Orders, which I am preparing to execute with the greatest exactness. Sir John St Clair set out from hence for Connegocheague the 11th. Inst't, to which place I accompanied him by Summon's from Colo. Bouquet.26 He proceeded on to Carlyle and I return'd here; where at present I have the Hon'r to Command.
[Note 26: Col. Henry Bouquet had command of the advance guard of the expedition against Fort Duquesne.]
I shall transmit your Honour, so soon as I leave this place (I can't well do it before, as alterations are continually happening while the Troops remain here) an exact return of our Stores, agreeable to the Presidents Orders. Inclos'd is a return of the Strength of the first Regiment; I have directed one to be made out and sent of the 2d. Also.
When I was down, the President was pleas'd to promise me5 blank Commissions to compleat my Regiment with Officers; by mistake I got one less, and must therefore beg the favour of your Honour to send me one now; or, that you wou'd be pleas'd to take the trouble yourself, of appointing Mr. Jno. Lawson (who is the oldest Ensign in my Regiment) to be Lieutenant in Lieut't Colo. Stephen's Company, where there is a Vacancy. This wou'd have been clone before, had not the above mistake happen'd.
I enclose your Honour the Pay Rolls of Captn. Rutherford's Company of Rangers, and beg the favour of you to send the money to Mr. Thos. Rutherford of this place, and he will pay them of in behalf of his Brother; who, being in an ill state of health, got leave to visit Doct'r Brown27 of Maryland, to consult him in the case, and is not yet return'd.
[Note 27: Dr. Gustavus Brown, of Port Tobacco, Md. He was one of the attending physicians during Washington's last illness.]
When I was in Williamsburg last, I endeavour'd to make Mr. President Blair and the Council, sensible of the great want of Cloaths for the first Regiment; and how necessary it is to send to England for a Supply. They declin'd doing any thing in the case at that time, because the Funds granted by the late Act of Assembly were almost exhausted. But I hope it will not escape your Hon'rs notice if an Assembly shou'd be call'd. Field equipage of all kinds will also be wanting and will come better and much cheaper from there. Colo. Byrd is fearful of wanting Cloaths for his Men, if we shou'd be late taking the Field; but his redress must be immediate or else useless, as that Regiment by Law will be discharged the first Day of December next; I have the Hon'r to myself with g't Respect. Y'r H'nrs etc.
Fort Loudoun, June 19, 1758.
Sir: Pardon the liberty I am going to take; a liberty, that nothing but the most disinterested regard for the safety and welfare of these Colonies wou'd cause me to take. How far my notions on what I am going to observe is compatable with Reason, and how far they may corrispond with your Sentiments on the matter, I shall candidly submit to your [Excellency's determination].28
[Note 28: The words in brackets were added by Washington in 1784--85. He has erased the 1758 phrase with a knife so thoroughly as to defy deciphering.]
The unfortunate arrival of the Cherokees into these Goverments so early in the Spring, and the unavoidable Accidents that have hitherto prevented a junction of the Troops, intended for the Western Expedition, has caus'd the Indians (who naturally are of a discontented Tempers) to be tired of waiting, and all, except those who came with Colo. Byrd, and a few others that have promised to join him, to return home; how long these can be prevail'd upon to remain with us, I won't absolutely affirm; but this I can venture to say not 6 Weeks, if it requires that time to form our Magazines and prepare for our March, as Colo. Bouquet seem'd to think it will. Now, in this event, we are left to perform a March of more than 100 Miles from our most advanc'd Post, before we shall arrive at Fort Duquesne; a great part of which over Mountains and Rocks, and thro' some such defiles as will enable the Enemy, with assistance of their Indian's and Irregulars; and their Superior knowledge of the Country, to render our March extremely arduous, perhaps impracticable; and at best very tedious; unless assisted by a considerable Body of Indians, who I conceive to be the only Troops fit to cope with Indians in such Grounds; for, I must beg leave further to add, that I can not look upon strength and Success in the Woods to be the Consequence of Numbers; on the contrary, I conceive the designs of an unwieldy Body of Troops, marching as Convoys, may be frustrated by a few; this I am certain off, they may be greatly harrass'd; and their March much incommoded by the Sculking Enemy we shall have to deal with.
From what has, and might be said on this [occasion it would]29 appear that Indians, to Us, are of the utmost Importance; and as I understand your Excellency proposes to keep open the Communication with the Inhabitants, and secure a retreat by the construction of Posts at advantageous situations, and proper distances, as the Army advances; (a work truly of the greatest Importance, especially as we will too probably begin our March with a handfull of Indians) I think it wou'd be practacable by the prosecution of this plan, to get a Number of the Indians, (by sending a person of abilities and adress immediately for them) before we cou'd approach Fort Duquesne; and I think it is not likely we shall meet with any formidable attack till we get pretty near that place.
[Note 29: The words in brackets were added by Washington in 1784--85. He has erased the 1758 phrase with a knife so thoroughly as to defy deciphering.]
Another great advantage that might be deriv'd from sending such a such a Person instantly to the Cherokee Nation, wou'd be making up ('tis to be hop'd) those differences that lately happen'd between them, and some of the natives of the Southern Frontiers of this Colony; which unhappy broils, if not properly, and timously attended to, may be productive of the most destructive consequences to the british Affairs in America, and terminate in the ruin of our Southern Settlements. The Southern Indians, of late, seem to be in a very wavering situation, and have, on several occasions, discover'd an Inclination to break with Us; I think it can admit of no doubt, that, if we shou'd be unsuccessfull in this Quarter, which Heaven avert! that the united Force of several powerfull Nations of these Indians might be employ'd against Us; and, that such acquisition to the Enemy wou'd enable them to exterpate our Southern Colonies, and make themselves Masters of this part of the Continent at least. Wherefore, that nothing shou'd be omitted that might contribute to prevent so dreadfull a Calamity; if a proper Person as I before said was immediately sent to the Cherokee Nation, he might not only accomplish this great work, but get a Body of them to join the Army on their March; and no Person, surely, who has the Interest of our Important Cause at Heart, wou'd hesitate a moment to depart in such a Service, on the event of which, our all in a manner depends.
There is now a large Cargoe of proper Goods for Trading with them just arriv'd from England, in this Colony, necessary supplies might be drawn from thence and laid at proper places for them, which wou'd prevent those delays and disappointments which they have had too much reason to complain off.
It wou'd, I confess, require a considerable time before the Indians that are (yet to be sent for) cou'd join Us; but, as the inevitable obstructions to be met with in forming Magazines, erecting the Posts, and marching on, must require much time, it may be effected, and the farther the Summer is advanced, the Operations of the Campaign for many obvious Reasons, cou'd be executed with the greater security, unless there shou'd, e'er then, happen a decisive action to the No. ward and the Enemy prove successful; in that case they wou'd pour in their Troops upon Us to the Southward. At all events they cou'd easily prevail upon many of their Northward Indians, by promises and the views of Plunder, to join their Troops upon the Ohio. Another Misfortune that wou'd arise by a late Campaign is that the limited time for the service of the 2d Virginia Regiment wou'd be near or perhaps quite elapsed before the Campaign cou'd be over.
What time the French may require to Assemble a formidable Body of Indians at Fort Duquesne; how they are provided for victualling such a body there, and how far they are able to prevail upon these Indians to wait the uncertain March of our Army which they have Assembled them; are matters I profess myself ignorant in. But if we may draw any inferences from our own difficulties in these cases, we may in the first place conclude I think, that our Preperations &ca. have sufficiently alarm'd them, and that they have got together what Indians they can; next, that those Indians will require the same Provisions and humoring that ours do; and lastly, that they may also get dissatisfied at waiting, and return home like ours have done; thinking our Preparations a feint only to draw of their Attention and from the Northward.
My Sollicitude on account of Indians sufficiently appears throughout all I have said. Your Excellency is the best judge of the Plan you have to execute and the time it will require to bring your operations to bear; you are also a proper judge of the time it will take to accomplish the Scheme I have propos'd of getting Indians to our Assistance, and how far it may corrispond (in point of time) with other measures; and therefore it wou'd be impertenent after I have endeavour'd, tho' a little incoherently, to shew the necessity of Indians, and the advantages and disadvantages of a late Campaigne, to say any thing more unless it be to apologize once more for the freedom I have taken of mentioning matters which I suppose you are equally, if not better acquainted with than I am; and to assure your Excellency that I am, with greatest respect, etc.
Fort Loudoun, June 19, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: The Letter herewith Inclos'd, wou'd have been sent according to the date, but I have been waiting till now for Captn. Rutherfords Pay Roll, his Company being much dispers'd in the Ranging Service.
This day the Prince William Militia are to March for the South Branch, to relieve two Companies of my Regiment, agreeably to Orders. Inclos'd is a return of their present strength. I shou'd think myself difficient in my duty were I to pass over in Silence the transactions of and State of this Company from their first coming out, about the 20th. Ulto.
One hundred Militia then, were Order'd from Prince William County (but at what time I can't exactly say by Mr. President Blair) instead of that number, they sent 73 and every one of them unprovided with either Arms or Ammunition, as the Law directs; by which means they were useless but burthensome to the Country, as they receiv'd true Allowance of Provisions and had their Pay running on. This matter was represented to Colo. Henry Lee, Lieut't of that County, by Sir Jno. St. Clair then Commanding Officer here. The Consequence of this representation was; that about the first of this Inst't, near 100 Arms were sent up by his order out of which number Scarce 5 were Serviceable; and not more than 30 cou'd possibly be made to Fire. This was also represent'd to Colo. Lee who after professing a Concern for it said, they expect'd Arms from England, (I think) every day, and took no further Acct. of the matter that I have yet heard of. I immediately set Smiths to repairing their Arms, and have at last, with the Assistance of 35 old Muskets which I caus'd to be deliver'd out of the Store here, got this Company, which shou'd consist of 100 Men, (tho' there is but 68) at last compleated.
'Till this time, they have been a dead expence to the Publick, and no Service to the Inhabitants. This Sir, are serious Facts, and really merits [reprehension]30 for, if such behaviour is suffer'd to escape unnoticed, the most destructive Consequences may accrue to the Country, as in the present case for Instance, if the Troops had March'd agreeable to my first Orders, the Companies on the South Branch wou'd have been drawn off, and the Inhabitants left either destitute of relief, or have come off with them, which they determin'd to do. This I understand actually happen'd in Augusta County, when Maj'r Lewis came from thence, by the negligence, I suppose, of the County Lieutenants. I am etc.
[Note 30: This word was added in 1784--85. The original word has been erased with a knife and is indecipherable.]
Fort Loudoun, June 19, 1758.
Sir: The bearer Captn. McClanaham comes up to relieve you, you are therefore to give him Orders where to Post his Men; in the manner that will best promote the Interest of the Service, and give the most satisfaction to the generallity of the Inhabitants in that Quarter. You are likewise to deliver him a necessary supply of Ammunition; I am Sir, etc.
[Note 31: Of the Prince William, Va., militia.]
Fort Loudoun, June 19, 1758.
You are forewith to March with all convenient Expedition to the Fort on the South Branch; at which Captn. Thomas Waggener Commands, to relieve him and follow such Orders as he may judge most conducive to the Interest of the Service with regard to the different Posts in that Quarter, to be defended by your Men; you are likewise to apply to him for a necessary supply of Ammunition of which you are to be particularly careful, and see that none of it be wasted.
You are to keep an exact daily return of your Command, that you may be able (at any time its requir'd of you) to give an Acct. of the Number of your Men you have on Duty, and that pay may be drawn only for your effectives. You are to keep a particular acct. of the Ammunition you may use, and for what Service Expended.
Fort Loudoun, June 23, 1758.
Sir: I have receiv'd your favours of the 18th. and 20th. Inst., and beg leave to refer you to Captn. Stewarts Letter, knowing he writes fully, on Matters relative to the light Horse.
I expect to March tomorrow, agreeably to my Orders; Woodwards Company of the first Regiment, cover'd the Artificers of the 2d., and left this the 22d. to open the Road from hence to Pearsalls; which, by information, is almost impassable.
Colo. Byrd will be sadly distress'd for Arms when those from Maryland are deliver'd up. The Arms from Williamsburg came here in such bad Order, that they cannot possibly be repair'd in time; Colo. Byrd writes to you on this subject himself, it will therefore be needless for me to enlarge upon or repeat His complaints.
I have receiv'd no Hatchets from Connegocheague, the Canteens came up according to Expectation; and I have written to the Commanding Officer there, desiring to know why the former, the following contains his answer; "I have made Inquiry concerning the 200 Hatchets mention'd in yours, but have got no information concerning them"; sign'd Jno. Kidd, dated 21st. Inst. I am with very great regard, etc.
Fort Loudoun, June 24, 1758.
Sir: Herewith you will receive a Copy of my last Orders from Sir John St Clair, dated the 13th. Instant; such parts of them as regard yourself, and Regiment, you are desir'd to observe, and act litterally up to them.
I have directed half the Provisions and Ammunition intended for Fort Cumberland to follow me, under your escort. Mr. Walker will take care that the former of these Articles comes, and I hope you will observe that your Quarter Master brings the latter.
You will want Provision's at Edward's and Pearsalls, for that Company of y'r Regiment Order'd to be left at those places; and you will no doubt order them being supplied accordingly.
Take an exact Acct. of the No. of Arms rec'd from Williamsburg, and how they have been dispos'd of: if any remain you may lodge them in the Stores here, and take Lt. Smiths receipt for them.
Fort Loudoun, June 24, 1758.
Sir; You are to take an exact acct. of all the Virginia Stores at this place; for which you are to pass your receipt to Mr. Kennedy, Quarter Master and to deliver none out after my departure but by Letter from me, or Orders from the Governor, or Commander in Chief; except it be Ammunition &ca. for the use of the Garrison; and for supplying the Ranging Companies; in doing which, you are to observe the greatest Oeconomy.
You must get an exact Acct. of all the Arms that have been deliver'd out by Mr. Kennedy to the Armourer; endeavour also to get an Acct. of those which Mr. Henry rec'd from Fredericksburg, and see how the whole have been dispos'd of; taking care to receive into the Stores all that are in his hands after the Troops are supplied, and Marched from this place; and to transmit me a return of your proceedings in this matter.
I have directed Captn. Rutherford to detach 20 Men of his Company to strengthen this Garrison (which is to be your principle concern); you will take care therefore to keep up Discipline at the same time use lenity, to prevent discontent and Desertion. Be vigilent, and keep your Men Sober observe Order and Regularity in the Garrison; which keep clean and wholesome; and as your numbers will be few, keep a regular and strict watch; place two Sentrys in opposite Bastions, and one in the Front Porch; and I believe it will be sufficent.
The place now used for an Hospital, you are to give up to the owner, and appoint a Room in some of the Barracks in the Fort, for your Sick.
If any Deserters shou'd be brought to this place by Country People, you are to pass receipts for them, and send them on to their respective Regiments, or Companies if any oppertunity Offers; if there shou'd not, you are then to employ them at this Garrison, or elsewhere, that they can be found useful; in passing y'r receipts you are to specify the Regiment and Company such Deserter belongs to.
Expresse's on the Kings Service, whose Horses may tire, or otherwise be unfit to proceed, you are to get others for; giving receipts in all these Cases mentioning for what they were Press'd, for what particular Service and how long they were employ'd in it; and take particular care always to have them deliver'd up to the owners so soon as they are return'd.
Fort Loudoun, June 24, 1758.
Sir: You are to appoint 20 of your worst Rangers, to do Duty at Fort Loudoun, under Lieut Smith; who is charg'd with the Command of this Place. They may be kept constantly there or reliev'd, as you see cause. The remainder of the Company to be employ'd in the Ranging Service as they now are, or otherwise, as shall be judg'd most conducive to the safety of the People.
If any Inception shou'd be made into the County by the Enemy, or mischief done; it will be your duty to consult with Lieut. Smith on the most effectual means of assisting the Inhabitants, and giving the earliest, and best Intelligence thereof to the Governor.
Fort Loudoun, June 24, 1758.
Sir: So soon as you have Compleated Colo. Byrd's Regiment, and Captn. Stewarts Troop of Light Horse with Arms, you are to set about cleaning and putting all the Virginia Arms in the best repair you can, till further Orders.
Take care that they are well pack'd up in cases, 25 in each, and deliver'd into the Magazine now under the care of Lieut't Smith. The principal design of this is to keep the Arms from receiving hurt, by lying in Rust. You will therefore direct your managem' of them accordingly.
Such Pieces as want Locks, or in other respects much repair, let be your last care. and when you may be call'd away you are to deliver in a faithful Acct. of all the Arms that have pass'd thro your hands, from the first of your coming, to the Store keeper Lt. Smith, and bring, or send, another Copy to me.
Fort Loudoun, June 24, 1758.
Sir: Last night the Inclos'd March Rout came under cover to me for you, with this Paragraph from Sir Jno. St. Clair; "I have inclos'd you a March Rout for a hundred of the No. Carolina Provincials, that ought to be at Winchester, they will serve for an Escort for Mr. Walkers second Convoy of Provision's. You'll please tell the Commanding Officer that any Carriages he may want upon his March shall be paid for upon his giving them a Certificate of their Service; the other two hundred of them that arriv'd at Alexandria, are to March up by Fort Frederick".
As your March from hence depends upon the readiness of the Convoy, you are to consult Mr. Commissary Walker on that head. I am Sir, etc.
[June 26, 1758.]
Sir: I was last night favour'd with yours of the 22d., and have Inclos'd your Orders for Marching to the Commanding Officer of the Carolina Troops and left it with Mr. Walker, who, in consequence of some Letters he receiv'd from Mr. Hoops, does not think of sending a second Convoy of Provisions; but as he writes you fully on that Subject begs leave to refer you to him; he has Provided a Months Provisions which will be escorted up by Colo. Byrd and myself.
I have inclos'd you a Copy of the Orders I have given Mr. Henry, the Armourer; if you shou'd find any thing amiss, or omitted, be pleas'd to send him others. I am just going to March, and beg leave to subscribe myself, Y'r most Obedt. etc.
Camp at North River, June 26, 1758.
Sir: I have just encamped at this place on my march to Ft. Cumberland, with a weak escort to a large convoy of Provisions, &c.
The intent of this, therefore, is to desire, that you will immediately upon receipt of it, detach 100 men, and 3 waggons to our assistance; do not suffer the least delay.
I order the waggons upon a supposition that you have some at Pearsalls in pay; but if I am wrong in this, be pleased to engage any you can, in time for this service, as we are plagued in a most extraordinary manner, with bad Teams. I am, etc.
Pearsalls, June 30, 1758.
Mr. Wilper: You are to remain at this place with a Corporal and 12 men for defence of the Post, and such of the People as may resort to it: as also for security of the Stores, &c. that now are or may be lodged here: taking care to pass your Receipts for them, and to produce proper vouchers for their delivery again.
You are to observe strict discipline; suffer no Soldier to straggle from the Fort, without leave; nor any liquor to be sold to your men without your permission. Make regular returns of your command to me while I am at Fort Cumberland, and to Lt. Smith after I shall have marched from that place (unless you receive Orders to the contrary) and apply to him for what ammunition you may want.
In every respect you are to conform to the Rules and Discipline of war, in the like cases.
[Note 32: Col. Henry Bouquet served in the Dutch Army as lieutenant colonel of Swiss Guards. Entered the English Army in 1756 and became colonel of the Sixtieth Foot in 1762 and a brigadier general in 1765. In 1758 Bouquet commanded the Royal American Regiment, and was ordered by Secretary William Pitt to move from its station in South Carolina to join General Forbes in Pennsylvania. Bouquet was energetic in pushing the building of a new road from Raystown (now Bedford), Pa., toward Fort Duquesne rather than have the British expedition take the old Braddock route, favored by Washington. He died in Pensacola, Fla., in 1766.]
Camp near Fort Cumberland, July 3, 1758.
Sir: Your favours of the 27th. Ulto. and first Inst't I have had the honour to receive.
According to Order, I march'd from Winchester the 24th., and arriv'd at this place Yesterday in the Afternoon, with five Companies of the first Virginia Regiment, and a Company of Artificers of the 2d., as you may observe by the Inclos'd return.
My March, by bad Teams and bad Roads (notwithstanding I had sent the Artificers and a Covering Party on three days before) was much delay'd.
I herewith send a return of the Provisions and Forage that came up under my Escort: we lost three Bullocks, and that in driving. I can't absolutely say for what purpose the Forage is intended, or where to be lodg'd. It was engag'd by Mr. Walker at Sir Jno. St. Clair's request, and I believe for the light Horse. The Principal part of it met us at Pearsalls on the South Branch; and neither myself, nor any Person else was empower'd, or even desir'd to receive and pay for it. I was at a loss how to act, but thought it most advisable to bring it on; if it is not intended for the light Horse as I apprehen'd I shou'd be glad of your directions concerning it; for Captn. Stewart, who possibly may be Instructed for this purpose, I left equipping his Troop at Winchester, and has not yet join'd me.
As I can't suppose you intended to order any part of my Men upon the Roads till join'd at this place by Colo. Byrd, I shall decline sending any upon that Service till his arrival; which I suppose may be to-morrow, as he was preparing to March the 26th after me.
I enclose you an exact return of the Maryland Troops in Garrison, at this place, also of their Provisions; and of the King's stores,33 and shou'd be glad to know what strength you wou'd have this Garrison consist of, how many days Provisions left for them, and what quantity of Ammunition. I brought one half of all that was order'd from Winchester by Sir Jno. St. Clair, and left the other half to follow with Colo. Byrd--
[Note 33: These returns, dated July 2, 1758, are in the Washington Papers.] Powder excepted, and of that Article there was only 16 Barrels in the Stores there, besides 6 others that were made up into Cartridges, which are also brought up between us.
Mr. Walker, in consequence of Instructions from Mr. Hoops (who I believe purpos'd to supply us from Rays Town) put a stop to a further purchase of Provisions: You will see by the Returns for what number of days I am supplied, and I desir'd Colo. Byrd to bring as much to this place as wou'd serve his Men a fortnight, at least. I am at a loss to know whether Officers' Serv'ts, that are not Soldiers, are allow'd to draw Provisions; and shou'd be thankfull for your directions, as I have had many applications on that head.
There are few Tools for the Services requir'd; but before a supply cou'd be got to this place from Sir Jno. St. Clair, or Govnr. Sharpe the Work (with what few we have) I hope may be near finish'd. Rum too, I fear will be a scarce Article with Us.
Pray what will be done with that Company of Byrd's Regiment order'd to take Post at Edwards's and Pearsalls? shall they continue there, or join their Regiment? I left in consequence of your Orders an Officer and 30 Men Invalids at Fort Loudoun for safety of the Stores &c., lodg'd there, and also a Sergeant and 12 at Pearsalls to secure that Post, and keep open the Road for Expresses (for no more can be expected from so small a Command). Byrd I hope will leave 6 or 8 of his Invalids or bad Men at Edwards's for the same purpose.
There came 28 waggon's to this place with me, and I believe if they were wanted, 10 more might be had upon the South Branch, strong and good; but carrying Horses are certainly more eligible for the Service we are destin'd.
I have us'd my best endeavours to get my Men equip'd with Powder Horns and Shott Pouches, and have procur'd 330 of the former, and 339 of the latter; besides the Linnen ones, with which we are compleated.
I have receiv'd a very Scanty allowance of Tents for the 5 Companies with me, vizt., sixty-nine only; out of these most of the Officers must either be supplied, or lye uncover'd; they will readily pay for what they receive, if requir'd. No. Bell Tents were sent to Us.
My Men are very bare of Cloaths (Regimentals I mean), and I have no prospect of a Supply; this want, so far from my regretting during this Campaigne, that were I left to pursue my own Inclinations I wou'd not only order the Men to adopt the Indian dress, but cause the Officers to do it also, and be the first to set the example myself. Nothing but the uncertainty of its taking with the General causes me to hesitate a moment at leaving my Regimentals at this place, and proceeding as light as any Indian in the Woods. 'T is an unbecoming dress, I confess, for an officer; but convenience rather than shew, I think shou'd be consulted.34 The reduction of Bat Horses alone, is sufficient to recommend it; for nothing is more certain than that less baggage will be requir'd, and that the Publick will be benifitted in proportion.
[Note 34: The frontiersmen, or woodsmen garb, of hunting shirt and leggings, sometimes described as Indian dress. Bouquet wrote (July 14): "I am extremely obliged to you for this extraordinary dispatch [the arrival of Maj. Andrew Lewis's detachment]. Their dress should be our pattern in this expedition."]
I was desirous of being thus full in my Letter to you; how far it may be consistent with good Policy, as there is at least a possibility of its falling into the Enemy's hands, I know not: but I shall be directed in these affairs by you. I am, etc.
July 3, 1758.
Sir: Since closing mine of this date, a dispute has arisen between Mr. Joseph Gailbraith (an Assistant Victualler of Mr. Hoops') and I concerning Salt. Our Stock of Meat is chiefly fresh, and he refuses to find Salt for it; whether it is his duty to do it or not, I can't say; but unless it is done, the Men will inevitably be visited with fluxes and other Disorders that may render them incapable of immediate Service. There is some Salt at this place belonging to Virginia, which I shall make use of till I receive your Orders on this head.
There is one Jno. McCullough here, who wou'd make an exceeding good Waggon Master, and we shall certainly want one, or two, if all the Waggon's that I have together with those which Colo. Byrd may bring, shou'd be detain'd in the Service.
I shou'd be glad to know if such Persons are allow'd? and if they are, how many Waggons each takes charge of?, and their Pay pt. Day? I am Sir, etc.
Camp near Fort Cumberland, July 7, 1758.
Sir: Colo. Byrd with 8 Companies of his Regim't arriv'd here yesterday, he left many sick Men behind him, as may be seen by the Inclos'd report; which, with the Company he Posted at Edwards's and Pearsalls, reduces our strength Considerably.
I am a good deal at a loss therefore, to know how to Act for the best, since your last Orders for joining you at Rays Town were not positive, and seem'd to be given on a supposition that Mr. Walker either cou'd not, or was not to supply us with Provisions here. Your doubts will in some measure be obviated when you see Mr. Walker's Letter to me on this head; and the returns of our Provisions; which I now send. If this therefore was your motive for desiring a Garrison to be left at this place, and for me to March on to Rays Town with the remainder of the Virginia Troops, you will, I presume, countermand our March to that place, for the following Reasons: first, because 300 Men may, I think, open the Communication to Rays Town with safety, and with much greater case and convenience than if our whole Body Marches on, incumber'd with a number of Waggons. Secondly, it will, if the Army is oblig'd to take this Rout as I am told from all hands it certainly must, prevent the fatigues of a Counter march to Men and Horses, just going upon Service; thirdly, it will afford us an opportunity of lodging our Provisions and Stores here, while the Waggons may return for another Convoy, and save by that means the great expense of transporting them to there and back again, if we shou'd not be able to proceed from thence. And fourthly, Colo. Byrd Assures me that the Indians with him absolutely refuse to march any other Road than this they are acquainted with.
I was advis'd to hint these things to you, and wait the result of your answer before I put the whole in Motion. Whatever you direct under the Circumstances I shall execute with the greatest punctuality, and Expedition in my power. I enclose a return of the No. of Waggons now at this place, that you may be judge of the Expence.
Captn. Dagworthy telling me that Governor Sharpe is to open the Road to the Town Creek (which is within 15 Miles of this place) and as Maryland has near 200 Men here fit for Duty, I hope you will be of opinion that they are sufficiently strong to proceed on the Fort Frederick Road, without needing a reinforcement from us; especially if you will please to consider at the same time, that they are in a manner cover'd by the Troops at this place, and those which may be employ'd on the Road to Rays Town, on which I shall send a detachment to Work tomorrow.
I had wrote thus far when your Letter of yesterday came to hand; as we lye so contiguous, and can hear in so short a time from you, I shall only be preparing to obey your Orders; but shall not actually March till I hear from you again.
A pretty good stock of Liquor came up with the last convoy. We have no Hay at this place; 'twas Corn I call'd forage. We shall have Tools sufficient for opening the Road to Rays Town among the Artificers of Colo. Byrd's Regiment, and I enclose a list of what is here, belonging to Maryland, that you may be able to judge of their wants.
I am sorry to hear that the Cattawbas have so egregiously misbehav'd. When I write to Govr. Fauquier, which I expect may be in a few days; I shall touch on this subject. I am etc.
Camp near Fort Cumberland, July 9, 1758.
Sir: Your favour of yesterday was deliver'd me last Night. I immediately directed all your Orders to be executed. The Waggons (save those attending the Road Cutters) go of to day. Three Companies under Colo. Mercer proceed on the Rays Town Road, which we began to open Yesterday; they carry 6 days Provisions with them, and Orders to apply to you for more, if that don't suffice. Captn. Dagworthy and the Marylanders begin to open the Road to Morrow toward Fort Frederick; and are furnish'd with 10 days Provisions for that purpose; but an extraordinary Affair has happen'd in regard to their Provisions; I mean that having no Flour, notwithstanding 6000 lbs. and better, was included in a return which I sent you Sign'd by their Commissary, I have been oblig'd already to supply them with 2000 w't. of this Article, and shou'd be glad to know if they are entitled to any part of the Provisions laid in here by Mr. Walker for the use of the Virginia Troops; under the Circumstances they were; I was oblig'd to deliver out the above Flour, or see them starve, or desert, the latter they yet seem very Inclinable to do.
Maj. Lewis of the first Regiment attends you with 200 Men with whom I have Order'd Captns. Frazer and Walker to proceed to you. I am Sir with great regard, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, July 10, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: Your favour of the 25th. past, I had the Honour to receive Yesterday. I am oblig'd to you for the blank Commission you sent me, your honour may depend, I shall have regard to strict justice in disposing of it.
I March'd from Winchester the 24th. Ulto. according to Orders, and Incamp'd at this place the 2d. Inst., Colo. Byrd follow'd the 26th. and arriv'd here 4 days after me; before I left Winchester I appointed Lieut't Smith of my Regiment and 30 Invalids to remain at Fort Loudoun to take care of our Stores; and I order'd him to continue the minor at Work in the Well, and to proceed in covering the Barracks till your Honour shou'd be pleas'd to direct him further in this matter. The Works wou'd have sustain'd considerable damage if these small but essential parts of it, were neglected. I left Mr. Smith £25 for this purpose, which he is to account for.
Inclos'd is an account of the Stores left at Winchester; the Arms are not Included; because they were then repairing at the Armourers. I have however directed Mr. Smith to transmit your Honour an Acct. of them by this Express. I have also Inclos'd an Account of the Tools deliver'd out of our Stores, to the Artificer's of Colo. Byrds Regiment, by Order of Sir Jno. St. Clair; and have directed Mr. Ramsay (Contractor for supplying the Troops of Virginia with Provisions) to render your Honour an exact account of all the Provisions that has been expended, of his purchasing, since the time of Sir John St. Clairs first arrival at Winchester; that you may be able to settle that matter on the part of Virginia; it being imagin'd, we are entitled to Provisions from the Crown, since that time.
A letter from Colo. Bouquet of the 6th. which I have just receiv'd Contains this Paragraph.
"The Cuttawba's under the Command of Captn. Johnne are gone to Winchester; they have behav'd in the most shamefull manner, and run away as a parcell of thieves rather than Warriors without seeing me; they have never kill'd a deer, and there is the strongest suspicians that the Scalp they pretend to have taken was an old one.
I think it wou'd be very necessary to send a message to their Nation to complain of their Conduct and know at once if they are Friends or Enemies. if you approve of it, I shou'd be oblig'd to you to proprose the thing to the Governor of Virginia: I write to General Forbes on the subject."
We have no advice of the General, and there is the greatest uncertainty when we shall move from this place. I am etc.
Camp at Fort Loudoun, July 13, 1758.
Sir: Your favour of the 11th., I had the pleasure to receive the same day by Doct'r Johnston,35 nothing extraordinary since my last has occurr'd.
[Note 35: Dr. John Johnston.]
By a party from Colo. Mercer, to this place for Provisions; I find they have open'd the Road 6 Miles only; and that they proceed much slower in this Service than I expected: this possibly may arise from the pains they take to make the Road good, and from the width of it (30 Feet) which I directed, that two Waggons might go a brest conveniently; if you don't open yours in this manner, I shou'd be oblig'd to you to direct Captn. Mercer otherwise, as it will be useless to have one part wide, and the other narrow.
It gives me great pleasure to find you approve of the dress I have put my Men into. It is evident, Sold'rs in that trim are better able to carry their Provisions; are fitted for the active Service we must engage in; less liable to sink under the fatiegues of a36 March; and by this means, get rid of much baggage that wou'd consequently, if carri'd protract our line of March; this, and not whim or caprice, are really my reasons for ordering them into it.
[Note 36: The letter as sent, which is printed by Smith in the Magazine of American History, reads: "a long March besides the advantages of contracting by this means our line of March which must extend always in proportion as we are incumber'd with carriages or horses." Washington also omitted, in copying his letter into the "Bouquet Expedition Letter Book," "I beg pardon for the liberty I have taken in recommending a letter for Majr. Halket to your care." The letter to Halkett was that of July 16.]
I have heard nothing from Captn. Dagworthy since he March'd; but expect the Waggons are at Winchester by this time, that I dispatch'd the same day.
With most sincere regard I am. etc.
Camp at Fort Cumbd. abt 9 Thursday Night, July 13, 1758.
Sir: About 4 Oclock this Afternoon, after I had clos'd my letter to you, I receiv'd Intelligence that two Men were kill'd and a third taken prisoner on the Road about a Mile from this place. I got the Indians to go, and sent a Command of 50 Men immediately to the spot, where they took the Track of six Indians, and followed them till near dark; when the Indians return'd, as did our Party also.
They discover'd that one of the Men kill'd was a Soldier of the second Regiment; and that the other two were herders going to our Grass Guards37 in the most careless, stragling manner, contrary to repeated Orders and positive orders given, to prevent Soldiers stragling from camp, or small Parties going out.
[Note 37: A guard stationed at the grazing grounds to protect the cattle.]
The Mischief was done about 8 this Morning. Our discovery of it too late to give us a chance to overtaking the enemy. I thought it advisable nevertheless to give you Information that the Enemy are abt., and that I expect we shall be pester'd w'h them all this Moon; haunting our Camps; and watching our Motions.
I have appriz'd Colo. Mercer, Captn. Dagworthy and all our out Parties of this Murder, that they may be strictly upon their Guard Marching; and vigilant in their Camps.
The Inclos'd I this Inst't receiv'd from Captn. Dagworthy; if it is not in your power to afford him assistance; as it is entirely out of mine to do it. Captn. Bosomworth &c, are safely arriv'd here; he and Colo. Byrd join me in their Complim'ts. I am etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, July 16, 1758.
Sir: I was favoured with yours of the 14th. Inst't, at 11 Oclock last Night, the Express who brought it, informs me, that he was twice fired at by six Indians, and oblig'd to abandon his Horse
There's three Parties gone from hence towards the Enemy's Country within these few days. The largest of them, (consisting of an Officer and 18 Cherokees,) March'd 3 days ago. I always send out some white people with the Indians, and will to day or to morrow, send an Officer and some alert white men, with another Party of Cherokees as you desire it; tho' I must confess, that I think these Scalping Parties of Indians we send out, will more effectually harass the Enemy (by keeping them under continual Alarms) than any Parties of white People can do; because small parties of ours are not equal to the undertaking, (not being so dexterous at skulking as Indians;) and large ones will be discover'd by their spies early enough to give the Enemy time to repell them by a superior Force; and at all events, there is a great probability of loosing many of our best men, and fatiguing others before the most essential Services are enter'd upon and am afraid not answer the propos'd end.
You are pleas'd to desire my Opinion with regard to making an Irruption into the Enemy's Country with a strong Party. As such an Enterprize, at this juncture, when we may suppose the Enemy have, or are collecting their principal force in that Vicinity, wou'd require a formidable party, the supplying of which with Provisions, &ca, immediately might be difficult and the March of such a Body so considerable a distance must be discovered, as they have Parties continually watching our Motions, which wou'd too probably terminate in the miscarriage, of the Enterprize, and perhaps the destruction of our Party. I shou'd think it more eligible therefore to defer it, till the Army reaches pretty near that Country.
I shall direct the Officer that Marches towards the Enemy to be at particular pains in reconnoitring General Braddock's Road; tho I have had repeated accounts of it wanting such small repairs as can with ease be done as fast as the Army can March; it is impossible for me to send out any Men to repair it, as Colo. Mercer and Captn. Dagworthy got every Tool for that purpose I had. If we had Tools to go upon the Roads, the 2d. Company of Artificers wou'd no doubt be wanted here, but as it is, I imagine they will be better employed with you.
The malbehaviour of the Indians with you, gives me great concern;38 if they were hearty in our Interest their Services wou'd be infinitely valuable, as I cannot conceive the best white Men to be equal to them in the Woods; but I fear they are too sensible of their high Importance to us, to render us any very acceptable Service.
[Note 38: The Cherokees had gone away with stolen goods. Bouquet wrote (July 14): "It is a great humiliation for us to be obliged to suffer the repeated insolence of such rascals. I think it would be easier to make Indians of our white men, than to cox [coax] that damned tanny race."]
As the Par of Exchange between Virginia and Pensylvania is, by the Laws of the two Provinces, settled at 25 pr. Ct. in favour of the former, I apprehend we can have no right to settle on any other footing; especially as any material deviation therefrom might be productive of very bad consequences.
Since writing the above, the Warrior of the Party of Cherokees insisted on Marching Instantly, and that but one white Man shou'd go, they are gone, and I have given the white Man necessary Orders relative to the Road &c.
Inclos'd is a return of our Provisions; since the making out of which, the Marylanders drew 10 days Prov'n for 200 Men. I am etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, July 16, 1758.
Dear Halkett: Last night I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 8th. Inst't from Carlyle, covering general Orders; from the General. I have all along acted agreeble to the greatest part of them; and shall obey with the utmost exactness, so far as I am able, the others; but there are some things contain'd there which the Nature of the disagreeable Establishment I am on, renders impractacable; for how Impossible that Men; who only receive Pay once in two Months; and sometimes not so often, and then have a £5 or 10£ Bill (for we seldom get any small ones) given amongst several of them, can pay ready money for every little necessary they may want; nor can any money procure prickers and Brushes in this Country, brushes especially.
With regard to a return of those that draw Provisions; the first Regiment is at present so much dispers'd that it is now Impossible for me to send you an exact return but will loose no time in collecting those from the different Detachments, and sending you a general one of the whole by the first oppertunity afterwards.
It gives me a great deal of pleasure to find that I have in a great measure, anticipated the Generals Sentiments and Orders, in regard to dress. And reduction of Baggage; I am sensible that I have by this means lessen'd the appearance of the first Virginia Regiment, but I beg the General will think that, I have render'd them more fit for the active Service they are to engage in, by this means; now give me leave to say that I ever must be Yrs. most Affectionately,
Camp at Fort Cumberland, July 16, 1758.
Sir: Your favours of the 13th. and 14th. lye before me to answer, I have Order'd the Paymaster, and Quarter Master, to make use of the Escort that attends Governor Glen,39 and desire you will cause them to return to this place as soon as possible. The Quarter Master brings you all the stuff he has for Breech Clouts: if the quantity falls short you must purchase more, and charge the Publick with the cost (if he has not oppertunity of doing it himself while there).
[Note 39: James Glen, former Governor of South Carolina.]
I have directed the adjutant to transmit you a Copy of several Orders that I have Issued at this place for regulating the Mens dress; and beg that you will cause them to be punctually observ'd by that part of the first Regiment under your Command. It gives me great pleasure to find this Dress; or undress as you justly remark; so pleasing to Colo. Bouquet, and that therein I seem to have anticipated the Generals Orders. If my Orders shou'd be a little unintelligable in any Instance you will make the dress of the Officers and Soldiers of Maj. Lewis's Company a guide to come at my meaning; that we may, even in this trim, have some regard to uniformity.
Leaving all our Cloathing at once place is certainly right, and I shou'd be glad if you cou'd contrive yours here least you shou'd take some other Rout.
You have doubtless heard the Generals Orders of the 5th. publish'd at Rays Town, I expect therefore, that you will pay strict regard to them.
I offer my Compliments to all our Officers with you, and am Sir, etc.
Camp near Fort Cumberland, July 19, 1758.
Sir: Your obliging favour of this date, I just now had the pleasure of receiving. You make me quite happy by your coinciding on opinion with me, relative to the propos'd Expedition.
Captain Dagworthy's Party return'd hither yesterday in consequence of Orders from Sir Jno. St. Clair, forwarded by the Commanding Officer at Fort Frederick. I have directed him to finish a Bridge at this place, which I imagine he will effect by to morrow Night, with his Tools; I will next day send out a Party on General Braddock's Road, which I shall be able to reinforce when Colo. Mercer returns.
I am excessively oblig'd by the very handsome and polite manner by which you are pleas'd to give me leave to attend the Election at Winchester. Tho' my being there on that occasion, wou'd, at any other time, be very agreeable to me, yet at this juncture I can hardly perswade myself to think of being absent from my more immediate Duty, even for a few days. I will not however come to any absolute determination in this matter till I receive answers to some Letters on that subject (which I expect this Night, or to-morrow)40 in the meantime, I beg you will allow me to Subscribe myself with great truth and sincerity, etc.
[Note 40: Washington had decided to offer himself to the electors of Frederick County, Va., as a candidate for the House of Burgesses. Some opposition was aroused that seemed to his friends to require his presence to allay during the poll, and Colonel Bouquet gave him leave to attend the election, a permission of which he did not avail himself. In his absence, Col. James Wood, the founder of Winchester, represented him, being "carried round the town in the midst of a general applause and huzzaing for Colonel Washington." "We have dull barbacues," wrote his former secretary, John Kirkpatrick, "and yet duller dances. An election causes a hubbub for a week or so, and then we are dead a while." The vote was taken on July 24, and resulted in the election of Washington and Col. Thomas Bryan Martin, the poll standing as follows: Washington, 307; Colonel Martin, 240; Captain Swearingen, 45; and Hugh West, 199. Colonel Martin was a nephew of Lord Fairfax and afterwards agent of the Fairfax estates. A copy of the poll in Washington's writing is in the Washington Papers.
Lieut. Charles Smith handled the election expense accounts for Washington. There are five accounts in the Washington Papers showing the items of Washington's expenses for entertaining the voters at this election:
Camp near Fort Cumberland, July 21, 1758.
Sir: I had, before Colo. Stephen came to this place, abandon't all thoughts of attending Personally at the Election in Winchester; choosing rather to leave the management of that matter to the care of my Friends, than be absent from my Regiment when there is a probability of its being call'd upon. I am much pleas'd now that I did do so.
Colo. Byrd has given me your Letter of Yesterday; in consequence, I send you a return of the Forage, and he writes to Mr. Gist for Vermilion for the Indians.
We participate in the joy felt for the success of his Majesty's Arms at Louisburg, &ca.; and sincerely lament the loss of that brave and active Nob'n Lord Howe.42
[Note 42: George Augustus, Viscount Howe, brigadier general in America. He was killed near Ticonderoga, N.Y., on July 6 He was well liked throughout the Colonies.]
We have got the bridge finish'd at this place, and to morrow Maj'r Peachy, with 300 Men, proceed to open Genl. Braddock's Road. I shall direct their going to George's Creek, 10 Miles advanc'd; by that time I may possibly hear from you; if they go further, it may be requisite to reinforce the Party, but this matter I suppose will be Order'd according to the Route determin'd on by the General; for it will be needless to open a road that no use is made of43 afterwards.
[Note 43: "The general has sent my brother George to Reas' Town, with orders to take with him a hundred men, in order to find out and mark a road from Reas' Town as near to Fort Duquesne as he can possibly go, leaving General Braddock's road and the Yohiogaine entirely to the left."-- Col. John Armstrong to Governor Denny, July 20, 1758. This letter is in the Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 2, p. 483.]
Colo. Stephen gives me some room to apprehend that a Body of light Troops may soon move on. I pray your Interest, most Sincerely, with the General, to get my Regiment and myself Included in the Number. If there needs any Arguments to obtain this favour, I hope, without vanity, I may be allow'd to say that from long Intimacy, and frequent Scouting in these Woods, my Men are as well acquainted with all the Passes and difficulties, as any Troops that will be employ'd, and therefore may answer any purpose intended by them, as well as any other Body.
The General directs, that the Troops be provided with covers to their Locks. Where to get these I know not; there is but one possible way of succeeding, and that is by taking the neats Hides; and these will fall short. The Commissaries ask 18/. apiece for them. I should be glad of your advice in this case, as also what will be done with the Waggons expected up in our next Convoy. I can't say exactly what Number there may be of them, but suppose the Provisions, Forage, and Stores, can't employ less than 50. I am etc.44
[Note 44: The letter as sent, printed by Smith in the Magazine of American History, adds "Please to offer my compliments to Mr. Glen and forward a letter herewith to Majr. Halket."]
Fort Cumberland, July 21, 1758.
Dear Halkett: Inclos'd are two returns, one of the number of Persons we draw Provisions for; the other of the strength of the Regiment, made out from those lately receiv'd from the several Detachments. I hope they will please, but if any other form is required to be kind enough to advertise me of it, and I shall execute the Orders.
It is morally impossible to get at this place, covers for our Gun Locks having nothing but Neats Hydes to make them of; and an insufficiency of those to answer the purpose. The Commissaries ask 18/ a piece for them; pray give me your advice in this case.
I find by the Generals Orders that a Brigade Major is appointed pointed to the Pensylvania Troops, if any is allow'd for Ours, give me leave to sollicit your Interest in favour of Captn. Robt. Stewart (if it shou'd not be found incompatable with his duty as a Horse Officer). His Military knowledge is Second to none in our Service and his assiduity I can greatly confide in. I can't use the freedom of mentioning it to the General, nor shou'd I trouble you with it at this time, were I not appris'd that application cation in behalf of others either have been making, or are intended to be made.
farewell my dear Halkett. I heartily wish you every perfect enjoyment your Soul can desire, and am most Affectionately, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, July 24, 1758.
Sir: The Inclos'd came to my hands a few hours after I dispatch'd my last by Frazier. I did not know but it might enable you to determine what had best be done with the Waggons, and therefore I send it. If we are to lye at this place any time, perhaps you may think it advisable to send the Waggons down for another Convoy. I shou'd not choose to propose any thing that might seem officious; but wou'd it not facilitate the Operations of the Campaigne if the Virginia Troops were Order'd to proceed as far as the great Crossing and construct, Posts at the most advantagious situations; opening the Road at the same time as they go, if any use is intended to be made of this Road, great advantages will be diriv'd from such a procedure, certainly. In such an event, I shou'd be glad to be joined by that part of my Regiment at Rays Town.
Major Peachy, who Commands the Working Party on Genl. Braddocks Road, writes me, that he finds little repairs wanting; I shall however Order him to Night, to proceed as far as Savage River and then Return, as his Party is rather too Weak to adventure it further.
All the Indian Parties that went out, are now return'd (save one, consisting of three only) without making any discoveries.
I beg leave to assure you that I am most Sincerely, Sir, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, July 25, 1758.
Dear Sir: I wrote you by Colo. Stephen, since which I have been favor'd with your kind, and agreeable favour of Yesterday.
We have advice that our Second Convoy of 70 odd Waggons (contents I enclos'd you Yesterday) will be at the South Branch to day, where I expect they will be join'd by some Waggons with forage, the number I can't ascertain, and all proceed to this place immediately, on Friday I shall look for them.
I shall most chearfully proceed on any Road; pursue any Rout; or enter upon any Service; that the General or yourself can think me usefully employ'd in; and shall never have a Will of my own, when a duty is required of me: but since you desire me to speak; permit me to observe this that after having convers'd with all the Guides, and been convinced by them and every other who has knowledge of the Country, that a Road comparable to General Braddocks (or indeed fit for any Service at all even for carrying Horses) cannot be made, I own I say after this, I shou'd sollicit that rout with less Warmth; not because difficulties appear in it; but because I shou'd much doubt giving satisfaction in the executive part; I don't know what reports you may have got from your reconnoitring Parties but I have been told on all hands that if any thing is expected there must be disappointments; for nothing can be taken that way without destroying our Horses.
I shou'd however be extremely glad of one hours conference with you and that when the General arrives. I cou'd then better [explain myself]45 and think I cou'd demonstrate the advantages of pushing out a Body of light Troops on this
[Note 45: The words in brackets were added by Washington in 1784--85 after erasing the 1758 words with a knife so thoroughly as to be indecipherable.] Quarter; I shou'd make a Trip to Rays Town with great pleasure if my absence here cou'd be dispens'd with a day or two, and that you can best now judge of.
We shall need no Provisions from you, this Second Convoy added to what we have, will furnish us with a tolerable good stock.
If Maj. Livingston, or any other Officer at this place draws more than one Ration, it is contrary to Orders, and my knowledge; and must be attributed to the Commissary, whose fault chiefly it must be for delivering it.
We have been oblig'd, for the sake of our Cattle, to move our Grass Guard to Cresaps, 15 Miles from [hence],46 there the Provisions is slaughter'd and serv'd out to the Guard; and to the Troop of light Horse also at that place); it is therefore necessary that Mr. Dow, or an attendant of the Commissarys shou'd be present and see to the Issuing of it. There were two Commissaries at this place, besides a numberless train of Butchers, Herders, &ca., so immensely Lazy that I was under a necessity of Ordering some of them to attend the Guard, for the Commissaries looking upon the Cattle to be at the Kings risque, was under no concern what went with them, and gave themselves no trouble on that Score about them.
[Note 46: The word in brackets was added by Washington in 1784--85 after erasing the 1758 word with a knife so thoroughly as to be indecipherable.]
I send you a return of Colo. Byrds Regiment,47 and of the Maryland Troops at this place. I shou'd also have sent you one of the first Regiment, but the Adjutant got leave to accompany Colo. Stephen to Ray's Town on some business of his own, and lock'd up the Returns; I can therefore make out one only for the Companies present and this I send to him to compleated for your use.
[Note 47: This return, dated July 24, 1758, is in the Washington Papers.]
Kelly and Stalnaker (two guides) are on the Road with Maj. Peachy; all the rest, at this place, I directed to attend you.
It wou'd be extremely Inconvenient for me, at this time, to Garrison the Block House on Rays Town Road, having such large Commands already out, and the Camp Duty very hard upon us. I am with most sincere Regard etc.48
[Note 48: In reply Colonel Bouquet wrote (July 27): "Nothing can be greater than your generous dispositions for the Service and the candid Exposition of your Sentiments; I See with the utmost Satisfaction, that you are above the Influences of Prejudice, and ready to go heartily where Reason and Judgment Shall direct. I wish, Sincerely, that we may all center in one and the Same opinion; therefore I desire to have an Interview with you at the houses built half Way betwixt our Camps. I will communicate all the Intelligence, I was able to collect; and, weighing impartially the advantages and disadvantages of Each Communication We shall I hope be able between you and I, to determine what is most eligible, and Save to the General trouble and loss of time." The interview took place, but Forbes was not convinced by Washington.]
Camp at Fort Cumberland, July 28, 1758.
Dear Sir: Your favour of yesterday I had the pleasure of receiving last Night. I detain'd the Party till my Adjutant's return from Rays Town (which I hourly Expected) imagining something by him, might arrive that wou'd require answering by it.
I have given Captn. Dagworthy Orders to March to Rays Town so soon as he can draw in his Grass Guard. Inclos'd is a return of the Tents wanting to compleat the first Regiment and I have desir'd Colo. Byrd to send one for the 2d. Regiment also.
I will agreeable to your direction's, send the Waggons back to Winchester, having receiv'd no Orders to the Contrary from the General or Sir John.
Forty Six of Colo. Byrds Indians have left this for their Nation; 16 Only remain. I was greatly surpris'd to hear of a Report spread, and believ'd in your Camp, that a Party of Delawares were come into this place; there never has been the least distant cause for such a report.
As I shall have the great pleasure of seeing you to morrow, will till then, defer entering upon the most important parts of your Letter. In the meantime I beg leave to Subscribe myself with great sincerity. Dear Sir, etc.
[July, 1758.]
My Dear Colonel: If thanks flowing from a heart replete with joy and Gratitude can in any Measure compensate for the fatigue, anxiety and Pain you had at my Election, be assured you have them. 'tis a poor, but I am convinced welcome tribute to a generous Mind; such, I believe yours to be.
How I shall thank Mrs. Wood for her favourable Wishes? and how acknowledge my Sense of Obligations to the People in General for their choice of me I am at a loss to resolve on; but why; Can I do it more effectually than by making their Interests (as it really is) my own, and doing everything that lyes in my little Power for the Hon'r and welfare of the County; I think not; and my best endeavours they may always Command. I promise this now, when promises may be regarded, before they might pass as words of Course.
I am extreme thankful to you and my other friends for entertaining the Freeholders in my name. I hope no Exception were taken to any that voted against me but that all were alike treated and all had enough; it is what I much desir'd; my only fear is that you spent with too sparing a hand.
I don't like to touch upon our Public Affairs; the Prospect is overspread by too many ills to give a favourable Acct. I will therefore say little, but yet say this, that backwardness appears in all things but the approach of Winter;--that joggs on apace.52
[Note 52: This letter, which was written after the Fairfax election (Ford dates it July), was drafted by Washington on the address leaf of Colonel Wood's letter to him of July 7. William Sprague appropriated the Wood letter, tore off this address leaf, and left it, with a copy of Wood's, in the Washington Papers. He either did not recognize Washington's handwriting or else had no interest in the drafted answer because it is unsigned.]
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 2, 1758.
Sir: Those matters we talk'd of relative to the Roads has since our parting been the object of my closest attention, and so far am I from altering my opinion that the more time and attention I give thereto, the more I am confirm'd in it; as the validity of the reasons for taking the old Road appear in a stronger point of view. To enumerate the whole of these Reasons wou'd be tedious: and to you who is become so much master of that Subject, unnecessary; therefore I will only briefly mention a few which I conceive so obvious in themselves, as must to any unbiass'd mind effectually remove what is objected to General Braddock's Road, and urg'd in favor of a Road to be open'd from Rays Town.
Several years ago the Virginians and Pensylvanians commenc'd a Trade with the Indians settled on the Ohio, and to remove the many Inconveniences a bad Road subjected them to, they, after reiterated efforts to discover where a good one might be made were found ineffectual, employ'd several of the most intelligent Indians who in the course of many years hunting acquired a perfect knowledge of these Mountains to attempt it, but these Indian's after having taken the greatest pains to gain the Rewards then offer'd for this discovery declared the Path leading from Wills Creek was infinitely preferable to any that cou'd be made at any other place; Time and experience so clearly demonstrated this truth, that the Pensylvania Traders commonly carried their Goods thither by Will's Creek, therefore the Ohio Company in 1753 at a considerable Expense open'd a Road thither. In 1754 the Troops I had the hon'r to Command greatly repair'd it as far as Gist's Plantation; and in 1755 it was widened and completed by General Braddock within 6 miles of Fort Duquesne; consequently a Road that has been so long open'd, so well repair'd; and so often, must be much firmer and better than a new one, allowing the Ground to be originally equally as good.
But supposing it was practicable to make a Road from Rays Town quite as good as General Braddock's, I ask if we have time to do it? certainly not, Surmounting the vast difficulties to be encounter'd in making it over such monstrous Mountains, covered with woods and Rocks wou'd require so much time as to blast our otherwise well grounded hopes of striking the long wish'd for and Important Stroke this Season; and deferring it to another year wou'd, I am morally certain, be productive of the most destructive Consequences to the Southern and middle Colonies; for they have to make a noble push towards ending those Calamities under which they so long have groan'd, granted supplies beyond their abilities. These Funds will, in a few months be exhausted; the Troops of course disbanded. Their inability and discouragement from so great a disappointment will prevent their attempting a similar effort against another Season, and experience evinces, that Expence and Numbers must be encreas'd in proportion to our Delays.
The Southern Indians have from our bad Success, and inactivity, long look'd upon us in a despicable light, have already committed Hostilities on our Frontiers, and only wait the result of this Campaign to unmask themselves; which wou'd be such an acquisition to the Enemy as might terminate in our Destruction.
The favourable accounts some give, of the Forage on the Rays Town Road being so much better than the other is certainly exaggerated, greatly, as every unprejudiced person who are acquainted with both, agrees that the only difference between the Mountains here and there is, that those are more inaccessible; And it is well known that in both, the rich Valleys, between the Mountains abound with good food, and those that are Stony and Brushy are destitute; Colo. Byrd and the Engineer that accompanied him confirm this truth; And surely the Meadows on this Road wou'd greatly overbalance the advantage of having Grass to the foot of the ridge on this side the Mountain on the Rays Town Road and all agree that a more barren Road is no where to be found than from Rays Town to the Inhabitants which is likewise to be consider'd with the badness of the Road.
And the Principal objection made to Genl. Braddock's Road is that of the waters to pass; but these very rarely swell so much as to obstruct the Passage. The Yaughyaughgane which is the most rapid and soonest filled I with a Body of Troops, have cross'd after 30 odd days almost constant Rain. In fine any difficulties that may arise therefrom are so trivial that they are really not worth mentioning. The Monongahela the largest of all these Rivers may, if necessary, be easily avoided as Mr. Frazer, (the principal Guide) informs me by passing a Defile which I cannot conceive to be so bad as commonly represented; but even that he tells me, may be shunn'd.
It is said again that there are many Defiles on this Road, I grant there are some, but know of none that cannot be travers'd if found necessary; and I shou'd be glad to know where a Road can be had over these Mountains not subject to this Inconvenience; unless they kept the heights always, and that is impracticable.
The shortness of the Road from Rays Town to Fort Duquesne by Loyal hanny,53 is us'd as an argument in disfavor of this Road, and bears some thing in it unaccountable to me, for I must beg leave to ask here, if it requires more time, or is it more difficult and expensive, to go 145 miles in a good Road already made to our hands, or to cut 100 miles in length, great part of which over almost inaccessible Mountains, and, to say, or think, we can do nothing more this Fall than to fortify some Post on the other side of the Mountains and prepare against another Campaigne I must pray Heaven, most fervently, to avert! till we find it impracticable at least to prosecute with prudence the Enterprise in hand. We have yet time enough to Transport Provisions to last the Siege and to support the Troops that may Winter there, as I shall endeavor hereafter to shew, at any rate it never can be an argument for opening the other Road at this time, because supposing we are not able to do no more than construct a Post on the other side the Mountains, that Post undoubtedly must be on a Road that has the easiest and nearest Communication with the Settlements where supplies are to be drawn from; for to say nothing of the great advantage of water Carriage this way which certainly is immense (as you will find by Doctr. Ross's Estimation that you shewed me) or of the infinite odds in the goodness of the Roads w'ch is very evident to all who have travelled both, either from the Inhabitants to the advanced Posts or from the advanced Posts to Fort Duquesne, I say to put these reasons aside (altho' they ought to have their due weight) yet this way as being so much nearer the Settlements has much advantage. That it is nearer Winchester in Virginia and Fort Frederick in Maryland by
[Note 53: Loyalhanna, Pa. Fort Ligonier was afterwards built on this spot. In the New York Public Library is a manuscript map, made by Washington, of a section of Bouquet's new road, from the thirty-second to the forty-third mile tree. It includes a road area of approximately 12 miles, but the exact location is difficult to fix.] many miles are facts incontestable; and I here shew the difference of the two Roads to Carlyle by giving you the distance of the different stages; some of which I have from information only, but believe them to be just.
From Carlyle to Fort Duquesne by Rays Town.
From Carlyle to Ft. Duquesne by Ft. Fredk. and Cumberland.
By this Computation there appears to be a difference of 19 miles only, were all the Supplies oblig'd to come from Carlyle it is well known that the goodness of this Road is a sufficient compensation for the shortness of the other, as the wreck'd and broken waggons clearly demonstrate.
I shall next give you my reasons against dividing the Army in the manner you propose, and after that endeavour to shew how the Grass on the other road can be made proper use of.
First then by dividing our Army we divide our strength, and by pursuing quite distinct Routs put it entirely out of the power of each Division to succor the other as the propos'd new Road has no Communication with the old.
Secondly to March in this manner will be attended with many Inconveniences; as first if we depart from our advanc'd Posts at the same time and make no Deposits by the way, those troops who goes from Rays Town as they will be lights having Carrying Horses only, will arrive at Fort Duquesne long before he others, and must if the Enemy are strong there, be expos'd possibly to many Insults in their intrenchments from the Cannon of the Enemy which they may draw out upon them at their pleasure: if they are not strong enough to do this to that Division we have but little to apprehend from them go which way or how we will. Thirdly if that Division that Escorts the Convoy is permitted to march first, we risk our all in a manner, and are ruin'd if any accident happens to the artillery, to the Stores &ca.; and lastly if we advance on both roads by Deposits we must double our number of Troops over the Mountains, and distress ourselves by victualling of them in these Deposites, besides losing the propos'd advantage, that of stealing a march; For we cannot suppose the French who have their Scouts constantly out, can be so deficient in point of Intelligence as to be unacquainted with our motions when we are advancing by slow Degrees towards them.
Now Sir, the advantage I wou'd propose to make of the Forrage along the other Path is, to support all the Carrying Horses that can possibly be collected, and sent that way after we are fortunate enough to lie before Fort Duquesne; here not only the carrying Horses that were to be us'd out as such, but officers' horses, and even the waggon Horses also, may be employ'd in this Service, if saddles or packs are provided in the meantime at Rays Town for them to return with.
Great advantages may be Derived from such a measure, because as the food of the old Road wou'd be entirely eaten up going, and the horses get weak, it wou'd be impossible that the waggons cou'd return for another Convoy; tho' the horses might nevertheless be in a condition to come down light along a Road abounding with food, and be able to carry up another Convoy, giving them two or three days rest at the most convenient feeding places; by this means the Waggon horses wou'd be eas'd of the fatigue of bringing down even the empty waggons which is something along a Road strip'd of its food. In the condition the horses by this time may be suppos'd to be they will I conceive carry near or quite as much weight on their backs as they could draw in a Waggon.
From what has been said relative to the two Roads it appears I think very clearly, that the old one is infinit'ly better than the other can be made; and that there is no room to hesitate a moment which to take, when we consider the advanced Season and little time left to execute our plan. I shall therefore in the last place offer (as desired) my Sentiments on advancing by Deposites; the first of which I should have been for getting at the Little Meadows wou'd time have permitted, but as the case now stands, I suppose at the Great Crossing, or great Meadows our first must be form'd. The great Crossing I esteem the most advantageous Post on several accounts, especially that of water, and Security of the Passage, but then it does not abound in food as the Meadows, nor has not so much level land about it fit for Culture.
To this latter place a Body of 1500 Men may March with 300 Waggons or Carrying horses (which wou'd be much better,) equivalent; allowing each Waggon to carry 800 lbs of flour, and 400 of Salt meat you carry 40 days' of the former and 20 of the latter for 6000 men; besides your live Cattle, any number of which might, but ought not to be carried for these two Reasons, first they wou'd destroy your Pasturage, and next, your Men being employed at work, you wou'd have none to attend or Guard them. Your next Convoy which I suppose to consist of 500 Provision waggons and all the Army, will at the above rate carry 66 days Provisions of flour and 33 of Salt Flesh, besides 6 days which the men may carry on their backs as it is suppos'd the 1500 are to do also, so that you have at the Meadows according to this Calculation 113 days' Flour and 56 Salt meat deducting the daily Consumption; now to accomplish this I allow 26 days, to wit to the great Meadows 8; to unload and return 6, then I allow the army 12 days more to prepare pare and arrive in, by which I apprehend our works may be finish'd and the whole ready to proceed.
Our next Deposite probably will be at Salt Lick about 35 miles from the Meadows, to this place I conceive it necessary to send 2500 men to construct some Post, taking 6 days Provisions only which is sufficient to serve them till the Convoy comes up; against which time, an Entrench'd Camp or some other kind of defensible work may be effected, and from hence I conceive it highly expedient to Detach 3 or 4000 of the best Troops to Invest the place, and prevent if possible an Ingagement in the woods, which of all things ought to be avoided. The Artillery and Stores may be up in 4 days from Salt Lick, and from that time I will allow 18 days more for the Carrying horses to make a Trip to Rays Town for Provisions passing along the old Path by Loyal Hanny, In this time they may do it, as the horses will go down light, but what quantity of Provisions they can bring up I cannot say, that depending on the number of horses fitted out with Saddles &ca.
From this State of the matter (which is really a candid one) and from my Calculations, in which large allowances are made for the quantity of Provisions, as well as for the time of Transporting them, it appears that from the time the Front Division begins its March from hence, till the whole army gets before Fort Duquesne is 34 days, at which time there will be 87 days Provisions on hand allowing for the consumption on the March; and that 18 days added to this make 52 in all; which is required for our operations and these ought to be finish'd if possible by the middle of October.
I have offered nothing but what to me appears beyond a Probability: I have nothing to fear but for the General Service, and no hopes but the advantages it will derive from the Success of our operations, therefore cannot be suppos'd to have any private Interest or sinister views by any freedom my regard for the benefit of the Service on this occasion has induced me to use. I am, &c.54
[Note 54: This letter is in the "Bouquet Letter Book" in the writing of John Kirkpatrick, with a word here and there in Washington's writing.]
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 2, 1758.
My dear Halkett: I am just return'd from a Conference held with Colo. Bouquet. I find him fix'd, I think I may say fix'd, upon leading you a New way to the Ohio; thro a Road, every Inch of it to cut, at this advanced Season, when we have scarce time left to tread the beaten Tract; universally confess'd to be the best Passage through the Mountains.
If Colo. Bouquet succeeds in this point with the General, all is lost! All is lost by Heavens! Our Enterprise Ruin'd; and we stop'd at the Laurel Hill this Winter; not to gather Laurels, by the by, desirable in their effects. The Southern Indians turn'd against Us, and these Colonies become desolated by such an Acquisition to the Enemy's Strength.
These are the Consequences of a Miscarriage; and a Miscarriage the Consequence of the Attempt; I have drawn my Reasons out at large and now send them to Colo. Bouquet. He desir'd I wou'd do so, that he might forward them to the General; should this happen, you may judge of their weight.
I am uninfluenced by Prejudice, having no hopes or fears but for the General Good. That be assur'd of, and my Sincere Sentiments are spoke on this occasion. I am, Dear Halkett Most Affectionately yours,
Fort Cumberland Camp, August 5, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: Your favour of the 20th. Ulto. I was honour'd with the day before yesterday. I am sorry to find Mr. Smith55 has not sent you a return of the Arms, nor Mr. Ramsay56 one of the Provision's. I will write to both those Gentlemen on this reason. Inclos'd is a return of the first Regiment.
[Note 55: Lieut. Charles Smith.]
[Note 56: William Ramsay, a commissary.]
I neglected till now, purposely, (since my last of the 10th. Ulto.) to give your honour any acct. of Our Expedition; hoping at last to be furnish'd with something agreeable; being disappointed in this, I am sorry to inform you that we are still Incamp'd here, and have little prospect of de-camping, unless a fatal Resolution take place of opening a New Road from Rays Town to Fort Duquesne, in this event, I have no doubt but we shall be honour'd with a full share of the Labour; as we have already been in opening a Communication from hence to Rays Town; and doing the principal part of the Work at that place.
I am just return'd from a Conference held with Colo. Bouquet on this occasion. The General lyin indispos'd at Carlyle. In this conference I urg'd, in the most persuasive terms I was Master of, the advanc'd Season as an argument against new discoveries I press'd also; the difficulties of cutting a Road over these Mountains; the length of time it must require to do it; the little time left for that Service, the moral certainty of its obstructing Our March; and the Miscarriage of the Expedition from that Cause, and lastly, I endeavour'd to represent the distress'd Condition the Colonies wou'd be reduc'd to, consequent thereupon. In fine, I said, and did every thing to avert a mischief that seem'd to forebode our manifest Ruin; this is the light it appears to me. I pray Heaven my Fears may prove imaginary only; but the thoughts of opening a Road 100 Miles in length; over Mountains almost inaccessible, at this advanc'd Season, when there is already a good Road made. a Road universally confess'd to be the best that either is, or can be found any where thro these Mountains, prognosticates something; not quite favourable.
I have now drawn up a Representation of real Facts to be presented to the General; in which I think the advantages of going the old Road, and the Moral certainty of failing in the new are so clearly demonstrated, that it must strike every unbiass'd Mind, as the greatest perspicuity, and impartiallity runs through the whole account.
The small Pox getting among the Troops, is another unpromising Circumstance attending the Expedition. An Officer and two Men of my Regiment are now down with it at Rays Town; from this short narrative of our Affairs your Honour may draw conclusions: you may depend upon the acct. being geniune, free from exagerations; and flowing from a Mind deeply affected at the prospect before Us. I hope, as I once before said, that I see matters in a false point of view; and, that my Apprehensions for the Consequence of opening a new Road, are Groundless, my next perhaps may declare. I am with all due Respect, etc.
P.S. I was this moment presented with a Letter from Colo. Bouquet telling me, that the General had directed the other Road to be open'd; I expect therefore to be Order'd that way immediately; Order's are not yet arriv'd.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 6, 1758.
Dear Sir: The Generals Orders, or the Orders of any Superior Officer, will, when once given, be a Law to me. I shall never hesitate in obeying them; but, till this Order came out, I thought it incumbent upon me to say what I cou'd to divert you, (the Commanding Officer present) from a Resolution of opening a new Road, of which I had the most unfavourable reports, and believ'd from the hight of the Hills, the steepness of them, the unevenness of the Ground in general, and, what above all principally weigh'd with me the advanc'd Season, that it was impossible to open a Road in time to answer our purpose. I am still of this opinion; partly from my own observations of the Country, and partly from the Information of as good judges as any that will be employ'd.57 My duty therefore to His Majesty, and the Colony whose Troops I have the Honour to Command, oblig'd me to declare my Sentiments upon the occasion with that candour and freedom of which you are witness. If I am deceiv'd in my opinion, I shall acknowledge my Error as becomes a Gentleman, led astray from judgment, and not by prejudice, in opposing a measure so conducive to the Publick Weal as you seem to have conceiv'd this to be. If I unfortunately am right my conduct must acquit me of having discharg'd my Duty on this Important occasion; on the good Success of which, Our All, in a manner Depends.58
[Note 57: "The road up the Allegheny Mountains so far as cleared (by information), is steep, stony, and of very difficult access, even alpine difficulties attend the lightest carriages. How the artillery, &c., will be got up this and Laurel Hill, must be left to better judges and time to determine."-- William Ramsay to Washington, Aug. 17, 1758. This letter is in the Washington Papers.]
[Note 58: The question of the road by which the troops were to reach the Ohio occasioned great uneasiness in Washington, and gave rise to a belief on his part that Lord Loudoun had been unduly influenced by Pennsylvania in his decision. In March, 1757, General Forbes had called for a description of the frontiers, and Pennsylvania promptly replied, showing that through the county of Cumberland was "a great and good wagon road thro' this Province to Virginia and Carolina, on which are Harris Ferry, the towns and forts of Carlisle and Shippensburg, the magazine at McDowell's Mill, and Forts Loudoun and Lyttleton; to this fine valley there is an easy access from the Ohio by several good passes in the mountains." Through one of these passes ran a path through Raystown, 65 miles from Shippensburg, and through another a path leading to Frankstown, situated about 30 miles north of Raystown, and affording a bad passage by reason of swamps and broken hills. "A new road was opened and cleared thro' Rays Town over the Allegheny Hills, for the use of General Forbes, and is now a good one." (See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vol. 7, p. 445.) In June Sir John St. Clair asserted the necessity of opening one or more roads on the frontiers of Cumberland County, and it was doubtless to his efforts that an attempt to cut a new road was determined upon. This new route instead of passing through Carlisle was to be directed through York, Fort Frederick, and Fort Cumberland, making the distance from Lancaster to Fort Duquesne about 245 miles, or no longer than the existing road, but easier to get over, and allowing some use of the Potomac for transport of goods. Not only would the passage of the troops carry advantage to the colony through which it was made, but the rich lands of the Ohio would attract settlers, and it was the wish of Virginia to possess the main road to that region. This was one of the reasons for Washington's insistence, and he was certain of a support from the colony. "The Virginians are making great interest that our Rout may be by Fort Cumberland, but I hope they will not succeed." (See letter of James Young to R. Peters, July 23, 1758.) "The Virginians are much chagrined at the opening of the road through this government, and Colonel Washington has been a good deal sanguine and obstinate upon the occasion." (See letter of Armstrong to Peters, Oct. 3, 1758.) Such was his insistence that General Forbes took offense, and in writing to Bouquet advised him to consult with Washington, "though perhaps not follow his advice, as his behaviour about the roads was no ways like a soldier." General Forbes had good reason for delay, as the Indian allies of the French were in council with the English Colonies, and should they be weaned from their hostility a serious blow would be given to French influence and French power in that quarter, a success far greater than mere force of arms could attain. It was Bouquet's opinion after the fall of Duquesne that had the Braddock road been taken at first, as Washington wished, the expedition would have been doomed. (See letter of Bouquet to Allen, Nov. 25, 1758.) As it was, the treaty of Easton deprived the French of their main strength, and when it was perceived that the season was too advanced to complete the new road, the troops employed upon it were recalled, and an advance ordered by way of Turkey Creek, with ultimate success. (See Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. 2, n. 133 et seq.)-- Ford.]
I have repair'd the Road over the Mountain, at this place as Sir John St. Clair desir'd. I had also sent the Second Company of Artificers to make Bridges on the Rays Town Road according to your Orders, transmitted me thro' by Colo. Stephen; twas yesterday before I cou'd get them in: and to day they March.
Nineteen Waggon's came here Yesterday Loaded with Musket Ball from Fort Frederick; 18 more left their loads at the old Town, and are gone back, the first 19 Waggons, and an Escort are gone to bring up their Loads, and will be here to day. I can't send you a return of the Contents having receiv'd none.
The Waggoners are constantly applying for Grain to give their Horses. I shou'd be glad if you wou'd direct how I am to act in this Case.
Inclos'd is a Return of Provision's wanting to serve Us till our next Convoy arrives from Winchester, We have not above 5 days Flour upon hand, I shall therefore send the Waggons to Rays Town to Morrow for this Article, &ca., after they return from the old Town.
Twelve Tents was the number I return'd for, and they are safe arriv'd.
If you approve of it, I wou'd send 50 Men the length of the Great Crossing to way lay the Road thereabouts: I conceive to be the most eligible method of taking a Prisoner for Intelligence. The Enemy about our Garrison's are watchful and near their own are difficult to be brought of with safety, the distance is so great and relief always at hand. I am, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 7, 1758.
Dr. Sir: Captn. Waggoner and 50 Men with 19 Waggons wait upon you for Provision's agreeable to a return sent you yesterday.
A Letter which I have just received from Mr. Walker, tells me, that the Convoy may be expected at Pearsall's the 15th. Inst., and desires that the Escort (already consising of 75 Men) may be augmented, as the Waggons and Cattle will cover a long space of Ground.
Pray what will you have done with these Waggons when they come up ? and those now going to Ray's Town, when they Return with Provision's?
I was this Inst't favour'd with your's pr. Express; I am not surprized to hear the Enemy are about, but have really been astonished at the calm that has prevail'd so long. I shall this moment send out a Party to way lay the Road; I anticipated this Order, by requesting leave to do it in a Letter I wrote to you yesterday.
Inclos'd is a return of the Shott &ca. that have been brought to this place since my arrival here. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 11, 1758.
Dear Sir: I receiv'd a Letter from Colo. Bouquet last Night containing the Paragraph following.
"Please to write to Mr. Walker to send Us as soon as possible a supply of Cattle: The Calculation upon Paper will starve Us."
I have lost no time in transmitting this to you. I expect Orders every moment for Marching the Virginia Troops to Rays Town, that being the Rout Determin'd on for the Army. They have already work'd on the Road to be open'd from thence to Fort Duquesne and flatter themselves with getting a better than Genl. Braddocks; they may do so, and I shall believe it when I am an eye witness to it.59
[Note 59: In 1784--85 Washington added to this sentence "not before." The recollection of his struggle over the Raystown road was still vivid that long afterwards.]
In my last I gave you my thoughts of the Expedition, they are not alter'd from any thing I have since seen. I wish you were well and among Us. none wou'd be more rejoic'd to see you than Dr. Sir, Y'r etc.
P.S. I shall send a Party to meet the Convoy at Pearsalls the 15th.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 11, 1758.
My clear Stewart: I am sorry to transmit an Order that will give you pain; but must nevertheless tell you, that the following came in a Letter from Colo. Bouquet to me last Night.
"As our Troop of light Horse is too much harrass'd by continual Service; I desire you will send me half of Captn. Stewarts Troop, with one or two of his Officers, as you may think necessary to take care of them."
As the Colo. gives me a discretionary power to send one or two, one must be his Lot; and that I think shou'd be your Cornet; as Mr. Crawford is appointed to the Troop pro-tempore only, he shou'd be put to little Inconvenience.
It will be scarce worth your while, to confine yourself with the other half of the Troop; I shou'd be glad therefore to have your Company at this place, as I think you may Trust to Mr. Crawfords care; however, in this case, pursue your own Inclinations.
Your Letter to Majr. Halkett got to Rays Town in less than 24 hours after you writ it. I shall appoint no Person to do Brigade Majrs. Duty till I hear more from that Gentleman, as you may be assur'd in this, as in all things else, I have the strongest inclination to serve you; being Dr. Stewart with most unfeigned truth. Y'r Affect'e Friend, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 13, 1758.
Dr. Sir: Your favour of the 9th. I was honour'd with the 11th.: 39 Waggons are loaded with Stores according to your Orders. 8 other Waggons contain 160 Bushels of Indian Corn which with 94 deliver'd to the 47 Waggoners returning to you (two Bushels to each) and 18 more to the Maryland Waggon Master, takes all the Grain we have, save about 60 Bushel reserv'd for the light Horse; Captn. Stewart telling me it was your orders he shou'd have grain.
The Maryland Waggons under Mr. Long, will go with an Escort (intended to reinforce that with the Convoy from Winchester) to Pearsalls for the Grain at that place: with which they shall proceed to Rays Town when that Convoy does, according to Order.
We have neither Grindstones or Intrenching Tools at this place.
I offer you my sincere congratulation's upon your safe return from Loyalhanning; and upon the discovery of a good Road which I hear you have made; I am with very great Regard, Dr. Sir, etc.
Camp Fort Cumberland, August 13, 1758.
Dear Sir: The Waggons met with all possible dispatch in loading, but being assur'd that the Horses were not able to return till today, I did not Order them of sooner.
My Soldiers Cloathing, unluckily, are sent to this place. If I march that way I shall take them along, with those of that part of the Regiment now with me. Since we are like to make so late a Campaigne of it.
I sent Orders to Captn. Stewart to detach half his Troop under an Officer to you. They are not yet arriv'd from the Grass Guard 15 Miles of.
I wish with all my Soul you may continue to find little difficulty in opening your Road. I am certain if you find much, you will not have time for any other Service this Campaigne.
I detach'd Captn. McKenzie with 4 Officers and 75 Rank and file to way-lay the Road at the great Crossing; from him a Sergeant and four active Woodsmen of my Regiment is to proceed to Fort Duquesne so that I am in great hopes we shall be able to get some Intelligence of the strength of the Enemy at that place.
I cou'd wish most sincerely, that our Accounts from the No. Ward were clearer, and more favourable than they appear to be. If you have any Intelligence from Ticonderago, I shou'd be extreme thankful for the acct. We have expected hourly, to hear that Louisburg is in Our hands, pray Heaven we may not be disappointed at last.
I transmitted your request of Cattle to Mr. Walker pr. Express. No Tools are yet arriv'd from Fort Frederick, nor have we any Minors at this place. There were one or two pretty good one's in my own Company, and where that Company is you best can tell. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 18, 1758.
Dear Sir, I am favour'd with yours of Yesterday, intimating the probability of my proceeding with a body of Troops on G-- B-- R--d and desiring my retaining for that purpose a Months Provisions at this place, a thing which I shou'd be extreme fond of, but as I cannot possibly know what quantity of Provisions may be necessary for that time, without knowing the Number of Men I may probably March with, and when it is likely I may leave this, I hope you will be pleas'd to give me the necessary Information on this head. As also how this place is to be Garrisoned, and what Provision's and stores shou'd be left in it.
I have talk'd a good deal with Kelly upon the Nature of the Intervening Ground from the New R--d to B--s, and from what he says, I apprehend it impracticable to effect a junction with the Troops on the new R--d till we advance near the Salt Lick which is no great distance from F--D--Q and how far it may be advisable to send a small Body of Troops so near the Enemy, at so great a distance from the Array without any kind of Tools (which is certainly our Case) for repairing the Roads, or throwing up any kind of Defence in case of need, I shall not presume to say, but I cannot help observing, that all the Guides and Indians are to be drawn from hence, and that the greatest part of my Regiment is on the other Road; so that I have but few remaining with me of the first Regiment, and 8 Companies of the Second only; whose Officers and Men can be suppos'd to know little of the Service, and less of the Country, and near, or I believe quite a fifth of them Sick; I thought it incumbent on me to mention these things, that you might know our Condition; at the same time I beg leave to assure you, that nothing will give me greater pleasure than to proceed with any number of Men, that the General or you shall think proper to Order.
With Regard to keeping out a Succession of strong Parties on his R--d from the Troops here,60 I must beg leave to remark that we have not so much as one Carrying Horse to take Provision's out upon, being under a necessity t'other day of pressing 5 Horses from some Country-men, (that came to Camp upon Business) before I cou'd equip Captn. McKenzie's Party for a 14 days March. That we have not an Oz. of Salt Provision's of any kind here, and that it is impossible to preserve the Fresh (especially as we have no Salt) by any other Means than Barbacuing it in the Ind'n manner; in doing which it looses near a half; so that a Party who receives 10 days Provision's will be obliged to live on little better than 5 days' allowance of meat
[Note 60: "As it is highly necessary to keep the enemy in doubt about our roads, the General desires that you continue sending strong parties along, with orders to reconnoitre where the junction of the two roads could be made. I hear by Kelly, who is gone from Loy: H.-- to the Salt Lick, that it is about 16 miles across from that post to the end of Chestnut Ridge, where this path goes; and the woods so open that without cutting, carrying horses may easily go through, all pretty level."-- Bouquet to Washington, Aug. 17, 1758. This letter is in the Washington Papers.] kind, a thing Impracticable. A great many of Colo. Byrd's Men are, as I before remark'd very sickly, the rest become low spirited and dejected; of Course the greatest share of that Service must fall upon the 4 Comp'ns of the 1st. Regt. This Sickness, and depression of Spirits, cannot arise I conceive from the Situation of Our Camp, which is undoubtedly the most healthy (and best Air'd) of any in this Vicinity; but is caus'd I apprehend by the change in their way of living (most of them till now having lived in ease and Affluence), and by the Limestone Water and Air. The Soldrs. of the 1st. Regt. like those of the 2d; wou'd be sickly, were it not owing to some such Causes as these.
Captn. McKenzies Party is not yet Return'd,61 I will advertise you of his discoveries if any are made by him.
[Note 61: In Smith's publication in the Magazine of American History is the following paragraph, which Washington omitted in his "Letter Book" copy: "The convoy from Winchester has been detained much longer than was expected. Mr. Walker desired a party to reinforce the escort at Pearsalls (30 miles distant), the 15th Inst. which was accordingly sent; but I have since been informed that the waggons did not leave Winchester till a few days ago."]
We have Reason to believe that Parties of the Enemy are likewise at this place, about us, a waggoner being shott at yesterday afternoon, and his horse kill'd under him abt. 3 Miles from this place.
We have no Indian Goods of any kind here. It gives me great pleasure to hear that the General is getting better, and expected soon at Rays Town.62 Colo. Byrd joins me in his Compliments to you. I am etc.
[Note 62: According to Sparks, General Forbes had been detained at Carlisle, Pa., by illness.]
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 19, 1758.
Dear Sir: This afternoon the Party Commanded by Captn. McKenzie returning without being able to discover any thing of the Enemy's Motion's, they waylaid the Road for several days near the great Crossing and intended to have advanc'd quite to that Post, had not their Provision's entirely spoil'd, notwithstanding every method, and the utmost pains for its preservation was taken.
Some of their advanc'd Sentries had nearly kill'd a small Party of 3 Cherokee Indian's, returning from War. This small Party went from hence upwards of Six Weeks ago and this is the 4th. day since they left Fort Duquesne, the Environs of which they long watch'd and at length was oblig'd to Cross the Ohio where they kill'd two Squaws whose Scalps they brought in here.
They say there are a good many Women and Children on that side the River, but very few Men, either French or Indians at the Fort.
Captn. McKenzie says there is no signs of the Enemy's having been in General Braddocks Road, so far as he proceeded on it; Sergeant Scott and 4 privates of his Party went on to Fort Duquesne; so soon as they return will transmit you any Intelligence they may procure.
I shou'd be extremely glad to receive some Bacon or Salt Prov'n of some kind, without which it will be Impossible for any Party I can send out to answer the propos'd end.
The Convoy from Winchester was yesterday at the No. River (five days March for them, from hence) so that we cannot expect them in less than 5 or 6 days, especially as they have lost their Horses.
This Moment an Officer came in to inform me, that Captn. Beale and a Party of abt. 90 Marylanders were escorting some store Waggons, and wou'd be in immediately, I shall forward them to you to Morrow, agreeable to Sir Jno. St. Clairs Order's. I am Dr. Sir. etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 21, 1758.
Dear Sir: Twenty five Cuttawbas came here this Evening; and the Convoy may be expected the day after tomorrow, as it was at Pearsalls last Night.
Governor Sharpe may be expected here in a day or two. I am at a loss to know how he Ranks, and whether He is entitled to the Command. In the Army his Rank is that of Lieut't Colonel only; but what it may be as Governor in his own Provence I really don't know; or whether it is any thing or not. I shou'd therefore be glad of your Advice, being unwilling to dispute the point with him wrong fully, or to give up the Command if I have a right to it; neither of which wou'd I do knowingly.63 I am Dr. Sir, etc.
[Note 63: "The Governors in America have no command of the troops even of their own Province as soon as they are joined with any other of his Majesty's forces, unless they have a commission from the Commander-in-chief for that purpose. I have commanded the forces at Philadelphia and at Charles Town, tho' the Governor was Captain General in his Province, and was entirely independent from them. Governor Sharpe will not expect to have the command as governor; and as Lieut. Col. he cannot, and would not, I suppose, choose to serve in that rank. Therefore, you are very right in keeping it."-- Bouquet to Washington, Aug. 23, 1758. This letter is in the Washington Papers and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 3, p. 46.]
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 24, 1758.
Dear Sir: Your favour of the 21st. Inst't accompanied by the 20 Pack Horses with about 3000 w't of Salt Pork came safe to hand, as likewise did your Letter of the 23d. The General's happy recovery, affords me vast satisfaction; and I am glad the New Road turns out so much to your liking.
The Convoy from Winchester arriv'd here the 23d. Inst't they set out with 468 Beeves, 9 were kill'd on the Road, and 411 deliver'd here the rest were lost on the Road, but as their Officer sent immediately back after them, we are in hopes your greatest part of them will be found.
As only 26,000 W't of Flour came up; (which is not quite a Month's Provision's for the Troops here) I have according to your Orders detain'd it, and likewise 90 Beeves, the rest sets out early to morrow morning for Rays Town, as does all the Forage except 60 Bushels of Corn.
When the Convoy got within 6 Miles of this garrison 3 Cuttawba men and 2 Squaws (contrary to the advice of the Officers) set on before the Convoy for this Camp, and soon after were fir'd upon by about 10 or 12 of the Enemy; who kill'd Captn. Bullen, and Captn. French, and wounded one of the Squaws; the loss we sustain by the death of these two Indians, is at this juncture very considerable, as they were remarkable for their bravery, and attachment to Our Interest; particularly poor Bullen whom (and the other) we buried with Military Honours. The Rest of the Cuttawbas, and what Nottoways and Tuscarora's that are here set out to morrow with the Waggon's for Rays Town.
As we had Intelligence of several Parties of the Enemy being about, I detach'd Parties different way's in hopes of coming up with them, or cutting of their Retreat, but without any Effect. at the same time, I reinforced the Convoy w't 50 Men.
There are several Waggons which came up here with the Flour, that I am at a loss what to do with.
Sergeant Scot (mention'd in a late Letter) return'd this day; he, when within two Miles of Fort Duquesne, unfortunately came upon a few fresh Tracks making Inwards which he follow'd apprehending they were just at hand, till his Provisions were expended, and was thereby oblig'd to Return without making any discoveries worth mentioning. I am glad Mr. Chew and Mr. Allen has been able to give you accts. so agreeable.
Captn. Woodward of the first Regiment 3 Subs and 75 Rank and File Marches tomorrow with 12 days Prov'ns to way lay the Road in the same manner that Captn. McKenzie did.
Inclos'd is an exact Account of Our Strength at this place. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, August 28, 1758.
Dear Sir: Your favour by Mr. Hoops has in some measure reviv'd a hope that was almost extinguish'd, of doing something this Campaign. We must doubtless expect to encounter many difficulties in opening a new Road thro' bad Grounds in a woody Country, of which the Enemy are possed; but, since you hope our point may be carried, I would fain expect the Surmounting these Difficulties;
Tis a melancholy reflection tho' to find there [has] even [been] a doubt [with you] of Success when so much is depending; and when, in all human probability we might have been in full possession of the Ohio by now, if rather than running ourselves into the difficulties and expense of cutting an entire new Road the distance we have first and last [done] Braddock's had been adopted.
Every one knows what could have been done [on] the old road--few can guess what will be [done on] the new there being not only the Difficulties of the Road to encounter, but the chance of a French Reinforcement also; but it is useless to add on this head I should rather apologise for what I have said.
All the waggons at this place fit for service, come to you under the Escort Ordered for Mr. Hoops.
Any Troops not of Virgina, shall be forwarded to you according to Order; and I could wish most sincerely that our Rout was fixt that we might be in motion; for we are all of us most heartily tir'd and sick of Inactivity. Colo. Byrd in particular is really Ill.
A letter which Colo. Byrd recd. from the Genl. of the 19th Inst: gives room to imagine that the Destination of the Virg'a Troops will be fix't on so soon as he arrives at Rays Town, as he there expresses a desire of Colo. Byrd and I there immediately.
Frazer having left this with the Convoy must be with you e'er now. I am very glad to hear that your artillery pass the Allegany with so much ease. I am etc.64
[Note 64: This letter is in the writing of John Kirkpatrick in the Washington "Letter Book," but is there signed by Washington. The words in brackets are in Washington's writing. An additional paragraph appears at the end of Smith's print in the Magazine of American History. Washington evidently thought it too inconsequential to have copied into his records: "Mr. Waller was along time as he enformed me, under doubtful Orders in regard to his purchase of cattle, so that he was oblig'd at last to pick up what he cou'd get at a short warning; which is I believe, the real reason of the cattle not having [been] so good as they other wise might be."]
Camp at Fort Cumberland, September 1, 1758.
My dear Sir: We are still Incamp'd here, very sickly; and quite dispirited at the prospect before Us.65 That appearance of Glory once in view, that hope, that laudable Ambition of serving Our Country, and meriting its applause, is now no more! Tis dwindled into ease; Sloth, and fatal inactivity, and in a Word, All is lost, if the ways of Men in power, like the ways of Providence are not Inscrutable; and, why [are] they not? for we who view the Action's of great Men at so vast a distance can only form conjectures agreable to the small extant of our knowledge and ignorant of the comprehensive Schemes intended; mistake, plaugily, in judging by the Lump;
[Note 65: On the next day Washington received orders to march by the Braddock road and take position at Salt Lick.-- Ford.] this may be, and yet every F--l will have his Notions; prattle and talk away, and pray why may not I?
We seem then, to act under an evil Geni, the conduct of our Leaders (if not actuated by superior Orders) is temper'd with something, I don't care to give a name to, indeed I will go further, and say they are d--ps, or something worse to P--s--v--n Artifice, to whose selfish views I attribute the miscarriage of this Expedition, for nothing now but a Miracle can bring this Campaigne to a happy Issue.
In my last I told you (I think) that I had employ'd my little abilities in opposing the measures then concerting. To do this I not only represented the advanc'd Season, the difficulties of cutting a new Road over these Mountain's; the little time left for that Service, the Moral certainty of its obstructing our March, and the miscarriage of the Expedition consequent thereupon, but endeavour'd to represent also the great struggle Virginia had made this year in raising a Second Regiment at so short a notice and great expence, and her inability of a future exertion in case of need; I spoke my Fears concerning the Southern Indians in the event of a miscarriage; and in fine spoke all unavailingly, for the Road was immediately begun, and since then, from one to two Thousand Men have constantly wrought upon it. By the last Accts. I receiv'd they had cut it to the Foot of Lawrel Hill about 35 Miles and I suppose by now 1500 Men have taken post at Loyal hanning about 10 Miles further, where our next Fort is intended to be constructed.
We have certain Intelligence that the French Strength at Fort Duquesne the 13th. Ulto. did not exceed 800 Men, Indians Included; of whom there appear'd to be 3 or 400 this Acct. is corroborated on all hands; two Officers of the first Virginia Regiment in different Parties and at different times, having come from thence since that time, after lying a day or two in full view of the Fort Secreted, and observing the motions and strength of the Enemy.
See therefore how our time has been mispent; behold the golden oppertunity lost; and perhaps never regain'd. How is it to be accounted for? can G--l F--s have Orders for this? Impossible: Will then our Injur'd Country pass by such abuses? I hope not. Rather let a full Representation of the matter go to His Majesty. Let him know how grossly his Hon'r and the Publick money have been prostituted. I wish I was sent immediately home as an Aide to some other on this Errand. I think without vanity I cou'd set the Conduct of this Expedition in its true colours, having taken some pains, perhaps more than any other to dive into the bottom of it. But no more, adieu my dear Sir. It has long been the luckless Fate of Poor Virginia to fall a Victum to the views of her Crafty Neighbours; and yield her honest efforts to promote their common Interest, at the expence of much Blood and Treasure; while her sincerety justified her Measures. We now can only bewail that blindness, and wish for happier times, which seem at so remote a distance, that it is rather to be wish'd than expected.
Colo. Byrd who is really unwell joins me in Compliments to you, the Attorney and the rest of Our Friends, I am with the Utmost Sincerety, etc.
Camp Fort Cumberland, September 2, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: Your favour of the 17th. Ulto. I had the hon'r to receive the 30th. following. If you are surpriz'd to find us still Incamp'd at this place I shall only remark that your surprize prize cannot well exceed my own.
In my last I inform'd your Hon. that a Resolution was taken to open a new Road from Rays Town to Fort Duquesne, 'twas instantly begun, and since that time from one to two Thousand Men have wrought on it continually.***66
[Note 66: The omitted sentences are the same as those in the letter to Speaker John Robinson, September 1, ante.]
What time it will require to Build a Fort at Loyall Hanning, and after that is accomplish'd, what further time is necessary to cut the Road thro' very rugged Grounds to Fort Duquesne (Grounds of which the Enemy are actually possessed and know every advantageous Post to harass and dispute with us in) I say what time is required for the completion of all this, I must leave to time that faithfull expositor of Events to reveal, not caring even to guess at it myself.
The first Division of the Artillery has past the Allegany Hill and I suppose may be now be got up with the advanced Working Party, the 2d. Division I believe may have March'd by this; and they talk of putting all the Troops in motion immediately.
We have not in our Stores at Rays Town two Months Provisions visions for the army; and if the best judges are to be credited, the nipping Frosts will soon destroy the [Herbage]67 on the Mountains, and then, altho' the Communication be not quite stopp'd, the subsistence for horses is render'd very difficult till Snows and hard Frosts prevents all intercourse w'h the Ohio and these sets in early in November.
[Note 67: This and the words in brackets throughout the letter were added by Washington.]
The Road from Reas Town to Carlyle whence the Provisions and Stores chiefly come is perhaps worse than [any] other upon the Continent, infinitely worse than any part of the Road from hence to Fort Duquesne along General Braddocks Road, and hath already worn out the greatest part of the horses that have been employ'd in Transporting the Provisions, the Carriage of which only it is said and from good authority, I have it, stands the Crown upwards of 40/ every hundred weight.
We have certain advice's that the French on the 13th. ulto. had rec'd no new Reinforcements at Fort Duquesne from Canada and that their Totall strength at that Garrison could not exceed 800 Men, Indians Included.***68
[Note 68: The omitted sentences are the same as those in the letter to Speaker John Robinson, September 1, ante.]
Their accounts exactly agree and have given great satisfaction to the Commanding Officer being corroborated also by Indian Intelligence, a Party of Cherokee's having been out there and some Delawares come in. What a Golden opp'y have we lost! but this is past, irretrievably gone I fear.
A party of our Troops 75 in num. is now 40 miles advanc'd, way laying the Road, from whom I hope a Prisoner if the Enemy [should be] passing or repassing; I sent out also the day before yesterday a Sergeant and 5 Men to Fort Duquesne for Intelligence; they will be back in fourteen days.
I can give your Hon. no satisfactory acct. of the General. He lay ill at Carlyle a long time of a Flux, from thence getting a little strength he mov'd to Shippensbourg where his Disorder return'd and he continues. By a Letter the other day he hopes soon to be at Rays Town where he desires to see Colo. Byrd and I, but alas! the Expedition must either stand or fall by the present Plan.69
[Note 69: General Forbes arrived at Raystown on the 15th, and Colonel Washington was called to that place.-- Ford.]
In the conference I had with Colo. Bouquet and of which I gave your Hon. an acct. in my last I did among other things to avert the resolve of opening a new Road, represent the great Expence the Coloney of Virg'a had been at to support the War, the Charge of raising a 2d. Regt. at so short a notice; the time limited for the Service of it; and the Cruelty therefore of risking the success of an Expedition upon such precarious Measures when so much depended on it; and our inability to do more. I then exprest my apprehensions of the Southern Indians Case of a miscarriage, and the encrease of French strength in new Alliances; and after this demonstrated very clearly the time it wou'd take us to proceed on the old Road; and at how much easier expence, even if we were oblig'd to get all our Provisions and Stores from Pensylvania; and no occasion for this surely. In fine I urg'd every thing then I could do now; and repeated by Letter Copies of which I have now to shew; if required, but urg'd in vain, the Pensylvanians whose Interest present and future it was to conduct the Expedition thro' their Government, and along that way, because it secures their Frontiers at present, and the Trade hereafter, a Chain of Forts being Erected, had prejudic'd the General absolutely against this Road; made him believe we were the partial people and determin'd him at all Events to pursue that Rout, so that their Sentiments are already fully known on this matter; and to them as Instigators, may be attributed the great misfortunes of this miscarriage; for I think now nothing but a miracle can procure Success.
The Contractor has Orders to lay in at Loyall Hanning for 4000 Men the Winter from whence it is imagin'd that our Expedition for this Campaign will end there: shou'd we serve to make up the Number of Troops which Garrison that place our Frontiers is thereby not only expos'd but the Soldiers for want of Cloathing and proper conveniences absolutely perish; few of them having a whole Coat to their backs and many none at all; this is a matter I fully and repeatedly wrote about these 12 Months past: I hope it will now merit the Assembly's notice.
A Major of Brigade to the Virginia Troops is an Officer absolutely necessary, while there is more than one Regt., the General has repeatedly urg'd this matter; and Colo. Byrd who once Recommended another Gentleman that is now found to be too deeply engag'd in Indian Affairs; Joins me in proposing Capt. Robt. Stewart for this office; a Gentlemen whose assiduity and Military Capacity is second to none in our Service; we beg the favour therefore of a Commission for him, and that your Hon. wou'd be pleas'd to have the Date of it Blank in Order that he may take Rank before some other Majors of Brigade to which his longer Services entitles him.
The First Virg'a Regt. have August's Pay due to them and no money in the Pay Master's hands; this he will inform your Hon. off more particularly, as desired.
Capt. Bullen and Capt. French two Catawbas much esteem'd for their Bravery and steady attachment to our Interest, were kill'd about ten days ago on their way from Winchester to this Camp by the Enemy we got very early notice of it at this place (it happening within 3 Miles) and sent out several Partys to pursue which they did fruitlessly.
I have wrote to Mr. Gist who had the Direction of Indian Affairs to make out such a Return as your Hon. requires and forward it to you; he is now at Rays Town. Inclos'd is a Return of my Regiment I believe it is exact but as six of the Com'pys are upon the new Road I can not absolutely say what alterations have happened there since my last advices.
Thus Sir, I have given your Hon. a full and impartial Acct. of the present posture of our affairs here of which any use may be made you think proper. I may be blam'd possibly for expressing my Sentiments so freely; but never can be asham'd of the Truth; and none but obvious Facts are Stat'd here. The General I dare say; from his good Character; can acct. fully for these Delay's that surprize all that Judge from appearances only, but I really cannot.
Colo. Byrd being very unwell has desired me to offer his Complements to your Hon. and excuse (which is Sickness) for his not writing. I am etc.
P. S. Upon Second thoughts I have transmitted Copies of some of the Letter's I wrote to Colonel Bouquet (who Commands in the Generals absence upon the Posture of our Affairs; particularly my Sentiments of the New Road. It will give your Honour some trouble in reading them; but it will at the same time shew, that nothing in my power has been wanting to bring this Expedition to a speedy, and happy conclusion, as I well foresee that every delay still subjected Us to further difficulties; and the chance of encountering a French Reinforcement; which very clearly appear's they had not receiv'd the Middle of August; long before which, might we have been there had the old Road been timely adopted; as above I am etc.70
[Note 70: This letter is in the writing of John Kirkpatrick, with the words in brackets and the postscript in that of Washington.
"The Assembly met the 12th of September, and from the long delay of the march of the forces, and the partiality they imagined shewn to Pennsylvania, were not in a very good humor; and not thinking any attempt would be made on Fort Duquesne so late in the year, they passed an act to withdraw the first regiment from the regulars after the first of December, and station them upon the frontiers of this colony for the protection of the inhabitants. But upon some letters that the Governor received about a fortnight after that Assembly broke up, assuring him that an attempt would be made, he thought it proper to call the Assembly again, and they accordingly met on Thursday last, when he laid the letters before them, which they immediately took into consideration, and that no blame might be laid to this Colony, for the failure of the expedition which they imagined some people would be glad of having an opportunity of doing, they proceeded with a despatch never before known, and in three days passed an act to empower the Governor to continue the forces in the pay of this Colony on that service till the first of January, if the expedition was not over before that time."-- Robinson to Washington, Sept. 13, 1758.
Governor Fauquier hoped that "the ardor this Colony has shewn to support the war will continue for another year, the flame being a little stifled by the inactivity of this campaign." (See letter of Fauquier to Washington, Sept. 16, 1758.) The speaker's letter gives an impression that he was describing the proceedings of two assemblies, but Ramsay shows it was the same.
"The 1st Virginia Regiment had like to have been broke by a vote of the House, but the old and judicious carried it against the young members by a majority of five. However, they have so far prevailed, that unless the regiment return into this Colony by the 1st of December next and guard our frontiers, they are to be no longer in the pay of this Colony. There is to be no Lieut. Colo., Quarter Master, Adjutant nor Chaplain, and the yearly allowance for your table is voted away."-- Ramsay to Washington, Oct. 17, 1758. (The act is printed in Hening's Statutes at Large, vol. 7, p. 171.)
"Some other saving schemes were obliged to be complied with, for fear the whole should be given up. By a letter I received from Col. Byrd I find the army will be in the heat of action, and the fate of Du Quesne depending at that time [Decem. 1.] I have therefore summoned an Assembly to meet on Thursday the tenth inst. in order to prolong the time for both the regiments to remain in the field in conjunction with the rest of his Majesty's forces. This is the only step I could take to prevent the ruin of the whole expedition, and save this colony from the censure they would lie under as being the sole cause of the miscarriage of the whole, if the fort should not be reduced by that Day."-- Fauquier to Washington, Nov. 4, 1758.
These letters are in the Washington Papers and are printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 3, pp. 94, 103, 117, 125.]
Camp at Fort Cumberland, September 2, 1758.
Sir: Colonel Bouquet desires 100 Waggons, if possible, may be Engag'd in Virginia; and that as many of them as can, may be sent to this place loaded with Flour, and the remainder with Indian Corn (Oats I suppose will do) where they will receive further Orders.
I beg you will, therefore, use your utmost diligence to Comply with this request; and let me know also, immediately, how far you think you shall be able to comply with it; first in regard to the No. of Waggons, next the q'ty of Flour and Corn; and lastly, what time you think they may be got to this place. Such Waggon's as cannot get Loads, must come up empty.
You must not expect an Escort from hence; I shall certainly be March'd before you can need one. You must therefore apply to His Lordship [Fairfax] who I flatter myself will Order you one from the Militia, or from Captn. Rutherfords Rangers, if they can be spar'd. I am Sir, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, September 2, 1758.
Dear Sir: Your letters of the 30th. and 31st. Ulto. I was favour'd with in the Evening yesterday, not time enough tho' to prepare my answer till to day, and for safety I have detain'd the Express for the Cover of night.
I enclose you an exact Return of all the ammunition and Provisions; which we have at this place that you may Judge what supply is necessary to send here. If the Pork is in Keggs of 100 w't and the Flower in Baggs they can easily be carried on horse back; and I shou'd for many reasons, prefer back loads infinitly to Waggons. Tools Powder and Lead might also be carried on horseback, which wou'd reduce our number of Waggons and Facilitate our March greatly, indeed this is absolutely [necessary] to be done or else so small a Body as we shall compose [will be] expos'd to many Insults extended in such a manner as a number of Waggons must necessarly occasion in our Line of March.
If it was possible I could March with Carrying horses only, and those good I cou'd be at the place you mention in six days; but if I am incumber'd with Waggons, it will probably be ten days; and if the Teams shou'd be bad there is no guessing at the time.
The Sick most certainly must go to the General Hospital, for we can neither afford Surgeons nor Medicenes from the Regiments to be left for their benefit and many are not in a Condition to move.
I have wrote to Mr. Walker, or person acting in his place for the Waggons you desire: they cou'd easily have been had on timely notice but now I cannot promise; in case he succeeds I have desir'd him to apply to Lord Fairfax for an Escort of the Militia, but I cannot promise he will get one.
I am extremely sorry to hear of the miscarriage of your Letters; it may be attended with bad consequence. We have rejoc'd here on the happy occasion of Louisburg's Reduction and I most heartily wish the same success may attend His Majesty's arms in other parts.
I shall be very desireous of a Conference with the General before I March, as there may be many things necessary to settle, I shall loose no time in attending him when I have notice of his arrival.
The Officer that Commanded the Escort from Winchester is Detach'd 15 Miles from hence (at our Grass Guard) so that I cannot now get the Certificate you desire. I have no Person here who can give me any satisfactory accts. of the way and Distance between the two Roads as you desire.
I have heard nothing yet from Captn. Woodward's Party; on Wednesday last Sergeant Scot with five men went out once more to try their Success at Fort Duquesne. I can answer for his good endeavours, but it is not more tedious than dangerous bringing a Prisoner such a Distance.
Colo. Byrd is very ill but desires nevertheless that his Complem'ts may be made to you. I am, etc.71
[Note 71: This letter is in the writing of John Kirkpatrick in the Washington "Letter Book," but is signed by Washington. The words in brackets were added by Washington.]
Camp at Fort Cumberland, September 9, 1758.
Sir: I this moment receiv'd notice from the Commissary, that only three day's Flour remain upon hand for the Troops at this Incampment. Mr. Hoops is wrote to on the occasion, and I must beg the favour of you to facilitate any measures he shall propose to supply us in time; by affording an Escort &ca. Not knowing how soon we may be order'd to join you, I can't tell how much Provisions is wanted; possibly, ten days will serve till, the Generals pleasure be known. We have no Waggon's at this place, otherwise I wou'd have given you no trouble in this affair. I am Sir, etc.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, September 12, 1758.
Sir: In consequence of a Letter from Colo. Bouquet, I wrote to Mr. Walker, or Person acting in his behalf, for all the Waggons he cou'd readily procure, and desir'd that those Waggon's might be loaded up with Flour or Corn, agreeable to the Colo.'s request. The Inclos'd is an answer to that Letter. Colo. Bouquet being advanc'd I was at a Loss to whom I shou'd communicate the contents, and therefore have taken the liberty of sending it to you, Sir, that you may Issue such Orders as appear necessary on this occasion.
I am extreamely sorry to hear of your Excellency's Indisposition, but hope to have the pleasure shortly of seeing you at Rays Town much amended, if not quite recover'd. I am Yr etc.
Camp at Raystown, September 25, 1758.
Honble. Sir: I think it incumbent upon me to give you the following account; altho' it is with very great concern I am furnished with the occasion.
The 12th instant Major Grant, of the Highland-battalion, with a chosen detachment of 800 men marched from our advanced post, at Loyal Hannan, for Fort Duquesne; what to do there (unless to meet the fate he did) I can not certainly inform you. However, to get intelligence and annoy the Enemy, was the ostensible plan.
On the 13th, in the night, they arrived near that place, formed upon the hill in two columns, and sent a party to the fort to make discoveries, which they accomplished accordingly, and burned a log-house not far from the walls without interruption. Stimulated by this success, the major kept his post and disposition until day, then detached Major Lewis and part of his command 2 miles back to their baggage guard and sent an Engineer with a covering party in full view of the fort, to take a plan of the works, at the same time causing the revilé to beat in several different places.
The enemy hereupon sallied out, and an obstinate Engagement began, for the particulars of which I beg leave to refer your Honor to the enclosed letters and return of the Regiment. Major Lewis it is said met his fate in bravely advancing to sustain Major Grant. Our officers and men have acquired very great applause for their gallant behavior during the action. I had the honor to be publickly complimented yesterday by the General on the occasion. The havock that was made of them is a demonstrable proof of their obstinate defence, having 6 officers killed, and a 7th wounded out of 8. Major Lewis who chearfully went upon this Enterprise (when he found there was no dissuading Colonel Bouquet from the attempt) frequently there and afterwards upon the march, desired his friends to remember that he had opposed the undertaking to the utmost. He is a great loss to the Regiment, and is universally lamented. Captn. Bullet's behavior is matter of great admiration and Capt. Waiter Stewart, the other surviving officer, distinguished himself greatly while he was able to act. He was left in the field, but made his escape afterwards.75
[Note 75: In the Washington Papers, in Washington's writing, is a list of officers and soldiers missing, wounded, and returned from the action near Fort Duquesne September 14. Grant was captured and sent as a prisoner to Canada.]
What may be the consequence of this affair, I will not take upon me to decide, but this I may venture to declare, that our affairs in general appear with a greater gloom than ever76; and I see no probability of opening the road this Campaign: How then can we expect a favorable issue to the Expedition? I have used my best endeavors to supply my men with the necessaries they want.77 70 blankets I got from the General upon the promise to return them again. I therefore hope your Honor will direct that number to be sent to Winchester for his use. I must also beg the favor of having blank-commissions sent to me, it will take near a dozen for the promotions and vacancies. I must fill up the vacancies with the volunteers I have, and some of the best Sergeants. I marched to this Camp the 21st instant, by order of the General.
[Note 76: "The Major [Grant] conducted the march so that the surprise was compleat, and the enterprise must have succeeded, but for an absolute disobedience of orders in a provincial officer, the night they reached the Ohio; and by this man's quitting his post next morning, the party was in a manner cut to pieces. Major Grant, as he was unfortunate, may be blamed, but from his letter to General Forbes...you will not only see he was not in fault; but from the behaviour of the provincial officer, you will be satisfied that a planter is not to be taken from the plough and made an officer in a day."--Letter from an officer who attended Brigadier General Forbes, printed in the Gentleman's Magazine (1759).]
[Note 77: Three days later General Forbes threatened to draw off the army into the more populous districts unless provisions were supplied at Raystown. (See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vol. 8, p. 167.)]
Having little else of moment to relate; I beg leave to assure your Honor that I am, &c.
Camp at Raystown, September 28, 1758.
Honble. Sir: I forgot to notice in my last of the 25th instant that a flag of truce was sent to Fort Duquesne by Colo. Bouquet. It is now returned, and we learn with certainty (tho' few things have yet transpired) that Major Grant with two other Highland officers, and Major Lewis, with two officers of the Royal Americans, and one belonging to Pennsylvania, together with 2 Sergeants and 30 private men, were made prisoners in the late action, and sent immediately to Montreal. From all the accounts I have yet been able to collect, it appears very clear, that this was either a very ill-concerted or very ill-executed plan: perhaps both: but it seems to be generally acknowledged that Major Grant exceeded his orders in some particulars; and that no disposition was made for engaging.
The troops were divided: which caused the front to give way, and put the whole into confusion, except the Virginians, commanded by Captn. Bullet, who were (in the hands of Providence) a means of preventing all of our people from sharing one common fate.81
[Note 81: Bouquet's letter to Amherst (September 17) states that the loss would have been greater "had not Captain Bullet of the Virginians, with 100 men, sustained the combat with all their power, until, having lost two-thirds of his men, he was driven to the shore of the river."]
This mistake, I fear, may be productive of bad consequences to the common cause!
The promoters of opening a new road, either do believe (or would fain have it thought so,) that there is time enough to accomplish our plan this season: but others who judge freer from prejudice, are of a quite contrary opinion. As the road is not yet opened half-way, and not 20 days' provision for the troops got the length of this place, which cannot be attributed to a juster cause than the badness of the road; altho' many other reasons are assigned for it. We find that the frosts have already changed the face of nature among these mountains. We know there is not more than a month left for enterprize, we know also that a number of horses can not subsist after that time, on a road stripped of its herbage, and very few there are who apprehend that our affairs can be brought to favorable issue by that period, nor do I see how it is possible, if every thing else answered, that men half-naked can live in Tents much longer. I am, &c.
Camp, at Raystown, October 8, 1758.
Sir: In consequence of your request of the Colonels assembled at your Lodgings the 5th Inst. I offer the Plans on the other side to your consideration. They express my thoughts on a Line of March through a country covered with woods, and how that Line of March may be formed, in an Instant into an Order of Battle. The Plan of the Line of March, and Order of Battle,82 on the other side, is calculated for a Forced March with field pieces only, unincumbered with Waggons. It Represents, first, a Line of March, and secondly, how that line of March may in an Instant, be thrown into an Order of Battle in the Woods. This Plan supposes 4000 Privates, 1000 of which (pickd Men,) are to March in Front, in three Divisions, each division havg. a field-officer to com'd it, besides the Commander of the whole, and is to be in readiness always to oppose the Enemy whose Attack, if the necessary precautions are observed, must always be in front.
[Note 82: See diagram. Sparks printed only the "First Plan" and Ford followed Sparks. The "Second Plan" and explanation were ignored by both. The original is now in the J, P. Morgan Library.]
The First Division must, as the 2d. and 3d. ought likewise to be, subdivided for the Captains; these subdivisions to be again divided for the Subalterns; and the Subalterns again for the Sergeants and Corporals, by which means every Non Commissioned Officer will have a Party to Command under the Eye of a Subaltern as the Subalterns will have, under the direction of a Captain, &c.
N. B. I shall, tho I believe it is unnecesary, remark here, that the Captain's, when their subdivisions are again divided, are to take commd. of no particular part of it but to attend to the whole subdivision as the Subalterns are to do with theirs; each Captain and Subaltern acting as Commandant of the Division he is appointed to under the field-officer, visiting and encouraging all parts equally alike, and keeping the Soldrs. to their Duty. This being done, the first Division is, so soon as the Van-gd. is attackd (if that gives the first notice of the Enemy's approach), to file of to the Right and left, and take to Trees, gaining the enemy's flanks, and surrounding them as described in Plan the 2d.83 The Flank Guards on the Right, which belong to the 2d. Division are immediately to extend to the Right followd by that Division, and to form as described in the aforesaid Plan. The Rear-Guard Division is to follow the left Flankers in the same manner in order if possible to Encompass the Enemy, which being a practice different from any thing they have ever yet experienced from Us, I think may be accomplished. What Indians we have shou'd be order'd to get round, unperceived and fall upon the Enemy's rear at the same time. The Front and Rear being thus Secured, there remains a body of 2500 Men to form two Brigades, on the Flanks of wich 600 Men must March for safety of them, and in such Order as to Form a Rank entire by only Marching the Capts. and Subaltns. Guards into the Intervals between the Sergeants Parties as may be seen by 2d Plan. The main body will now be reduc'd to 1900 Men, which sh'd. be kept a Corps de reserve to support any part that shall be fd. wk. or forc'd.84
[Note 83: This paper was reproduced in facsimile and published in Monuments of Washington's Patriotism (1841).-- Ford.
Sparks stated that the plan was not preserved. It is here reproduced from a tracing made from the 1841 facsimile. The original finally found its way to the Huntington Library, California, where it now is. Spark prints a diagram which is a curious combination of Washington's two plans and conveys a wrong impression. Ford reproduced Sparks's diagram.]
[Note 84: On the 14th the army was divided into three bodies, to be commanded by Colonels Bouquet, Montgomery, and Washington, acting as brigadiers. To Washington was assigned the command of the right wing, consisting of the First Virginia Regiment, two companies of artificers, and men from North Carolina, Maryland, and the lower counties. "Our army in its approach, was divided into three brigades, one commanded by Col. Bouquet; another by Col. Montgomery; and the third by Col. Washington. These brigades marched in columns to shorten their lines, and enable them to form expeditiously. Flanking parties of the best gunmen marched on the flanks; Indians and light horse reconnoitred the ground as we advanced; and parties had been out the night before all round; a strong guard was advanced before the army, in the rear of which the General was in his litter with an officer's guard, a little advanced before Col. Montgomery, who commanded the center brigade. A strong rear guard was likewise ordered, as also a guard for the artillery."-- Ford.]
The whole is Submitted to Correction with the utmost Candour, by Sir, &c.
Camp, at Loyal Hanna,85 October 30, 1758.
[Note 85: An orderly book of 1758, in the Washington Papers, shows the following course of the advance troops, by encampments:
Honble. Sir: Colo. Byrd promised to apologize to you for my not writing by Jenkins; since which I have been honored with your second favor of the 7th instant, both of which now lie before me for acknowledgement. My sudden march86 from Raystown (the intent of which I presume you are already informed of) allowed me no time to furnish Mr. Boyd with proper estimates for drawing the pay of our regiment, and I was the less anxious on that head, as the officers equally with myself considered that our affairs would some how or other come to a conclusion before he could return, and that it might be difficult and very unsafe for him to follow us. I am very much obliged to your Honor for the commissions you were pleased to send. Be assured, Sir, the confidence which you have reposed in me shall never be wilfully abused. I am not less obliged to your Honor for the favor of returning so readily the blankets which I borrowed of the General. I am, however sorry to inform you, that, upon reviewing the six companies of
[Note 86: Colonel Washington had been sent forward, in advance of the main body, to take command of a division employed in opening the road.-- Ford.] my regiment at this place, (which had been separated from me since my last,) I found them deficient in the necessaries contained in the enclosed return, and consequently I am under an indispensable duty of providing them, or more properly of endeavoring to do so; for I yet doubt very much the possibility of succeeding. Your Honor, therefore, will not, I hope, be surprised, should I draw on you for the amount, in case of success.
Governor Sharpe in person commanded a garrison of militia, (from his province,) at Fort Cumberland, when the magazine was blown up, and had, I believe, his store-keeper included in the blast. I have desired Mr. Smith to furnish any express which he may have occasion to send your Honor, with money to bear their expences. The want of three months, and the unavoidable expence that an officer is continually exposed to, while on duty (rather than a doubt of repayment) was, I apprehend the cause of Davis's distress. Mr. Smith might however have borrowed money on such an extraordinary occasion.
My march to this post gave me an opportunity of forming a judgment of the road; and I can truly say, that it is indescribably bad. Had it not been for an accidental discovery of a new passage over the Laurel Hill, the carriages must inevitably have stopped on the other side. This is a fact nobody here takes upon him to deny! The General and great part of the troops, &c, being yet behind, and the weather growing very inclement, must I apprehend terminate our expedition for this year, at this place. But as our affairs are now drawing to a crisis, and a good or a bad conclusion of them will shortly ensue, I choose to suspend my judgment, as well as a further account of the matter, to a future day.87
[Note 87: When the general reached Loyal Hanna a council of war was called, and it was determined to be inadvisable to proceed further that season. But the report of three prisoners, who were shortly afterwards brought in, and who communicated the weak state of the garrison at Fort Duquesne, induced a change of opinion, and the enterprise was prosecuted.-- Sparks.]
Camp Loyal Hannon, November 5, 1758.
Hon'ble Sir: Being unwilling to omit any opportunity that offers of writing to your Honor, I embrace the present, that serves the General. I have, however, very little to say, as I wrote fully on the 30th. ultimo; and have received no letter from your Honor since the 7th. of the same month. Our affairs, as I observed in my last, are drawing to a crisis. The Genl. being arrived, and most of the artillery and troops, we expect to move on in a very few days; encountering every hardship, that an advanced season, want of clothes, and indeed (no great stock of Provisions) will expose us to. But it is no longer a time for pointing out difficulties; and I hope my next will run in a more agreeable strain.
In the mean time I beg leave to assure your Honor that, with very great Respect, I am, etc.
Camp, on Chesnut-Ridge, (11 o'clock at night), November 15, 1758.
Sir: An Express from Colo Armstrong,88 affords me an opportunity of informing you that we marched hither about 4 o'clock this afternoon, and that I found Mr. Basset89 and 30 men here late as it was, Immediately ordered working parties on the road, that no time might be lost in opening it, but apprehend I shall not proceed so fast as you could wish, since after all my delays, and waiting for Tools to-day, Capt. Fields90 was able to get only 42 falling axes. These however, added to
[Note 88: Col. John Armstrong, of the Pennsylvania troops.]
[Note 89: Lieut. T. Bassett, an engineer.]
[Note 90: Capt. John Field.] 30 others now here with Mr. Basset shall be employed tomorrow at day-light, to the best advantage. I understand that Captn. Shelby was to have accompanied Mr. Gordon to-day, but upon examining the Bearer, I find he did not, and that the road (intended) is but very slightly blaz'd. It may be necessary, therefore to send Capt. Shelby, to prevent mistakes. This camp (I ought before to have said) is about 6 miles from Loyalhannon, and where the new road strikes out.
I shall write again in the morning, enclosing Returns of my Brigade; in the mean time permit me to add that I am, etc.
Camp Chesnut-ridge, Thursday, November 16, 1758.
Sir: I was not so explicit last night, on the head of Mr. Basset's Party, as I ought to have been.
I conceived an idea (on what ground founded I really can not say) that Mr. Basset was to have joined Colo. Armstrong with the Party and Tools which I found here. But, upon enquiring into his orders it appears he was only to repair some bad places on the Road between this and Loyal-hannon; and was desired afterwards by Mr. Gordon (as he passed by) to remain here till I came up. Now, if Mr. Basset really was intended for Colo. Armstrong the disappointment on the part of the latter, will be very great; as he will have no Tools to throw up any works with. But, as Colo. Armstrong does not complain of any want of this kind, it is possible he is otherwise provided: I shall therefore keep the Tools, &c. to assist in opening the Roads, until I join him, or am better informed.
The enclosed is a Return of my Division that marched yesterday. There has been, I am told, a considerable desertion in the lower County troops, so that I can not ascertain the exact number that is left: The other Corps are quite right. Five men of the lower Counties, deserted from Basset's Party so that 25 only are left and they provided only with 3 days provisions. One of these people was hurt this morning by the falling of a Tree; I have sent him under an Escort of 6 Men, who are to rejoin me again.
The keeping Fort du Quesne (if we should be fortunate enough to take it) in its present situation, will be attended with great advantages to the middle Colonies; and I do not know so effectual a way of doing it, as by the communication of Fort Cumberland and Genl. Braddock road; which is in the first place good, and in the next, fresh, affording good food if the weather keeps open, which is more than a road can do as much used as this has been. If, when these supplies of Provisions reach Ft. Cumberland, it should be found impracticable (or unnecessary) for them to proceed farther; by reason of the weather or other causes; the transportation of them to Raystown will be found very easy. Every useful tool is employed in opening the Road, and I hope we shall proceed to your expectation. I am, etc.
P.S. We have but 4 days of meat; and our 6 Bullocks are not yet come up.
Camp Chestnut-ridge, November 17, 1758.
Sir: After the most constant labour from day-break till night, we were able to open the Road to this place only, about 6 miles from our last Camp. Here it was that Capt. Shelby overtook us, and presented me with yours and Colo. Bouquets letters, enclosing one to Colo. Armstrong; all of which were forwarded to that Gentleman last night by Shelby, as soon as the last of the enclosed came to my hands.
A junction with Colo. Armstrong this morning would have prevented the good effects of a fortified Camp to night and retarded our operations a day at least: for which reason I desired him to march forwards this morning, at 2 o'clock to such place as Captn. Shelby should point out (with Capt. Gordons approbation of the Ground) and there secure himself, as you have directed. If he accomplishes that work before night he is, in that event, to begin opening the Road towards me. I shall struggle hard to be up with him to night, being but 2½ miles from his last camp. I received but 36 of the 42 axes sent by Colo. Montgomery, and those in the very worst order, last night was spent in doing the needful repairs to them. We have 4 carriages with us, that follow with great ease.
If Indians ever can be of use to us, it must be now, in the front, for intelligence. I therefore beg you will order their conductors to bring them at all events, and that we may get our Bullocks immediately up; otherwise, as our meat will be out to-morrow, we shall possibly be delayed the next day in serving it out, when we should be marching to the next Post.
There was a Sergeant (Grant)91 of mine, confined for insolent behavior to an officer of Pennsylvania, and tried at the last General Court martial; but the sentence was not known when I came away, altho' the Court sat 5 days before. I applied (thro' Major Halkett) to get him released, but could not. He is a very fine fellow, and I am as desirous of getting him, as he is to come.
[Note 91: William Grant.]
I should be glad, therefore, if the nature of his offence will admit of it, with propriety, that he was sent on accordingly. I am, Sir, etc.
Camp, (at night), November 17, 1758.
Sir: Colonel Bouquet's letter came to my hands, (just as the bearer was passing by,) from Colonel Armstrong. I shall punctually observe all the directions contained therein, altho' I shall at the same time confess I think it much safer and more eligible to have marched briskly on to our second post, leaving the road for Colonel Montgomery to open. We should by that means have been as good as a covering party to him, while we are fortifying a camp, which may be of great importance to the army. Less time would be lost by this means, and a straggling front, (which will ever happen in expeditious cutting,) would be avoided; besides the advantage of (perhaps) getting into a secure camp before we might be discovered.
I have opened the road between seven and eight miles to day, and am yet three miles short of Colonel Armstrong, who marched at eight o'clock. I understand by Captain Shelby, who is just come from him, that Col. Armstrong is not yet begun entrenching his camp, which must again retard us tomorrow. Forwarding provisions is highly necessary; hard labor consumes it fast; but all the men are in high spirits, and are anxious to get on.
I shall be much pleased to see the Indians up, and am very glad to hear that Mr. Croghan is so near at hand. The number with him is not mentioned. I wish they were in our front also.
I was extremely sorry to hear of your indisposition to day, being, Sir, yours, &c.
Armstrong's Camp, November 18, 1758.
Sir: I came to this camp about eleven o'clock to-day, having opened the road before me. I should immediately have proceeded on, but, as the bullocks were to slaughter, and provisions to be dressed, I thought it expedient to halt here till three in the morning, when I shall begin to march on with one thousand men, leaving Colonel Armstrong and five hundred more in this camp, until Colonel Montgomery joins. I took care that the road should not be delayed by this halt, for I ordered out a working party, properly covered, before I came here, to cut it forward till night should fall upon them, and then return back again.
I fear we have been greatly deceived with regard to the distance from hence to Fort Duquesne. Most of the woods-men, that I have conversed with, seem to think that we are still thirty miles from it. I have sent out one party that way to ascertain the distance, and the kind of ground between; and two others to scout on the right and left, for the discovery of tracks; &c. To-morrow, Captn. Shelby and Lt. Gist of my regiment, will go off on the like service that the former of these parties has done this day, under Lt. Ryley.
I found three redoubts erecting for the defence of this camp. Mr. Gordon95 thinks, that it will be sufficiently secured by this means; but, for my own part, I do not look upon redoubts alone, in this close country, to be half as good as the slightest breastwork; indeed, I do not believe they are any security at all where there are no other works.
[Note 95: Gordon, of the British Engineers.]
I enclose you a return of the total strength of this place,96 and for what time they are served with provisions, by which you will see how much a supply is needed, and I must beg, that commissaries and stillards97 may be sent forward, otherwise a continual dissatisfaction will prevail, as well on the part of the contractors, as on that of the soldiers, who think they have injustice done them in their allowance, notwithstanding the fifteen bullocks, which were received as provisions for four days, were issued out for three only, by the judgment of an officer of each corps, as well as my own, for I took pains to examine into it myself.
[Note 96: This return is in the Washington Papers, under dates of November 16, 18, 20, and 21.]
[Note 97: Steelyards.-- Ford.]
I had wrote thus far, when your favor of this morning came to hand. I shall set out at three o'clock, as above, leaving the Highlanders to finish the redoubts, according to Mr. Gordon's plan, and to secure the tools, until Colonel Montgomery comes up, leaving it then to Colonel Bouquet's option to bring or leave them.
We shall, I am apprehensive, have a great space between this post and the next, as I have before observed, tho' I shall be a better judge to-morrow night.
The enclosed return shews what provisions each corps ought to have upon hand; but few can make it hold out, so that I must again urge the necessity of a commissary and weights, also of provisions, for were we all completed properly to a certain day, there are yet parties and light-horsemen coming and going, who complain much on this head.
Your chimney at this place is finished. I shall take care to put up one at the next post.98
[Note 98: The general had ordered a chimney to be built for his use at each of the entrenched camps.-- Sparks.]
I shall use every necessary precaution to get timely notice of the enemy's approach, so that I flatter myself you need be under no apprehensions on that head. A scouting party is just returned, and reports, that, five miles advanced of this they discovered the tracks of about forty persons making towards Kiskamanetes.99 The tracks appear to have been made to-day, or yesterday. I am, &c.
[Note 99: The name Kiskaminities was applied to Loyalhanna, Pa. Toner states that it was later restricted to the country at the "forks of the Loyalhannan and Conemaugh Rivers." A stream called the Kiskaminities flowed into the Allegheny.]
Camp, at Fort Duquesne, November 28, 1758.
Honble. Sir: I have the pleasure to inform you, that Fort Duquesne, or the ground rather on which it stood, was possessed by his Majesty's troops on the 25th instant. The enemy, after letting us get within a day's march of the place, burned the fort, and ran away (by the light of it,) at night, going down the Ohio by water, to the number of about five hundred men, from our best information. The possession of this fort has been matter of great surprise to the whole army, and we cannot attribute it to more probable causes, than those of weakness, want of provisions, and desertion of their Indians. Of these circumstances we were luckily informed by three prisoners, who providentially fell into our hands at Loyal Hannan, at a time when we despaired of proceeding, and a council of war had determined, that it was not advisable to advance beyond the place above mentioned this season, but the information above caused us to march on without tents or baggage, and with a light train of artillery only, with which we have happily succeeded. It would be tedious, and I think unnecessary, to relate every trivial circumstance, that has happened since my last. To do this, if needful, shall be the employment of a leisure hour, when I have the pleasure to pay my respects to your Honor.
The General purposes to wait here a few days to settle matters with the Indians, and then all the troops, (except a sufficient garrison which will I suppose be left here, to secure the possession,) will march to their respective governments. I therefore give your Honor this early notice of it, that your directions relative to those of Virginia may meet me timely on the road. I cannot help premising, in this place, the hardships the troops have undergone, and the naked condition they now are in, in order that you may judge if it is not necessary that they should have some little recess from fatigue, and time to provide themselves with necessaries, for at present they are destitute of every comfort of life. If I do not get your orders to the contrary, I shall march the troops under my command directly to Winchester; from whence they may then be disposed of, as you shall afterwards direct.
General Forbes desires me to inform you, that he is prevented, by a multiplicity of different affairs, from writing to you so fully now, as he would otherwise have done, and from enclosing you a copy of a letter which he has written to the commanding officer stationed on the communication from hence to Winchester, &c. relative to the Little Carpenter's conduct, (a chief of the Cherokees). But that, the purport of that letter was to desire, they would deprive him of the use of arms and ammunition, and escort him from one place to another, to prevent his doing any mischief to the inhabitants, allowing him provisions only. His behavior, the General thought, rendered this measure necessary.
This fortunate, and, indeed, unexpected success of our arms will be attended with happy effects. The Delawares are suing for peace, and I doubt not that other tribes on the Ohio will follow their example. A trade, free, open, and upon equitable terms, is what they seem much to stickle for, and I do not know so effectual a way of riveting them to our interest, as sending out goods immediately to this place for that purpose. It will, at the same time, be a means of supplying the garrison with such necessaries as may be wanted; and, I think, those colonies, which are as greatly interested in the support of this place as Virginia is, should neglect no means in their power to establish and support a strong garrison here. Our business, (wanting this) will be but half finished; while, on the other hand, we obtain a firm and lasting peace, if this end is once accomplished.
General Forbes is very assiduous in getting these matters settled upon a solid basis, and has great merit (which I hope will be rewarded) for the happy issue which he has brought our affairs to, infirm and worn down as he is.1 At present I have nothing further to add, but the strongest assurances of my being your Honor's most obedient and most humble servant.2
[Note 1: General Forbes died a few weeks afterwards in Philadelphia.-- Sparks.]
[Note 2: The French account of the later events of this campaign may be found in the Papers Relating to the French Occupation in Western Pennsylvania, published in the Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, vol. 6. Extracts from a few of the more important letters are here quoted:
"M. de Ligneris has written me from Fort Duquesne on the 30th of last month; he continues to have parties out, who brought him two prisoners on the 30th, from whom he learned that General Forbes was immediately expected at Royal Amnon; where there were more than 2,000 men, under the command of Colonel Bouquet, with 8 pieces of cannon on field carriages and several mortars; that a fort had been built there of piece upon piece, and one saw mill; as for the rest, they are ignorant whether Fort Duquesne is to be attacked this fall; that the Provincials had orders to go into winter quarters; that they had been since countermanded, but that people still spoke of dismissing them; that there are no more horned cattle at Royal Amnon, but plenty of provisions of flour and salt meats; that the English suppose us to be very numerous at Fort Duquesne. I am not sure, my Lord, whether the enemy will organize any expedition this fall, or wait until spring; the advanced season and the two advantages we have gained in succession over them, would lead me to hope that they will adopt the latter course. 'Tis much to be desired, for 'twould not be possible for M. de Ligneris to resist the superiority of the enemy's forces. Meanwhile, he will use all means in his power to annoy them; embarrass their communications and intercept their convoys. It is a great pity that he has been absolutely obliged, by the scarcity of provisions, to reduce his garrison to 200 men; fortunately, the messages he has delivered in my name, to the Delawares and Chawenons of the Beautiful river, have confirmed these nations in their attachment to the French. The Delawares of the mountains have also favorably received the messages sent to them, and are beginning to remove their villages to our territory. I have renewed my orders to all the posts to procure for M. de Ligneris, early in spring, all the assistance in their vicinity. I beg you, my lord, to be pleased fully to assure his Majesty that I will neglect nothing to procure for him the possession of the Beautiful river, and of this colony in general; that it will not be my fault, should our enemies make, eventually, any progress, but in fact and strict truth, the salvation of this colony will depend on the prompt arrival of the succors of every description, which I have had the honor to demand of you."-- M. de Vandreuil to M. de Massiac, Nov. 28, 1758.
"We obtain[ed] some new advantages on the Beautiful river, at the close of the month of October. The English repaired in force, on the 23d of November, to within three leagues of Fort Duquesne, which was abandoned after having marched out of, and burned it; the artillery has been sent to the Illinois, by descending the Beautiful river which empties into that of the Onias, the latter flowing into the Mississippi, which is ascended thirty leagues to reach the fort of the Illinois; and the garrison retreated to Fort Machault, where it still remained on the 8th of March, according to intelligence received on the day before yesterday...Scarcity of provisions and the bad position of Fort Duquesne have compelled its abandonment. The consequences may become unfortunate, if the Indians pronounce in favor of the English. Although they hesitate, they appear still attached to us; 'tis to be hoped that they will remain at least neutral. M. de Ligneris, who commands at Fort Machault, writes that the English are constructing forts at Attiqué and Loyal Hannon; that the Indians are become very familiar with them; he flatters himself, however, that he will induce them to strike, if he receives reinforcements capable of controlling them; the greatest part of them are on the way."-- M. Malartie to M. de Cremille, Apr. 9, 1759.]
Loyal Hanna, December 2, 1758.
Sir: The enclosed was wrote with the intention to go by an express of the General's, but his indisposition prevented that express from setting out for three days afterwards; and then the General thought, that my waiting upon your Honor would be more eligible, as I could represent the situation of our affairs in this quarter more fully, than could well be done by letter. This I accordingly attempted; but, upon trial, found it impracticable to proceed with despatch, for want of horses, (now having near two hundred miles to march before I can get a supply,) those I at present have being entirely knocked up. I shall, notwithstanding, endeavor to comply with the General's request, as I cannot possibly be down till towards the 1st of next month, (and the bearer may much sooner).
The General has, in his letters, told you what garrison he proposed to leave at Fort Duquesne,4 but the want of provisions rendered it impossible to leave more than two hundred men in all there. These, without peculiar exertions, must, I fear, abandon the place or perish. To prevent, as far as possible, either of these events happening, I have by this conveyance wrote a circular letter to the back inhabitants of Virginia, setting forth the great advantages of keeping that place, the improbability of doing it without their immediate assistance, that they may travel safely out while we hold that post, and will be allowed good prices for such species of provisions as they shall carry. Unless the most effectual measures are taken early in the spring to reinforce the garrison at Fort Duquesne
[Note 4: General Forbes had determined to leave at Fort Duquesne 200 of the provincial troops of Pennsylvania, with a proportionable number of Virginia and Maryland forces.-- Ford.] the place will inevitably be lost, and then our frontiers will fall into the same distressed condition that they have been in for some time past. For I can very confidently assert, that we never can secure them properly, if we again lose our footing on the Ohio, as we consequently lose the interest of the Indians. I therefore think, that every necessary preparation should be making, not a moment should be lost in taking the most speedy and efficacious steps in securing the infinite advantages which may be derived from our regaining possession of that important country.
That the preparative steps should immediately be taken for securing the communication from Virginia, by constructing a post at Red-stone Creek, which would greatly facilitate the supplying of our troops on the Ohio, where a formidable garrison should be sent, as soon as the season will admit of it. That a trade with the Indians should be upon such terms, and transacted by men of such principles, as would at the same time turn out to the reciprocal advantage of the colony and the Indians, and which would effectually remove those bad impressions, that the Indians received from the conduct of a set of rascally fellows, divested of all faith and honor, and give us such an early opportunity of establishing an interest with them, as would be productive of the most beneficial consequences, by getting a large share of the fur-trade, not only of the Ohio Indians, but, in time, of the numerous nations possessing the back countries westward of it. And to prevent this advantageous commerce from suffering in its infancy, by the sinister views of designing, selfish men of the different provinces, I humbly conceive it absolutely necessary that commissioners from each of the colonies be appointed to regulate the mode of that trade, and fix it on such a basis, that all the attempts of one colony undermining another, and thereby weakening and diminishing the general system might be frustrated. To effect which the General would (I fancy) cheerfully give his aid.5
[Note 5: While the capture and destruction of Fort Duquesne, and the occupation by the English removed for the time the fear of a French invasion, the western and northern tribes of Indians were still too closely bound to the French, and offered a more dangerous and insidious weapon of offense against the frontiers of the Colonies than any line of French forts or number of French troops could have supplied. French influence still controlled among the Indians of the upper country, though shaken by the retreat from Fort Duquesne; French missionaries were more active in maintaining and extending French interests; French traders divided with the English the rich fur trade of the western country; and a greater liberality and a more intelligent exercise of authority gave the French a hold upon the tribes that the English in vain long sought to break. The high utility of Indian allies, and the importance of maintaining their influence over the tribes, were clearly recognized by Montcalm, de Vaudreuil, and other of the French commanders, and no effort was spared to establish that influence the more firmly. To counteract these endeavors the Colonies sought, first, to so intimidate the openly hostile tribes as to induce them to break with the French and become allies of the English, or, at all events, neutral in case of war; and, secondly, to remove all causes of complaint by prohibiting settlement on lands claimed by the Indians and by regulating the system of conducting trade with the Indians.
To accomplish these ends effectually the united action of the Colonies was desirable No single colony would be able to cope with the Indians in war, and the different measures adopted by the different Colonies presented serious obstacles to the proper control and regulation of relations with the Indians in time of peace. The organ of communication between the Crown and the Indians had been the governors of the respective Colonies. The engrossing and multifarious duties of the governors in other directions led to a neglect of Indian affairs, while the want of proper agents, of system and uniformity of treatment, arising from this neglect, and a conflict of interest among the Colonies, induced great abuses and kept the Indians and settlers perpetually at difference and oftentimes at war. The Colonies licensed traders, but the character of these privileged persons was not inquired into, and the contempt which Washington had for them was in general the uniform sentiment, north as well as south. Franklin ( Works, vol. 2, p. 467) called them "the most vicious and abandoned wretches of our nation." Sir William Johnson spoke of the Albany commissioners for Indian affairs as "persons of very little capacity, who were all devoted to their own interest and trade, and by whose means the French were constantly supplied with Indian and other goods, thro' the channel of Canada Indians." (See letter to the Lords of Trade, Nov. 13, 1763.) Massachusetts was successful in bettering her relations with the Indians by constructing "truckhouses" where the natives could purchase at stated prices, or exchange their peltries, and were assured of the quality of the goods sold. Such houses for Indian trade were "a more effectual bar against private trade than all the laws that can be invented." (See Governor Bowdoin's letter to Franklin, in Franklin's Works [Bigelow edition], vol. 2, p. 316, note.) Pennsylvania adopted the Massachusetts idea at the treaty of Carlisle (1753), and it was the place of deposit constructed by the Ohio Company that led to the Indian war in which Washington served. Franklin urged the framing of some uniform policy of direction before the Albany congress of 1754.
The plan of union was not adopted, and in default of action by the Colonies the Crown introduced a new system. The Colonies were divided into two districts, the northern and the southern, and over each was placed a superintendent or agent for the affairs of Indians, holding his commission from the Colonies and independent of the colonial government. The Indian outbreak of 1763 directed attention to certain inconveniences of this arrangement, and the English Government called upon the agents to suggest alterations. The reply of Sir William Johnson, one of the ablest and most successful Indian agents of that period, may be found in the second series of the Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 6, p. 600. The royal proclamation of October, 1763, appears to have anticipated in a measure his recommendations. (See note 74, Washington's letter to Crawford, Sept. 21, 1767, post.) The policy thus introduced, of confining the trade to certain posts and places, was advantageously applied to the Southern Colonies, but was not so effective in the north, principally because of the easy connection the Indians could have with Canada, and the number of posts necessary and the expense of maintaining them. In 1769 the commissioners of trade proposed to entrust the entire management of the Indian trade to the Colonies themselves. (See Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 4, pp. 319, 320.)-- Ford.]
Although none can entertain a higher sense of the great importance of maintaining a post on the Ohio than myself, yet, under the unhappy circumstances my regiment is, I would by no means have agreed to leave any part of it there, had not the General given an express order for it. I endeavored to shew, that the King's troops ought to garrison it; but he told me, as he had no instructions from the ministry relative thereto, he could not order it, and our men that are left there, are in such a miserable situation, having hardly rags to cover their nakedness, exposed to the inclemency of the weather in this rigorous season, that, unless provision is made by the country for supplying them immediately, they must inevitably perish, and if the first Virginia regiment is to be kept up any longer, or any services are expected therefrom they should forthwith be clothed; as they are, by their present shameful nakedness, the advanced season, and the inconceivable fatigues of an uncommonly long and laborious campaign, rendered totally incapable of any kind of service; and sickness, death, and desertion must, if not speedily supplied, greatly reduce its numbers. To replace them with equally good men will, perhaps, be found impossible. Colo. Byrd begs that the money for which he wrote may be sent by Express to Winchester; as detaining his Regiment there, will encrease that demand, and add to the general expence. With the highest respect, I am, &c.
Winchester, December 9, 1758.
Sir: I arrived at this place last night, and was just setting out (tho' very much indisposed) for my own House, when I was honored with your obliging favour of the 3d. instant. My last letters would fully inform your Honor of the success of His Majesty's Arms under General Forbes; of the march of the Virginia Troops to Winchester, and the condition (the very distressed condition) the 1st. Regiment is in: It is needless therefore, to recapitulate facts, or trouble your Honor further on this head.
Reason, nay, common humanity itself points out that some respite should be granted to Troops returning from every toil and hardship that cold, hunger and fatigue can inflict: and I hope your honors sentiments correspond therein.
If I easily get the better of my present Disorder, I shall hope for the honor of kissing your hand, about the 25th. instant. The want of almost every necessary for the journey; and a still greater inducement if possible, the want of my Papers, requisite to a full and final settlement with the Country oblige me to take my own house in the way down.6
[Note 6: Before this date Washington had determined to resign, and his determination was known. On December 31 the officers of the Virginia Regiment signed an address to Washington in which occurs these sentiments: "Your steady adherance to impartial Justice, your quick Discernment and invariable Regard to Merit, wisely intended to inculcate those genuine Sentiments of true Honor and Passion for Glory, from which the great military Achievements have been deriv'd, first heighten'd our natural Emulation, and our Desire to excel...Judge then, how sensibly we must be Affected with the loss of such an excellent Commander, such a sincere Friend, and so affable a Companion. How rare is it to find those amable Qualifications blended together in one Man?...Adieu to that Superiority, which the Enemy have granted us over other Troops, and which even the Regulars and Provincials have done us the Honor to publicly acknowledge. Adieu to that strict Discipline and order, which you have always maintained. Adieu to that happy Union and Harmony, which has been our principle Cement!...our unhappy Country will receive a loss, no less irreparable, than ourselves. Where will it meet a Man so experienc'd in military Affairs?...Who has so great knowledge of the Enemy we have to deal with?...Who so much respected by the Soldiery?..." The original of this address is in the Washington Papers and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 3, p. 143.
Washington's accounts with Virginia, balanced to Dec. 30, 1758, bear the attestation of the auditors--William Prentis, James Cooke, and Thomas Everard--as to their correctness.]
Those matters which your honor has glanced at in your letters, have been fully communicated to me. That you had not the least share in causing it, I am equally well satisfied of; and shall think myself honored with your Esteem: Being, with the greatest Respect, etc.
Williamsburg, December 30, 1758.
Sir: The Governor's writing fully to [you] upon the posture of affairs here, and the present system of management, leaves me no room to add. I was in hope a General Assembly would have been called immediately; but the Council were of opinion, that, as they had met so lately, and were summoned to attend some time in February, it would be inconvenient to convene them sooner; so that no measures for securing the communication between Fort Cumberland and Fort Duquesne, or, in short, any thing else, can be effectuated, or even attempted, until their resolutions are known thereupon.
Captain McNeill, (who commanded the first Virginia regiment in my absence,) committed an error, I am informed, at Raystown, in confining Mr. Hoops, the commissary. I am not thoroughly acquainted with the particulars of that affair, but believe, from the accounts which I have received, that Mr. Hoops was equally culpable in detaining the provisions from half-starved men. This piece of rashness, I am told, is likely to bring McNeill into trouble. I therefore beg the favor of you, Sir, as I am well convinced McNeill had nothing in view but the welfare of his men, to interpose your kind offices to settle the difference. This will be doing a singular favor to Captain McNeill, as well as to myself.
I should be extremely glad to hear of your safe arrival at head-quarters, after a fatiguing campaign, and that a perfect return of good health has contributed to crown your successes.7 I am, etc.
[Note 7: Washington was married on Jan. 6, 1759, to Martha Custis, widow of Daniel Parke Custis, and daughter of John Dandridge. Ford states that the ceremony was performed by the Rev. David Mossurn in St. Peters Church, a few miles from the Gustis White House, which was on the Pamunkey River, in New Kent County, Va., but documentary evidence that the ceremony was performed in St. Peters is not available.
Being now a member of the House of Burgesses, he joined that assembly when it was next convened. The house resolved to return their thanks to him, in a public manner, for the services which he had rendered to his country, and this duty devolved on his friend the speaker. Mr. Wirt, in his Life of Patrick Henry (p. 45), relates the anecdote in the following words, on the authority of Edmund Randolph: "As soon as Colonel Washington took his seat [in the assembly], Mr. Robinson, in obedience to this order, and following the impulse of his own generous and grateful heart, discharged the duty with great dignity, but with such warmth of coloring, and strength of expression, as entirely to confound the young hero. He rose to express his acknowledgments for the honor; but such was his trepidation and confusion, that he could not give distinct utterance to a syllable. He blushed, stammered, and trembled. for a second; when the Speaker relieved him, by a stroke of address, that would have done honor to Louis the Fourteenth, in his proudest and happiest moment. 'Sit down, Mr. Washington,' said he, with a conciliating smile, 'your modesty is equal to your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language that I possess.' "-- Sparks.]
Williamsburg, May 1, 1759.
Gentln. The Inclos'd is the Ministers Certificate of my Marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis, properly as I am told, Authenticated, You will therefore for the future please to address all your Letters which relate to the Affairs of the late Danl. Parke Custis Esqr. to me, as by Marriage I am entitled to a third part of that Estate, and Invested likewise with the care of the other two thirds by a Decree of our Genl. Court which I obtain'd in order to strengthen the Power I before had in consequence of my Wiles Administration.
I have many Letters of yours in my possession unanswered but at present this serves only to advise you of the above Change and at the same time to acquaint you that I shall continue to make you the same Consignments of Tobo. as usual, and will endeavour to encrease it in proportion as I find myself and the Estate benefitted thereby.
The Scarcity of the last years Crop, and the high prices of Tobo. consequent thereupon wou'd in any other Case, have induc'd me to sell the Estates Crop (which indeed is only 16 Hhds.) in the Country but for a present, and I hope small advantage only I did not care to break the Chain of Corrispondance that had so long subsisted, and therefore have, according to your desire, given Captn. Talman an offer of the whole.
On the otherside is an Invoice of some Goods which I beg of you to send me by the first Ship bound either to Potomack or Rappahannock, as I am in immediate want of them. Let them be Insur'd, and in case of Accident reshipp'd witht. Delay; direct for me at Mount Vernon Potomack River Virginia; the former is the name of my Seat the other of the River on which 'tis Situated. I am, &c.
Mount Vernon, May 7, 1759.
Dear Sir: Your Letter of the 9th. of Septr. Inclosing a Copy of your former of the 5th. July preceeding came to my hands about the first of March last: I am glad that the several Bills remitted you were accepted; I had no Cause to doubt their goodness, but we notwithstanding are often deceiv'd. I now Inclose you one for £40.9. as I find Mr. Knox has sold my Tobo. for about one third part of its value, and Mr. Bacon that which I sent him under its real worth; I have no Accts. yet of the Sales of that sent you.
The Short Crops last year puts it out of my power to Ship you any Tobo. this; I made very little myself, and none is to be bought Under 50/pr. ct. I shall shortly take an oppertunity of remitting you another Bill as I don't know how our Acct. stands Ballanc'd.
'Till I hear from you, I have nothing worth mentioning, I have quit a Military Life; and Shortly shall be fix'd at this place with an agreable Partner, and then shall be able to conduct my own business with more punctuality than heretofore as it will pass under my own immediate Inspection; a thing Impractacable while I discharg'd my Duty in the Publick Service of the Country, I am, etc.
Virginia, June 12, 1759.
Gentn: In a Letter which I wrote you the first of last Month was Inclos'd an Invoice of Sundries which I then was, and still am, much in need of. If those Goods shou'd not be Ship'd before this Letter gets to hand pray add to your purchase the things which you will find on the other side and send them as there directed.
I shall find occasion to write you fully by the Fleet and Inclosing a list of Sundries that will be wanted for the Estates use, and till then I shall forbear to trouble you with particulars, as I shall expect also by that time to get some Acct. of the Sales of the Estates Tobo. sent you, and an Acct. Currt. as this last is necessary for me to compare with my own Accts. in order to a satisfactory Settlement with our Genl. Court I entreat you to be punctual in sending me one Spring and Fall yearly.
I shall keep the Estate under the same direction as formerly, neither altering the managers, kind of Tobo. or manner of treating it, unless you advise otherwise for our Interest, and while I continue to persue this method I hope you will be able to render such Sales as will not only justifie the prest. Consignments to you but encourage my enlarging them; for I shall be candid in telling you that duty to the Charge with which I am entrusted as well as self Interest will incline me to abide by those who gives the greatest proof of their Abilities in selling my own and the Estates Tobo. and purchasing Our Goods which I can no otherwise judge of than by the Accts. that will be render'd; and here permit me to ask if it wou'd be advisable to change the Marks of any of the Tobo. or had I best Ship it all under the usual Marks, if so, my part may be known by some small distinction, such as you can best advise.
In my last among other things I desir'd you wou'd send me (besides a Small Octavo volume) the best System now extent of Agriculture; since which I have been told that there is one lately publish'd; done by various hands, but chiefly collected from the Papers of Mr. Hale9 If this is known to be the best pray send it but not if any other is in higher Esteem. I am Gentn., etc.
[Note 9: Probably Thomas Hale's A Compleat Body of Husbandry, published by T. Osborne (London: 1758-59).]
Virginia, June 12, 1759.
Gentn: It will be needless I presume, unless it be for Formsake, to tell you so long after the thing has happen'd, of my Marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis; you doubtless have heard of it before this can reach you, but as I thought proof might be requisite I sent over the Ministers certificate (which I was told was sufficient testimony) to Messr. Cary & Compa. and to that I also refer you for your further satisfaction on this point.
I must now desire that you will please to address all your Letters which relate to the Affairs of the Deceas'd Colo. Custis to me as by Marriage I am entitled to a third part of that Estate, and invested with the care of the other two thirds by a Decree of our Genl. Court which I obtain'd in order to strengthen the power I before had in Consequence of my Wiles Administration.
Your several Letters of last Year that are unanswer'd bearing date the 6th. July, 12th. Septr. and 26th. Deer. now lye before me, and I shall take notice of them accordingly; but give me leave in the first place to condole with you, and I do it very sincerely, on the Death of your Relation and Partner, John Hanbury Esqr. The 28 Hogsheads Tobacco Ship'd you pr. the King of Prussia has not only fallen short very greatly of the Sales of those Consign'd Mr. Cary, but even of your own Sales in other years which I am the more surpriz'd at as Tobo. was scarce that year and I assur'd by the Manager of that belonging to the Estate that it pass'd thro their hands in the same good Order as usual, and that it was of the same kind and Quality.
I hope your next will Account for the Tobo. taken in the Anna Pink which I think has long remain'd in an undeterminate state.
Dunbars Lawsuit is again brought to Virginia; what the Reports might be that were spread to your prejudice I really know not for my own part I shou'd never harbour a Suspicion of any Gentlm. who is charged with the management of a Suit of that Importance. It wou'd be very disengenuous, and dishonourable; give it no worse a name, first to undertake, and then neglect a Cause that so nearly Affects the Interest of a distant friend, and Antient Corrispondant and therefore you stand fully acquitted in my Eye.
The exceeding short Crops of Tobo. last year render's it impractacable for me to Ship you any this Summer; next, as things wears a favourable aspect at present I shall possibly have it in my power to do it; but give me leave to add here, that Duty to the charge which I am entrusted as well as self Interest will induce me to abide by the Merchants who shews the greatest Exertion in the Sales of my own and the Estates Tobo. which will be made under the same direction, and without altering the kind or manner of treating unless you can advise a better method of making it sell well.
I cannot help expressing some little Surprize at not receiving your Acct. Currt. with the Estate when I find it requir'd in almost every Letter that has been wrote you since Colo. Custis's Death and as often promis'd by you. I must once more require in the strongest terms that it may be sent half yearly from the time of that Gentlemans Death, that by comparing these with his Books I may be able to make out clear and Satisfactory Accts. to Our Genl. Court and that they also be punctualy sent Spring and Fall for the time to come, I am, etc.10
[Note 10: On September 20 Washington again wrote Hanbury practically a duplicate of this letter of June 12. and on November 30 another of practically the same tenor.]
Virginia, June 12, 1759.
Sir: Doubtless before this you have heard of my Marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis; but the Inclos'd is the Ministers certificate of that Marriage, and will serve to evince it, be pleas'd therefore for the future to address all your Letters which relate to the Estate of the late Danl. P. Custis, Esqr. to me, as I am, besides my property therein invested by a Decree of Our Genl. Court w' the care of the rest.
Before me now lye your fav'rs of the 13th. of June 1758 and 21st. Feby. following Inclosing an Invoice of Sundrys which have been all deliver'd except the Crate of Stone Ware, and this I don't know as yet who to look to for; in your former you Speak of Accts. of Sales being sent for 16 Hhds. Tobo. Ship'd you by the Gildart Captn. Mulloy and five others by the Hare but whether you forgot to Inclose them, or they have been misplac'd since their arrival I can't take upon me to determine but certain it is, that neither of them are to be found I must therefore desire you will transmit me Copies of them by the first Vessell and at the same time send me the Accts. Currt., this you have in several Letters promis'd to do but none has ever yet appear'd. I want them every half yearly since Colo. Custis's death that by comparing them with his Books I may render Satisfactory Accts. to Our Genl. Court of my Wifes Administration and I hope for the future you will be punctual in observing it.
I cant imagine how it happens that the last Tobo. Ship'd you sh'd be of a worse quality than formerly; the Overseers all Affirm to me that the Tobo. was of the same kind and quality here, however I am perswaded you have before this made the most of it and we must therefore be satisfied. The exceeding short Crop last year in genl. and the little made by this Estate in particular puts it out of my power to Consign you any Tobo. this Summer, but the promising appearance that the present Crop assumes may enable me to do it next if your Sales will justifie me in it. I apprehend an occasion of writing to you as formerly [for] Goods for the Estates use and I shall take an oppertunity of doing so accordingly sometime this Summer, at present I have only to add that, I am Sir, etc.11
[Note 11: On September 20 Washington wrote to Gildart practically a duplicate of this letter of June 12.]
Virginia, July 2, 1759.
Gentln: By the Fair American William Thompson Master a Ship belonging to--I send you fifteen Hhds. Tobo. the whole Amount of the Estates Crop this Year; one tho only excepted, which I cou'd not get on board in time as it lay up Pamunky River. Be pleas'd therefore to Insure the above fifteen Hhds. in the usual manner for the Estates Interest, and being perswaded you are the best Judge of this, I leave it to your Descretion to fix upon a Sum. I am, etc.
Mount Vernon, August 26, 1759.
Gentn: I shall draw upon you in a few days to the Amount of about £150 in two setts of Exchange: the one payable to Messrs. Champe and Hunter of Virginia and the other to Mr. Richd. Washington of London. I did not think it amiss to give you this earliest Advice (via Whitehaven) of my Intentions but shou'd not have doubted your Acceptance of my Bills without it as I in a former of the 12th. June advertis'd you of my Marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis Relict of Danl. P. Custis Esqr. deceas'd by which I am empower'd to draw for the Estates money in your hands. I am Gentn., etc.
Mount Vernon, September 20, 1759.
Gentn: This will make the fourth Letter I have wrote to you since my Marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis; the two first serv'd to cover Invoices of such Goods I wanted, and to advise you at the same time of the change in her Affairs, and how necessary it wou'd be to address for the future, all your Letters which relate to the Estate of the deceas'd Colo. Custis to me; the last tended only to order Insurance on 15 Hhds. Tobo. pt. the Fair American.
I shall now endeavour to take notice of such parts of your Letters, as require answering, and then advise what is needful to be done as matters are Circumstanc'd at present. In regard to the former, there remains no great deal to be said, unless you will permit me to condemn your premature Sales of the Estates Tobo. by Whelden in wch I shou'd have thought a little delay w'd have appear'd absolutely advisable for another Reason besides that mention'd by you of an additional Duty taking place and th't was the great Demand of Tobo. and rising price in the Country of w'ch you cou'd not be unadvis'd from your Corrispondants in Virginia; however I dare say you did for the best, and we must therefore be satisfied; and in this place, as an Individual give me leave to offer you my thanks for the Opposition you made to this Duty, had all y'r Brethren in the Trade merited our acknowledgm'ts in the same manner this duty, probably, might never have been laid. I remark the pains you take to shew the Impropriety of pay'g the Duty of the Estates Tobo.; when money is want'g it can't be expected, but when a Sum lyes in your hands it sh'd certainly be applied that way as far as it will go. I likewise observe the Difficulties you have met with in settling for the Interest of the Bank Stock, but I hope that is now over, unless any part or the whole shou'd require transferring (when a division of the Estate is made) and then timely notice will be given, but till this happens, it may be receiv'd and plac'd to the Estates Credit in the usual manner.
From this time it will be requisite, that you shou'd raise three Accounts; One for me, another for the Estate, and a third for Miss Patty Custis; or if you think it more eligable and I believe it will, make me Debtor on my own Acct. for Jno. Parke Custis, and for Miss Martha Parke Custis, as each will have their part of the Estate Assign'd them this Fall, and the whole will remain under my management whose particular care it shall be to distinguish always either by Letter or Invoice from whom Tobacco's are ship'd, and for whose use Goods are Imported in Order to prevent any mistakes arising. The Estates Credit now in your hands may be applied towards answering the whole Drafts that have been, and shall be made this year; and it must appear very plain from my former Letters, as well as from what is here said how necessary it is to send regular Accounts Currt. that by comparing them with the Books here Satisfactory Settlements may, from time to time, be made to our Genl. Court.
The Tobo. per the Fair American will make its appearance I apprehend in a very irregular manner. Captn. Talman first engag'd it to be sent by the Cary, then by the Randolph; and being disappointed in both I had to seek for a Conveyance myself and by mere good luck got it on board Captn. Thompson but not till I had first been at the trouble and expence of Carting it across from York to James River for his Craft to take it in. The Vessel being upon the point of sailing at that time a Gentleman at Norfolk where she lay promis'd to receive the Bills of Lading and send them by different oppertunities under cover to you, but loosing my Memm. wrote to me a Month afterwards for fresh directions which I suppose did not reach him till some time after the Vessel had Sail'd. I shall endeavour to put what Tobacco I can on Board the Cary, as I understand she is to wait for the New Crop; it will be needless I am persuaded to bespeak your best care in the Sales of it as you must be sensible the present high price of Tobo. gives us room to expect extraordinary returns for this years produce so early Ship'd.
I am possess'd of several Plantations on this River (Potomack) and the fine Lands of Shenandoah, and shou'd be glad if you wou'd ingenuously tell me what prices I might expect you to render for Tobacco's made thereon of the same seed of that of the Estate's and manag'd in every respect in the same manner as the best Tobacco's on James or York River's axe. I ask this question for my own private Information, and my Shipping of these Crops will be govern'd in a great measure by the answer you may give; therefore you will excuse me I hope, if I again desire the favour of you to take some pains to inform yourselves exactly, because shou'd the prices differ from those of the Estate I might possibly think myself deceiv'd and be disgusted of Course.
Please to send the Goods contain'd in the Inclos'd Invoices and charge them as their directed. I flatter myself that particular care will be taken in choosing them, the want of which gives some Tradesmen an oppertunity of Imposing upon us most Vilely. The Coarse Goods for the Estates use are order'd from Liverpool this year, all but the Plaid Hose and these I beg you will cause to be sent from Glasgow in the usual manner and number directed to the care of Mr. Joseph Valentine or person managing the Estates business York River. I am Gentn. &c.12
[Note 12: The letter sent is in the University of Chicago Library; the "Letter Book" copy, in Washington's writing, is in the Washington Papers, Library of Congress.]
Mount Vernon, September 20, 1759.
Dear Sir: Inclos'd you will receive a Bill (promis'd in my last of the 7th. May) which please to receive and place to my Credit, Since mine of the above date your agreable favour of the 26th. March covering Invoice of Sundries pt. the desire is come to hand as has the Goods also in good Order which is more than most of the Importers by that Ship can boast great part of her Cargo being damagd; thro' the Negligence tis said of the Captain.
My Brother is safe arriv'd but little benifitted in point of Health by his Trip to England. The longing desire, which for many years I have had of visiting the great Matrapolis of that Kingdom is not in the least abated by his prejudices because I think the small share of Health he enjoy'd while there must have given a Sensible Check to any pleasures he might figure to himself, and wou'd render any place Irksome; but, I am now tied by the Leg and must set Inclination aside.
The Scale of Fortune in America is turn'd greatly in our favour, and Success is become the boon Companion of our Fortunate Generals. Twoud be folly in me to attempt particularising their Action's since you receive Accts. in a Channel So much more direct than from hence.
I am now I believe fixd at this Seat with an agreable Consort for Life and hope to find more happiness in retirement than I ever experienc'd amidst a wide and bustling World; I thank you heartily for your Affectionate Wishes; why wont you give me an occasion of Congratulating you in the same manner? None wou'd do it with more cordiality, and true sincerity than, Dear Sir, &c.
Virginia, November 25, 1759.
Gentln: Sometime this Week I expect to get on board the Cary for your House Fifty Hhds. Tobacco of my own and John Parke Custis; which please to ensure in the usual manner. I shall also by the same Ship send you ten or twelve Hhds. more if I can get them on board in time, but this I believe will be Impractacable if Captn. Falman uses that Dispatch in Loading which he now has in his power to do. My Goods pr. Captn. Yates are arriv'd in James River and I am oblig'd to you for your Deligence in sending them. I am Gentln., etc.
Virginia, November 25, 1759.
Gentln: On Board a Ship of Mr. Mills's (Virga.) call'd the Deliverance I have Ship'd 20 Hhds. Tobo. for your House which please to Insure in the usual manner; and sell to the best Advantage of Gentln. Yr. etc.
November 30, 1759.
Gentn: By the George and ... Captns. Richardson and Nicks who saild with the Fleet in September last I sent Invoices of such Goods as were wanting for myself Estate &cta. but knowing that the Latter unfortunately founderd at Sea soon after her Departure from Virginia and that the former may probably have sufferd by that Storm or some other accident, by which means my Letters &cta would miscarry I take this oppertunity by way of Bristol of addressing Copies of them, and over and above the things there wrote for to desire the favour of you to send me a neat Grait (for Coal or small Faggots) in the newest taste and of a Size to fit a Chimney abt. 3 feet wide and two Deep, and a fender suited to Ditto, Steel I believe are most usd at present; also send me a New Market Great Coat with a loose hood to it made of Blew Drab or broad Cloth with Straps before according to the present taste, let it be made of such Cloth as will turn a good Shower of Rain and made long, and fit in other respects for a Man full 6 feet high and proportionately made, possibly the Measure sent for my other Cloths may be a good direction to these. Please to add also to the things Orderd for Mrs. Dandridge 12 yds. of Silver cold. Armozeen or Ducape and cause it to be packd up with the Rest of her things chargd with them &ca.
Five Days ago I dropt a Letter at Williamsburg, to take the first Conveyance to you, desiring Insurance on 50 Hhds Tobo pt. the Cary since then I have got 4 more Inspected and all on Float ready to deliver at the Ships side You will therefore Insure that quantity and dispose of them in the best manner for Our Interest. If Captn. Talman uses that Dispatch in Loading of his Vessell which I am sure he now has in his power to do this Tobo. wl come to a very good Market I hope.
It is almost as much trouble and expence getting Goods from any of the Rivers round to Potomack as the Original Charges of Shipping them amounts to, unless they are committed to the charge of very careful Captains who has an Interest in forwarding. I should be glad therefore if you woud take the oppertunity of some Ship to that River of sending my Goods for the Future.
Your favour of the 6th. Augt. I have had the pleasure of receiving, and acknowledge myself particularly obligd to you for your polite Congratulations on my Marriage, as I likewise am for your Dispatch of my Goods. I am Gentn.
[Note 20: A shoemaker of London.]
Virginia, November 30, 1759.
Sir: The first Shoes which I desir'd might be made by you for me, on Colo. Baylors Last are come in, and fit me tolerably well except that some of them are (if any thing) rather too short; as I imagine you will now be able to suit my foot exactly I beg you will for the future observe the following Directions in making the Shoes.
Let the hind Quarters always be high and very short so that they may Buckle high up on the Instep; the Heels midling high also.
Never more make any of Dog leather except one pair of Pumps in a Cargoe (which let be very neat) unless you send better Leather than they were made of before, for the two pair of Shoes scarcely lasted me twice as many days and had very fair wearing. If I shou'd find occasion to alter at any time these Directions you shall be timely advis'd of it, at present please to send me:
Mr. Cary will pay the Cost and I am Sir, etc.
Virginia, April 28, 1760.27
[Note 27: Washington was at Williamsburg when he wrote this letter.]
Gentln: On Board the Russia Merchant Captn. Boyes I send you fifteen Hogheads of my own and Jno. P. Custis's Tobo. which please to Insure in the usual manner. By mistake four of the Fifty four Hhds intended you by the Cary were left out (serving now to make up the Fifteen Hogsheads) I suppose the Insurance of them may be withdrawn.
Please to send by the first Ship to York River28 two Seins directed to the care of Mr. Joseph Valentine29 and charge them
[Note 28: In the invoice of March, 1760, from Robert Cary & Co., is an item of--
[Note 29: Joseph Valentine was overseer of the Custis York River plantation.] to John Parke Custis. It is needless I apprehend to describe the Sizes as you may see by your Books what sorts have been sent every other year for sometime past; they must be here by the first of March certainly since the fishing Season begins then, and is of no long Continuance in that River. I am Gentn., etc.
[Note 30: A merchant of Bristol, England.]
Mount Vernon, Virginia, July 30, 1760.
Sir: Captn. Cawsey at the time he receivd my Tobo. wrote me, that he shoud be in these parts before he Saild in order to give Bills of Lading and receive Letters for your House. But I suppose the Captns. business render'd it inconvenient for him to do so, and my not seeing, nor hearing from him since; and getting no Bills of Lading at all, must plead an excuse for my silence till now.
He has doubtless informd you that I had Eight Hogsheads on Board the Tyger, which please to sell to the best advantage, and out of the proceeds pay Mr. Knox31 the Sterling Sum of Fifty one pounds five Shillings and Eleven pence, balle. of my Account with him.
[Note 31: Thomas Knox, also a Bristol merchant.]
I have once or twice in my Life been very sensibly disappointed in the Sales of some Tobacco's; and that in Bristol, which obliges me to add, that if these Eight Hhds dont fetch the Amount of Mr. Knox's Account I must nevertheless desire the favour of you to discharge it, and draw for the Balle. on Robt. Cary Esqr. and Corn. London, who will immediately pay what you may advance on my behalf. I am Sir, etc.
By the Nugent Only, Capt. Copithorn Copy, By Captn. Littledale, in the Hero
Mount Vernon, August 10, 1760.
Dear Sir: Colo. Fairfax's departure for England in a Ship for London, affords me the best opportunity imaginable to acknowledge the Receipt of your favors of the 22d Novr., 12th. Decr. and 26 March, which are all the letters I have received from you since those taken notice of in mine of the 20th. of Septr. last.
I must confess that my disappointment in the Sales of my Tobo. per Couzens, was a very sensible one, having seen no Accts. of Tobaccos by that Ship (till then) under £12 pr. Hhd., and few, very few indeed, that did not averige 14, and from that to 15 and 16 pounds pr. Hhd: mine being all Sweetscented and neatly managed, left me no room to suspect coming in at the Fall of the Market. The discouraging Sales I have generally got for all Tobos. Shipped of my own growth, has induced me to dispose of my last year's Crop in the Country, the price being good and certain. but this may not always happen, and while I can Ship without loss I shall always be glad to have it in my power of consigning you a part. I dare say your Account Currt transmitted in Deer. last is very right, altho I shoud have understood it better had you credited me for £50 Insurd on my Tobacco pt. the Integrety, and made me debtor for the Premio, &ca. There is another Article of Interest short £12 which I should be glad to have explaind; if it is for Interest on the money you have lain in Advance for me I am extreamely willing to allow it, thinking it just and never intending to put you to the least Inconvenience on my Account. I hope, before this Letter can have reached you, that you have recovered my loss of Goods retaken in Captn. Down's.
The French are so well Drubd, and seem so much humbled in America, that I apprehend our Generals will find it no difficult matter to reduce Canada to our Obedience this Summer,32 but what may be Montgomery's Fate in the Cherokee Country I wont so readily determine.
[Note 32: In the year 1759 Ticonderoga had been taken by General Amherst, Niagara by Sir William Johnson, and Quebec had fallen in consequence of the victory of Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham.]
It seems he has made a prosperous beginning having penetrated into the Heart of the Country, and he is now advancing his Troops in high health and Spirits to the relief of Fort Loudoun. But let him be wary, he has a crafty, Subtil Enemy to deal with that may give him most trouble when he least expects it.33 We are in pain here for the King of Prussia, and wish Hanover safe, these being Events in which we are much Interested.
[Note 33: Such proved, in fact, to be the fate of Colonel Montgomery. He marched from South Carolina with a party of regular troops and militia, and was at first successful in destroying several Indian towns, but fell at length into an ambuscade, where the Indians defeated him, with a loss of 20 of his men killed and 71 wounded. He was obliged to retreat and return to South Carolina without making any farther progress. Fort Loudoun (in Pennsylvania), situate on the borders of the Cherokee country, was reduced to the greatest extremity by hunger, and the garrison forced to capitulate on August 6 to the Indians, who agreed to escort the officers and men in safety to another fort. They were, however, made the victims of treachery, for the day after their departure a body of savages waylaid them, killed some, and captured the others, whom they took back to Fort Loudoun. (See Ramsay's History of South Carolina, vol. 1, p. 177, and Gentleman's Magazine (1760), pp. 393, 442, 541.)]
My indulging myself in a trip to England depends upon so many contingencies, (which, in all probability, may never happen) that I dare not even think of such a Gratification, than which nothing is more ardently desired; but Mrs. Washington and I both woud think ourselves very happy in the oppertunity of shewing you the Virginia Hospitality, which is the most agreable entertainment we can give, or a Stranger expect to find in an Infant Woody Country, such as ours is. I am, &c.
Mount Vernon, August 10, 1760.
Gentn: By my friend Mr. Fairfax34 I take the oppertunity of acknowledging the receipt of your favour pt. Captn. Waker and once since of later date by Capt. Chew. I am very sorry for the Account (given in the latter of the Deliverance being lost. All the Tobacco I had on board her was? and I dare say woud have disgracd no Market whatever, but accidents of this Nature are common and ought not to be repind at.
[Note 34: Col. George William Fairfax.]
We had a very favourable prospect sometime ago of making large Crops of Tobacco, but a continued series of Rain for near 4 Weeks has given a sad turn to our expectations and now I verely believe that unless some very surprising change happens for the better again the Crops will be very short. A great deal of Tobo. being Drownd, and the rest spotting very fast, which is always a consequence of so much Wet Weather.
I hope you will have receivd for the Books retaken in Captn. Downs35 before this Letter can reach you: they are not intended for ourselves, for which Reason I must get the favour of you to State an Acct. of the Costs with proper Credits that I may know how to settle for them here. I am Gentn. etc.
[Note 35: Captain Downs's ship had been captured by the French and again recaptured by the English.]
Mount Vernon, August 10, 1760.
Gentn: By my Friend Mr. Fairfax I take the oppertunity of acknowledging the Receipts of your several favours that have come to hand since mine of the 30th. of November last, and observe in one of them of the 14 Feby. by Crawford that you refer to another by the same Ship, but this has never yet appeard.
Inclosd you are presented with the Memm. for receiving the Interest of the Bank-Stock signd as directed.36 The Estate not yet being so amply settled as it ought, an entire division has not been made which leaves many matters upon an instable footing, and among the rest the money in your Hands which has not been Assignd to Individuals altho I believe it will Chiefly, it not all fall into my part since it best suits my purposes to have Money that can be Commanded, than money at Interest. However till matters comes to a more conclusive Settlement you may let the Accounts stand as you have stated them, charging each party with their own Drafts and Orders, and letting the Credits remain in favour of the Estate as a Common Stock till further Directions. The Tobacco Shipd pr. the Fair American, Cary, and Russia Merchant may be applied the same way but the present (growing) Crop will be Shipd on my own, and Jno. Parke Custis's particular Accounts (each having our Plantation's allotted Us) and must be applied to Our several Credits as you will be directed; so must all the remittances hereafter to be made.
[Note 36: See Order on Bank of England, Nov. 16, 1759, ante.]
The Insurance on the Tobo. pr. Talman37 was high I think, higher than expected; And here Gentn. I cannot forbear ushering in a Complaint of the exorbitant prices of my Goods this year all of which are come to hand (except those packages put on board Hooper). For many Years I have Imported Goods from London as well as other Ports of Britain and can truely say I never had such a penny worth before. It woud be a needless Task to innumerate every Article that I have cause to
[Note 37: Washington spells this both Talman and Falman.] except against, let it suffice to say that Woolens, Linnens, Nails &ca. are mean in quality but not in price, for in this they excel indeed, far above any I have ever had. It has always been a Custom with me when I make out my Invoices to estimate the Charge of them, this I do for my own satisfaction, to know whether I am too fast or not, and I seldom vary much from the real prices doing it from old Notes &ca. but the amount of your Invoice exceeds my Calculations above 25 pt. Ct. and many Articles not sent that were wrote for.
I must once again beg the favour of you never to send me any Goods but in a Potomack Ship, and for this purpose let me recommend Captn. John Johnson in an annual Ship of Mr. Russels to this River. Johnson is a person I am acquainted with, know him to be very careful and he comes past my Door in his Ship: I am certain therefore of always having my Goods Landed in Good time and Order which never yet has happend when they come into another River: This year the Charming Polly went into Rappahannock and my Goods by her, recd. at different times and in bad order. The Porter entirely Drank out. There came no Invoice of Mrs. Dandridges Goods to me; I suppose it was forgot to be Inclosd.
I was owing Mr. Knox of Bristol a Balle. of £51.5.11 to discharge which, and be out of that Gentns. Debt. I Shipd Mr. Farrel eight Hhds. Tobo. in April last desiring him out of the proceeds to pay the above Sum but if in case (which I thought hardly possible) this Tobo. shoud be insufficient to answer this purpose then for him to draw upon you for what it might fall short; you will please therefore to notice this, and Mrs. Fairfax having kindly undertaken to purchase somethings for Mrs. Washington to the amount I suppose of Fifty or Sixty pounds I must likewise desire the favour of you to pay my Order in his favour so soon as presented. When you have receivd the Money for the Inclosd Bill please to Credit my Acct. for it.
As I shall write to you again by the Fleet I shall decline giving any directions about the Busts tilt then; sometime ago there was a prospect of making a large Crop of Tobacco this Summer but a Series of wet weather for near a Month, with little or no Intermission has causd general Complaints among the Planter and now it is feard that the Crops will be short. The Tobo. in many places being under Water and Drownd, and in other's suffering much by the Spot which is always a Consequence of such Rains.
My Steward on York River writes me that he has receivd the Goods Orderd from Glasgow. Inclosd I address you the Copy of a Letter wrote from Williamsburg in April last, and in a Letter of the 20th. June I advertisd you of two Drafts I had made upon you, the one in favour of Mr. Jno. Addison for £364.19.0 and the other of Mr. William Digges for £304.15.3. These payments were in part for a valuable purchase I had just made of abt. 2000 Acres of Land adjoining this Seat. There are more payments yet to make, and possibly I may have occasion to draw upon you for a further Sum; tho not more I am well perswaded than you have effects to answer. Yet if at any time a prospect of Advantage should lead me beyond this a little I hope their will be no danger of my Bills returning. I mention this rather for a matter of Information (in case of such an Event) than as a thing I ever expect to happen; for my own aversion to running in Debt will always secure me against a Step of this Nature, unless a manifest advantage is likely to be the result of it.
Since writing the foregoing I have added to my Landed purchase, and shall have occasion in a few days to draw upon you to the amount of about £250 payable to Mr. Robt. Brent, save a Bill of about £40 which will be passed in favour of Mr. Clifton. I am Gentn., etc.
Mount Vernon, September 28, 1760.
Gentn: Your Letter of the 31st. May Via Bristol came to hand a few days ago; and I take the oppertunity by Captn. Johnston of Inclosing you my Second Bill of Lading, which is all that Captn. Talman gave; as my Steward inforind me. You will find by that there was only 50 Hhds Tobacco Shipd pr. the Cary, four by mistake being left out (as I wrote you in a Letter of the 28th. of April last) which went afterwards in the Russia Merchant with 12 others consignd to yourselves. I hope they are safe arrivd.
By this conveyance, and under the same cover of this Letter, you will receive Invoices of such Goods as are wanting, which please to send as there directed by Captn. Johnston in the Spring; and let me beseech you Gentn. to give the necessary directions for purchasing of them upon the best Terms. It is needless for me to particularise the sorts, quality, or taste I woud choose to have them in unless it is observd; and you may believe me when I tell you that instead of getting things good and fashionable in their several kinds we often have Articles sent Us that coud only have been usd by our Forefathers in the days of yore. 'Tis a custom, I have some Reason to believe, with many Shop keepers, and Tradesmen in Lodon when they know Goods are bespoke for Exportation to palm sometimes old, and sometimes very slight and indifferent Goods upon Us taking care at the same time to advance 10, 15 or perhaps 20 pr. Ct. upon them. My Packages pr. the Polly Captn. Hooper are not yet come to hand, and the Lord only, knows when they will without more trouble than they are worth. As to the Busts a future day will determine my choice of them if any are wrote for. Mrs. Washington sends home a Green Sack to get cleand, or fresh dyed of the same colour; made up into a handsome Sack again woud be her choice, but if the Cloth wont afford that, then to be thrown into a genteel Night Gown. The Pyramid you sent me last year got hurt, and the broken pieces I return by this opportunity to get New ones made by them; please to order that they be securely Packd.
I now address Copies of my last by Mr. Fairfax, in the Ship Wilson Captn. Coolage; and take occasion again to assure you, that the Crops of Tobacco this year will be shorter than you seem to expect. A very Wet Summer was the Cause of a good deal of Tobacco's drowning in the low Grounds, and of its firing on the high Lands. My Steward on York River writes me that their Expectations in those parts are greatly fallen, mine here is not a little shortned; however, if the Frosts dont take what little I have remaining, I purpose to Ship you 40 or 50 Hhds. of my own Crop from this River, but how much I shall be able to send you from York River I really cant say till I go down there, which will happen in a very few days, and from thence I will write you again. I shall endeavour however to contribute something towards the dispatch of your Ship. The Bill which I thought I shoud have occasion to draw in favour of Mr. Clifton passed my hands the 20th. Ulto. for £30 Sterling. I have neither seen, nor heard, any thing concerning the Salt from Liverpool yet. I am Gentn., etc.
P.S. Since writing the foregoing Letter, I recollect the expediency of having the Bill of Lading mention'd to be Inclos'd in the first part recorded, before I part with it for fear of Accident, this will consequently prevent its going by Johnston; but the first outward bound Ship from York or James River after I get down shall carry it.
Virginia, September 28, 1760.
Mr. Lawrence: For two years past Messrs. Cary and Company have sent me a suit of Cloaths of your making, that dont fit me so well as I coud wish; this I attribute to some error in the measure that was sent.
Having now occasion for 4 pair Breeches as underneath (for which Mr. Cary will pay you) I have sent another measure for them, taken according to directions of a Taylor here: please to cut them out exactly by it, and if any faults shoud appear, I will endeavour to point them out in my next to you; be so good therefore to keep the Measure; and send me directions how to measure for a Coat. You will please to take Notice that the Inclosd measure is the exact size of the Thigh &ca. because it was taken over a thin, close pair of drawers, and no allowance made. I am Sir, etc.
Williamsburg, October 8, 1760.
Gentn: This serves to cover a Certificate of the Tobo. I Shipd you in the Cary, which I hope will answer the end of a Bill of Lading. I am told it will do instead of recording the Bill, and as it is less expensive and soonest obtaind, I embrace the method.
Since my last I have past a sett of Bills in favour of Mr. George Brent (instead of Robt. Brent) for two hundred pounds Sterling which please to pay, and place to acct. of Gentn., etc.
York River, October 24, 1760.
Gentn: I forebore in my Letter of the 28th. Ulto. to mention what quantity of Tobacco you might probably receive from myself and Ward from our Plantation on York River till I came down here, and now I am almost as much at a loss, as I was then, to guess; so bad is the Tobacco, and so short are the Crops (where proper care is taken to cull it, and that I have strictly chargd all my Overseers to do, being determind never to Ship any but the very best sorts). However, this you may be assurd of, that the greatest share of what is made shall go consignd to you and I am not without hopes that I shall be able to Ship you about 30 Hhds. on my own Acct. and perhaps 40 or more on my Wards.
On the other side you will receive Invoices of such Goods as will be wanting for my own and Mr. Jno. Parke Custis's Plantations on this River which please to send as there directed, under distinct Marks, and chargd to our respective Accounts but both consigned to our Common Steward, Mr. Joseph Valentine with Copies of the Invoices (Originals to me) that he may commit no errors in appropriating the several Articles to our respective uses.
Your Letter of the 27th. of June Inclosing the Charge of Insurance of 15 Hhds. Tobacco pr. the Russian Merchant is come to hand, and my Letter of the 10th. of August last will direct how the proceeds of that, and all former Tobacco's should be applied. I hope the quantity of Tobo. mentiond by you, to be on hand, has not affected the Sales of the 15 Hhds. and I think I can venture to pronounce, your market will not be glutted with the present Crop. You have doubtless been fully informd by many of your Friends of the misfortune attending your Charterd Ship, it will be needless therefore for me to touch upon the Subject.
I have at different times sent for Hale's Husbandry but never yet got it, which I begin to attribute to a wrong description of the Title, having never till lately seen the Book; you will know it now by "A Cornpleat Body of Husbandry compiled from the Original Papers of the late Thomas Hale Esqr., enlargd from the Collection of others, &ca.". If any oppertunty shoud offer into Potomack before Johnston may Sail in the Spring or, if any Ship shoud be bound for Rappanhannock River, please to send it to me; together with Hartlibs Legacy of Husbandry and if it shoud so happen, that the first oppertunity presents itself for the latter River, be pleasd then to address the Books, and following things to the care of Fielding Lewis Esqr. at Fredericksburg. viz. Circumferentor; Pocket Book; Garden Seeds, Accordg. to mine of the 28th. Ulto. and Hop Clover: let be 4 Bushels. and to them pray add abt. 20 Bushels of the best, and true Ray Grass Seed for all of them are Articles I woud gladly get to hand as soon as possible. I mentioned in a former Letter, and perhaps it may not be amiss to remind you here, of the necessity of putting all these Seeds in the Cabbin, or some place where the closeness, and heat of the Ship may not destroy the Vegetative virtue of them, which scarce ever fails to happen in a contrary Case. I am Gentn. etc.
Williamsburg, November 5, 1760.
Gentlemen: I am apprehensive, that by some mistake or other, my Letter of the 24th. Ulto. and the Duplicate were put on Board the same Ship; I therefore send other Copies under this Cover.
My Friend and Acquaintance Mr. Bartholomew Dandridge having purchasd an Entaild Estate in Lands of one Charles Lewis procurd an Act of General Assembly for Docking the said Entail (other Lands of equal value being settled in lieu thereof) but till such time as the Royal assent is obtaind he cannot enter into quiet possession of the Freehold. He has therefore requested me, to ask the favour of you, to sollicit the Affair for him, which I accordingly do, not conceiving that any difficulty or trouble can arise thereupon, all parties here, being perfectly satisfied. The shortness of my corrispondance with you will not Authorise such liberties, but I hope you will excuse it in the present case. Mr. Dandridge will send you a Bill to defray the Charges.
Please to give my Acct. Credit for the Inclosd Bill when Receivd. I am Gentn. etc.
Mount Vernon, November 20, 1760.
Dear Sir: Had your Letter of the 17th, [12th] of August come to my hands before the 18th. Inst., I should not have given you the trouble of perusing my answer to it at this late Season. I am sorry you shoud think it necessary to introduce a request that is founded upon Reason and equity with an Apology, to me; had you claimd that as a Right, which you seem rather to ask as a favour I shoud have thought myself wanting in that justice which is the distinguishing Characterestick of an Honest Man to have with-held it from you.
But how to answer your purposes and at the same time to avoid the Imputation of Impertinence, I am I confess, a little more at a loss to determine. That Genl. Amherst may have heard of such a Person as I am, is probable; And this I dare venture to say is the Ultimate knowledge he has of me; how then shoud I appear to him in an Epistalory way and to set down and write a Certificate of your behaviour carries an Air of formality that seems more adapted to the soldiery than Officers. I must therefore beg the favour of you to make what use you please of this Letter.
For Sir, with not more pleasure than truth, I can declare to you, and the World, that while I had the honour of Commanding the Regiment, your conduct both as an Officer and Gentleman were unexceptionable good; and in every Instance, as far as I was capable of discerning, such, as to have merited applause from better judges. Since my time Colo. Byrd has been witness to your Behaviour and his Letter Recommendatory must I am perswaded do you more Service than my sanguine endeavours can. Altho he, nor no other Person, is more sensible of your worth nor more Inclind to contribute their best Offices towards the Completion of your wishes than etc.38
[Note 38: McKenzie's request of Washington, dated Aug. 12, 1760, is in the Washington Papers and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol 3, p. 163.]
Williamsburg, April 3, 1761.
Gentn: Before I left home I shipd 18 Hhds. of my Potomack Tobacco on Board the Bland Captn. Hugh Wylie now lying in Rappahannock River on which please to Insure £140 only. This Ship is a Letter of Marque, carry's 18 Six pounders and well Mand for which Reasons I do not secure the full value of my Tobacco by Insurance judging by the same parity of Reasoning that the Premio will also be moderate. The Ship will not Sail till the last of the Month at soonest you need be in no hurry therefore to make the Insurance unless a favourable Crises offers. I shall have about 10 or a dozen Hhds. more to send you from the same River which is all I can spare your House from Potomack this year so much short of expectation has my Crops fallen; the greater pains imaginable has been used in the management of this Tobacco which is one essential cause of the quantity falling short but I expect the price you may procure will at least be adequate thereto. Please to note that this Tobo. is to go to my own particular Credit.
I woud not have you be hasty in selling this or any of the Tobo. I may Ship you this year unless a very good Market presents itself, for confident I am that the small quantity of Tobo. made last year must command a very good price when the Fact once becomes well ascertaind. I wish heartily for Boyces arrival having kept my Tobo. longer than I chose in expectation of your sending a Ship; I suppose I shall have (as I once before wrote you) about 30 Hhds. of my own and 40 of my Wards ready to put on board him from York River, but of this you will be more fully Advertised after his. arrival if it happens while I am here. Your friends no doubt will endeavour to dispatch him as soon as possible but there are a great number of Ships in the Country at this time solliciting Freight (which is much fallen) many of which I am well convincd cannot get Loaded at any rate. I am at a loss to conceive the Reason why Mr. Wormeleys, and indeed some other Gentlemen's Tobacco's shoud sell at 12d last year and mine by Boyce only fetch 11½, (and that I am certain of for no more than a part having Accts. of only 4 Hhds). Certain I am no Person in Virginia takes more pains to make their Tobo. fine than I do and tis hard then I shoud not be as well rewarded for it.
Yours of the 12th. Decr. covering H. Churchills protested Bill is come to hand so is your other of the 26th. pt. Coolage who is safe arrived. I am very much obligd to you for the Notice taken of my recommendation of Mr. Dandridges Affair, I hope the matter will be accomplishd without much Difficulty. I am Gentn. etc.
Williamsburg, April 3, 1761.
Sir: Several of your favours now lye before me, but the last of Novr. 9th. I shall particularly take notice of. With astonishment then did I receive the Account of Sales of that Hhd. Tobo. pr. the Everton where only £8 4.1¼. is rendered for it at the sametime that Mr. Cary was selling the like Tobo. at £17 and 18£ a Hhd. As to the exceptions which for two or three years past you have made to the quality of the Tobacco, give me leave to say Sir 'tis altogether inconsistent. We continue the same management as usual, and the Tobo. Consignd you has been made at the same Plantations, by the same hands, and under the same Overseers as that sent Mr. Cary. No picking or choosing of Hhds has ever been allowd of, but promiscuously taken for both as the Ships had a demand for it; he never gives less than twelve but generally Sixteen pounds a Hhd. 'tis unreasonable therefore to expect I can continue a Corrispondance under such obvious Disadvantages. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, July 5, 1761.
Gentn: The Fleet is arrivd but some Ships are, missing among which number Captn. Jno. Johnston happens to be one, and a report prevails that he is taken, but from whence it arises I really cant say. I believe it is conjecture only, but at the sametime I must observe it is a conjecture founded upon very probable Circumstances, since the fleet has been in 14 or 15 days and no Accounts of him.
Receiving my Goods so late in the year as this is, is attended with many disadvantages, but it will proove a real misfortune to me if they shoud now be lost. In this Event I beg that you will upon the first certain advice of it, have others, exactly agreeable to my former Orders, Shipd by the first Vessell bound to this, or Rappa: River. I have no doubts of my Goods being Insurd; but this, altho it is some recompense in regard to the Expence it is none as to the Disappointment.
By Captn. Coverdale (the Ships name I really do not know, however She is in Mr. Bacons employ) I send you Eleven Hhds more of my Potomack Tobacco, on which please to ensure no more than Eighty pounds. In this you will perceive I follow the same Conduct as I did by the Bland Captn. Wylie, that is, to risque a part. I cannot say exactly when this Ship will Sail, but dare believe not till sometime in August perhaps the first of that Month.
The Sudden Notice I got of this oppertunity, and little time allowd to write in, will not suffer me to descend to particulars, I shall therefore inform you only, that Boyce arrivd sometime ago, and that I directed my Steward on York River to Order the Delivery of the Tobo. I promised you in my Letter of the 3d. of Apl. I dont doubt but they are on board by this time, and as soon as I get advice of it you shall be informd, that Insurance may be made thereon. I am Gentn., etc.
(Sent pr. Captn. Baynes, London)
Mount Vernon, July 14, 1761.
Dear Sir: Since my last by Mr. Fairfax, I have had the pleasure of receiving your obliging layouts of the 16th October and first of January following. A Mixture of bad Health and Indolence together, has kept me from paying that due respect to your Letters which I am sure they much merited at my hands, till this time, and now, having nothing to relate that coud in any wise claim your attention I think I was Inclind to a further delay when it came into my head that having put Six Hhds Tobo. on Board the Phoenex Captn. McGachin to your Address it woud not be amiss to secure some part of the Value by Insurance, that in case the Ship shoud meet with the Fate attending many others in the same Trade I might not loose the whole, and therefore Sir, I beg the favour of you to Insure Five pounds a Hhd on the Tobo Accordingly.
The entire Conquest of Canada, and dispossession of the French in most parts of North America becoming a Story too stale to relate in these days we are often at a loss for something to supply our Letters with.
True it is the Cherokee Nation by a perfidious Conduct has causd Colo. Grant to be sent once more into their Country with an Armd Force but I believe their Supplies from the French on Mobile River come in so Slack that they are more sincerely disposd to Peace now than ever they were before.
This Publick turn may be causd in some Measure too by another Regiment in the Pay of this Colony which is ordered to penetrate into their Country by another Passage, but it is generally thought their Submission will put a stop to any further progress of our Arms.41
[Note 41: Colonel Grant had an engagement with the Cherokees, near the place of Colonel Montgomery's ambuscade, which lasted for several hours, but the Indians were repulsed, He then destroyed all the villages and provisions that came in his way and took post for some time in Fort Prince George. Here the Cherokees, through their chief, Attakulla-kulla, sued for peace, which was conceded to them, and which continued till the breaking out of the Revolutionary War.-- Sparks.]
We have receivd the Account of Belleiles reduction, and hear of another Expedition Fleet destind for some Service of which we are Ignorant: but that which most engrosses our Attention at this time is the Congress at Augsburg as I believe nothing is more sincerely desird in this part of the World than an honourable Peace.
Colo. Fairfax very much Surprizes his Friends in Virginia by not writing to any of them. Just upon his arrival at London he favourd a few with a short Letter advertising them of that agreable Circumstance and I have heard of no other Letter that has come from him since altho' I have seen some from the Ladies the Superscription of which has been in his hand-Writing. I am &c.
Sent by the Potomack via Glascow Copy pt. the Sarah-- Captn. Coverdale.
Mount Vernon, August 1, 1761.
Gentn. When I wrote to you on the 14th Ulto. neither your Letters nor my Goods by Captn. Johnston were come to hand, now both are receivd; and I must beg leave to point out some mistakes which I have discoverd in them, and first in regard to the Accounts which you sent. In these there are several Errors which need rectifying as you will perceive by perusing the Inclosd Accounts. Copied from my Books, but taken in a manner altogether from your own writings; for it is to be observd here, that the Estate is debited for some Articles which ought to be placed to me, and for some others which shoud go to Account of Master Custis. You will likewise perceive that both the Estate and I, are chargd with the Goods sent by Captn. Yates amounting to £151.5.10 and that I have given you credit for a Draft in fav'r of Wm. Clifton for Thirty pounds imagining it was paid as the Bill passd my hands sometime before that of Brents did; these sev'l Alterations being made the Ballances will stand
After you have made these necessary alterations the Accts. may remain as stated till it be known in what manner the Estate Ball'e will be disposd of, and this I fancy will be determined at our next General Court in October; having some hopes of getting a finish put to these matters at that time; however you shall be timely advisd whenever any of these alterations happens.
I have now to inform you of a very great mistake which you have committed in sending me 2 dozn. Whip saws, when I only wanted, and wrote for two; what I shall do with the abundant overplus I really know not as I apprehend it will be a difficult matter to dispose of such a quantity in this part of the Country. And here while I am mentioning his Affair, another thing occurs which must not escape unnoticed; and that is, A Case bought of Phil Bell at the price of 17 Guineas. Surely, here must be as great a mistake, or as great an Imposition as ever was offerd by a Tradesman. The Case is a plain one, and such as I coud get made in this Country (where Work of all kinds is very dear) of the same stuff, and equally as neat for less than four Guineas; is it possible then that 16 Gall'n Bottles with ground Stoppers can cost 13 Guineas? I think I might safely answer No. I woud have sent it back immediately, but being convinced that there must be some mistake in the Case I have postpond that resolution till you can make a proper enquiry into it, and advice me thereon.
Please to order me a Pipe of good old Maderia from that Island, let it be well securd, and direct it to be sent by some Vessell bound to this River (Potomack). Your Corrispondants in Liverpool, I must beg leave to say, are a little negligent of your Orders and I am the Sufferer by it; for I have never receivd any Salt from thence notwithstanding my repeated Application's for these two years past. I am Gentn., etc.
Sent by the Sarah Captn. Coverdale
Copy pr. the Phonex Captn. McGachin
Aug. 6 Postscript to the above Letter. Since writing the above, I have found occasion to draw a Bill upon you to the amt. of £259 Sterg., payable at Sixty days sight to Messrs. Chs. Graham, Win. Fitzhugh, and Benja. Fendall. It being the Consid'n Money of Sundry Slaves w'ch I bought of those Gentn. Yesterday. I hope the Bill will meet with due Acceptance and I am as before, Gentn. etc.
Mount Vernon, September 23, 1761.
Gentn: An Indisposition which I have been under 3 or 4 Months, inducd me to take a trip Northward to try the effects of Exercise and our Mountain Air upon my disorder. I find some benefit from the journey, but not returning till within these few days I came too late to make out and send my Invoices by the Fleet; however no disappointment of Goods will follow from thence I hope because there will be frequent oppertunities of sending Letters by Single Ships all the Winter as many remain behind not being able to get loaded so as to Sail with Convoy.
The Intent of this Letter is to desire the favour of you to send me 12 Bushels of the true red Ray grass Seed; or more properly red Darnel. There is two or three different kinds of this Seed; that is to say, there be of it the red and white, of the Ray grass or Darnel kind; and there is another sort commonly calld (as the whole indeed is) Rye grass, this is a filthy kind and ought to be rooted out of all Places, and is the Reason why I am so particular in order to avoid getting it here because the similitude of the Names, and oftentimes the ignorance of the Seedsman is such, as to cause a good deal of confusion and disappointment in these matters. I must also beg the favour of you to send me two Bushels of Hop cloverseed, and the like quantity of Tares; please to direct that the Seeds be all fresh and good, and sent by the first Vessel bound to this River which I expect will be a convict Ship43 of Stuarts and Compay. Commanded by Captn. McGachin, an Acquaintance of mine, who I am perswaded will readily take them in, and give them a proper birth upon a hint of the probability of their Spoiling in the Hold. I am Gentn., etc.
[Note 43: The old English law provided for confining convicts on ships which sailed the seas instead of lying at anchor as did the hulks and galleys.]
N.B. Sent by Captn. Baker to Bristol
Copy by Captn. Marshall Liverpool
Mount Vernon, October 12, 1761.
Gentn: Herewith you will receive sundry invoices for Goods wanted, those for my own and the Childrens use please to send by Captn. Johnston or the first Vessell bound for this River in the Spring. Mrs. Dandridges must go in a Ship for York. I cannot make out an Account of the necessarys which may be wanting for my own and Master Custis's Plantations on York River till I go down there which will happen in a fortnights time, and then I shall address you again.
Your Letter of June the 2d. I receivd a few days ago and Note the Contents of it. If my Tobacco, contrary to expectations, shoud not answer for the best Market please to point out the Reasons that I may regulate accordingly for I am more anxious about the quality than quantity of what I Ship I have directed Mr. Valentine to be very careful in the management of their present Crop, and in a particular manner have cautioned him in their Prizing that Bruising and other ill effects may be prevented for the time to come. 20 Guineas is a very great insurance, a Person had better risque the loss themselves than part with so large a proportion of the years produce to secure the rest and I believe I shall do it for the future shoud the War continue. I was very sorry for the Advantage obtaind by the Dutch in the Article of Stocks, I think they shoud have met with other guess treatment, not only on this but on many other occasion's for their conduct in the course of the War.
Mr. Magowan44 Tutor to Master and Miss Custis having occasion of a small London Bill I drew upon you in his favour the 9th. Instt. for Sixteen pounds Sterling which when paid must be charged to their respective Accts. equally that is £8 to each. I hope by the time this gets to your hands you will be happy in
[Note 44: Rev. Walter Magowan. He, later, had a charge at Herring Bay, Md.] an honourable, and permanent Peace; this I believe is become the pretty sincere desire of most People, but of none more than Gentlemen, etc.
By the Unity Captn. Robson for London
Copy King of Prussia Glassford Glasgow
Mount Vernon, October 12, 1761
Sir: Inclosd you have my Measure for Boots; please there fore to send me two pair of them; one of which made of stout strong Leather for Winters use, the other pair to be light and thin for Summer; both pair Shoe Boots; likewise send me two pair of real turnd Pumps and four pair of neat, but at the sametime strong Shoes. Mr. Cary will pay the amount and I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, October 20, 1761.
Dear Sir: Since my last of the 14th. July I have in appearance been very near my last gasp; the Indisposition then spoken of Increased upon me and I fell into a very low and dangerous State. I once thought the grim King woud certainly master my utmost efforts and that I must sink-in spite of a noble struggle but thank God I have now got the better of the disorder and shall soon be restord I hope to perfect health again.
I dont know that I can Muster up one tittle of News to communicate, in short the occurrances of this part of the World are at present scarce worth reciting for as we live in a state of peaceful tranquility ourselves, so we are at very little trouble to enquire after the operations against the Cherokees who are the only People that disturbs the repose of this great Continent and who I believe woud gladly accommodate Differences upon almost any Terms not I conceive from any Apprehensions they are under on account of Our Arms but because they want the Supplys which we, and we only, can furnish them with. We catch the reports of Peace with gaping Mouths, and every Person seems anxious for a confirmation of that desirable Event provided it comes, as no doubt it will, upon honourable terms.
On the other side is an Invoice of cloathes which I beg the favour of you to purchase for me and to send them by the first Ship bound to this River. As they are designd for Wearing Apparel for myself I have committed the choice of them to your fancy, having the best opinion of your taste. I want neither Lace nor Embroidery; plain Cloathes with a gold or Silver Button (if worn in genteel Dress) is all I desire. I have hitherto had my Cloathes made by one Charles Lawrence in old Fish Street but whether it be the fault of the Taylor, or the Measure sent I can't say but certain it is my Cloathes have never fitted me well. I therefore leave the choice of the Workman to your care likewise. I enclose a Measure and for a further Insight I don't think it amiss to add that my stature is six feet; otherwise rather slender than Corpulent. I am sincerely, etc.
Williamsburg, November 3, 1761.
Gentn: I came to this place last Night, and find that the Articles contain'd in the Inclosd Invoices are wanted for mine and Master Custis's Plantation's on York River, please therefore to send them as there directed and charge the amounts to our respective Accounts.
We have little or no News stirring, our Assembly is at present Convend to grant Supplies for carrying on the War against the Cherokee Indian's shoud they choose to continue it, but this I am perswaded they are by no means Inclind to do, nor are they prepard for it as they have been solliciting Peace for sometime past. I wish the Powers of Europe were as well disposd to an Accomodation as these poor Wretches are a stop woud soon be put to the Effusion of Human Blood and Peace and plenty woud resume its Empire again to the joy and content (I believe) of most Ranks and degrees of People. I am Gentn., etc.
Sent By the Liverpool Captn. Birch for Liverpool
Copy Gave Mr. James Hunter of Fredericksburg
*To ROBERT CARY & COMPANY
Mount Vernon, March 16, 1762.
Gentn.: A Relation and Friend of mine having desired me to send for a Post Chariot for him, I now do it in the Words of, his own Mem'm which are as follows.
Colo. Washington to send for a neat light Post Chariot for F.L. of a price not exceeding One hundred pounds Sterling and to have light Harness for Six Horses. To desire the favour of the Merchant not to let the Tradesman know it is to be sent abroad. To have it made of well Seasoned Wood and painted of a genteel and fashionable colour without any Arms; and to be Insured."
The Gentleman at the time of his giving me this Mem'm was not provided with an Impression of his Arms about him, but if I shoud receive it timously I will inclose it by the next oppertunity. You will please to order the Chariot so soon as finished by the first Ship bound to Rappahannock River, and direct it to be sent to Colo. Fielding Lewis at Fredericksburg who has promised to lodge a Bill of Excha: with me for the cost and Charges so soon as he is informed thereof which Bill I shall immediately remit to you; in the meantime make me answerable for the amount.
By the Unity Captn. Couzens I am now Shipping Twenty Hhds. of my Potomack Tobacco on which please to Insure One hundred and Fifty pounds only. It is expected this Vessell will Sail with Convoy about the first of June next your Insurance therefore may be made Accordingly. I am, Gentn. etc.
[Note 46: Of New Kent County, Va.]
Mount Vernon, May 20, 1762.
Dear Sir: Soon after the Appraisment of the Decd. Colo. Custis's Estate it seemed to be a matter of doubt whether Davy (a boy) who was appraised among his Negroes belonged to him, or Mr. Dandridge your Father. Your Bro: then having, as I have understood, the Administration of his Affairs, conceived him to be the property of the latter and offered the boy to Mrs. Washington at the Appraisment price, which She agreed to, and I thought the thing had been concluded upon, but as it appeared to be a matter liable to dispute I intended to take the Courts direction's upon it (allowing John Custis in case they thought he ought to be given, for the loss he woud sustain by it) untill mentioning the Affair again to your Bro:, he told me that he now had nothing to do in it, and that I must speak to you about it. I was a little surprizd at this, yet nevertheless intended to do so when I was down last, but delaying it from time to time at length forgot it altogether. I therefore take this method of knowing if it is agreable to you for me to take the boy at the Appraisd price, provided the Court shall adjudge the Right to him to lye in your Father. Mr. Bassett and your Brother were consenting when I talked to them, and as Mrs. Washington relinquished her right to a Childs part of the whole Estate, and seems desirous of making a Gardner of this boy, I imagine you will not be against it; however, please to let me know your Sentiments upon the occasion as that is to determine my Application to the Court or not.
Please to offer my Complim'ts to Mrs. Dandridge and your little Sister's; at all times I shall be glad to see you at this place, and am Dr. Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, May 28, 1762.
Gentlemen: Your unacknowledged favours of the 26th June; 10th. Augt.; 16 and 19th. Septn. and the 19th. of Octr. following now lye before [me]; in that one of Augt. 10th. I perceive you bring the shortness of some of the Bundles of the Tobo. Shipped in the Bland to acct. for the lowness of the Price. That some of the Tobo. was small I shall not undertake to dispute, but at the sametime I must observe that it was clean and neatly handled which I apprehended woud have rendered the other objection of very little weight. As to stemming my Tobo. in the manner you recommend I woud readily do it if the returns woud be equivalent to the trouble, and loss of the stem, and of this I shall be a tolerable judge as I am at no small pains this year to try the quality with the advantages and disadvantages of deferent kinds of Tobos. and shall at the sametime find out the difference between a hhd. of Leaf and a hhd. of stemrod Tobo., by comparing then the loss of the one with the extra price of the other I shall be able to determine which is the best to pursue and follow that method which promises the most certain advantages.
Some of the Tobo. which I put on board the Unity Captn. Cuzzens got damaged in carrying to the Warehouses for Inspection and had a part cut of which will no doubt deface a little but as this happened while I was at Williamsburg I am able to give you no exact Information concerning it. In this parcel of Tobo. there are three kinds which please to give me your opinions upon; No. 1 to 6 Inclusive are of one kind, from 9 to 14 are of another, and 15 and 16 are of a third sort; the rest are of the same kinds of these three but made on other Plantations.
As I have ever laid it down as an established Maxim to believe, that every person is, (most certainly ought to be) the best judges of what relates to their own Interest and concerns I very rarely undertake to propose Schemes to others which may be attended with uncertainty and miscarriage; this will at once acct. for my being among the last who shoud advise your sending a Vessell into Potomack for the accomodation of your Friends there. That I have often thought of it as a desirable thing for the Shippers, I will readily confess and have as often concluded that so soon as you found an established consignment formed here you woud do it of course; and sooner we ought not to expect it. Since you have proposed the matter yourself to me, I certainly must approve of it, and as you are so obliging to write that you shall direct the Master to be under my notice I hope you will be petswaded to believe that I shall readily contribute my best advice and assistance towards his dispatch. The Tobacco's most of your friends upon Potomack (or that Ships from thence) lyes within 15 Miles above and below this place, and as good, or the best harbour (Piscataway) is within sight of my Door. It has this great advantage besides good Anchorage and laying safe from the Winds that it is out of the way of the Worm which is very hurtful to Shipping a little lower down and lyes in a very plentiful part of the Country. I thought it incumbant upon me to mention these things after which do as you please. If I had receiv'd any Intimation of your sending a Vessell into this River I shoud not have engaged any part of my Tobo. to Cuzzens, and while I remain in expectation of her arrival will not seek a freight else where for the residue of what I intend your house from this River which probably may amount to about 30 hhds. more.
My Letter of the 25th. of Jany. will inform you how the Interest of the Bank stock is to be applied, as that fund was appropriated towards the payment of Miss Custis's Fortune I am informed that the Stock ought to be transferred to her, you will please therefore to have done accordingly and what ever charges may arise in so doing place to her own Acct. I hope Messrs. Hill and Co. will send the Wine into this River for I had rather have it in Madeira than York.
Thus far had I wrote and was going to conclude when your favour of the 18th. Jany. was presented to me; I am sorry to hear the Accts given of the Tobo. Shipped in Boyes but as you don't particularize the proprietor's names who suffered most I am in hopes my 70 hhds. have pretty well escaped the genl. complaint. If it has not I confess it to be an Art beyond my skill, to succeed in making good Tobo. as I have used my utmost endeavours for that purpose this two or 3 years past; and am once again urged to express my surprize at finding that I do not partake of the best prices that are going; I saw an Acct. rendered by Mr. Athaws of some Tobo. which he sold for Mr. Fairfax at 12½d. the Tobo. went from this River and I can aver was not better than 12 hhds. of my Mount'n Crop which you receivd in the Sarah and Bland last Summ'r. In fact Mr. Fairfax's Plantation's and mine upon Shannondoah lye in the same neighbourhood. The Tobo brought to the same Inspection, and to be short, is in all respects exactly alike, none of mine however sold for more than 11d. or 3½, which you please while his went of a little before at the price of 12½ aforesaid; this is a difference really too great and I see it with concern, however Gentlemen I hope to find it otherwise for the time to come. I am, etc.
Mount Vernon, June 20, 1762.
Gentn.: The other side contains a Copy of my last, since which I have received from Messrs. Hill, Lamar and Hill a pipe of Wine price in Madeira £30.16. Sterl: for which they value upon you, I have also received advice of Seventy Sacks of Salts coming into Rappa. River from Mr. Backhouse on my Acct. Mr. Lewis who gives this Information has promised to send it round but the expences and trouble attending this is so great that I had almost as soon have Goods in any part of Great Britain as in any River except the one on which I live.
We have had one of the most severe Droughts in these parts that ever was known and without a speedy Interposition of Providence (in sending us moderate and refreshing Rains to Molifie and soften the Earth) we shall not make one oz of Tobacco this year. Our Plants in spite of all our efforts to the contrary are just destroyed, and our grain is absolutely perishing, how it may be in other parts of the Country I can not postively say, yet I have heard much complaining, shoud it be with Reason of which you can guess by the Letters of your different corrispondants I am perswaded you will be in no haste to dispose of the Tobo. I have put on board the Unity shoud it get safe to hand, with the Convoy with whom (the Chesterfield) She is to Sail sometime this Month. The London fleet is not yet arrived nor have we any Accts. of it. I shall take the first oppertunity that offers of writing to you again on these heads, In the meantime I remain, Gentn. etc.
Sent by the Alexandria, Captn. Cranford, Glasgow
Mount Vernon, September 18, 1762.
Gentn: The Inclosed is a Copy of my last for Insurance on Tobacco's as therein mentioned. I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your favours of April the 10th. and 1st. of May following, accompanying my Goods in the Unity which came regularly to hand (and without damage) except the box of Shoes (said to be sent to Portsmouth) these have never yet appeared, nor do I know to whom to apply for them, as no Bill of Lading was forwarded, nor mention made in what Ship they were put; Captn. Robson disavows any such coming to him. There must likewise have been a mistake in Shipping the Plows, for many of, the most material parts being wanting, the rest, according to the Bill of Parcells, is entirely useless, and lye upon my hands a dead charge.
I am sorry to find that in spite of my utmost care and caution we fail in the Sales of our Tobaccos, and that the? & D. P. C. is brought into such low esteem as to sell for export at 3½ pr. lb., a practise and price never known till now. True I cannot, at the distance I live from York River, see to the management of the Tobacco in all its process, but as it is made under the usual director, and in the usual manner, and moreover as I am assured by the Inspectors that it is of the same quality and kind as formerly, I own I am a surprized at the alteration of price indeed I shoud be more than a little so did I not know, that the Crops made in 1760 of which the 70 hhds. pr. Boyes was part were generally mean, occasioned by the incessant Rains that fell in the course of that Summer. You now Gentn. have Thirty two hhds of mine, and fifty nine of Master Custis's Tobacco Shipped in the Nautilus and Brunswick, which I hope will come to a better Market than the last and before I quit this Subject I must beg the favour of you to direct the Master of your York River Ship to be more cautious in his promises for the time to come, or a little stricter in adhering to them, because for want of one of these I was very near having 40 hhds. of my Tobo. left in the Country, Captn. Boyes punctually promising my steward (as he writes me) to take all the Tobacco which I had ordered for you, namely 94 hhds.; and when it came to the test refused 42 of them leaving him, short as the time was, to seek else where for a freight: now had the Captn. informed him, or me at first, that he woud only take such a quantity, no harm woud have been done or disappointment happened for then I coud easily have added to my Consignment to Messrs. Hanbury and others. The case I must beg leave to observe, is different with me from most other's of your Corrispondants on York River because upon the arrival of the Fleet I direct my Steward in what manner he is to dispose of the Tobacco and in case of disappointments I am not upon the Spot to alter and change as Circumstances may require but must be subject to inconvenience, from the distance which others can easily extricate themselves from; besides, as I always have taken care to fulfil my own engagements with the Captns. and shall continue so to do with punctuality I must expect in return the same strict observance from whom ever I deal with. I have been induced to run into a more particular recital of this matter now, as it is the Second or third time I have been trifled with by the Master or manager of your Ships here, and therefore with more confidence shall ask your excuse for the trouble I have given you in this place. In expectation of the Latitia's arrival, I have refused such of my Potomack Tobacco as was intended for you, to other Ships upon Liberty by which means I shall miss the Convoy, and enhance the Insurance I fear.
With certainty I think I can venture to assure you now, that the Crops of Tobacco made in the Country this year must be short, experimentally I can say so of my own upon this River, and my Steward gives me no great hopes of expecting a better prospect on York; Tobacco must therefore I conceive sell well in consequence of the reduction. These things entirely disconcerts my intended experiments, mentioned in a Letter of the 28th. of May, for I have not succeeded in any one sort of Tobacco which I then purposed to plant and my whole Crop fails short by at least one half, of the usual Compliment.
My Letter of the 11th. will inform you of Captn. Cuzzens return, please therefore to judge of the expediency of making fresh Insurance or not, and act accordingly. I apprehend that your Insurance woud run with Convoy, being so advised, and of course stand for nothing as She was obliged to Sail with out, after waiting a considerable time for the Chesterfield Man of War. Among the Goods sent in for Miss Custis (by the Unity there came a black Callimanca Petticoat and full trimmed Night Gown of a straw coloured Lustring marked MPC. but as they were of Womens size, and not charged in her Account we concluded they must bepacked up by mistake; and as some expence and risque woud accompany a return of them Mrs. Washington will keep them herself, and the cost please to place to my acct.
I cannot Inclose my Invoices at this time because I have not yet got an acct. of the necessaries wanted for our Plantation's on York River, so soon as this comes to hand, and I every day expect it, the whole shall be forwarded. I am Gentn., etc.
Sent Via New York by Colo. Carlyle.
[Note 47: A merchant in New York City at this time.]
Mount Vernon, September 27, 1762.
Dear Sis': Collo. Carlye, the bearer of this, going to New York to dispose of some English Horses which he has been encouraged to carry thither, affords me the best of oppertunity's to present my Compliments to your Lady, self, and Family and to ask how you have all done during an Interval of 3 or 4 years spent in profound silence with each other; tho' not without constant enquiries on my side after a family from who I have received such distinguishing marks of Civility.
I have been told that refined Sugar and Spirma-ceti Candles come at very easy rates from New York if you will please therefore to accept of a small Corn: from me I woud beg the favour of you to send me
few oppertunitys I conceive will happen directly to Alexandria (near to w'ch place I live) but many probably may offer to Norfolk with which place we have a constant Intercourse be so good then Sir as to direct them to the care of Collo. Tucker, or any of your corrispondants there, and let me know the method in which it woud be most agreable to pay you and it shall be punctually observed.
We have little or no domestick News; none however at this time that can give entertainment, and all other kinds which comes to our knowledge is thro' your Chan'l. I have only to desire therefore that you will please to accept of my sincere good wishes for yourself and Family and that you will make a tender of my best respects to Mrs. Philips, and Mrs. Morris48 when you see her. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
[Note 48: Mrs. Philipse, mother of Mary Philipse, who was then Mrs. Roger Morris.]
Mount Vernon, September 30, 1762.
Gentn: Since mine of 18th. the Latitia is arrived, and the box of Shoes for Miss Custis come to hand; but of so small a size as not to fit her.
I have already directed Thirty one Hhds. of my Tobacco to be put on board of that Ship, on which please to make Insurance in such a manner as to receive eight pounds pt. hhd. in case of loss. Her arrival at the juncture she did, was fortunate (since she did not come sooner) for Collo. Lee49 it seems had just Chartered a Vessell for the accomodation of himself and Friends which, had the Contract gone into execution, might have been hurtful in many respects: I have not yet seen Captn. Hammond, nor do I know what may be his dependance on that Gentleman; but this I am confidant of, that much Tobacco which he might have commanded at a proper time is now disposed of in other bottoms; for his coming was so late, and arrival so precarious, that few People chose to risque the advantages of the expected Convoy the 20th. past. A Convoy which seems now to have vanished as the Man of War did in June last; and our Ships left to depart by themselves, or wait upon Charges and uncertainty, for what never may happen. It is hoped however, that the Latitia can meet with no great delay since Collo. Lee in consequence of his Chartering the Peggy, and asking my Tobacco for her, wrote me, that if Hammond shoud arrive, which he did not expect, there woud still be Tobacco enough left to Load him; this I suppose he advanced upon good foundation, and therefore no disappointment one woud think, coud happen in his dispatching of one Vessell.
[Note 49: Col. George Lee, who married Ann Fairfax Washington.]
In a Letter of the 6th. of August to Messrs. Mayne, Burne and Mayne's, Merchts. in Lisbon I desired them to send me a Pipe of that Wine, and draw upon you for the value; I expect also to have occasion for another Pipe of Madeira in a very little time, but as I shall write to a different house (than Hill's) for it, you will be advised of my order so soon as it Issues for the Wine.
Yours of the 31st. of May, Inclosing the Sales of 21 hhds. D. P. C. is come to hand, and your next will probably transmit an acct. of the remaining?, and D. P. C.50; what you have done in regard to the 2 hhds. of G. W. is very agreable, and I hope Mr. Giles the purchaser will be a gainer by it.
[Note 50: These letters (?. D. P. C., and G. W.) were merely arbitrary invoice marks that distinguished certain hogsheads of tobacco.]
Upon the Important Conquest of the Hayanna, I heartily congratulate you; a stroke so signally given at the commencement of a War must ever prove the sure means of humbling a proud People and settling Peace upon an honourable and Permanent footing; that this soon may happen is a sincere wish of Gentn., etc.
Sent to the Northward--to go by Packet
Copy by the Hudson--Via Whitehaven
Williamsburg, November 15, 1762.
Gentn: As I got to this place after the Fleet Sailed, I am obliged to make use of a Scotch Ship bound to Glasgow to forward the Inclosed Invoices for Goods, which please to send, and charge as there directed.
I am left in a very odd situation in regard to the Tobacco which I kept for, and expected had gone in, the Latitia, many oppertunities I refused of putting it on board other Ships that offered liberty of Consignment because I woud not be instrumental tho' but in a small degree towards the disappointment of the Vessel you might send to us, and now Captn. Hammond is not only gone without it (after I have directed Insurance to be made, and actually saw the Tobacco put into Craft which Collo. Lee sent up for it) but I do not even know what is become of the Tobacco for Collo. Lee who seemed to take upon himself the management of these matters is not yet come to Town and I have only bare report for his having put it on board of some other Ship; but what Ship, and whether she went with Convoy, or is yet in the Country I am a stranger to, this matter carries evident Marks of ill usage however, but on whom to fix the blame I am as yet, a little at a loss to determine, time may shew.
I find my own Crops (and those of my Ward) on this River something better than I was given to expect and hope the Tobacco, what there is of it, will proove exceeding good this year; but my Tobacco on Potomack as formerly mentioned will fall greatly short of the usual Quantity. I was not a little surprized to find, upon coming to this place, that there was nothing in the report of the Unity's putting back by distress of Weather, as I had informed you in two or three Letters. The advice of her doing so came to me through such a Channel, that I coud not conceive a posibility of doubting it; and therefore gave you the earliest notice I coud of it. I shall expect soon to hear what has become of that Tobacco, and to get the Sales of all such as was Shipped last year.
I have drawn upon you (the 9th. Instt.) for Twenty pounds Sterling, payable to Mr. Walter Magowan Tutor to Master and Miss Custis, which Sum is to be paid by the Children equally, and to them respectively charged. I am Gentn., etc.
[Mount Vernon, 1762.]
Sir: At your request I [have searched] for the remarks [among] my Papers and found the remarks I made upon the Navigation of Potomack in the year 1754 and found that...a Letter which I wrote to a gentn. of our Assembly at that time in Aug. 1754 the followg. is an extract thereof.53
[Note 53: At this point Washington copies verbatim his letter to Thomas Lee, dated August, 1754, ante. This draft is badly mutilated, and the missing portions are denoted above by dots(...). The words in brackets are supplied from surviving portions of the text.]
These Sir are the Observns...year 1754 when I hoped (upon seeing the practicability of the thing) that the expediency of...this Comn. wou'd have been attended to and that...our future operations wd. have been conducted thro this most national and po'mted Channel but Genl. Braddocks...late coming in Spring 1755 and hurry of business immediately upon his arrival allowed no time for...attemps of this sort and afterwards our Affairs as everybody knows took quite another and a very different turn and was conducted from a very difft. Quarter.
I cannot charge my Memory with any...further knowledge but you are welcome to make what use you...please of the Informn.
Williamsburg, April 26, 1763.
Gentn: Your favours of the 24th. of April 29th. July and first of December now lye before me, and I coud heartily have Wished that the last had brought an Acct. of the Tobaccos lost in the Deliverance and Joseph which remains along while I think in an underterminate manner.
You will please to observe that the 20 Hhds pr. the Deliverance is part of the Estate of Danl. Parke Custis Esqr. deceasd, because it was made and Shipped before a Devision of it took place therefore when that matter is adjusted must have credit for the Tobacco, and made chargeable with the Costs; but the 14 hhds in Easton were made after the said Division and was the Sole property of Master John Parke Custis, for whom you are to raise an Acct. beginning with the premium of Insurance and other charges of this 14 hhds, and to be credited by the proceeds; the other 12 hhds pr. Captn. Lewis you have already been informed were the young Gentlemans and I shall take care at all times to advise you in this particular that no mistakes may arise.
Business brot. me to this place a few days ago and havg. seen Captn. Easton I have given directions for putting Twelve hhds Tobo. on board his Ship to your address on which please to Insure Ten pounds pr. Hhd in behalf of Mastr. Custis whose Tobo. it is, and to whose acct. it must go.
We are much pleased with the assurance of Peace, things it is hoped will now fall into an easy and regular Channel to the mutual advantage of both Mercht. and Planter. I am Gentn., etc.
By the Betcy Captn. Car.
Williamsburg, April 26, 1763.
Gentn: My Letters of the 18th. and 30th. of Septr. and 15th Novr. following fully explains my sentiments relative to the Tobacco's lately Shipped, and other matters therein mentioned, but I have your favours of the 10th. and 25th. of August 30th. of Octor. and 4th. of Decr. now lying before me, and shall remark upon; and answer such parts of them as require it.
In regard to the Estates Ball'e then in your hands, I must observe, that it was not in my power to direct the Application of it sooner, because some of those Tobaccos lay in Messrs. Hanbury's, and other's in Mr. Gildarts hands unaccounted for; the want of which Sales, and some other Ballances due to and from the Estate not coming in so soon as might have been expected kept open the Accts. and prevented an exact dividend of the money; and is a Reason why that Ball'e has remained so long undisposed of on your Books; indeed there is yet 34 hhds of Tobo. which was lost in the Deliverance and Joseph (Ships of Messrs. Hanbury's) of which no Accts. are rendered and retards a final Devision, but I have now caused the money so far as it can be ascertained, to be divided, and a Sum of £1440--19s.11 Sterlg. fall'g to Master Custis's part I shall allot it to him out of the money in your Hands, you will please therefore to give his Acct. credit for the said Sum of £1440.19s. 11 Ster: and carry the residue thereof to my Acct. which will Ball'e the Estates Acct. on your Books. My debt is greater than I expected to have found it, owing in some measure to the short prices of my Tobacco but I shall endeavour to discharge it as fast as I can conveniently make remittances.
In your Letter of the 30th. of Octr. I find you have entirely mistaken the meaning of mine of the 28th. of May giving an Acct. of the qualities of the Tobacco Shipped in the Unity: if you will be at the trouble of reading that Letter over again, you will perceive that I take notice of 3 sorts of Tobo. under such and such numbers, for Instance, from No. 1 to No. 6 Inclusive I tell you is of one kind, from 9 to 14 of another, and 15 to 16 are of a third; and then observe, that the rest of the Tobacco is of the same sorts of these 3, only made on different Plantation's; this I did with a view of getting your opinion on the several sorts, that by comparing the produce of each kind here. with the Sales with you, determine my choice of them, the ground yielding more of some sorts than it does of others; but it is very observable that the narrow leaf Tobo. (for the Hhd. No. 10, 13 and 19 noticed in yours of Octr. the 30th. are of that kind) hits not your taste, nor do I much wonder at it for it was a sort planted by mistake, and altogether without my approbation, and I am so unlucky as to have some of it this year again mixed with the others.
I do not like to recriminate on a Subject and shall therefore observe in few words, that Collo. Fairfax's Tobo. which Mr. Athaws sold at 12d. was no more than leaf, and of the same kind exactly with No. 15 and 16 of mine by the Unity; I coud conceive no reason therefore why his Tobacco shoud so far out sell mine, even that of York River which has always been esteemed for its quality, however I shall dwell no longer on the matter, but rest perswaded that you will exert your best endeavours for my Interest, more especially as you must be sensible, that I have in a manner confined my corrispondance to your House alone, and with this assurance, that I am not fond of change and want nothing but justice; so long then as I meet with good Accts. and neighbourly fare I shall continue my Consignments, and farther I dare say you cannot expect.
The Ship which carried the Tobacco that was reserved for Hammond was called the Thomas one Captn. Agar, Master but whether she is arrived or not I cannot tell, for She missed the Convoy; before I leave this place I shall direct my Steward in what manner he is to dispose of his Tobacco, and from myself and Ward I suppose you may expect about 75 Hhds.; near 30 of which will be Shipped on my own Acct. but of this you will be more particularly informed when I get advise of the arrival of the Ship, what qty of Tobo. I may have on Potomack is yet uncertain, but in a little time I shall be able to determine.
By the first oppertunity to Madeira I shall Write to Messrs. John and James Searles for a Pipe of Wine, directing them to draw upon you for the amount, and hope their Bills will be honoured. The Inclosed to Mr. Lawrence is for a suit of Cloaths which please to send me by the first Ship to either of the Rivers Potomack, York or James; if to one of the two last named, be so good as to direct the Package to the care of Mr. Jos. Valentine at Williamsburg. Mrs. Washington also begs to have 4 yds. of Silk sent according to the Inclosed pattern w'ch was bought in the year 1759 of Palmer & Co. and made into a suit of Cloaths by I Scherberg, but now having occasion to turn it into a Sack and Coat it cannot be effected with't more of the same; this (if to be had) may be sent with my Cloaths.
We are much rejoiced at the prospect of Peace which 'tis hoped will be of long continuance, and introductory of mutual advantages to the Merch't and Planter, as the Trade to this Colony will flow in a more easy and regular Chan'l than it has done for a considerable time past. The Inclosed Excha on Mr. Thos. Usher for one hund'd pound Sterl. please to receive and place to the Credit of Gentn., etc.
By the Betcy Captn. Car. from Jas. River.
[Williamsburg], Virginia, April 26, 1763.
Mr. Lawrence: Be pleased to send me a genteel suit of Cloaths made of superfine broad Cloth handsomely chosen. I should have Inclosed you my Measure, but in a general way they are so badly taken here that I am convinced it woud be of very little Service. I woud have you therefore take measure of a Gentleman who Wares well made Cloaths of the following size: to wit, 6 feet high and proportionably made; if any thing rather slender than thick for a person of that highth with pretty long Arms and thighs. You will take care to make the Breeches longer than those you sent me last, and I would have you keep the measure of the Cloaths you now make, by you, and if any alteration is required in my next it shall be pointed out. Mr. Cary will pay your Bill and I am, etc.
Note. for your furth'r governm't and knowledge of my size, I have sent the Inclosed, and you must observe that from the Coat end--
April 27, 1763.
My Dear Stewart: Your Letters of the 18th. Jany. and 2d. of Mar. came to my hands at the same time about the 10th. Instr. I knew of no ship then on the point of Sailing for any part of Great Britain, and therefore have been unavoidably silent till now; indeed I coud have given but a very unsatisfactory answer before this. I participated in the pleasing prospect which seemed to flatter your wishes about the time of writg. your first Letter, as much as I felt for its reverse in the next, but human Affairs are always chequered, and Viscissitudes in this Life are rather to be expected than wondered at.
I wish my dear Stewart that the circumstances of my Affairs woud have permitted me to have given you an order upon any Person, in the world, I might add, for £400 with as much ease and propriety as you seem to require it, or even for twice that Sum if it woud make you easy; but alas l to shew my inability in this respect, I inclose you a copy of Mr. Cary's last Acct. currt. against me, which upon my honr and the faith of a Christian is a true one, and transmitted to me with the additional aggravation of a hint at the largeness of it. Messrs. Hanbury's have also a Ball'e against me, and I have no other corrispondants in England with whom I deal, unless it be with a namesake for trifles such as Cloaths; and for these I do not know whether the Balle. is for or against me.
This upon my Soul is a genuine Acct. of my Affairs in England, here they are a little better because I am not much in debt. I doubt not but you will be surprized at the badness of their condition unless you will consider under what terrible management and disadvantages I found my Estate when I retired from the Publick Service of this Colony; and that besides some purchases of Lands and Negroes I was necessitated to make adjoining me (in order to support the Expences of a large Family), I had Provision's of all kinds to buy for the first two or three years; and my Plantation to stock in short with every thing; Buildings to make, and other matters, which swallowed up before I well knew where I was, all the money I got by Marriage nay more, brought me in Debt, and I believe I may appeal to your own knowledge of my Circumstances before.
I do not urge these things my dear Sir in order to lay open the distresses of my own Affairs, on the contrary they shoud forever have remained profoundly secret to your knowledge did it not appear necessary at this time to acquit myself in your esteem, and to evince my inability of exceeding £300 a sum I am now labouring to procure by getting money to purchase Bills of that amt. to remit to yourself, that Mr. Cary may have no knowledge of the transaction since he expected this himself, and for which my regard for you will disappoint him. A Regard of that high nature that I coud never see you uneasy without feeling a part and wishing to remove the cause; and therefore when you complained of the Mortification of remaining a Subaltern in a Corp you had frequently commanded the Subs of, I wanted you out, and hoped it might be effected; but I shall have done on the Subject giving me leave to add only that in case you shoud not have a call for the money (and your Letter speaks of this) you will then be so good as to pay it to Mr. Cary to whom I believe it will be no disagreeable tender and advise me thereof; the Inclosd will inform you of what I have wrote to him on this head, which Letter you may deliver, or destroy at pleasure.
I am exceedingly obliged to you for your kind offer's of Services in London, but I have nothing to give you the trouble of. I write in very great haste, and know I may depend upon your Friendship to excuse any thing and every thing amiss in the Letter. With the most perfect regard, I remain, etc.
Mount Vernon, April 30, 1763.
Gentn: At the recommendation of Fielding Lewis Esqr. I am induced to give you the trouble of sending me a Pipe of the best Maderia Wine for the amount of which please to draw on Robert Cary Esqr. and Co. Mercht. in London who are advised thereof. I woud choose a rich oily Wine, and if the present vintage shoud not be good, to have it of the last, or in short of any other which you can recommend. You will be so good as to send this Wine pr. the first opp'ty addressed to me on Potomack River in Fairfax County Virga.; I shoud choose to have it sent in a Vessel to this River, if one shoud offer in any reasonable time, if not, please to send it to Norfolk recommended to the care of Collo. Tucker who can readily forward it from thence; but I shoud prefer the former of the two much. I am Gentn., etc.
Note the above sent by Collo. Field'g Lewis.
Williamsburg, May 2, 1763.
My dear Stewart: With some difficulty I have at last procured the Inclosed which you will please to make use of as occasion may require. I was upon the point of forwarding these, and my Letters to you, by the Betcy a Ship from James River bound for London when Collo. Hunter arrived and informed me that he left you the 15th. or 16th. Ulto. at New York and that your Imbarkation for England seemed to be matter of doubt. I have therefore changed the Route of these Letters now sending them to New York to the care of Beverley Robinson Esqr. who is desired to forward them in case of your departure from thence to London.
The Bills as you may perceive are drawn on Messrs. Lydes of London and Backhouse of Liverpool to the mount of £302 Sterl'g that is to say:
Signing of the Definitive Treaty seems to be the only piece of News w'ch prevails here at present, and diffuses general Joy. Our Assembly is suddenly called in consequence of a Memorial of the British Merchts. to the Board of Trade representing the evil consequences of our Paper emissions, and their Lordships report and order's thereupon which I suppose will set the whole Country in Flames; this stir of the Merchts. seems to be ill timed and cannot be attended with any good effects; bad I fear it will, however on the 19th. Instt. the Assembly Meet and till then I will suspend my further opinion of the matter. I am with the most unalterable regard, My dear Stewart, etc.
Mount Vernon, May 8, 1763.
Dear Sir: The Inclosed for my friend Collo. Stewart is of some consequence, and I take the liberty of recommending of it to your care; if he shoud be Imbarked for England as I must suppose he is before this (by his Letters) pray be so good as to forward the packet to him by a safe conveyance; if in York you will do me a favour in delivering of it; and in either case of hearing by Post whether it got safe to your hands or not.
Mr. Peter Robinson has been paid the amt. of your Acct. as I doubt not but he has advised you. We have little News stirring, the Definite Treaty of Peace at last seems concluded and gives general Joy to the People of this part of the World.
I parted with the Speaker54 (who is in a way of adding to his Family) about four days ago in perfect health. I beg you will make a tender of my Compliments to Mrs. Robinson and your Family and do me the favour to believe that with very great esteem I remain Dr. Sir, etc.
[Note 54: John Robinson, father of Beverley.]
Mount Vernon, August 13, 1763.
My Dear Stewart: By Captn. Walter Stuart I am favoured with an oppertunity of acknowledging the receipt of your Letter of the 6th. of June, and at the same time of forwarding the Copy of my former (which was in readiness before that came to hand, and) which I incline to send notwithstanding the original is got to hand, because it contains the Second Bills, and other matters entire as they ought to have been sent, and as I dare say Mr. Stuart will be so good as to deliver.
Another tempest has arose upon our Frontiers, and the alarm spread wider than ever; in short the Inhabitants are so apprehensive of danger that no Families stand above the Conogocheage road and many are gone of below it; their Harvests are in a manner lost, and the distresses of the Settlement appear too evident and manifold to need description: In Augusta many people have been killed, and numbers fled, and confusion and despair prevails in every Quarter. At this Instant a calm is taking place, which forebodes some mischief to Collo. Bouquet at least those who wish well to the Convoy are apprehensive for him since it is not unlikely that the retreat of all the Indian Parties at one and the same time from our Frontiers is a probable proof of their Assembling a force somewhere, and for some particular purpose; none more likely then to oppose his March.57
[Note 57: Pontiac's conspiracy. The Shawnees, Delawares, Senecas, and other Ohio tribes of Indians had made a general and almost simultaneous attack upon all the remote frontier settlements and posts. They had committed many murders, and taken the forts at Le Boeuf, Venango, Presqu'Isle, and others on Lake Michigan, the Miami River, the Wabash, at Sandusky, and Michilimackinac. Fort Pitt (formerly Duquesne) was in imminent danger of falling into their hands. In July, Colonel Bouquet was dispatched by General Amherst with 500 men and a supply of military stores for the relief of that fort, He marched through Pennsylvania, following the same route that had been pursued by General Forbes's army. The Indians, who were then besieging Fort Pitt, heard of his march and came out to meet him. They attacked his army on the 5th and 6th of August in a defile near the headwaters of Turtle Creek (Bushy Run), and the contest was kept up during the two days with considerable loss on both sides. Colonel Bouquet maintained his ground and, routing the Indians, marched without further molestation to Fort Pitt. The news of this action seems not to have reached Washington when he wrote the above letter.-- Sparks.
Ford quotes from General Amherst's letter to Sir William Johnson (August 27): "Some random shots were fired on the army between Bushy Run and Fort Pitt; but this seasonable check I believe will put an effectual stop to any further mischief being done on that communication; particularly as Colonel Stephen with 4 or 500 men of the Virginia militia is advanced as far as Forts Cumberland and Bedford, with a view not only of covering the frontiers, but of acting offensively against the savages. This public spirited colony has also sent a body of the like number of men under the command of Colonel Lewis for the defence and protection of their southwest frontiers. What a contrast this makes between the conduct of the Pennsylvanians and Virginians, highly to the honor of the latter, but places the former in the most despicable light imaginable." The King signified his displeasure at the "supine and neglectful conduct" of the Pennsylvania Legislature, and urged more vigorous measures upon all the Colonies except Virginia and Maryland.
Francis Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac presents the complete picture of this Indian outbreak.]
It was expected that our Assembly woud have been called in such exegencies as these but its concluded (as I have been informed) that an Assembly without money coud be no eligable plan; to comprehend the meaning of this expression, you must know, the Board of Trade at the Instance of the British Merchants, have undertaken to rebuke us in the most ample manner for our Paper Emission's; and therefore the Governor and Council hath directed 1000 Militia to be employed for the protection of the Frontiers 500 of which are to be Drafted from Hampshire &ca. and be under the Command of Collo. Stephen whose Military Courage and Capacity (says the Governor) is well established. The other 500 from the Southern Frontier Counties are to be conducted by Major Lewis so that you may readily conceive what an enormous expence must attend these Measures. Stephens immediately upon the Indians retiring, advanced to Fort Cumberland with 200 or 250 Militia in great parade and will doubtless archieve some signal advantage of which the Publick will soon be informed.
I think I have now communicated the only News which these parts afford; it is of a melancholy nature indeed and yet we cannot tell how, or when it is to end. I hope you have got matters settled to your liking before this time. I shoud rejoice to hear it, as I shoud do at every thing that gives you pleasure or profit.
Mrs. Washington makes a tender of her Compliments, and you may be assured that I am with great sincerity Dr. Sir, etc.
September 27, 1763.
Gentn: Your Letters of the 13th. and 23d. of April last are all that have come to hand since mine of the 13th. of June. I am sorry to find that my Tobacco which was intended by Hammond, and which he ought to have taken (after runn'g me to the expence of Insurance &ca.) is likely to come to so unfavourable a Market as your Letter of the 13th. seems to bespeake, under such manifest disappointments and losses. I am affraid it is very improbable that I shall acquire much benefits by Shipping; however you will this year have Consigned you on my Account 19 Hhds. pt. the Nautilus 10 by the Luckey (from James River) and 48 by the Tryal. Captn. McGachin 14 whereof are of my Rent Tobacco sent to make up the difficiency of my Crop on Potomack, and in hopes you will make the most of them to the purchasers of that kind of Tobacco; indeed I will not say much in favour of some of my other Tobo. by this Ship as the kinds are not such as I coud wish namely the Hhds. No. 4 to 11 Inclusive (being the narrow Leaved) but I flatter myself you will dispose of them to the best advantage this year as they are the last of the kind I ever shall raise. I was intending to have shipped them under a different Mark but they were put on board the Ship before I had given the Inspectors directions on this head and therefore it was omitted. My Tobacco from York River as well as Master Custis's will go home without Insurance, owing to a neglect in my Stewards not giving me timely notice of the Ship and Masters name in James River, and of the exact destribution of the Tobacco for want of which coud not be precise in my orders however as there is no other danger now than that arising from the Sea I hope it is a matter of no great consequence; Master Custis has 37 Hhds. on board of Captn. Boyes and 20 on the Luckey.
My Goods by Johnstown came in good order but Miss Custis looses a Trunk No. 2 containing Linnen and other things to the amount (pr. Invoice) of £25.2.8; the Trunk is included in Captn. Johnstowns Bill of Lading who says when he put his hand to those Bills there were some things yet to prepare and put in the Trunk and that he never got it afterwards, I was in hopes then that it might have been sent by Captn. Boyes but in this we were also disappointed for I have got round those Goods and Captn. Boyes whom I have seen knows nothing of any such thing. I do not doubt but you will have this matter enquired into and see that Miss Custis is no looser; but disappointed she greatly is.
The Goods from York River Mr. Valentine complains most heavily of, especially the narrow Hoes which he says are so small and sorry that he cannot possibly (or nothing but mere necessity can cause him to) use them for they are scarcely wider or bigger in any respect than a man's hand. I directed him to return them again but whether he has done so or not I cannot tell.
Inclosed you will receive several Invoices;58 the Goods for Potomack may be Shipped by Captn. McGachin who returns to this River again, and on whose care and punctuality I can much depend; and those for Mrs. Dandridge you will be so good as to send by Captn. Boyes into York River. I cannot just now make out Invoice for our Plantation's on York, but so soon as I go down there (which will be in a very few days) I shall be able to do this and will forward the order without delay. The Inclosed to Mr. Didsbury contains measures, and orders for all the Shoes mentioned in the Body of my Invoice you will have no occasion therefore to be at further trouble about the Shoes than just to send the Letter. Be so good as to direct your Seed Merchant to let me have those Seeds I have required new and good, especially the St. Foine w'ch is a tender Seed and difficult to get here safe.
[Note 58: Among other articles in these invoices are: "1 compleat sett. Chariot Harness for Six (middle sized) Horses, to be strong, yet light and to have my crest. 1 Neat silver Pencil--exactly Six Inches long, to have the Inches and parts of an Inch marked thereon and to be open at both ends. 1 travelling Razor case--to contn. two Razors (of the very best kind) Strop, brush, box, Powder, &ca. To be bought of Mr. Shelbey in Dean Street, Soho. 1 White lutestring Sacque & Coat sprigd with white--all to be made by Mrs. Fairfax's Measure. 1 Coffee Mill; best sort."]
The Inclosed Bill (if my first of the same Tenor is not come to hand) please to receive and give my acct. credit for the amount. Mr. Digges the bearer of this, and a Gentleman of merit, I beg leave to recommend to your notice, and am Gentn. etc.
Sent by Mr. Charles Digges
Copy--By the Tryal Captn. McGachin
Mount Vernon, September 27, 1763.
Sir: The last Cargoe of Shoes you sent me, fit very well, and I hope you will continue to preserve my Last. You will please to send me (with the Goods Mr. Cary will forward) the following Shoes and according to the Inclosed measures, to wit:
The above Shoes you will please to charge to the Persons for whom they are intended (except Mrs. Washington's which must be placed to my Bill) and the whole amount will be paid you by Mr. Cary; they must also be put into different Packages, and Mr. Cary will see that they are properly forwarded. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, September 27, 1763.
Dear Sir: In July --62 I received the Copy of your Letter of the 27th. of April preceding. By Captn. Braisse it came, and superscribed with a Box, but no Box appeared, nor did I much wonder at it, it being the Copy of a Letter only, and the Captns. disavowing the receipt of any such Package; some considerable time after this I was favoured with the original Letter, but by what Ship it was brought, I am to this day ignorant, for neither the Ship's nor the Captain's name was mentioned, and altho' your Letter began with saying you Inclose the Captns. receipt (for the Box,) no such receipt was found, nor Invoice or Bill of Costs, nor mention made who this Captn. was: finding myself reduced to this dilemma, and left without a footstep of enquiry, I resolved to wait for further explanation, or 'till I shoud hear of the Box before I gave you the trouble of a Letter, but neither of these happening till Collo. Fairfax presented me with your obliging favour of. the 13th. of April last, I began to despair Of the desired information, however upon receipt of that Letter I immediately dispatched a Servant to Mr. Middleton at Annapolis from whose Wife (he not being at home) I got the Inclosed answer. What it is I have further to expect in this matter you can best resolve.
In the Event of your ever visiting America, I am in hopes you will not think a little time ill spent in a small Tower to Virginia. We have few things here striking to European Travellers (except an abundant Woods); but a little variety, a welcome reception among a few friends, and the open and prevalent hospitality of the Country in general, might perhaps proove agreable for a while; and I must be permitted to add, that I shall think myself very happy in seeing you at Mr. Vernon where you might depend upon finding the most cordial entertainment.
The Indians at a time when we thought ourselves fixed in the utmost tranquility, have, in open violation of the Treaty recommenced Hostilities, and (by a sudden Irruption) thrown the Frontiers of almost all the Colonies into terrible consternation. They have lately met with some pretty rugged treatment, and it is hoped they will sue for Terms again in a very little while.
I dined at Belvior yesterday, and left the Family in perfect health; as also Doctr. Cockburnes, Mrs. Washington makes a tender of her Compliments and I am Dr. Sir, etc.
By the Tryal--Captn. Wm. McGachin.
Mount Vernon, October 4, 1763.
Gentn. Since mine of the 27th. Ulto. Captn. McGachin who will do me the favour to deliver this, and who for several years past has commanded a Convict Ship into this River (a service neither consistent with his Inclinations or Health to perservere in) has expressed a desire of being recommended to the Command of the Ship which you have given us Reasons to expect into Potomack. A Request I do most readily comply with, because a personal acquaintance with Mr. McGachin added to his general good Character enables me to introduce him to you as a Gentleman of known skill, deligence and Integrety; and who by a long use to the Trade, and this River in particular, has contracted a general acquaintance and mutual friendship with the best Gentlemen on it; as such then he has my warmest wishes to your employ; and I am petswaded if you are not preengaged, you cannot light upon a Master who will act more for your Interest, or will give more universal satisfaction to your corrispondants on the River than he will; shoud he be so fortunate to succeed then, I think I can venture to assure you that he will stand in no need of particular Addresses; his knowledge of the Business, and acquaintance with the Gentlemen rendering it not only unnecessary but perhaps detremental to your Interest. You will be so good as to excuse the liberty I have taken, and do me the justice to believe that I am quite disinterested in this recommendation, as much so however as a Man can be who wishes to see his property committed to the managem't of a Person in whose care he can confide. I am Gentn. etc.
By Captn. McGachin.
Williamsburg, January 22, 1764.
Gentn: Captn. Mather whom I met with at this place a day or two ago, seeming to be pretty much distressed to compleat his Loading before the lay days are out, I shall, in order to facilitate his dispatch, give him all the Tobacco I have ready upon York River amounting to Fifty two Hhds, or which please to make Insurance and proportion the charge hereafter for I cannot at this Instant tell what part is mine, nor have I time to enquire, as Captn. Whiting by whom I now write, is just ready to Sail. I expect we shall have Seventy, perhaps Eighty Hhds more on this River and these shall be reserved for the Nautilus; but my Crops upon Potomackare vastly deficient, in short a wet Spring, a dry Summer, and early Frosts have quite demolished me.
At our next April General Court I expect I shall have occasion to draw upon you in behalf of Master John Parke Custis to the amount of Seven, eight, or more hundred pounds, £500 certainly, and take this oppertunity of giving you advice of it.
Shoud this Letter get to your hands before the Shipping Sail for Potomack, please to send me over and above what are mentioned in my Invoice, 25M 8d 25M 10d and 25M 20 d. nails. I shall write to Mr. Jno. Searles of Madeira for another Pipe of Wine directing him to draw upon you for the Costs which I hope will be paid. I am Gentn., etc.
Sent by Captn. Jno. Whiting.
January 30, 1764.
Sir: Your favour of the 22d. of August last I have had the pleasure to receive, as also the Wine accompanying of it which lyes yet untasted, but from your recommendation of it I shall suppose it good and therefore desire you will send me such another Pipe and draw as before upon Robert Cary Esqr. & Co. who are advised thereof and will pay accordingly.
If no oppertunity shoud offer soon to Potomack River you will please to send the Wine to Norfolk recommended to the care of Collo. Tucker as the last was. I am Sir, etc.
Sent by Collo. Lewis's Vessell to Madeira
Mount Vernon, February 13, 1764.
Gentn: The Inclosed is a Copy of my last of the 22d. Ulto. We have been curiously entertained of late with the description of an Engine lately constructed (I believe in Switzerland, and undergone some Improvements since in England) for taking up Trees by the Roots; among other things it is related that Trees of considerable Diameter are forced up by this Engine, that Six hands in working one of them will raise two or three hundred Trees in the space of a day; and that an Acre of Ground may be eased of the Trees and laid fit for Plowing in the same time. How far these assertions have been amply reallized by repeated experiments it is impossible for me at this distance to determine but if the Accounts are not greatly exaggerated such powerful assistance must be of vast utility in many parts of this Wooden Country when it is impossible for our Force (and labourers are not to be hired here) between the finishing of one Crop and preparations for another to clear Ground fast enough to afford the proper changes either in the Planting or Farming business. The Chief purport of this Letter therefore is to beg the favour of you Gentlemen to make minute enquiries into the Tryals that have been made by Order of the Society and if they have proved satisfaction, to send me one of these Engines by the first Ship bound to this River (Potomack). If they are made of different sizes, I shoud prefer one of a middle Size, capable of raising a tree of 15 or 18 Inches Diameter. The Costs I am pretty much a stranger to 15, 20 and 25 Guineas have been spoke of but the Price (were it dble that) I shoud totally disregard provided the Engine is capable of performing what is related of it, and not of that complicated nature to be easily disordered, and rendered unfit for use, but constructed upon so plain, simple, and durable a Plan that the common Artificers of this Country may be able to set them to rights if any accidents shoud happen to them. If you shoud send one be so good as to let me have with it the most ample direction's for the effectual using of it, together with a model of its manner of operating.
Mrs. Washington woud take it as a favour if you woud direct Mr. Shelby to send her a fashionable Summer Cloak and Hatt, a black Silk Apron, x pr. of penny and one pr. of two penny Ribbon (white) and a pair of French bead Earhags and Necklace; and I shoud be obliged to you for sending me a dozen and an half of Water Plates (Pewter with my Crest engraved). I am Gentn., etc.
By Captn. Dawson for London.
Williamsburg, May 1, 1764.
Gentn: The Copy of your Letter of the 13th. of February, by Falman, is come to hand, but for want of the Account Inclosed in the Original I am at a loss to conceive how my balance can possibly be so much as £1811.1.1 in your favour, or Master Custis's so little as £1407.14.7 in his; however as the several Accts. will shew what Articles are charged and credited, without which there can be no judging; I shall, postpone an explicit answer till they arrive.
Your observation's in regard to the money which Master Custis has in your hands are most certainly just, for his Acct. and mine altho' both under my directions, are become very distinct things since the Settlement of the Estate and on his behalf I now draw three Bills upon you, two of them in favour of Fielding Lewis Esqr. for £100 and £500 and the 3d. in favour of Mr. James Gibson for £200 mak'g in all £800 for which Sums your Acct. will have credit not doubting the due acceptance of the Bills.
As to my own Debt I shall have no objections to allowing you Interest upon it untill it is discharged and you may charge it accordingly from this time forward, but had my Tobacco sold as I expected and the Bills been paid according to promise I was in hopes to have fallen very little in Arrears; however as it is otherwise I shall endeavour to discharge the Ball's as fast as I can, flattering myself there will be no just cause for compl'ts of the Tobacco this year. What little I make upon Potomack, which indeed will not exceed 30 or 35 Hhds., will I hope be of a better quality that the last, and from this River (York) there remains 81 Hhds. which I am told will proove good, 21 of which belongs to me and the other 60 to Master Custis. Of the 52 which went in Mather, 15 were mine and 37 Master Custis's.
I wish my fears may not proore true, but I am very apprehensive Boyes will stick long upon hand here, however what Tobacco I have both on this River and Potomack shall be applied in loading of him and I wish a better dispatch to the Ship than many of your Corrispondants seem Inclined to give to it being, Yours, etc.
Mount Vernon, August 10, 1764.
Gentlemen: Since my last of the first of May I have received the Goods by Boyes, likewise the Nails pr. Watson, with Letters, Accounts of Sales Accounts Current &ca., which accompanied them; as also another Letter of the 28th. of March by Captn. Hooper.
It might possibly answer very little purpose were I to enter into a minute detail of the Reasons that have caused me to fall so much in arrears to you and therefore I shall not trouble you fully with the particulars at this time but content myself with observing in as few words as the nature of the Subject will admit of that in whatsoever light it may appear to you, it is not less evidently certain that Mischances rather than Misconduct hath been the causes of it; For it was a Misfortune that Seasons and chance shoud prevent my making even tolerable Crops in this part of the Country for three years successively and it was a misfortune likewise when they were made that I shoud get little or nothing for them. It may also be looked upon, as unlucky at least, that the debts which I thought I had collected and actually did remit to you shoud be paid in Bills void of credit, and as things have turned out (and you have such occasion for your money) it is unlucky likewise that I made some purchases of Land and Slaves in this Country since it obliged me to apply more of the Curft. money (which was due to the Estate here) towards the payment thereof than I expected and of consequence more of the Sterlg. Balle. in your hands to the credit of Master Custis in order to Assign him his full dividend of the personal Estate not conceiving in the least degree that I should have occasion for more of it than woud remain after such application was made; because, had these Bills been answered, had my Crops proved good, and sold well, the Balle. I think coud never have been against me. However to be as short as possible; To remove the seeming apprehension (expressed in yours of the 13th. of February) of your suffering in point of Interest for the money you then discovered you stood in advance for me I wrote you on the first of May following that I had no sort of objections to allowing Interest from thence forward and desired you woud charge it accordingly untill the Debt was Paid; not desiring that you or any body else should suffer in the most trivial Instances on my Account; and I shall now in consequence of your other Letter of the 28th. of March beg leave to inform you, in terms equally sincere and direct, that it is not in my power I shoud add in a manner convenient and agreable to myself, to make remittances faster than my Crops (and perhaps some few occasional Sums which may fall in my way) will furnish me with the means: but if notwithstanding, you cannot be content with this mode of payments you have only to advise me of it and I shall hit upon a method (tho' I woud choose to avoid it) that will at once discharge the Debt, and effectually remove me from all further mention of it; For I must confess, I did not expect that a corrispondant so steady, and constant as I have proved, and was willing to have continued to your House while the advantages were in any degree reciprocal woud be reminded in the Instant it was discovered how necessary it was for him to be expeditous in his payments. Reason and prudence naturally dictates to every Man of common sense the thing that is right and you might have rested assured, that so fast as I coud make remittances without distressing myself too much my Inclinations woud have prompted me to it: because in the first place it is but an irksome thing to a free mind to be any ways hampered in Debt; and in the next place, I think I have discovered no intentions, since I have found how the Balle. was likely to turn, of increasing that Debt (unless it shoud appear in the amount of my Invoices last year which greatly indeed exceeded my expectations but will be ballenced I hope by the contracted one of this year): but on the contrary all the willingness I coud, under the accidents that have happened, of decreasing it to the utmost of my power; but I have already run into much greater prolixity on this head than I promised or intended. Your answer will determine my measures, and upon this Issue it must rest.
I shoud be glad to receive an Acct. of Sales for the rest of the Tobaccos which Master Custis and myself have in your hands that I may see more fully how the Ballances stand. All the Tobacco which I had ready upon this River I have given to Boyes amounting to 20 Hhds on which please to make such Insurance as you shall judge most advisable; in like manner do upon 21 Hhds of my York River Tobacco in the same Ship; and upon Sixty of Master Custis's which accompanies it. I have about 8 or 10 Hhds more on this River which shall be Shipd by the first Vessell I can obtain liberty in after it is got from the Mountains where the disturbances that have been occasiond by the Indians renders it difficult to procure Waggon's for the transportation of it.
Some pains have I taken to satisfie myself of the equity of Mrs. Pasavents claim of £5.8.6 or to convince you of the Injustice of it the latter of which I conceive can easily be done from the Inclosed papers and from Mrs. Washingtons assertion's who will if required give testimony that she never sent for such Goods as Mrs. Passavent Charges, the delivery of in 1758 (for the eviction of which it is only having recourse to the order's of the preceeding year) and moreover that She never did receive any such. Inclosed is Mrs. Pasavents Note of Sundrys sent by Captn. Coxen and charged in your Invoice of March 1758. If any such Goods were had (as She now charges) woud they not have been included in this Bill? surely I think so, but further I can declare I never saw or heard of such things altho' the Goods by Coxen arrivd a little before the time of my Marriage and in 1760 I wrote for the very Identical Articles, which She there charges, (except the French bead Stomacker and Sleeve knots) and had them in accordingly the year following as will appear by S. Rush's Note and your own Invoice and that at the very identical prices also which the other has chargd; it is very unlikely therefore that we should have occasion for Goods of this sort in the succession here chargd on the contrary I think it must appear evident from the circumstances and assurances here given that Mrs. Passavents claim arises from a mistake, or that the charge is in itself unjustly made in either of which cases I cannot submit to a payment of the demand.
Miss Custis's Trunk which was missing last year is at length received: the contents in good order. Inclosd are Invoices of such Goods as I stand in need of for my Family's use and shoud be glad to receive by the first good oppertunity that offers to this River (Potomack): The usual quantity of Goods for our Plantation's on York River are yet to be added but untill I see or hear from Mr. Valentine I cannot form the Lists in the meantime am unwilling to slip the present occasion of forwarding my own.
Equally in behalf of Master and Miss Custis, and in favour of Mr. Walter Magowan (their Tutor) I drew upon you the 6th. Instt. for £45.13.9 which is to be charged to them in equal proportion's. Miss Custis may not perhaps just at the time of offering this Bill have as much money in your hands arising from the Interest of Bank Stock as will fully pay her half of it, and answer the order for Goods at the sametime, but as the half years payment at Lady day66 next will soon follow, and I shall always be ready to make up any deficiency, I hope they will nevertheless meet with a ready acceptance. I am, Gentn., etc.
[Note 66: One of the quarterly days for settling accounts; Lady Day was the Feast of the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary, March 25.]
[Mount Vernon], Virginia, August 10, 1764.
Mr. Lawrence: The things following you will send for the purposes required and charge them as their directed.
[Note 67: Washington altered this livery in an unimportant degree in a letter to Lawrence, written shortly after this date.]
I cannot conclude this Letter without observing that your charges are most exorbitantly high insomuch that it will be impossible for me to continue my corrispondance and dealings with you unless I am to experience some alteration for the better. It is unnecessary I dare venture to say for me to point out in what Instances, I shall only refer you generally to the Bills you have sent me particularly for a Pompadour Suit forwarded last July amounting to £16.3.6 without Embroidery, Lace, or Binding, not a close fine cloth neither; and only a gold Button that woud not stand the least Wear. Robert Cary Esqr. & Co. will pay the Costs of these Cloaths and I am, Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, Virginia, March 6, 1765.
Gentn: Captn. McCabe has prevaild on me to believe, that you will render me an agreeable Acct. of Sales for a Ton of Tobacco; to try the event therefore and oblige him I now Inclose you a Bill of Loading for four Hhds, which you will please to dispose of to the best advantage.
In return, I shoud be obligd to you for sending me one of the Rotheram (or Patent Plows). If the construction of them are not thoroughly understood in Liverpool you woud do me a singular favour in getting it from a place of that name in Yorkshire (where I suppose they were first Invented and now are made) for none but the true sort will answer the end of my sending for it and I had rather be at the expence of the Carriage from thence than not have the right kind or be disappointed. You will please to order it to be made exceeding light as our Lands are not so stiff as your's nor our Horses so strong. At the sametime I shoud be glad to receive
As I woud willingly receive these things by the Return of Captn. McCabe and you may not by that time have disposed of my Tobacco possibly you can judge nearly what it will fetch, and make the Returns accordingly, I am Gentn., etc.
Sent by Captn. McCabe.
[Note 68: John Carlyle and Robert Adam, Alexandria, Va., merchants.]
Mount Vernon, March 9, 1765.
Gentn: So soon as Mr. Lund Washington returns from Fredk. I shall cause my Wheat to be delivered at your landing on Four Miles Run Creek, if Flats can get to it conveniently: but previous to this I shoud be glad to know determinately upon what terms you expect to receive it that is whether by weight or measure. I once thought I had agreed with Colo. Carlyle at 58 lbs. to the Bushel but it seems it was otherwise be that as it will you may believe me sincere when I tell you that it is a matter of very great indifference to me whether it is fixed at this or suffered to stand as it is Consequently at any greater weight you may be assured I never shall it being a thing extremely doubtful from every trial I have been able to make with Steelyards whether I shoud gain or lose by a Contract of this kind. The Wheat from some of my Plantations by one pair of Steelyards will weight upwards of 60 lbs., by another pair less than 60 lbs.; and from some other places it does not weigh 58 lbs. and better wheat than I now have I do not expect to make during the term of our Contract at least whilst I continue to sow a good deal of Ground.
The only Reason therefore which Inclines me to sell by weight at a medium which I think just and equitable is that it may be a means of avoiding all kinds of Controversy hereafter for I am perswaded that if either of us gains by it, it must be you; I may be encouraged indeed to bestow better land to the growth of wheat than old Corn Ground and excited perhaps to a more husband like preparation of it but to do either of these is much more expensive than the method now practised and in fact may not be so profitable as the slovenly but easy method of raising it in Corn Ground. If it shoud, and my wheat be the better for it thereby it is a truth I believe universally acknowledged that for every pound it gains after it is once got to a middling-weight it increases the flour in a tenfold proportion.
You were saying that the Standard for Wheat at Philadelphia was 58 lbs., and at Lancaster 60 lbs. I have taken some pains to inquire likewise into this matter and am informed, that 58 is a much more general weight than the other all over Pensylvania and Maryland (where there wheat is better than ours can be till we get into the same good management) and Colo. Tucker's Miller, a Man from the Northward upon high Wages, who I saw whilst I was last below assured me that very few Bushels out of the many thousands of Wheat which he receives for Colo. Tucker reached 58 lbs However that you may not think I have other motives than those declared for mentioning these things I shall only observe that as you are sensible by my present Contract I am not restricted to Weight but obliged only to deliver clean Wheat and as good as the year and Seasons will generally admit of I will nevertheless in order to remove every cause of dispute which can possibly arise fix the weight, if it is agreeable to you at fifty eight pounds per Bushel and to be paid a penny for every pound over that weight and deduct a penny for every pound it is under. If you do not choose this the Contract69 must then remain as it now stands. I am, &c.
[Note 69: Washington's contract, dated Jan. 18, 1763, is in the Washington Papers.]
Mount Vernon, September 20, 1765.
Sir: If you will permit me after six years silence, the time I have been married to your Niece, to pay my respects to you in this Epistolary way I shall think myself happy in beginning a corrispondance which cannot but be attended with pleasure on my side.
I shoud hardly have taken the liberty Sir, of Introducing myself to your acquaintance in this manner, and at this time, least you shoud think my motives for doing of it arose from sordid views had not a Letter which I receivd sometime this Summer from Robt. Cary & Co. given me Reasons to believe that such an advance on my side woud not be altogether disagreeable on yours before this I rather apprehended that some disgust at the News of your Nieces Marriage with me, and why I coud not tell, might have been the cause of your silence upon that event, and discontinuing a corrispodance which before then you had kept up with her; but if I could only flatter myself, that you woud in any wise be entertaind with the few occurances that it might be in my power to relate from hence I shoud endeavour to attone for my past remisness, in this respect, by future punctuality.
At present few things are under notice of my observation that can afford you any amusement in the recital. The Stamp Act Imposed on the Colonies by the Parliament of Great Britain engrosses the conversation of the Speculative part of the Colonists, who look upon this unconstitutional method of Taxation as a direful attack upon their Liberties, and loudly exclaim against the Violation; what may be the result of this and some other (I think I may add) ill judgd Measures, I will not undertake to determine; but this I may venture to affirm, that the advantage accrueing to the Mother Country will fall greatly short of the expectations of the Ministry; for certain it is, our whole Substance does already in a manner flow to Great Britain and that whatsoever contributes to lessen our Importation's must be hurtful to their Manufacturers. And the Eyes of our People, already beginning to open, will perceive, that many Luxuries which we lavish our substance to Great Britain for, can well be dispensd with whilst the necessaries of Life are (mostly) to be had within ourselves. This consequently will introduce frugality, and be a necessary stimulation to Industry. If Great Britain therefore Loads her Manufactures with heavy Taxes, will it not facilitate these Measures? they will not compel us I think to give our Money for their exports, whether we will or no, and certain I am none of their Traders will part from them without a valuable consideration. Where then is the Utility of these Restrictions?
As to the Stamp Act, taken in a single view, one, and the first bad consequences attending it I take to be this. Our Courts of Judicature must inevitably be shut up; for it is impossible (or next of kin to it) under our present Circumstances that the Act of Parliam't can be complyd with were we ever so willing to enforce the execution; for not to say, which alone woud be sufficient, that we have not Money to pay the Stamps, there are many other Cogent Reasons to prevent it; and if a stop be put to our judicial proceedings I fancy the Merchants of G. Britain trading to the Colonies will not be among the last to wish for a Repeal of it.71
[Note 71: "Government is set at defiance, not having strength enough in her hands to enforce obedience to the laws of the community. The private distress which every man feels, increases the general dissatisfaction at the duties laid by the stamp act, which breaks out, and shews itself upon every trifling occasion."-- Governor Fauquier to Earl of Halifax, June 14, 1765.]
I live upon Potomack River in Fairfax County, about ten Miles below Alexandria and many Miles distant from any of my Wiles Relations; who all reside upon York River, and who we seldom see more than once a year, not always that. My wife who is very well and Master and Miss Custis (Children of her former Marriage) all join in making a tender of their Duty and best respects to yourself and the Aunt. My Compliments to your Lady I beg may also be made acceptable and that you will do me the justice to believe that I am, etc.
Sent by Captn. Jno. Johnstown
Mount Vernon, September 20, 1765.
Gentn: It cannot reasonably be imagined that I felt any pleasing Sensations upon the receipt of your Letter of the 13th. of February covering Accts. of Sales for 153 Hhds of Master Custis's Tobo. and 115 of mine.
That the Sales are pitifully low, needs no words to demonstrate; and that they are worse than many of my Acquaintance upon this River, Potomack, have got in the Out Posts, and from Mr. Russell and other Merchants of London for common Aronoke Tobo., is a truth equally as certain. Nay not so good as I myself have got from Mr. Gildart of Liverpool for light Rent Tobaccos (Shipd him at the same time I did to you) of the meanest sort; such as you once complaind of as the worst of Maryland and not Saleable. Can it be otherwise than a little mortifying then to find, that we, who raise none but Sweetscented Tobacco, and endeavour I may venture to add, to be careful in the management of it, however we fail in the execution, and who by a close and fixed corrispondance with you, contribute so largely to the dispatch of your Ships in this Country shoud meet with such unprofitable returns? Surely I may answer No! Notwithstanding, you will again receive my own Crops this year, and 67 Hhds of Master Custis's but Gentlemen you must excuse me for adding (As I cannot readily conceive that our Tobacco's are so much depreciated in quality as not only to sell much below other Marks of good repute, but actually for less, as I before observed, than the commonest kinds do) that justice to myself and ward will render it absolutely necessary for me to change my corrispondance unless I experience an alteration for the better.
I might take notice upon this occasion also, that my Tobo. netts a good deal less than Master Custis's, and why it should do so, I am really at a loss to discover: his 153 Hhds averaging £7.7.7 and my 115 only £5.17.6, perhaps it may be urged that some of mine was Potomack Tobacco, I grant it, but take these out and the Yorks then average £6.6.5 only. If you had allowed him the benefit of the Bonded Duties I shoud not have wonderd at the difference, but this I perceive is not done, and certain I am, my Tobacco ought not to have been inferior to his, in any respect; the Lands being the same, and my directions for making it good equally as express.
Tobacco I well perceive for a year or two past, had fallen in its value, from what causes I shall not take upon me to determine and I am not so extravagent as to believe that my own and Master Custis's Crops shoud fetch their usual prices when other good Tobacco met with abatements; but I am really selfish enough to expect that we ought to come in for a part of the good prices that are going, from a belief that our Tobacco is of a quality not so much inferior to some that still sells well, and that so considerable a Consignment, when confined in a manner to one House, as ours is, woud lay claim to the best endeavours of the Merchant in the Sales, and in the return of Goods; for many Articles of which I pay exceeding heavily; another thing I cannot easily Account for, unless it is on a Presumption that they are bought at very long credits which by no means ought to be the case; for where a Person has money in a Merchants hands he shoud doubtless have all the benefits that can result from that money, and in like manner where he pays Interest for the use of the Merchants shoud he be entitled to the same advantages, otherwise it might well be asked for what purpose is it that Interest is paid? Once upon my urging a complaint of this nature you wrote me, that the Goods ought to be sent back, and they shoud be returned upon the Shopkeepers hands in cases of Imposition; but a moments reflection points out the Inconveniences of such a measure unless (the Imposition be grossly abusive, or that) we coud afford to have a years stock before hand; how otherwise can a Person who Imports bear requisites only submit to lay a year out of any particular Article of Cloathing, or necessary for Family use, and have recourse to such a tedious and uncertain way of relief as this, when possibly a Tradesman woud deny the Goods and consequently refuse them. It is not to be done, we are obliged to acquiesce to the present loss and hope for future redress.
These Gentlemen are my Sentiments, fully, and candidly expressd, without any design, believe me, of giving you offence; but as the selling of our Tobacco's well, and purchasing of Our Goods upon the best Terms, are matters of the utmost consequence to our well doing, it behooves me to be plain and sincere in my declaration's on these points, previous to any change of measures, that I may stand acquitted of the Imputation of fickleness if I am at last forced to a discontinuance of my corrispondance with your House.
Twenty Hhds of my Tobacco from this River makes up Forty eight which I have in Boyes; the remainder (which is trifling) shall be sent by the first Ship that gives liberty; and as I have not been able to discover any advantages we obtaind by our Tobaccos lying so long upon Land, unsold, I shoud be glad to have the present Crops (and so of others if more be sent) disposd of to the first good Chapmen, and the Sales returnd, unless there is a very probable certainty of a rise of price to warrant the keeping of it.
By this conveyance you will receive Invoices of Goods wanted for our Plantation's on York; and those for this River, will no longer I hope, be sent in by Boyes for when they come into that River we really suffer by the strange mistakes that continually happen; Last year several parcels of Goods designd for York River were sent to this place and others for me left down there and in going backwards and forwards some were lost (things too of no inconsiderable value, for one of the parcels was a Bale of Linnen) and this year all my Plaid hose for this River came in a package to Mr. Valentine and I have them to send for 150 Miles. These mistakes and Inconveniencies woud necessarily be avoided if the Goods were to come by Ships to the respective Rivers; and they woud also escape those frequent damages which is the consequence of shifting them from one Vessel to another, and transporting them from place to place. Oppertunities of doing this cannot be wanting as many Vessels comes to this River annually (from London) some which lye at my Door.
It appears pretty evident to me from the prices I have generally got for my Tobacco in London, and from some other concomitant Circumstances, that it only suits the Interest of a few particular Gentlemen to continue their consignments of this commodity to that place, while others shoud endeavour to substitute some other Article in place of Tobacco, and try their success there with: In order thereto you woud do me a singular favour in advising of the general price one might expect for good Hemp in your Port watered and prepared according to Act of Parliament, with an estimate of the freight, and all other Incident charges pr. Tonn that I may form some Idea of the profits resulting from the growth. I shoud be very glad to know at the sametime how rough and undressd Flax has generally, and may probably sell; for this year I have made an Essay in both, and altho I suffer pretty considerably by the attempt, owing principally to the severity of the Drougth, and my inexperience in the management I am not altogether discouraged from a further prosecution of the Scheme provided I find the Sales with you are not clogd with too much difficulty and expence.
The Stamp Act...72 may be left to yourselves, who have such large demands upon the Colonies, to determine, who is to suffer most in this event, the Merchant, or the Planter.
[Note 72: The omitted portion is nearly a verbatim repetition of Washington's strictures on the stamp act which he wrote to Francis Dandridge, this same day, q. v.]
I am very much obliged to you for your kind advice of corrisponding with Mr. Dandridge, it is a piece of respect due to so near a Relation of my Wifes, and therefore I give you the trouble of the Inclosed; but I have not the least expectation of deriving any advantages from it for tho' he has no nearer relatives than her, there are some to whom I believe he has given stronger proofs of his Inclinations of serving; but to you my thanks are equally due, and I return them with cordiality for the goodness of your Intentions. I am Gentn., etc.
Sent by Captn. John Johnstown
Mount Vernon, September 20, 1765.
Gentlemen: By the Fauquier Captn. Nicks you will receive 12 Hhds of Master Custis's Tobacco which please to sell to the best advantage and carry the nett proceeds to the credit of his Account. I dare say there can be no exception taken to this Tobacco and therefore I shall hope for more pleasing Sales than were receivd for the two last Parcels I shipd you in his behalf which indeed were low and discouraging.
According to the usual and annual Custom, I expected to have recd. copies of his and the Estates Accts. curr't with you before now, but have been disappointed two years running; your next Letters I hope will furnish me with these, as it is a satisfaction to receive and compare them with my own once a year. Sundry of your favours lying before me, I perceive in one of them you ask if D. P. Custis's Estate was to be debited for the 14 Hhds Tobo. pr. the Joseph, and J.P. Custis credited for the proceeds. My letter of the 26th. of April 1763 did fully direct in this matter; but as you may have forgot the cont'ts I there mentioned that D. P. Custis's Estate was to have credit for the 20 Hhds pr. the Deliverance because it was Shipd before any Division of the said Estate took place, but that Mastr J.P. Custis was chargeable with the Insurance and other Costs of the 14 Hhds pr. the Joseph, and entitled to the proceeds (this Tobo. being made after that event happend and upon his own Estate) and that you were thence forward to open an acct. with the young Genteman, beginning with that very Tobo., the property being his.
The Parliament by the Bounty given for American Hemp and Flax seem desirous of encouraging the growth of them in the Plan'tns but as they are Articles altogether new to us and I believe not much of our Lands well adapted for them, and as the proper kind of Packages, Freight, and accustomd charges, are little known here I shoud be much obligd to you for advising me of the genel. prices one might expect in your Port for good Hemp, and flax (rough and undressd) Watered, and prepared as directed by the Act w't an estimate of the freight and all other Incident Charges pr. Tonn that I may form some Idea of the profits resulting from the growth. You will please to excuse this trouble, I am Gentn., etc.
Sent pr. Captn. Johnston
Mount Vernon, September 20, 1765.
Sir: Your favour of the 20th. May last, with the Goods pr. the Francis, is just come to hand. The Goods I believe are in good order, but I wish the Chair bottoms may last as I had a tryal of hair once before which were of no duration and from thence determined to have no more; but perhaps all may not be alike and these will answer your recommendation of them, if so, they will do exceeding well.
On board of the Johnston were put eight Hhds of Master Custis's Tobacco (instead of Six which I promised Captn. Mulloy) the proceeds of which you will please to carry to his credit.
The Parliament, by the Bounty given for American Hemp and Flax seem desirous of encouraging the growth...73 I have already made some little Essays in raising of both this year, and altho I have sufferd by the attempt owing principally to the severity of the Drought and my inexperience in the management, I am not altogether discouraged from a further prosecution of the Scheme, provided I find the bounty is easily obtaind, and the Sales not clogd with difficulty and expence, you will please to excuse this trouble, I am Sir, etc.
[Note 73: The omitted portion is the same as that written to Capel and Osgood Hanbury, this same day, q. v.]
Sent by the Potomack, Captn. Thompson, via Glasgow.
Mount Vernon, June 23, 1766.
Gentn: My last of the 28th. of March servd only to advise you of a draft which I made in behalf of Master and Miss Custis in favour of Walter Magowan for £55.8.4 and desiring it might be charged to them equally. Since my Letters of November last by Captn. McGachin (in the Thornton) I have receivd your favours of the 30th. of September, 7 and 18th. of November, 23d. December, and 31st. of January with the Goods pr. Johnstown which came to hand in good order.
I was sorry to find by the last of the above Letters that our Tobacco by Boyes shou'd suffer such damage as is there spoken of, and that the whole shoud not be of equal quality with the few first landed; this I suppose, for I know of no other reason, shoud be attributed to there laying near the Ships bottom and consequently receiving greater damage for I am informed the Ship was an excessive bad one and with difficulty was kept above Water. However the Tobacco I hope by this time is all sold off and that we shall soon receive agreeable Accts. of Sales for it having met with many discouraging ones of late.
Captn. Boyes has just received 10 Hhds of my Potomack Tobac: which with about 20 from York River makes the whole of my last years Crop; the Sales of which I flatter myself will in some measure recompense me for the smallness of quantity the whole being good and that from York River nearly half stemmed notwithstanding the Tobacco woud have been clean and well receivd without, so determined I was to remove the very ground work of complaints; this is also the case with Master Custis's Tobacco and the quantity you will receive from him will be about 50 Hhds but for want of hearing from our Steward I cannot ascertain the exact Number of his nor mine but these two quantities you may venture to make Insurance on, i.e. fifty Hhds for him and Thirty for me.
I cannot while I am upon this Subject avoid mentioning a circumstance which I have been but lately informed of, and which has, and will still more hurt your Interest in the Tobacco Consignment if the fact be true, and practice continued. It is this, The Ship which comes into York River in your Interest and under your address after receiving all the Tobacco She can get from your fixed, and principal corrispondants at £8 pr. Ton fill up the rest of the Load, or as much as Tobacco can be procured for, at a much lower freight by which means those who make a point of keeping their Tobacco for your Ship, and are ready, willing, and do actually contribute largely to her dispatch, are put upon a more disadvantageous footing than casual Corrispondants and others who obtain liberty of Consignment. The matter therefore when stripd of its colouring and exposed to view in naked dress will appear in no other light but this. A Vessel carrying 200 Tons of Tobac. is content with a freight of £1400 (allowing £7 pr. Ton the average of Eight and Six) a few People therefore who Ship one half of the quantity (and if any favour were shown have the best right to expect it) pays £800; the Shippers of the other half pay only £660. Does it not become evident then from hence that the former pays a £100 more than their just proportion and the latter as much less, and that the Charges of the Ship are Taxed upon those who offer their Tobacco freely, and with out conditioning for the freight depending altogether upon the Custom of the Ship for this charge. I do not pretend to say that this information is literally fact, but I have it from those who confidantly affirm it.
In your letter of the 23d. of Decemb'r past, you observe that unless the names of the Shopkeepers (who charge heavily for their Goods) are pointed out you are left without a footstep of enquiry and me without the means of redress. I grant it, and therefore contrary to a natural aversion of recapitulation I will give you one or two Instances (where the price does not depend upon quality for in that case one can only judge by comparison) to shew that my complaints are not without cause. A certain J. Etherington then for 10 lb. of Ginglass once chargd me £5 Sterlg. when I coud have bought it in the Country at the retail prices for a fourth part of the Sum. Thos. Symes for Clover Seed has generally charged me near £3 pr. hund'd and for Turnep Seed 1/. pr. lb. when the former is oftener sold at thirty and from that to three and four and thirty shillings a hundred than any other price and a few lbs. of the latter costs me as much as a bushel does others, and so of other things too tedious, and to little purpose to mention in this place.
By this conveyance I send you Invoices of such Goods as are wanted for Potomack. Also Mrs. Dandridges on York. I have not receivd an Acct. yet of the things wanted for our Plantations on that River but will forward them by the next oppertunity being unwilling to miss so good a one as this is by Johnstown of writing for my own things. I have directed Messrs. Scot, Pringle, Cheap & Co. to send me a Pipe or Butt of Madeira Wine and draw upon you for the Amount which I hope will be paid. Inclosd you have a Bill of Excha. on Messr. Abr'm Hake & Co. of London for £115 Sterlg. and another of Mr. Jordan of the same place for £64 Sterg. both of which you will please to receive and credit my Acct. with. I am, Gentn., etc.74
[Note 74: The invoice sent with this letter ordered, among other things: "I Laboratory, or School of Arts. Museum Rusticum, so far as they have been Publishd. and a volume every year while they continue to Publish them. The Hand-made to the Arts & Sciences. 1 tweve Inch brass Gunter, full and compleat, on one side to have Inches and 10ths and on the other Inches and 12ths as usual. 1 brass sliding or parrallel Rule to be made very true &ca. 4 Guns a 10/each, or not to exceed 15/each; to be 4 feet in the Barl, and not quite 5/3 of an Inch in the bore, to be of pretty good Sube. 1 pr. Strong Toed Clogs, very large, No. 9s. I fancy will scarce be too big. The Shoes you sent me last were made with the Grain side out and very narrow Toed, neither of wch. woud I again choose, prefering the flesh side outwards and not over narrow in the Toes."]
Sent by the Munificence, Captn. Johnstown
[Note 75: Of the schooner Swift, in the West Indies trade.]
Mount Vernon, July 2, 1766.
Sir: With this Letter comes a Negro (Tom) which I beg the favour of you to sell, in any of the Islands you may go to, for whatever he will fetch, and bring me in return from him
That this Fellow is both a Rogue and a Runaway (tho' he was by no means remarkable for the former, and never practised the latter till of late) I shall not pretend to deny. But that he is exceeding healthy, strong, and good at the Hoe, the whole neighbourhood can testifie and particularly Mr. Johnson and his Son, who have both had him under them as foreman of the gang; which gives me reason to hope he may, with your good management, sell well, if kept clean and trim'd up a little when offerd for Sale.
I shall very chearfully allow you the customary Commissions on this affair, and must beg the favour of you (lest he shoud attempt his escape) to keep him handcuffd till you get to Sea, or in the Bay, after which I doubt not but you may make him very useful to you.
I wish you a pleasant and prosperous Passage, and a safe and speedy return,76 being Sir, etc.
[Note 76: It was a common practice to transport troublesome blacks. In the Boston Evening Post of Aug, 3, 1761, occurs the following advertisement: "To be Sold, a Parcel of Likely Negroes, imported from Africa, cheap for Cash, or short credit...Also if any Persons have any Negro Men, strong and hearty, tho' not of the best moral character, which are proper subjects for Transportation, may have an Exchange for small Negroes."-- Ford.]
Mount Vernon, July 21, 1766.
Sir: Your favours of the 28th. of Nov'r by the Totness, and 22d. of April by the Rogers, are come safe to hand; and for the loss of the last mentioned Ship I am heartily sorry, but hope the damage is mitigated by Insurance.
The small Crop which I made last year put it out of my power to contribute to the load of the Totness; which, since the Misfortune to the Rogers has gone round to Rappahannock and will I suppose, soon get loaded; But, five Hhds of Tobacco which I subscribed towards the load of Captn. Pollard in the Fryer, this year I have directed to be consignd to you, hoping they will be sold to the best advantage and the proceeds applied to my credit, out of which please to pay Messrs. Crosbies & Trafford the Sum of £1.3.7¼ being a Ball'e due them, and send me 25 Sacks of Salt, by return of the Fryer, in good twilld Sacks to be markd GW and Numberd 1 to 25.
When I was upon York River about the first of May, I directed a Ton of Mastr. Custis's Tobacco (more I coud not, having made a very scanty Crop there also), to be kept for the Johnston who I was told might every day be expected, but hearing a few days ago that She was not arrival, and being unwilling to miss the oppertunity of Shipping early, I ordered it to London with the rest of his Tobacco; provided Mulloy shoud not be arrivd before my Letter got to hand, but in that case, still to give it to him in expectation of your selling it well, and placing the proceeds to the young Gentleman's Credit.
I am much obligd to you for your enquiry inn the prices of Hemp and Flax, together with the Charges &ca. attending the Exportation and Sale of them. As you have receivd a small quantity of the former, I shoud be glad to know what the Freight was charged at. What Sized packages are recommended, I mean (if pressed in Chests) what the Gauge of the Chests shoud be, as to the length, depth, and width; for like Tobacco, I suppose a Much greater quantity will be in the same compass at one time than another though it is requisite that there shoud be no difference in size to render Stowage more compact. And whether any difficulties will probably arise in obtaining the bounty, a thing pretty much apprehended here by many, from some Clauses in the Act of Parliament which gives the Bounty. I am Sir, etc.
By the Fryer, Captn. Pollard.
Mount Vernon, July 21, 1766.
Gentn: In a Letter of the 28th. Ulto. (Acompanying my Invoices of the 23d. preceeding) I desired 6 Corn and 6 grass Scythes might be sent me (as also 6 Turners Chissels) since which having occasion to make use of the Scythes which came in last year I find such manifest disadvantages from having them, some of one length some of another, some crooked, and some strait, that I now beg the favour of you, instead of the above 12, to send me 2 doz'n exactly agreeable to the Inclosed Mem'm which I send for the Tradesman's direction, and to prevent mistakes.
Inclosd you have Invoices of Goods wanting for our Plantations on York River, which please to forward as early as possible especially the Seins which will be wanted by the first of March. The Hilling Hoes recd. this year are nearly as bad (Mr. Valentine writes me) as those we were obligd to return last year and nothing but necessity can now justifie his keeping of them. I hope this will not be the case again.
Your favour of the 27 of March, now before me, Accts. for the £4.4.10 which I could not before understand. The Shoes mentioned by Mr. Didsbury is right I believe, so far as the sending of them; but it was certainly wrong too contrive a dble. quantity and of such kinds as coud by no means answer the Intention, they are still upon hand and cannot be sold, however I do not dispute the payment.
I coud wish to hear that our Tobacco's were all sold and at a good price as I think we do not often get by keeping it too long.
The Repeal of the Stamp Act, to whatsoever causes owing, ought much to be rejoiced at, for had the Parliament of Great Britain resolvd upon enforcing it the consequences I conceive woud have been more direful than is generally apprehended both to the Mother Country and her Colonies. All therefore who were Instrumental in procuring the Repeal are entitled to the Thanks of every British Subject and have mine cordially. I am Gentn., etc.
Gave to Mr. Richd. Henderson to send.
Mount Vernon, August 22, 1766.
Gentn: Since my last of the 21st. Ulto. the Goods by Captn. Wylie are come to hand, among which the Wheat Riddles are so entirely useless that I shall be under a necessity of sending them back, or keeping by me as useless lumber. This coud not possible have happened had my directions of the 6th. of November last been attended to for there I expressly desired Sand Sieves for the purpose of Sifting out the dust and retaining the Wheat, instead of which the wicker is so open that not only dust but all the Wheat passes through likewise which as I before said renders them of no Service in nature to me.
It woud really be kind of the Tradesmen and Shopkeepers if they will not litterally observe directions (when directions are minutely given) not to send the Goods at all, for I might as well have receivd a piece of Irish Linnen when broadcloth was wrote for as to have got Riddles that will let all my Wheat through when I wanted such as woud only pass of the dust and Sand.
I must again beg the favour of you to send me a dozen of these Riddles, or Sand Sieves to be made of midling course and strong Iron wire, so close as to admit none of the Grain to pass through, but Sand and dust only, I am Gentn., etc.
By the friendship, to Glasgow.
Mount Vernon, August 22, 1766.
Sir: Your Bills of Loading for my Tobacco are come to hand, by which it woud appear that the Tobacco was Shipd in good order, whereas I am informed (and by mere chance too) that some of the Tobo. was entirely mind and the whole much damaged. I have in consequence sent the bearer Mr. Lund Washington to examine into a state of it, and to have the damages settled upon an equitable footing; or, if this cannot be done that you will then take the whole upon yourself and pay me the Currt. Cash price which Tobacco was then, or is now, selling at it [ sic] in the Country. One of these I must insist upon being determined not to Submit to the loss I shoud otherwise sustain by the damage I am told the Tobo. met with.
It will appear by our Inspectors that my Tobacco was delivered in good order, and I can proove that the Craft which receivd it had twelve or fifteen Inches of Rain Water in her Bottom entirely discoloured by the juice of the Tobacco; nothing but a miracle therefore coud save it from destruction. I want nothing but an equitable adjustment of this matter and the bearer is authorized to settle it finally on my behalf. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, September 4, 1766.
Gentn. Your favour of the 25th. of March came safe to my hands, but not till lately.
My Tobacco Consignments to London, has been confind in a great measure to one House, and where there is no essential causes of complaint I have generally held it inconsistent with the rules of good policy and common justice to be always changing. True it is, my Tobacco has fetch'd less than I think it ought to have done for some time past; but this, as it might have been owing to my prejudice and partiality, rather than remissness in the Sellar I have hitherto submitted to it. However, as Interest in most cases is, and in this particular one ought to be, consulted, I have no scruples in confessing, that I shoud feel the warmest Inclination to those whose care and assiduity woud render me the most pleasing and benificial Sales, if I could find them out, and was still to pursue the business of Tobacco making; but this I have left off in a great measure, and believe I shall discontinue it totally on this River (Potomack).
Your Agent has committed some mistake in advising you that I owe for a Servant since the year 1759. The first, indeed the only servant I ever bought from any of your ships till this spring, was in the year 1763 and for this I paid Doctr. Ross (of whom I purchased him) according to agreement. There are many persons in this Country of my name (tho' of none bearing the same Christian name) if the mistake therefore has not arisen from this, I do not know how to account for it. I am, etc.
By the friendship to Glasgow.
Mount Vernon, September 22, 1766.
Sir: Since my last of 21st. of July the five Hhds of Tobacco there mentioned got damaged in getting on board of Captn. Pollard, to what amount I cannot take upon me to say. The Captn. from some causes which he can best explain neglecting to have a re-view of the whole Tobacco that the loss might be properly ascertained, and satisfaction made before his departure from hence. That one Hhd was so much damaged as to under go an Amphutation of 50 or 60 lbs., and that the rest was exceedingly wet and ought to have suffered in like manner I have common report for authority, but how far this is to be credited you will be better able to judge when the Tobacco comes to be opened.
The Captn., conscious that the Tobacco did suffer, and that t Ought to be recompensed; agrees, that what ever damage it appears to have sustained by the heavy rains in which it lay in an open fiat and receivd this Injury he will make good to you on my behalf; and to you Sir I must refer the matter, having no other means of obtaining redress as the Tobacco was stowed in the Ship before I had notice of the Accident, consequently out of my power to have it review'd. How practicable it may be to distinguish Country damage from Ship damage is better known to those who are conversant in these things than to me. The Captn. says it is easy to be done; if it is not, I suppose mine will come under the denomination of Ship damage and I shall receive ½ pr. ct. when he ought to have paid me 18/ pr. Ct. (this Curr'y) here for its a wide difference this and what ought not to be submitted to if there is a way of avoiding it. I must beg your excuse for this trouble and am Sir, etc.77
[Note 77: Washington attended the sessions of the burgesses in Williamsburg, Va., from November 6 to December 16, with 10 days of traveling. Ford quotes from the Historical Magazine (July, 1863) that: "December 16, 1766. At a meeting of the Trustees [of Alexandria], 'Present, Geo. William Fairfax, Esq. The Trustees proceeded to appoint a Trustee in the room of Geo. Johnston, deceased, and have unanimously chosen George Washington, Esq.' He declined serving."]
Williamsburg, February 15, 1767.
Gentn: Your Letter of the 8th. of Jany.78 did not reach my hands till Thursday Night (last) in replying thereto I must give you the trouble of reading one more scrawl, and this, Depend, shall be the last, believing we have come to a pretty sufficient understanding of each others sentiments already, and which, in my opinion, maybe summd up in a very few words.
[Note 78: Carlyle & Adam's letter of January 8 is not in the Washington Papers.]
Had you Gentlemen been as candid in your representation of Matters as I endeavourd to be in mine, some things woud not have been advanced for Facts that have so little corrispondance with truth: you must excuse the freedom of the expression because I can, to a JURY OF SENSIBLE HONEST MEN, to yourselves, or to any body else, evidently proove the palpable error of some of your assertions, and the absurdity of others; in order thereto I may run into greater prolixity than is consistent with the bounds of a Letter, but as it is (as I beforesaid) the last of the kind I ever purpose to give you the trouble of reading, I hope to be endulged with a patient hearing this once.
Your Letter shall be taken from the beginning, and traced to the end, that no part may escape unnoticed. You say then "It was your fixed resolution to sell my Wheat to the first saving Cash market shoud it not exceed 3/9, the truth of which Mr. Lund Washington can inform you of, and pay Colo. Washington to save him the trouble of writing, and ourselves of reading any more such severe Duns". There needed no proof of this, I do most sincerely believe it was your Intentions to sell my Wheat for Cash: A Dollar pr. Bushel at Baltimore and other parts of Maryland (this I have been informd it sold at) and 4/6 at Norfolk, Williamsburg, and other places which of my own knowledge I can affirm, because I was offerd it myself, and heard a Vessel load agreed for at that rate in one Afternoon at the Coffee House, and moreover was told by one Mr. Lawson a Mercht. at Falmouth (whose name I mention as you seem to squint at my veracity,) and who left Wmsburg 3 days later in the Oyer Court than I did, that it had risen, were powerful temptations to your selling in this way. Again, "you say you have bought as large quantities of Wheat from others and lain longer in their debts than mine without paying Interest and without being threathened with a Suit". This as it is a fact you can best determine yourselves I shall not take upon me to contradict, but presume I may take the liberty of remarkg., that tho it is no Inconvenience to one Man to lay out of his money, it may be the ruin of another to do so; this then according to my conception of things is no fair way of reasoning; but to explain myself a little more fully (I thought I had done so in my last). Do you not know that the year before last I even attempted to make but very little Tobacco, and last year none: How then am I to make remittances for Goods to Cloath a numerous Family, supply a House in various necessaries, and support it in all its various expences? Have I any hidden resources do you imagine, that will enable me to do this? or do you not think it more feaziable, that from the product of my Grain (Wheat and Corn) the means must be raised? Will the Merchts. send me these Goods without remittances? if they do, I must not expect to pay advanced prices for them? As Merchts. answer me. After keepg. my Corrispondts. in Engld., Madeira, or elsewhere out of the promised remittances from this, or that Genl. Court wd. they be satisfied do you think with my writg. thus, Messrs. Carlyle and Adam who bought my Wheat and was to pay me upon delivery thereof, has done it but in part, and therefore you are disappointed; woud they I ask be content with this excuse? or do you conceive it reasonable that, I shoud deny myself these conveniences, indeed for the most part absolute Necessaries because it may be attended with some difficulty to you to make the payment according to Contract, or more beneficial perhaps, to apply the money to some other purposes? These Gentlemen are plain, Simple, and obvious question's, meriting in my opinion different answers than those you have been pleasd to give. But for Argument sake let us suppose that necessity was out of the question, and that I wanted my money to endulge my fancy in the purchase of any thing which pleasd my Taste, or which I conceived I wanted [ sic.] (and God knows I have losses enough in Negroes to require something where with to supply their places) have I not a right to call for my own engagd to me by solemn contract without giving offence? most assuredly I have, not all the Logick you are Masters of shall convince me to the contrary. If I have wherewith to lend, freely will I lend it; but not have it detaind as a right, or as a matter of ill usage (to use your own expressions) when asked for. In the next place if I can draw any meaning at all from these words "The Contract was left to yourself to write" (which by the by is a mistake I drew up such Articles as I proposd to Subscribe to, leaving you at large to sign or reject them as it best suited your Inclinations) "and really suspected no design, we signed it without examining of it so strictly as we ought to have done, (for which we ought to blush)" a queer thought this, "nor did we see the Intention of it till we were obligd to receive 54 and 55 lb pr. Bushl. &ca." I say if I can extract any meaning at all from these Words it must be, that (you were either two fools, or) I was a knave employd as your Attorney (I suppose) to draw the contract and abused the Confidance; the former of these I will not presume you meant, and the latter I hope you did not, what then are the tendency of that; do you imagine Gentlemen that if the best groupe of Lawyers that ever gracd our Bar had been engagd in this work it woud have altered the Case? No: believe me it woud not, I know the terms on which I proposed to engage, Nor you, nor Lawyers, coud have altered my resolutions in the most trivial Instance; you had it in option I grant, to accept or reject by the Lump there was no other alternative, for I was not so fond of the Scheme as to alter the mode; as some small confirmation of which, I was condemnd before I proceeded to draw Articles (by some of the most judicious People of this County) who thought I was contracting too low, and this made me more cautious, nor were you hurried into this affair with so much precipitancy as you are now pleasd to think shoud raise your BLUSHES, you certainly had formd some Ideas of a Contract which this coud not be repugnant to. You had it to Copy, you had it to Consider, one of which I know was done, the other 'tis probable you did. That the exceptionable words of "as good as the year and Seasons woud generally admit of" were inserted in place of "sound Merchantable Wheat" with design, I do not hesitate a moment in acknowledging to you, and to the World, it was a fixed determination of mine to put it in the power of no person or persons whatsoever, to receive or reject my Wheat as their convenience, or Caprice might dictate, or, as Custom which might be changed, because in different places varying, shoud give them an advantage; but that I ever had such a motive in view as you are pleasd to insinuate I not only absolutely deny, but can give incontestable proofs of, by Witnesses full as unexceptionable as your Miller, or any other that has been entrusted to receive my Wheat and decry its weight. I will not deny, that the first Crop you receivd from me was bad, it was hurt by Rust and possibly weighd but 54 pr. Bushel; but pray how much was there of it? Why 257½ Bls. and for fear you may not choose to recollect what was done with my Bags (50 odd in number) that year, I will tell you, and can proove, that in down right violation of good friendship, and the most earnest and pressing entreaties, these Bags securd the Wheat in Colo. Carlyles Warehouse till some were entirely lost, others very much Rat eaten, and the whole a good deal damaged; whilst I for several Months under went numberless Inconveniences for want of them; add to this, that good Wheat according to your own Accts., sold that year at 4/6 pr. Bl., compare all those things together then, and see what Injury you sustaind by allowing 3/9 for my Wheat for I hardly know how to say paid 3/9 for it, because in April 1764 I deliverd the Wheat, in Sept. following I reed my Bond which I passd for the purchase, of some Lotts in Alexandria a s payment; this, so far from having any objection was equally as acceptable to me as the money; but what followed? Why in or about Septr. 1765 I had the money demanded of me again for the Lotts with a good deal of Interest thereon, and was at some pains to convince Mr. Jno. Alexander of the unreasonableness of paying twice for the same thing; so much for the first Crop. In respect to the Second and third, I can demonstrate to you (and to the publick if the matter comes to that length) by many and strong corrobating Evidences how much you have mistaken the weights of the first, and misrepresented the Character of both those Crops: Know then, that upon some mention of the lightness of my first Wheat by Colo. Carlyle I wrote to him, that in order to avoid any uneasiness which might arise from the Contract on that Score, I was willing if a reasonable standed [ sic] for the medium weight of the Wheat coud be hit upon, to give or take for every pound under or over one penny. In answer there to I receivd the following paragraph in a Letter dated Octr. the 3d. 1764 and which is to be produced at any time in Mr. Carlyles own hand writing: "Mr. Adam's tells me the standed for Wheat in and about Philadelphia is 58, in and near Lancaster 60 pr. Bushel, we shall fix I suppose the first, and to be well cleand or otherwise we shall clean it at the Mill as we expect every thing necessary to do it from Philadelphia In our Vessell." In consequence of this Letter which I receivd just before my departure for the Octr. General Court, and long Session which immediately followed, I directed Lund Washington, who had just then come to live with me, to weigh the Wheat of each treading, and at each Plantation, that I might form an opinion of the general weight, and be enabled to determine whether I shoud gain or loose in the course of my Contract at 58 pr. Bushel. he accordingly did so, and found the weights of that Crop to run from 59 to 61 and upwards (I also caused some Wheat which I made at my own House that year to be weighed in my presence by Thorns. Bishop, and it greatly exceeded 60) these Facts can be provd by more evidences than one. In consequence therefore of these Experiments I acquainted you by Letter in March 1765, and to which I refer that I was willing to abide by the medium of 58; then forsooth 60 was the standard; from that hour then I gave up all thoughts of selling by weight, resolving to deliver such Wheat as the Weather permitted me to make. How then does this Acct. every tittle of which can be made manifest, corrispond with your partial weight of 57? You do not imagine that if I was even to be governd by weight, that two or 3 Bushels of the lightest is to regulate the whole? Surely not: and as to my last year's Crop, except some that was hurt by Rust, it was no ways in appearance (for weigh it I did not myself) inferior to the former; and for its cleaness I can venture to say, nay I will undertake to proove, even by your own people (the Captn. of your Brig in particular) that cleaner Wheat never was made in this County, I might extend it, I believe to the whole Colony. How shoud it be otherwise when not a single Bushel went less than twice and some three times through the Fans (all of which have Sieves) and was afterwards hand fiddled; a trouble few have the conveniences of doing, and fewer still the Inclination. But I have my reward in a very genteel insinuation, and shall know what use to make thereof. For your sakes Gentlemen, and for the encouragement of the trade, I coud wish that all the Wheat you buy was of the heaviest sort, but if mine gets only the length of 54 I shall be at no loss to know what is to be done with it. As to the price you gave for Wheat last year, and the years preceding, it by no means serves to fix the Market. A man who has only 40 or 50, or even a too Bushls to dispose of, and which perhaps is rather foisted into his Crop that becomes a principal part of it, scarce thinks it worth his while to seek abroad for purchasers; but this is not the case of those who have larger quantities, and whose Interest essentially depends upon a beneficial Sale. I know of several that sold at 4/6 last year, and I know of others which bought at that price; and I have been misinformd if you yourselves did not give Colo. Colvil and Mr. Jno. West more than 3/9 for Wheat of the former Crop. However all this is nothing to the purpose, what this Man gets, and tother Man receives is foreign to the point; I was by Contract to get 3/9 for mine, payable on delivery of the Crop, but here you are pleasd to introduce a remark couchd in these words "We did not expect it woud be rigidly demanded" and why, because the Article of Interest was Introduced this I confess was garding against a possible Evil; but by no means applicable to the Inference you have drawn from it, for I shoud be glad to know why People put themselves to the trouble and oft times expence of particularising agreements if they are afterwards to be disregarded; you coud not imagine that the time prefixd for payment coud be inserted merely to swell the paper; on the Contrary, as you acknowledge that you had your Advantages in view, you will not I am perswaded deny me mine; point out then any one of the whole so obviously benificial as that of regular payments: was it not incumbent upon you therefore to have considered the chances of doing this before you subscribed to the terms? The answers are most certainly plain, so plain that I shall not wonder hereafter if you tell me (shoud Wheat fall to 3/or 2/6 pr. Bushl.) that you expected I woud not be so rigid as to demand 3/9, as your principal aim in the Contract was to secure my Wheat in order to find employment for your Mills; excuse me when I say you may do it, in my opinion, with equal propriety; for fixing the price, and fixing the payments, are matters of equal absurdity and Intrusion if liable to dispensation. You are pleasd to declare "you had rather be £1000 in any other Gentlemans debt than the trifling sum of £100 in mine". This Gentlemen does not POSITIVELY give me a moments concern, I have asked you for nothing but my due, for nothing that I do not need, nay for nothing that I have not suffered for want off, otherwise 5 pr. Ct. might as you seem to think it ought, have softend the severity of my Duns; and whatever you may think of the payments (which have been made me I again say trifling, except Mr. Relfe's Bill which I remitted upon my own Acct. (and suppose it is excepted) true it is, some Accts. have been discharged; by this means, and to pay a just debt never fails to fill me with as much pleasure as to receive one; but if I had receivd money as it became due coud not all this been done, perhaps with more convenience to myself) and have had the wherewithal to answer some engagements which I have been obligd to fail in. The consequences I drew from a mode of bartering were by no means so unnatural as you seemd to conjecture; it was from yourselves I think I receivd an information that the scarcity of Cash was such, you were obligd to take West India Commodities, Wine, and other things for your Flour; these again being sold to the Planters for Wheat &ca. left me I think but too much grounds for the conclusion I drew, if the practice was continued, which I fancy was added.
I think I have at last got through your Letter, and am as willing as you are, for the Balle to be struck, that the hardships may appear; but as round assertions are not always convincing, I only intended mine as the counteract of yours, hoping they woud meet with equal credibility, but I am willing to rest the matter upon a much more enlargd and candid footing notwithstanding you are pleasd to harp upon the word candour if you thought I had abused it; I say I am willing to rest the whole matter upon a much more unexceptionable footing than bare assertion's; and that is to let sensible and honest Men, concernd with neither party, take the Contract and judge from thence, the payments, and plain stubborn facts such as can be incontestably proovd on both sides, who is the person injured. I fancy your grievances, woud not then appear so enormous, nor your Injuries cry so loudly for redress, as you seem to apprehend.
I have as I was affraid greatly exceeded the bounds of a Letter and doubtless the limits of your patience, which was put to so hard a tryal by my last but once more promising you it is the last letter of the kind I ever intend to give you the trouble of reading, I was willing to handle the matter at large this once, that Circumstances might be fully explaind, and hope your excuse for it, being Gentn., etc.
April 25, 1767.
Sir: The security you offer is, in our opinions, amply sufficient and we dare say will readily be received by Fairfax Court; to whom being given, our Bond for the Executrixship of Mrs. Savage becomes void of course. We do not mean to hurry you, or the Gentlemen proposed by you, into the execution of this securitiship, two or three Courts hence (being the same to us) may perhaps prove more convenient to yourself, and to them. Far be it from us to accuse you of any remissness, or neglect in not proffering this counter security before, it was our business to apply, not yours to offer; and we have done it now in consequence of information that the relations of the late revd. Mr. Green are making enquiries after his Estate here (for what end we know not). Your avowed intention of leaving the Colony, &ca.79
[Note 79: The matter of the Savage bond was a troublesome affair that dragged on until 1774 and 1775. Mrs. Margaret Savage, Doctor Savage's wife, complicated the matter by changing her mind. Apparently the bond in question was a joint one of George Washington and George William Fairfax, in a matter of bequest by the late Rev. Charles Green, of Pohick Church, to Mrs. Savage, in which bequest Washington and Fairfax acted as trustees.]
That the devise to Mrs. Savage will admit of dispute, is a matter we are not to judge of; sufficient it is, that the Will was somewhat out of the Customary form; and tho' Mr. Mercer80 ( upon the whole) was of opinion 'twas valid, yet, to the best of our reccollection he pointed out a necessary mode of proceeding, in order to give it authenticity which if Mrs. Savage ever complied with, is entirely unknown to us. We therefore hope to stand excused for the application we made to you on Monday last. and are Sir, etc.
[Note 80: James Mercer, the eminent Virginia lawyer.]
G. Wm. Fairfax. G: Washington.
Mount Vernon, May 17, 1767.
Gentn: Your Letter and Goods by Boyes for our Plantations on York River have come safe to hand as I wish Mrs. Dandridges also had done she being a good deal disappointed in having them withheld from her. I must now desire that the Inclosed order may be complied with, and the Goods sent by the first Ship bound to York River (chargd to me) still hoping that they may come to hand sometime this Fall.
I have directed Mr. Valentine to put all my Tobacco on York River on board of Captn. Boyes as also Master Custis's (two Tonn only excepted w'ch has been delivered to Captn. Easton this Month or more) and wish he may meet with ready dispatch but fear he will not from what I have heard.
Our Crops on that River were very short last year and, on this (Potomack), I did not make one pound of Tobacco. I shall delay writing fully till my Invoices are forwarded and am Gentn. etc.
Mount Vernon, May 27, 1767.81
[Note 81: The doctor, on this date, was at Dumfries, Va. His letter, dated May 25, 1767, is in the Washington Papers and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 3, p. 293.]
Sir: The Security, and manner of giving it, proposd in yours of the 25th. will be perfectly satisfactory to me, if any Inconvenience attends the other method of doing it; but as Colo. Fairfax is equally concernd, and from home, I woud choose to answer for myself only; perswaded nevertheless, that it will be agreeable to him also to give you as little trouble as possible on this head: In the meantime, and in his absence, let me desire that this matter may not interfere with any other business you may have on hand, or give cause for uneasiness: [mutilated] none to me, and I dare venture to say the same for Colo. Fairfax.
I was in hopes before this to have receivd money from Messrs. Carlyle and Adam and therewith dischargd my Bond to the late Revd. Mr. Green; they have hitherto disappointed me; but having Mr. Adam's promise to see you in a few days for this purpose, I hope he will fulfill it in paying the money. I am Sir, etc.
[Note 82: Posey owned and lived on a parcel of land just south of Mount Vernon. Washington finally (1769) took over the property in satisfaction of the loan, which was £750. This part of the Mount Vernon property was sometimes called the Ferry farm. Posey, though improvident, seems to have been liked by Washington. The Posey children were the recipients of many kindnesses and help from him.]
Mount Vernon, June 24, 1767.
Sir: It is difficult for me to tell which was greatest, my surprise, or concern at finding by your letter of the 20th. that instead of being able with the money I agreed to lie somewhat longer out of to discharge your debts, that you wanted to borrow a further sum of £500 to answer this purpose. I was in hopes, and you gave me the strongest assurance to believe, that when I lent you (and very inconvenient it was for me to do it) the first sum of £700, you could therewith not only discharge all your creditors, but in two years time sink the principal, which was lent to effect that end; how it comes to pass then, that instead of being prepared in twice two years to discharge my claim, you should require £500 more to satisfie others, is, as I at first said, entirely beyond my comprehension, and leaves but too much cause to apprehend, that if you could be supplied with the further Sum required, it would afford but temporary relief; and that at the end of any other prefixed period you woud be as unprepared and as reluctantly then, as now, part with your effects to discharge this debt; thinking it equally hard to be forced into compliance; For permit me to say again, if you have not been able in the course of 4 years to lay up any thing towards sinking even the Interest of a sum which you said woud entirely clear you of all demands, what prospect can you possibly have to expect when £500 more (and probably this woud be insufficient) is added to the other surety of between eight and nine hundred, that you will have it in your power to effect this end, when even the Interest thereof is a pretty little Income, and woud be such a Moth in your Estate as would inevitably destroy it, be your notions of saving and Industry extended to never so high a degree: Indeed Sir, the only purpose it could possibly answer woud be to put the evil day of for a moment, in comparison and then like most things swelled beyond their natural bounds, burst upon you like a torrent and redouble your distresses. Besides, you really deceive yourself greatly in estimating your Effects, as you will unhappily experience; you have viewed them but on one side, considering only what they cost you, not what they will sell at, which is a delusive way of calculating; For you will find that many things which you perhaps have lavished large Sums in the purchase of in order to gratify your own taste, will neither suit, nor probably please others; so in respect to buildings which are rarely considered in the purchase of lands, and principally I presume from the same causes, especially upon small bits of land divested of Wood and Timber.
I wish with all my Heart you may be strengthened by some able and friendly hand in such a manner as to keep your effects together; provided it may turn to your future good in enabling you to Work thro' the load of Debt you seem to be entangled in; but that it is entirely out of my power without Selling part of my own Estate to contribute further there to you may easily be convinced of when I tell you, and affirm it, that I find it next to impossible to extract any part of the money which is due to me; that I have struggled to the utmost of my power for two years past unsuccessfully to raise 4 or £500 to lend a very particular friend of mine, who I know must sell part of his estate without it; and that I have not yet discharged the Sums you Involved me in the payment of before, having my Bond out to Mr. Green's Estate for the £260 you borrowed of him and cannot raise money to discharge it, altho' I have used my true endeavours for that purpose; add to these some Engagements of my own which there is a necessity of complying with, or doing Acts of Injustice.
How absurd and Idle woud it be then, under these Circumstances, to enter myself security for the payment of your Debts, unless I foresaw some prospect of raising the money; True it is some of your Creditors might agree to wait, others 'tis presumeable, woud not, and certain it is pay day must come to all; what then is to be done? To tell a man who had been disappointed from time to time, and at last had waited in confidence of receiving his money from me, that I was unprovided with the means of satisfying his demand, would be gauling to me, unjust to him, and what I can by no means think of practising. The only favour therefore that is in my power to shew you, is to be easy and forbearing in my own demands, which I shall endeavour to do as long as I can with any sort of convenience to myself, notwithstanding I am in want of the money; and to point out any Person who coud lend so much money even if they liked the Security, I am equally at a loss to do: but few there are I believe, who woud choose to risque their money (unless influenced by motives of compassion) upon such hazardous and perishable Articles as Negroes, Stock and Chattels, which are to be swept of by innumerable distempers, and subject to many accidents and misfortunes; so upon the whole you will excuse me I hope if I am Inclind to offer you the same advice I woud give to my Bror: were he under the same circumstans; and that is, if you find it impracticable to keep your estate together for at least 3 or 4 years, till the country, I mean the indebted part of it, can immerge a little from the distress it must unavoidably fall into from the pressing of Creditors and want of Cash; then to sell of immediately (I mean this fail at furthest) before Cash grows into greater demand which it inevitably will do as our Currency is called in, and every thing of consequence sell worse; therewith discharging all your Debts: beging. with the Sales of such things as can be best spared, and so raising to Negroes, and even Land if requisite, For if the whole shoud go, there is a large Field before you, an opening prospect in the back Country for Adventurers, where numbers resort to, and where an enterprising Man with very little Money may lay the foundation of a Noble Estate in the New Settlemts. Upon Monongahela for himself and posterity. The Surplus money wch you might save after dischargg. your Debts, woud possibly secure you as much Land as in the course of 20 yrs woud sell for 5 times yr prest Estate. For proof of which only look to Frederick, and see what Fortunes were made by the Hite's and first takers up of those lands: Nay how the greatest Estates we have in this Colony were made; was it not by taking up and purchasing at very low rates the rich back Lands which were thought nothing of in those days, but are now the most valuable Lands we possess? Undoubtedly it was, and to pursue this plan is the advice I w'd offer my Br. were he in yr. Situation, but to you I only drop it as a hint for your serious reflectn; because I do not expect, nor woud by any means wish to see you adopt any Scheme of mine without duly attending to it weighing, and well considering of it in all points and advising with your friends. I woud only ask whether it woud be better to labr. undr. a load of debt, where you are, wch. must inevitably keep you in continual Anxiety, and dread of yr. Creditors; be selling the produce of yr. labour at under value, (the never failg. consequence of necessitous Circumstances) with other evils too obvious to need Inumeration, and which must forever lend a helping hand to keep you low and distressed or to Pluck up resolution at once and disengage yourself of these Incumbrances and Vexations Abiding where you are if you can save your Land and have a prospect of reaping future advantages from it, or to remove back, where there is a moral certainty of laying the foundation of good Estates to yr. Childn. I say I would but ask wch of these two is the best, and leave you to think of them at leisure, with the assurance on my part, that what I have propounded to you on this Subject proceeds from the utmost sincerity and Candor, and if you will have recourse to the Publick Gazettes, you may perceive by the number of Estates wch are continually advertising for Sale that you are not the only one under Misfortune and that many good families are retiring into the Interior parts of the Country for the benefit of their Children. Some of the best Gentlemen in this Country talk of doing so, who are not drove by necessity, but adopt the Scheme from principles of Gain. Whatever resolution you may come to, I wish you success in it.
Mount Vernon, July 20, 1767.
Gentn: By this Conveyance you will receive Invoices of such Goods as we want for this and York River, and having your favours of the 19th. July 22d. of August 4th. of Septr., 17th. of Novr. 31st. of Jany. and 6th. of March past all lying before me I am enabled to answer such paragraphs as may respectively require it.
If the Facts then respecting the Freight of Captn. Boyes's Ship last year are as he represented them to you undoubtedly he will stand excusd in the Eyes of your Corrispondants but as he is otherwise chargd his acquitting himself to the rest of his Shippers (as I shall have no oppertunity of seeing him myself before his departure) will be satisfactory to me and this if he is conscious of Innocency he certainly will attempt. Little did I expect that Relfe's Bill on Abm. Hake & Co. woud come back protested whatever might befal the other I am sorry for the disappointment and must seek redress here. The last Wheat Riddles were such as I wished for but for want of an oppertunity of returning the others I suppose I shall be under a necessity of keeping them useless as they are to me.83
[Note 83: See Washington's letter to Robert Cary & Company, July 22, 1766, ante.]
In Order if possible, to make my Tobacco unexceptionable; to avoid bruising, or making it tender it was prizd so exceeding light last year that the Freight and other Incident charges swallowed up the Sales and rendered me very unprofitable returns much less so than I coud have had in the Country without risquing the hazard of a boisterous Eliment, this I am but too apprehensive will be the case again this year as Tobacco is likely to take a start here in consequence of the melancholy prospect of an ensuing Crop. Permit me also to say that tho Mssrs. Hanbury's out of 12 Hhds which I Shipd them (of Master Custis's Tobo.) last year sold three at 10½, yet the whole 12 carried £139.3.3 to his Acct. Currt. which is more than any of mine, or his other Tobacco netted altho' equal in weight and (as we thought here) superior in quality to this some of which sold at 11¼ and 11½ pt. lb. but what added not a little to the raising of it to the above Sum was their prompt payment of the duties which is but little short of three pound pr. Hhd and which had you paid woud have turnd much more to his Acct. than allowing him a 4 pr. Ct. for his Money. For here, before I quit this subject give me leave further to remark that observing in Mastr. Custis's Acct. Currt. the year before last that he was credited for the Interest of his Ball'e I did not try at what pr. Ct. never doubting but he woud be allowed at the same rate that I was charged but looking over the Subsequent years Acct. by Johnstown I readily perceivd that he was credited by 4 pt. Ct. only (both years) when I was at the same Instt. chargd five the Impropriety of which not being able to reconcile with my Ideas of Justice I led to think it must be owing to some mistake and should be glad to have it either rectified or explaind for to me it must seem strange if his money is not equal of value with yours but contrary to my conception it is not and that design not mistake is the cause of it, Justice to my Wardrenders it undubitably necessary for me to draw it out of your hands and place it in those who will thankfully pay five pr. Ct. for it; or have it applied to the purpose of paying the dutys on his Tobacco for I can by no means stand excused in letting his money remain at 4 pr. Ct. when I can just as easily obtain five. If from this consideration I am obligd to draw the money out of your hands, so much thereof as will discharge my debt to you I shall direct to be applied that way and the residue will otherwise be disposed of so soon as I receive your final answer on this Subject.
We have only 59 Hhds of Tobacco for Captn. Boyes this year; Sixteen of which are mine, the others Master Custis's on both of which parcels you will please to have Insurance made. This is all the Tobacco we made last year except 8 Hhds of Master Custis's which is gone to Messrs. Hanbury's and more I fear (by odds) than we shall make this. For if the general complaint of drought and want of plants are not most notoriously falze a shorter Crop of Tobo. has not been made these 20 years than will be this; However as I live remote from the Southern parts of this Colony where the greatest quantities are made I must refer to your Corrispondants upon James and York Rivers for further Information assuring you that this is truely the case on Potomack. If there shoud be similarity in Accts. it will be unnecessary to add that by keeping up our Tobacco a favourable market may be obtaind. As there are a great many Ships which use this River (Potomack) from London, I shoud receive your Letters more directly were you to write by them, instead of the Vessels to the other Rivers; I shoud moreover save the postage which is extravagantly high in this Country 150 Miles of which I have to pay for all Letters which come into York, or James River. By Captn. John Johnstown (Mr. Russels Ship) I hope to receive my Goods as usual and am Gentn, etc.
Virginia, July 20, 1767.
Sir: Please to send the following Shoes &ca. and apply to Messrs. Cary & Co. for the amount.
Messrs. Cary and Company will pay the Accts. respectively and I am Sir, etc.
Virginia, July 20, 1767.
Sir: Inclos'd is a Measure for Breeches, by which please to send me a pair of black silk Knit ones. I shoud be glad also to have sent me a Sartout great Coat fashionably made of good Cloth. I presume you have my Meas'e and therefore have sent none but in case you shoud be at a loss, make it to fit a person Six feet high and proportionably made, and you cannot go much amiss, let the Breeches have cool linings fit for Summer wear and a side pocket.
Messrs. Cary & Co. will pay the amount of the above charge as also of a fashionable Suit of Cloth Cloaths which you are desired to make for Master Custis (who is about 14 yrs. of age and tolerably well grown) and to send them along with the above things of mine. I am Sir, etc.
By the Plantrs. Friend.
Mount Vernon, July 25, 1767.
Gentn: Since mine of the 28th. of June, last year, I have been favourd with your two Letters of the 27th. of March, first of July, and 21st. of October in the past, and Sixth of April in the present year. Had any thing material occurd, (worth giving you the trouble of a Letter) I shoud not have been silent till this time; and even now, I have but little to say.
The Accounts Currt. transmitted by Necks were right, otherwise I shoud have noted it sooner; and by Easton you will receive two Tonns of Mr. Custis's Tobacco, which when sold, you will please to carry the credit of the young Gentleman's Acct. who falling very short in his Crops last year is the reason why Easton has only Eight Hhds of his Tobo. this. From the present face of things, there appears to be an almost absolute certainty that the Crops of Tobacco this year will be shorter than has been for many past, which I mention, that if other Accts. from different parts of this, and the other Tobo. Colony corrispond with it you may regulate the Sales in such a manner as to obtain a good price for the Tobacco just Shipped. I coud wish that it was a practice, to render an Acct. Currt. of the dealings between us once a year, that if any Errors shoud arise they may be rectified while the Transactions are recent. Unseasonable as it may be, to take any notice of the repeal of the Stamp Act at this time, yet, I cannot help observing that a contrary measure woud have Introduced very unhappy Consequences: those therefore who wisely foresaw this, and were Instrumental in procuring the repeal of it, are, in my opinion, deservidly entitled to the thanks of the well wishers to Britain and her Colonies; and must reflect with pleasure that through their means, many Scenes of confusion and distress have been avoided: Mine they accordingly have, and always shall have, for their opposition to any Act of Oppression, for that Act coud be looked upon in no other light by every person who woud view it in its proper colours.
I coud wish it was in my power to congratulate you with success, in having the Commercial System of these Colonies put upon a more enlargd and extensive footing than it is because I am well satisfied that it woud ultimately, redound to the advantages of the Mother Country so long as the Colonies pursue trade and Agriculture, and woud be an effectual Let to Manufacturing among themselves. The money therefore which they raise would centre in Great Britain, as certain as the Needle will settle to the Poles. I am Gentn., etc.
[Note 84: Crawford was one of the well-known frontiersmen. He was a surveyor and assisted Washington to select the bounty lands on the Kanawha and Ohio Rivers for the Virginia officers and soldiers, for their services in the French and Indian War. He had been a captain in the Forbes campaign and was now settled on the Youghiogheny River. Afterwards a colonel in the Seventh Virginia Regiment in the Revolutionary War, he served on the frontiers; in the summer of 1782 he commanded an expedition into the Ohio country against the Indians, where, after a hard-fought battle, he was taken prisoner and tortured to death in a most cruel and shocking manner. Washington, writing to the board of war in 1778, said: "I know him to be a brave and active officer, and of considerable influence upon the western frontier of Virginia."]
Mount Vernon, September 21, 1767.
Dear Sir: From a sudden hint of your Brother I wrote to you a few days ago in a hurry, since which having had more time for reflection, I am now set down in order to write more deliberately, and with greater precision, to you on the Subject of my last Letter; desiring that if any thing in this shoud be found contradictory to that Letter you will wholely be governd by what I am now going to add.
I then desird the favour of you (as I understood Rights might now be had for the Lands, which have fallen within the Pensylvania Line) to look me out a Tract of about 1500, 2000, or more Acres somewhere in your Neighbourhood meaning only by this that it may be as contiguous to your own Settlemt. as such a body of good Land coud be found and about Jacobs Cabbins or somewhere on those Waters I am told this might be done. It will be easy for you to conceive that Ordinary, or even middling Land woud never answer my purpose or expectation so far from Navigation and under such a load of Expence as those Lands are incumbred with; No: A Tract to please me must be rich (of which no Person can be a better judge than yourself) and if possible to be good and level; Coud such a piece of Land as this be found you woud do me a singular favour in falling upon some method to secure it immediately from the attempts of any other as nothing is more certain than that the Lands cannot remain long ungranted when once it is known that Rights are to be had for them. What mode of proceeding is necessary in order to accomplish this design I am utterly at a loss to point out to you but as as your own Lands are under the same Circumstances self Interest will naturally lead you to an enquiry. I am told the Land, or Surveyors Office is kept at Carlyle, if so I am of Opinion that Colo. Armstrong (an Acquaintance of mine) has something to do in the management of it, and I am perswaded woud readily serve me to him therefore at all events I will write by the first oppertunity on that Subject that the way may be prepard for your application if you shoud find it necessary to make one to him. Whatever trouble or expence you may be engagd in on my behalf you may depend upon being thankfully repaid. It is possible (but I do not know that it really is the case) that Pensylvania Customs will not admit so large a quantity of Land as I require, to be entered together if so this may possibly be evaded by making several Entries to the same amount if the expence of doing which is not too heavy; but this I only drop as a hint leaving the whole to your discretion and good management. If the Land can only be secured from others it is all I want at present, the Surveying I would choose to postpone, at least till the Spring when if you can give me any Satisfactory account of this matter and of what I am next going to propose I expect to pay you a visit about the last of April.
The other matter, just now hinted at and which I proposed in my last to join you in attempting to secure some of the most valuable Lands in the King's part which I think may be accomplished after a while notwithstanding the Proclamation that restrains it at present and prohibits the Settling of them at all for I can never look upon that Proclamation in any other light (but this I say between ourselves) than as a temporary expedient to quiet the Minds of the Indians and must fall of course in a few years especially when those Indians are consenting to our Occupying the Lands.85 Any person therefore who neglects the present oppertunity of hunting out good Lands and in some measure marking and distinguishing them for their own (in order to keep others from settling them) will never regain it, if therefore you will be at the trouble of seeking out the Lands I will take upon me the part of securing them so soon as there is a possibility of doing it and will moreover be at all the Cost and charges of Surveying and Patenting &c. after which you shall have such a reasonable proportion of the whole as we may fix upon at our first meeting as I shall find it absolutely
[Note 85: The proclamation of Oct. 7, 1763, was issued to quiet the two principal causes of discontent among the Indians--the encroachments of settlers upon lands claimed by the tribes and the abuses committed by Indian traders and their servants. This proclamation restrained all persons from trading with the Indians without a license and prohibited all settlements beyond the limits described as the boundary of the Indian hunting ground, thus putting both the property and the commerce of the natives under the protection of officers acting under the immediate authority of the King. Washington was undoubtedly correct in his estimation of this edict, for the commissioners of trade, in their report on Indian affairs in 1769, characterized it as "mere provisional arrangements, adapted to the exigence of the time." (See Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 4, p. 315.) Similar views were generally entertained. Chancellor Livingston in a letter to Doctor Franklin, respecting the conditions of peace previous to the treaty of 1783, said: "Virginia, even after the proclamation of 1763 patented considerable tracts on the Ohio, far beyond the Appalachian mountains. It is true, the several governments were prohibited at different times from granting lands beyond certain limits; but these were clearly temporary restrictions, which the policy of maintaining a good understanding with the natives dictated. and were always broken through after a short period as is evinced by the grants above mentioned, made subsequent to the proclamation of 1763."
In 1764 the Indian commissioners prepared a plan for determining more definitely the limits of settlement and submitted certain bounds to the Indian tribes for their approval. The line of separation in the northern district was completed and accepted by the Indians in 1765, but Sir William Johnson, while acquiescing, declined to give a final ratification without further directions from the King. These limits gave the Middle Colonies "room to spread much beyond what they have hitherto been allowed," a concession made to the fact that the "state of their population requires a greater extent." The Crown had not given its assent to the acts of the commissioners, certainly as late as 1769, although the plan had received a partial indorsement by the lords of trade in 1767, and in the meantime the Virginians and Pennsylvanians were rapidly pushing their settlements on the Indian territory west of the Allegheny Mountains, in spite of Royal (Apr. 10, 1766) and Colonial (July 31, 1766) proclamations calling upon these settlers to leave the territory "which if they shall fail to do, they must expect no protection or mercy from government, and be exposed to the revenge of the exasperated Indians."-- Ford.] necessary and convenient for the better furthering of the design to let some few of my friends be concernd in the Scheme and who must also partake of the advantages.
By this time it may be easy for you to discover, that my Plan is to secure a good deal of Land, You will consequently come in for a very handsome quantity and as you will obtain it without any Costs or expences I am in hopes you will be encouragd to begin the search in time. I woud choose if it were practicable to get pretty large Tracts together, and it might be desirable to have them as near your Settlement, or Fort Pitt, as we coud get them good; but not to neglect others at a greater distance if fine and bodies of it lye in a place. It may be a Matter worthy your enquiry to find out how the Maryland back line will run, and what is said about laying of Neale's (I think it is and Companys) Grant.86 I will enquire particularly concerning the Ohio Companys that one may know what to apprehend from them. For my own part I shoud have no objection to a Grant of Land upon the Ohio a good way below Pittsburg but woud willingly secure some good Tracts nearer hand first.
[Note 86: "As to Nails [Neale] and Company's Grant, it was Laid on the fork of Monongahalia and Yochagania, which, if Pensilvania taks its charter, will take it. at any Rate they Ohio Company you are the best Judge your self what will be done in it, or wheare it will be Lade."-- Crawford to Washington, Sept. 29, 1767.
Mason and Dixon were at this time engaged in running the boundary line between Pennsylvania and Maryland. The controversy between Virginia and Maryland as to the western boundary of the latter was long undetermined, the "first fountain of the Potomac" having proved too indefinite a description.]
I woud recommend it to you to keep this whole matter a profound Secret, or trust it only with those in whom you can confide and who can assist you in bringing it to bear by their discoveries of Land and this advice proceeds from several very good Reasons and in the first place because I might be censurd for the opinion I have given in respect to the King's Proclamation and then if the Scheme I am now proposing to you was known it might give the alarm to others and by putting them upon a Plan of the same nature (before we coud lay a proper foundation for success ourselves) set the different Interests a clashing and probably in the end overturn the whole all which may be avoided by a Silent management and the [operation] snugly carried on by you under the pretence of hunting other Game which you may I presume effectually do at the same time you are in pursuit of Land which when fully discovered advise me of it and if there appears but a bear possibility of succeeding any time hence I will have the Lands immediately Surveyed to keep others off and leave the rest to time and my own Assiduity to Accomplish.
If this Letter shoud reach your hands before you set out I shoud be glad to have your thoughts fully expressd on the Plan I have proposd, or as soon afterwards as conveniently may be as I am desirous of knowing in time how you approve of the Scheme. I am, &c.87
[Note 87: Crawford answered this September 29, an extract of which is given in note 86, page 470, ante. The original is in the Washington Papers and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 3, p. 295.]
[Note 88: Armstrong was born in Ireland in 1725 and died at Carlisle, Pa., in 1795. He emigrated to Pennsylvania about 1745--1748 and settled in the Kittatinny Valley. Was a colonel in the Continental Army in 1775--76; promoted to brigadier general Mar. 1, 1776; resigned Apr. 4, 1777. In 1777 he was major general of Pennsylvania troops and in 1778 a Delegate to the Continental Congress. His son, John Armstrong, was the author of the Newburgh Addresses, and later Secretary of War of the United States under President Madison. Armstrong's answer, dated Nov. 3, 1767, is in the Washington Papers and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington. vol. 3, p. 302.]
Mount Vernon, September 21, 1767.
Dear Sir: Since I had the pleasure of seeing you at the Warm springs I have been informd that much of the Land upon Yaughyaughgany and Monongahela which was formerly conceivd to lye within the limits of Virginia and on which many of our People have settled are taken into Pensylvania by the establishd Line now running between that Provence and Maryland and that Grants may at any time be obtaind from the Proprietary for Tracts on these Waters and being [informed], moreover, that the Office from whence these Rights are to Issue is kept at Carlyle it immediately occurrd from what you were telling me of the nature of your Office that I coud apply to none so properly as yourself for the truth of these reports it appearing but probable that you were the very person with whom Entries were made.
I have therefore taken the liberty Sir of addressing this Letter to you on the Subject of these enquiries, and to request the further favour of you to advise me of the mode of proceeding in order to take up ungranted Land in your Provence; What quantity of Acres will be admitted into a Survey; whether a Person is restricted in respect to the quantity of Land and number of Surveys. If the Surveys are requird to be laid in any particular form or optional in the taker up to lay them as the nature and goodness of the Land and Water courses may point out to him. What the Expence of Patenting these Lands amount to per Thousand Acres. And what the annual Rents are fixed at afterwards. Together with any other useful hints which may occur to you for my Information and Government as I woud most willingly possess some of those Lands which we have labord and Toild so hard to conquer.
I have desired one Mr. William Crawford who lives upon Yaughyaughgany, a friend of mine, and I believe an Acquaintance of yours as he was an Officer in my Regiment and in General Forbes' Campaign to look me a Tract of about 2000 acres and endeavour to secure it till he can give me advice of it. I have likewise taken the liberty of saying to him that I was fully purswaded if the Land Office was kept in Carlyle and you had any share in the management of it that you woud do me the favour of giving him any assistance in your power consistent with the Rules of Office. And for such assistance Sir after thankfully acknowledging myself your Debtor woud punctually [reimburse you] with any expence that might arise on my account so soon as I coud be advised thereof.
I heartily wish that Mrs. Armstrong and yourself may find all the good effects from the Waters of the Frederick Springs that you could desire.
Mrs. Washington makes a tender of her Compliments to your Lady and self--to which please to add those of Dr. Sir, etc
Mt. Vernon, September 24, 1767.
Sir: Having receivd your Letters of Wednesday last and to day, it appears very clear to me from them, as well as from some other convincing Circumstances that you are not only reduced to the last Shifts yourself but are determined to involve me in a great deal of perplexity and distress on your Acct. also. Why else will you press so hard upon me to do more than I have already done, and consented to do, in waiting two years longer for my Money, when it is not only inconvenient, but very disadvantageous also for me to do so and when I have informd you as every body else I suppose may also do that the Security I have upon your Lands and Slaves is only answerable for the £750 lent and Interest. Besides when the nature of that Security is considered and how much people may differ in their Valuations of it; it is not to be wondered at that I shoud be so unwilling as to risk any thing more thereon: For in the first place I do not value your Six Acres bought of Marshall with the Improvements to any thing at all, for Reasons already known to you. True it is if Mr. West shoud recover from you, you may have a remedy against Mr. Marshall but in how ample a manner is in the breast of other Men to determine. In the next place, you rate the Land bought of my Brother and the Improvemnts to near £700; this at best is only worth what it will fetch and if it sells for half that Sum I will acknowledge myself extreamely mistaken. In the last place by the estimate you sent me some time ago of your Estate you value the Negroes you were then possessed of to £900 and upwards. Suppose for Argument sake they were worth this, does not every body know that the Small Pox, Goal Fever and many other Malignant disorders may sweep the greatest part of them off where then is the Security? and while I am mentioning this matter it is highly necessary to enquire what is become of Henley, Jacob, Winney, Sylvia, Lett, Sarah, Nan and Henrietta Farthing, Negroes contained in your Bill of Sale to me but which I see nothing of in the estimate above mentioned.
Thus much I have said on a Supposition that I was acting as a Money Lender only, and was looking for clear and indisputable Surety but in truth the prospect of gain and advantage to myself was not the motive that led me to advance you this money;'Twas done to serve your family and if possible to save your Estate from dispersion while there remained a probability of doing it the same motive therefore (and depend upon it, it is a friendly one) Inclines me to ask what possible reason you can have for thinking that by delaying the Sale of some part of your Effects and taking up more money upon Interest, will better your fortune when you are adding to the Load of Debt by accumulating Interest. I shoud be glad in the next place to know if you have ever considered the consequences of borrowing money upon the terms you say Colo. Mason will lend it and surely you have not, to stave off the dreadful hour of resigning part of your possessions into the hands of your Creditors engrosses too much of your thoughts. Do not understand by this that I mean to cast any reflections upon Colo. Mason No: he tells you in express terms and with candor that he is waiting for an opportunity making a purchase which when accomplished he must have his Money again giving you three or 4 Months' notice. It is As likely therefore that he may call for it in Six months as in a longer time because the distress of the country and number of Estates which are daily advertising afford great prospect of purchasing to advantage. What then is to be done in this case? One of these three things certainly: either that Colo. Mason must wait till he can recover his Debt in a course of Law, by which means your own, as well as the honour of your Bondsman must suffer. Or that the Security must pay the Money out of his own Pocket which perhaps might reduce him to the utmost distress; or lastly that your Negroes must be immediately exposed to Sale for ready money after short notice (whereas they might now be sold on credit for perhaps at least 25 pr. Ct more,) in order to raise this Sum and this probably in the midst of a Crop, these being things worthy of consideration I woud recommend them to your serious reflection before you finally determine.
Was the money to be had of those who prefer lending it on Interest to other methods of disposing of it, and you had in the first place a prospect of keeping of it for some time, and in the next a moral certainty of raising the Sum with the Interest by the expiration of it there woud then be a propriety in your borrowing and I shoud feel pleasure in procuring it to you, but really I cannot see that you have any one good end to answer by it; on the contrary I am much misinformed if you were to get £300 to morrow to stop Suits and demands that are already commenced if there would not be £300 more wanting in less than Six Months for the same purpose. So that there appears no probability of its happily ending for as to your promising or expecting to do this and that you must give me leave to say that it is Works and not Words that People will judge from, and where one Man deceives another from time to time his word being disregarded all confidence is lost.
However, after having endeavourd to let you see in what light this matter appears to me and to set forth the evil consequennces of taking money upon these terms I shall conclude with telling you that if you are absolutely determined to prefer this method to any other of procuring present relief I will become your Security to Colo. Mason for Three hundd. pounds on conditions that you do at the same time add other things to my present security that are under no Incumbrance to any Person what so ever and allow me the absolute right and privilege (as you yourself proposd) of disposing of them for ready money to answer Colo. Mason's demand whensoever made and that some Lawyer (Mr. Ellzey I woud choose) shoud draw a Bill of Sale or Instrument of writing to this purpose without running me to any cost that may be authentick and binding; but I once more caution you against a Measure of this kind as it may be destructive of your Estate inasmuch as the money can be paid no otherwise than by an immediate Sale of your Effects (when calld for) and I can see no benefit that will result from the protection. It is for these Reasons and a Conviction that you will be as unwilling then as now, to part from your estate, that I dread the consequences of joining you in such a Bond knowing that after all I have, or can do more will still be required and as little content given this makes me ardently wish that some person or other woud take up my security and pay me the Money that I might be entirely clear of it for I do not want to avail myself of any sort of advantages.
P. S. I have this Instant been informd, that you have declard you paid me all you owed me except abt. £20; does such disingenuity as this deserve any favour at my hands? I think any body might readily answer for you, No.
October 19, 1767.
Sir: I have receivd your Letter of the 15th. Ulto. the contents of which are some what misterious, and stand in need of further explination before I can be satisfied of the Equity of allowing £100 to Colo. Moore with Intt. thereon since Octr. 1758. True it is, that previous to my Marriage, my Wife informd me that she had engaged to purchase things at Mr. Chamberlaynes Sale to the amount of £100; but what was done in consequence of it she knew not altho she had declard her readiness to pay the money at any time when calld upon for that purpose by the late Speaker (who she lookd upon as an acting person in that Affair). Certain it also is that once, if not twice, since my Marriage I have spoke to that Gentleman to know what was done in consequence of her Engagement. What was to be the Issue of it. In short what I had to expect, or apprehend from it; and his answer to the best of my remembrance, was that he coud not well tell what to say about it, or something to this effect; from whence I concluded, and not I think improperly, that I was considered in the light of a Security only, for that Sum when demanded (which in truth I never expected wd. be the case after 9 years silence). How it comes to pass then that Colo. Moore shoud be chargd with it and I have no Intimation thereof in all this time, not withstanding I enquird of the very person who coud best inform me: and why Colo. Moore shoud take upon himself to allow Interest thereon without my privity or consent (who alone was Interested and concerned in the event) I really cannot tell; but so extraordinary it appears, that you will please to let him know that I shall always be ready to settle the matter if we can) in an amicable and friendly manner; that I will strictly comply with whatever honour and justice may demand from my Wife's engagements; but that, I cannot (under present knowledge I have of the Affair) conceive myself bound by honr or good conscience to pay more than the original Sum (of £100 at any rate) as She before Marriage, and I ever since Marriage, have always been ready, and willing to settle and pay to the utmost extent of her promises.89 I am Sir, etc.
[Note 89: William Neale was in King William County, Va.; the text of this letter is entered by Washington upon Neale's letter of Sept. 15, 1767. The original manuscript is in the possession of William Randolph Hearst, to whose courtesy the editor is indebted.]
Mount Vernon, December 14, 1767.
Dear Sir: Your Letter of the 22d. Ulto. by Post did not reach my hands (being in Frederick County) till a few days ago, and knowing of no oppertunity of conveying an answer to you soon, otherwise than by Post, you will please to receive what follows, by that channel, as my further Sentiments of the Subject you wrote upon.
That I shoud be glad to make the place convenient to you for the sake of having it in the occupation of a good Tenant, and for the gratification of Mrs. Starke who you say is pleasd with its retired situation, I do not scruple to declare; but that I shoud fall from one concession to another in order to obtain these advantages is really not to be expected. Sufficient it ought to be, I think, that I have lowered the Rent from £45 to Thirty five pounds pr. Ann: in order to engage your acceptance of it, and to rid myself of all further trouble about these Lotts till Master Custis comes of Age; and sufficient it might also be to remove any doubts of the unreasonableness of requiring you or any other Person to keep the place in such Tenantable repair as your own conveniency made necessary during that term; for certain it is the considerations of engaging a good Tenant for a length of time and easing myself of all further trouble with the Lotts were my declard motives for abating in the Rent how then it coud be a matter of doubt with you whether I was really in earnest when I insisted upon these Conditions I can not conceive the one being a consequence of the other. As to the advantages and disadvantages of the Brick House you who have examined into them must be a better judge than I who never bestowd a thought upon them, but excepting the House itself (which may be larger) I never apprehended before that it had half the conveniencies of those Lotts you now live on. If they have pray what may the Rent be? for this I presume shoud come into the Acct. However, to put an end to all further Controversy, to remove every future doubt, and to enable you to determine at once of the ulitility of going or staying, I will upon Condition of your keeping the place till Master Custis comes of Age Post and Rail in the Lott (next Summer) in the manner I mentioned to you sometime ago, and allow any Sum not exceeding Ten pounds out of the first Rent (which is as much as you seem to think woud be requird in 7 years an Acct. of which to be renderd) towards making such other repairs as you may find necessary for the benefit and convenience of the place, after which I shall expect that the Lotts and Houses will not only be kept from destruction they have hitherto sustaind but in such decent repair as time &ca. will reasonably admit of and that Leases may pass at our first meeting expressive of these purposes.
If you Incline to continue longer than the year (for which you took the place) upon these terms it is well; if not please to let me know that I may have time to seek out another Tenant. I am Sir, etc.
December --, 1767.
Dear Sir: Having Perusd the Contents of Mr. Bernards Letter Inclosd, I am of Opinion that, if the scope of it is to draw an answer from us (as Executors of Colo. Colrills90 Will) signifying (that as we are not in Cash, and probably shall be sometime without a sufficiency to discharge the several Legacies he has left) that we will, so soon as we can with propriety, pay Mrs. Bernards Fortune to him or his order I shall have no objection to giving such an assurance; because it woud be the most consistent reply we coud make to such a demand if made, and the natural consequence of his Letter; but if any thing more than this is required, I shall, from the light I view it in at present, beg leave to enter my dissent; because I do not see what better, or indeed what other Security we can give than the Testator himself already has given. Or how we who are only the Exrs. of another Mans Will, can adopt any Measure that may anticipate its operation, and be safe in doing so. Whenever the money is raisd it of course becomes due and payable to whomsoever has a right in Mrs. Bernard to demand it; and before this I do not see what more is to be expected of Us than to raise it as fast as we can; this is the light in which the matter appears to me upon a general re-view of it, but I am open to conviction, and shall always recede from error so soon as I am convinced that I am in one. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
[Note 90: Washington had been made an executor of Col. Thomas Colvill's estate. The settlement was an inconvenience and irritation to him for some years. Thomas Colvill was a brother of John, who established himself at Clish, on the lower side of Little Hunting Creek, Va. Thomas moved to Clish from Maryland, on his brother's death, and died there. The settlement of the estate was aggravated by claims of Colvill's relatives in England, who believed the estate to be a rich one.]
Mount Vernon, February 23, 1768.
Gentn. By Captn. Dent bound to the Madeira's (a careful honest Man) and, who will return with his Vessel to this River again, I shoud be obligd to you for sending me a Butt (of about One hundred and fifty Gall'ns) of your choicest Madeira Wine. A Small Box, not exceeding 15 or 20 lbs. of Citron. And, if there is nothing improper, or inconsistent in the request a few setts or cuttings of the Madeira Grape (that kind I mean of which the Wine is made) but if in requiring this last Articles there be any sort of Impropriety I beg that no notice may be taken of it. On Robt. Cary Esqr. & Co. (of London) you will please to draw for Cost of these things, who shall be advertizd thereof by the first oppertunity that may offer.
The Butt of Wine which you sent me by Captn. Montgomery in Augt. 1766 came safe to hand, and will I hope, proove good (having made no use of it yet). By coming safe to hand I woud be understood to mean that it did not appear to have undergone any kind of Adulteration; there was a good deal of ullage indeed, and what I dislikd still more was, a large Tap in the head of the Cask which left me in doubt whether it was done on the Passage (which occasiond the difficiency) or was in the cask before Shipping of it (as the Sailors, who deliverd it to me, affirmd).
Having the Pleasure of Mr. Murrays acquaintance whilst in Virginia, I beg his acceptance of my best wishes if he is returnd to the Island, and am Gentn., etc.
Mount Vernon, February 25, 1768.
Sir: Your not sending me the Goods requird in a Letter of the 2Ist. of July 1766, nor acknowledging the receipt, neither of that Letter, nor one of the 22d. of Septr. following (both of which were sent by the Fryer Captn. Pollard) has given rise to a suspicion (knowg. he got safe home) not altogether favourable to the Character of that Gentleman, which is this, that he has nevr. deld. my Letters nor the Tobo. to you for Reasons easily conceivd from the Copies of those Letters wch. I now send. This is the only way I can acct. for your Silence, hag. never recd. a Line from you since the 22d. of April 1766.
I now Inclose you Captn. Pollards Second Bill of Lading, relying on your kind assistance in transacting the Affair for me. If my Suspicions are well founded, Captn. Pollard has not only treated me very injuriously, but at the sametime acted with a good deal of Ingratitude as I was amg. a very few who did not take advantage of a failure of his (in point of time for his arrival) to withhold my Tobo. from him, but complied strictly with my part of the Contract altho it was inconvenient for me to do so; expecting long, very long before this to have had the Salt and Sacks there Orderd (free from freight accordg. to Engagemt.) for want of wch. I hitherto have, and now do; suffer exceedingly, especially for the latter, wh'h I now beg may be made up 50 and numbered as tho they had Salt in them and were distinct parcels. If on the other hand the Captn. had deld. my Letter, and Tobo. and made good any damage it might have sustaind agreeable to his promise I freely ask his pardon for my uncharitable suspicions w'ch took rise from the causes aforementiond. I am Sir, etc.
By the Eagle Captn. Walker via Whitehaven.
Mount Vernon, March 10, 1768.
Gentn: This Letter will, I expect, be delivered to you by Mr. Walter Magowan, who for many years has livd in my Family a Tutor to Master and Miss Custis, and now comes to England to get admittance into Holy Orders. Any little Civilities therefore which you may occasionally shew him during his short stay there, or assistance give, woud be very obliging as he is perfectly a Stranger, and may need a little Introduction, altho' he comes provided with proper Certificates &ca. to the Bishop.
He has Fifty pounds Sterling due to him on Acct. of his last years Wages which please to pay and charge equally to Master and Miss Custis. Besides this, you will please to advance him any Sum on the particular Acct. of Master Custis not exceeding Forty pounds Sterlg. with which he is to purchase Sundry Books &ca. for the young Gentleman. Mr. Magowan on this head desird he might have a credit to answer the purposes. Whatever money therefore you may advance in consequence of this Order you will please to charge as I have just directed because, I shall know what Sum to Debit each party with, and what to give him Credit for, when I come to settle with Mr. Magowan upon his return, w'ch is intended to be in a very short space of time.
Having a very good oppertunity a fewdays ago directly from my own door to the Madeira and back I desird Messrs. Scott, Pringle, Cheape and Company to send me a Butt of Wine and one or two other trifling things, and draw upon you for the amount which I hope will be paid.
Captn. Johnstown is arrivd, but having been some time in York and James River I have not got any Goods by him, though hourly expect them. At present I shall add nothing more than that I am Gentn. etc.
Alexandria, Virginia, March 10, 1768.
The Executors of Colo. Thomas Colvill, late of Alexandria in Virginia, hereby intend notice to the Parties concernd, that, in the last Will of that Gentleman made Octr. the 8th. 1766 the following clause was inserted, and recorded in the County Court of Fairfax in the Colony aforesaid.
And Whereas &ca., here the whole clause relative to the above Persons was inserted at large.
The Executors as yet, cannot even guess what may be the Surplus money of this Estate, when the Debts (which are of a complicated nature) and Legacies, are dischargd; but as it is more than probable there will be a residue, and there being a time limited for entering the Claims, and prooving the Relationship as above; this Second notice is given to the Parties that they may be timely advisd thereof by.
Note, The above Letter I sent by Mr. W Magowan, when he went to England for Orders; with particular injunctions to put it into the hands of some Person who had corrispondants in Durham, that proper enquiry might be made after these People, and I satisfied with having dischargd my Duty as an Executor.
Williamsburg, May 5, 1768.
Gentn: I have just time before I leave this place to acknowledge the rect. of your Letters of the 22d. of Deer. by Easton, and 1st. of Feby. by Captn. Outram. By the Latter I shall send you all my own Tobo. consisting of 15 Hhds, and about 25 of Master Custis's; on both of which parcels please to ensure £20 pr. Hhd. As the scarcity of Tobo and high prices thereof in the Country are Facts too well known to be doubted of it consequently becomes unnecessary for me to add, that unless the Sales with you are high, we shall be a considerable looser by adhering to our usual custom of assisting your Ships here, this we hope you will endeavour to avoid, and make the advantages reciprocal; at least that we do not suffer by our Attachment to your House.
Herewith you will receive a Bill of Exchange drawn by James Kirk on Messrs. Crosbies and Trafford for £107.10 Sterg. as also two other Bills of Mr. Jno. Wayles's drawing on Messrs. Farrel and Iones of Bristol amounting together to £120 Sterg. which Sums when reed. please to give my Acct. Credit for. At present I shall only add that, I am Gentn., etc.
Sent by Captn. Mitchell.
Williamsburg, May 5, 1768.
Gentn: Your Letters to Master Gustis and myself of the 10th. of Decr. by Captn. Easton are both come to my hands and I have directed Ten Hhds of the young Gentn's. Tobo. to be put on board his Ship to your Address; which, considering the very short crop we made last year is a larger proportion of his Tobo. than you have had yet. On this quantity you will please to Insure £10 pr. Hhd and carry the proceeds to his Credit. Having discontinued the growth of Tobo. myself, except at a Plantation or two upon York River, I make no more of that Article than barely serves to furnish me with Goods, this is the Reason therefore why I send it undivided to Messrs. Cary & Co. as it is from that House I always get the necessaries wanted for my Family's use.
I shoud be very glad if you woud make it an invariable Rule (while our corrispondance in behalf of Mastr. Custis to whom I am Guardian continues) to send me in his Acct. Currt. once a year; this, besides the satisfaction of comparing them with my own Accts. is necessary in Settling my Administration Accts. annually with the Genl. Court. I am Gentn., etc.
This and the above Letter were both intended to go by the Lord Baltimore Captn. Mitchell, but whether they got on board or not I cannot be absolutely certain.
Mr. Vernon, June 6, 1768.
Gentn: My old Chariot havg. run its race, and gone through as many stages as I could conveniently make it travel, is now renderd incapable of any further Service; The intent of this Letter therefore is to desire you will bespeak me a New one, time enough to come out with the Goods (I shall hereafter write for) by Captn. Johnstown, or some other Ship.
As these are kind of Articles, that last with care agst. number of years, I woud willingly have the Chariot you may now send me made in the newest taste, handsome, genteel and light; yet not slight and consequently unserviceable. To be made of the best Seasond Wood, and by a celebrated Workman. The last Importation which I have seen, besides the customary steel springs have others that play in a Brass barrel, and contribute at one and the same time to the ease and Ornament of the Carriage; One of this kind therefore woud be my choice; and Green being a colour little apt, as I apprehend to fade, and grateful to the Eye, I woud give it the preference, unless any other colour more in vogue and equally lasting is entitled to precedency, in that case I woud be governd by fashion. A light gilding on the mouldings that is, round the Pannels) and any other Ornaments that may not have a heavy and tawdry look (together with my Arms agreeable to the Impression here sent) might be added, by way of decoration. A lining of a handsome, lively cold. leather of good quality, I sh'd also prefer, such as green, blew, or &ca., as may best suit the col'r of the outside, Let the box that slips under Seat, be as large as it conveniently can be made (for the benefit of Storage upon a journey), and to have a Pole (not Shafts) for the Wheel Horses to draw by; together with a handsome sett of Harness for four middle sized Horses orderd in such a manner as to suit either two Postilions (without a box) or a box and one Postilion. The box being made to fix on, and take off occasionally, with a hammel Cloth &ca., suitable to the lining. On the Harness let my Crest be engravd.
If such a Chariot as I have here describd ed. be got at 2d. hand little or nothg. the worse of wear, but at the same time a good deal under the first cost of a new one (and sometimes tho perhaps rarely it happens so), it wd. be very desirable; but if I am obligd to go near to the origl. cost I wd. even have one made; and have been thus particular, in hopes of gettg. a handsome Chart. through your direction, good taste, and managt.; not of Copper however, for these do not stand the powerful heat of our sun.93
[Note 93: Vain September, 1768, a chariot was shipped from Christopher Reeves, described in Washington's copy of the invoice as follows:
"To a new handsome Chariot, made of best materials, handsomely carvd, carvd anticks to middle of Pillars, and carvd scrowl Corners to top of Pillars and roof, Batten sides, sweeps of Sides and mouldings rd. the roof carvd with dble ribings, hind battens and fore battens archd and carvd; panneld back and Sides Japand and Polishd, and roof Japand; lined wt. green Morocco Leather trimmed with Cuffoy Lace, an oval behind, a large Trunk under the seat, the bottom coverd with red leather and a handsome carpit to bottom: Plate Glass, diamd cut, handsomely Paintd, the Body and Carridge and whls. paintd a glazd. green; all the framd Work of Body gilt, handsome scrowl, shieIds, Ornamentd. wt. flowers all over the Panls, body and Carridge Oil Varnished, the carridge wt, iron Axletree screwd at ends handsomely carvd scrowl Standds. twisted behind and before, and stays of foot board barrs and beads carvd with scrowls and Paneled; Patent wootin Springs wt. brass sockets; a boot coverd wt. leather, Japand. and garnished, Brass nails, a hand. seat cloth, embroidered with bd wt brd. La: and 2 rows of hande. fringe wt. gimp head, all cornpt. 4 Venetian Patt. Blinds with Mahy. frames; 4 handsome harness bridles, brass Ornamt. pieces, on the Straps, brass arch'd Molden Housg. and Winkers, pollshr. Bitts all compleat; 2 ridg. Sadles, stirps. and Girts; 2 Setts of Splinters and 2 main barrs wt. Ironwork; 2 bass waterg. and Plates with high Rings; 4 high brass rings and 2 Waterg. hooks and Plates; a new covr. made of Green Bays; a strong deal case and casing up the Body."
The cost of the chariot and transportation charges amounted to £315.13.6.]
Inclosd you will receive a Bill of Excha. on Laughlin Maccleane Esqr. for £302 Sterg.94 out of wch. this Chart. may be paid for, and the Balle. accrd. to the Credit of my Acct. Currt. At the same time you prest. the Bill be pleasd to deliv'r the Letter also. I am Gentn., etc.
[Note 94: This amount was the repayment by Capt. Robert Stewart, in Jamaica, of the loan made him by Washington in 1763.]
P. S. The Orig'l of this was sent by the Keith to Glosgow and the Copies by Captn. Johnstown.
Mount Vernon, June 20, 1768.
Gentn: Having wrote several times to you of late I have the less to say in this Letter, the principal design of which is to inclose Invoices of such Good as are wanted for this River; those for York I must take some other oppertunity of forwarding as Mr. Valentine has not yet sent me a list of those Articles we may want for the Plantation under his care.
The Reason I proposd (in my Letter of the 20th. of July last year) that so much of Master Custis's Money as was necessary for paying the Duties of his Tobacco shoud be applied to that purpose was on a presumption that it woud proove advantageous to him. And this I was led into a belief of as the readiest method of a counting for Mr. Hanbury's Sales out stripping yours in the manner they did for Tobacco's of the same Crop and as we thought of inferior quality. However, as you can determine with much more precission which of the two modes woud be most benificial to his Interest, that of allowing the Duties of his Tobo. or Interest on his money I shall leave it to your decision not doubting of your readiness of determining for the best.
In your last of the 12th. of March I perceive that 9 Hhds of our Tobo. were upon hand unsold, but as the Markets were daily advancing you dispaird not of selling them at 11½, you further added that as the whole were sold at 11 and 11½ great Accts. woud consequently be rendered. I cannot pretend to say what may be the amount of these Accts., but this I can affirm that I coud have got £10 Bills of Excha. for every thousd. Weight of Tobo. (by the Inspection notes) and this clear of Insurance, Freight, Commissions, and every incident charge which the Shippers is subjected to. If the Sales therefore do not turn out equivalent to this I loose the difference and can moreover affirm, with equal truth that I have lost (at least) four years out of five by my consignments having better prices offered in the Country than my Tobo. has sold for in England which is not only discouraging but almost sufficient to bring about a change in the System of my management. And I cannot help adding that I was sorry to hear you speak of Tobacco daily advancing after our's was disposed off. That Tobacco woud rise and sell almost as high as it ever had done was as clear to me as the Sun in its meridian height which was the Reason that induced me in my Letter of the 20 of July aforementioned to recommend deliberation in the Sales, especially if your Acct. of the Crops upon York and lames River corrisponded with mine. True it is 11d. and 11½ are good prices, but 12d. is better and I am much misinformd if there has not come in several Accts. of this kind every one therefore who consigns is willing to have the most that can be made of the Article of that Commerce from which their support is principally derived.
I shoud be obligd to you for directing the Chariot I wrote for in my last, to be packed up in a very secure manner before it is put on Ship board, as they are very apt to get a pannel split or some other damage with out it. I am Gentn., etc.
Sent by Captn. Buddicum to Liverpool
Virginia, June 20, 1768.
Mr. Lawrence: This is to desire you will send me a Suit of handsome Cloth Cloaths. I have no doubts but you will choose a fashionable coloured Cloth as well as a good one and make it in the best taste to sit easy and loose as Cloaths that are tight always look aukward and are uneasy to the Wearer. As I have sent you my measure once or twice I presume you can be at no loss for want of one but I think you have generally sent my Cloaths too short and sometimes too tight for which Reason I think it necessary again to mention that I am full six feet high which may be a good direction to you as to the length and as I am not at all inclind to be corpulent you might easily come at my size even if your measure of me shoud be lost, let the Breeches be made long.
You are also desired to send the following Cloaths for Mastr. Custis, to wit, a handsome Suit of fashionable Cloth. Also a riding dress of green Cloth, and two Suits of fine Jean's; the Cloaths you sent him last year fit very well except the Sleeves wh'ch are 4 Inches at least too short; but you must make allow'e for his grow. since those were made he being now 15 yrs. of age and growing fast. Let the Jean Suits be without Linings. I shoud be glad if you woud have his Breches made rather long, and get him a pair of Leather Breeches as you can direct the size, and likewise send for his Man a Suit a blew Livery, the Servt. is abt. five feet 8 Inches high and Slender. Robt. Cary Esqr. & Co. will pay the respective Acct. and you must make them out distinct. I am Sir, etc.
Virginia, June 20, 1768.
Sir: You will please to send me the following Shoes and charge them respectively. I have also sent my measure for a pair of light thin Boots for Summer wear which let come with the Shoes. As it will save me the trouble of preparing a fresh measure every time I may have occasion for new Boots I shoud be glad if you woud keep the measure now sent, by you.
As Mrs. Washington's Shoes (last sent) did not fit her well She now sends her Measure again, and desires I will add that they were made out of bad materials having no last in them. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, June 25, 1768.
Sir: Your Letter of the 16th. of July 1767 accompanied with 25 Bags of Salt came to my hands sometime in April last after I had given over all expectation of receiving this Supply from you and after I had laid in a Stock from a Liverpool Ship (in this River) abt. a month before.
I think I have great cause to complain of this delay, but the most aggravating circumstances attending the disappointment arc that scarcely any of the Sacks containd four Bushels (which I conceive they ought to have done) and not one of the Bags worth a Shilling, nor ever coud be as no two being alike, some extremely wide, others very narrow, and all, or mostly all, made of old, slaizy, and patchd Cloth. That I was more at a loss to Acct. for the detention of it from July till April (notwithstanding the Ship went to Baltimore) and for the ordinary quality of the Bags, without Marks or numbers, when both were expressly desired; and when, to get good, exceeding good ones, was almost the soul motive which induced me to send for the Salt, is easy to be imagined, and woud readily have been admitted as sufficient Reason for rejecting the whole; however this I did not do, but have acquiesced under the disappointment and loss, in hopes I may never be subjected to the like Inconvenience again.95
[Note 95: The salt, of course, could be used for pickling fish.]
I am obligd to you for the part you acted in respect to the Tobacco Ships in Pollard. I expected it woud come to a poor Market, being well convinced of the damage it had sustaind in the Country; which, had I consulted my own Interest, the Captn. ought to have paid for here, or taken the Tobacco upon himself, paying me the Country price for it, which woud have amounted to £50 Curry. (equal to £40 Sterlg.) indeed of £26.17.3½ which I have got. I shoud be glad to have your Accts. Currt. regularly rendered, especially with Master Custis, as his are necessary to my annual Settlement with our General Court. I am Sir, etc.
Sent by Capt. Buddicum
June 28, 1768.
Madam: If the most solemn asseverations of a man are sufficient to give credit to his report. If the honor and veracity of a Gentleman are things sacred enough to extort the truth, we have all the reasons imaginable to conclude that Doctr. Savage is entirely ignorant of the part you act in respect to the bond given in Trust to Mr. Fairfax and myself for your use; because these several assurances he has given, of your willingness (if he can form any opinion from your words) to release him from the condition of it, and that it is not only with your approbation he makes the demand, but in consequence of your repeated requests that he does it. Consider then, I beseech you, the tendency of such conduct, and in what light (under these circumstances) our refusal must appear; what difficulties you throw upon Mr. Fairfax and myself to account for the motives of our conduct, if the true motive, and which in fact may prove the only justifiable one, lyes longer concealed. True it is we did refuse, (at our last Court) to execute a Deed of releasment which was presented to us with your privy Examination annexed; and assigned, at that time, two reasons for doing so; the one, an apprehension that the trust cou'd not be legally dissolved, the other, a persuasion that however things might be in appearance, yet we could not conceive that the relinquishing such a provision coud be agreeable to you, in short that we had some reasons to believe it was not: In answer to the latter, the Doctor appealed to the evidence of your public examination, and to the reiterated private acknowledgements which you had made him, for his belief, at least, of your willingness to give up the Bond: and to satisfy in respect to the other point, he said a Mr. Mercer had already given his opinion, and offered to procure that of any other we might choose, to evince the propriety of the measure; but it was unnecessary, indeed it wou'd have been very disengenuous, to run him to this expence, when we were well convinced, there was another, and more effectual bar to his desires; and therefore evaded the offer 'till we could inform you of our hope and expectation, that you wou'd become a little more frank in your declaration to the Doctr., as it is requisite, as well for our justification, as to avoid any litigeous consequences which may follow, to let the Doctor know from whence our denial proceeds. Indeed it becomes more immediately necessary to do so at this time, because the first payment of the Bond being due and demandable, I have with the advice of Mr. Fairfax wrote for it accordingly for the purposes therein expressed, which of course must bring things to a full explanation.
Upon the whole, we (I say we, because I have reasons to believe that Mr. Fairfax and myself are in the same sentiments) recommend to your consideration, that there are but two Plea's that can justify our holding fast this Bond, if one of them be removed, and it is a natural presumption, that the Doctor (if he has already been advised by so able a judge as Mr. Mercer, that it can) will spare no pains to accomplish it; the whole stress will then fall upon the others, i.e. upon your assent: how we are to act in that case, and have a conduct suspected of double dealing, or chargeable with disingenuity can stand the test of examination, your own Breast is to determine, for my share I am, desireous of acting an open and consistent part throughout the whole, desirous whilst I am resisting the solicitations on one hand, to have good reasons to account for my conduct on the other. I am, Madam, etc.
June 28, 1768.
Sir: In compliance with the Bond given to Mr. Fairfax and myself, as Trustees for the use of Mrs. Savage, we think it incumbent on us to request payment of the sum therein stipulated, for the purposes therein expressed. This demand we are induced to make, on full conviction that it is not in our power to release the Bond (of which, possibly, you may hereafter be convinced) without forfeiting the Trust with which we are invested; these are also the sentiments of Mr. Fairfax, and it is with his approbation and desire I now make demand of the £100 due last January. I am, Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, July 4, 1768.
Madam: Your Note without name or date to it I have just now received by your Maid. The contents knowing it to be your hand writing) I shall communicate to Mr. Fairfax, and concur with him, in pursuing such measures for recovery of the money, as the Bond directs; in the meantime, I beg you will be settled in your purposes, and no longer tantalize Doctor Savage, by giving him expectations of your surrendering the Bond, when you are fully resolved he never shall possess it. This becomes absolutely necessary, as, from hence forward I shall not scruple to devulge the reasons for my refusal, that my conduct may not stand the reproach of insincerety or want of candour. I am Madam, etc.
[Note 96: Boucher was in Caroline County, Md., at this date.]
Stafford Cty, September 4, 1768.
Rev'd Sir: Mastr. Custis was so much disordered by an intermitting fever, attended with billeous vomittings, that we were obligd (whilst in Westmoreland) to send for Doctr. Mortimen97 to him. He is now better, but not clear of slow fevers, and very weak and low (being much reduced) which induces his Mamma to take him home with us, till he is perfectly restored. His man comes with advice of this matter, and to fetch such parts of his cloathing etc. as he wants. Our compliments attend Mrs. Boucher and yourself, I am, dr. Sir,
[Note 97: There is record of Doctor Mortimer visiting Mount Vernon after the Revolution.]
[P. S.] Jacky informs us...he apprehended...were to leave...or out of the...situation was subject...they are to return.98
[Note 98: The manuscript of the P. S. is badly mutilated. The editor is indebted to Judge E. A. Armstrong, of Princeton, N. J., for the text of this letter. His valuable and extensive collection of Washington letters, one of the largest and most important in private hands, has been freely drawn upon, and Judge Armstrong's patriotic generosity is warmly acknowledged.]
[Note 1: One of the founders of Alexandria, Va. A warm friendship existed between Washington and Ramsay, who came to America from Scotland. He married Ann McCarty, a relative of Washington's mother. One of his sons, William, was a surgeon in the Continental Army, and Dennis, another son. was mayor of Alexandria.]
Mount Vernon January 29, 1769.
Dear Sir: Frequently as I have seen you of late, I have always forgot to inform you, that Mr. Adam, on whom I have depended for money, declare's his inability of supplying me; it is not only out of my power therefore to furnish you and Mr. Fairfax with the sum asked, but to comply with sundry engagements of my own; for both of which I am really sorry.
Having once or twice of late hear you Speak highly in praise of the Jersey College, as if you had a desire of sending your Son William there (who I am told is a youth fond of study and instruction, and disposed to a sedentary studious life; in following of which he may not only promote his own happiness, but the future welfare of others) I shou'd be glad, if you have no other objection to it than what may arise from the expence, if you wou'd send him there as soon as it is convenient and depend on me for Twenty five pounds this Currency a year for his support so long as it may be necessary for the completion of his Education. If I live to see the accomplishment of this term, the sum here stipulated shall be annually paid, and if I die in the mean while, this letter shall be obligatory upon my Heirs or Executors to do it according to the true intent and meaning hereof. No other return is expected, or wished for this offer, than that you will accept it with the same freedom and good will with which it is made, and that you may not even consider it in the light of an obligation, or mention it as such; for be assur'd that from me it will never be known. I am, &c.
[Note 2: Mason lived at Gunston Hall, Fairfax County, on the Potomac, just below Mount Vernon, and was possibly the greatest constitutionalist produced by Virginia. He was the author of the Virginia nonimportation resolutions of 1769, the Fairfax resolutions of 1774, and the Virginia bill of rights, 1776. Washington highly respected his judgment.]
Mount Vernon, April 5, 1769.
Dear Sir: Herewith you will receive a letter and Sundry papers which were forwarded to me a day or two ago by Doctor Ross of Bladensburg.3 I transmit them with the greater pleasure, as my own desire of knowing your sentiments upon a matter of this importance exactly coincides with the Doctors inclinations.
[Note 3: The papers forwarded by Dr. David Ross consist of Mason's draft of a proposed nonimportation association in Virginia (which was unanimously adopted by the burgesses in private meeting (May 18, 1769), after they had been dissolved by Governor Botetourt); a letter from the merchants and traders of Philadelphia (Mar. 15, 1769) to merchants and traders in other Colonies; agreements entered into by the merchants of Philadelphia (Feb. 6 and Mar. 10, 1769); the reply of the merchants of Annapolis, Md. (March, 1769); and a circular letter (Mar. 25, 1769) from the Annapolis merchants to merchants elsewhere. Washington evidently was unaware at that time of Mason's authorship of the nonimportation association. These papers are in the Washington Papers in the Library of Congress.]
At a time when our lordly Masters in Great Britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprication of American freedom, it seems highly necessary that some thing shou'd be done to avert the stroke and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our Ancestors; but the manner of doing it to answer the purpose effectually is the point in question.
That no man shou'd scruple, or hesitate a moment to use a-ms in defence of so valuable a blessing, on which all the good and evil of life depends; is clearly my opinion; yet A-ms I wou'd beg leave to add, should be the last resource; the denier resort. Addresses to the Throne, and remonstrances to parliament, we have already, it is said, proved the inefficacy of; how far then their attention to our rights and priviledges is to be awakened or alarmed by starving their Trade and manufactures, remains to be tryed.
The northern Colonies, it appears, are endeavouring to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one, and must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can be carried pretty generally into execution; but how far it is practicable to do so, I will not take upon me to determine. That there will be difficulties attending the execution of it every where, from clashing interests, and selfish designing men (ever attentive to their own gain, and watchful of every turn that can assist their lucrative views, in preference to any other consideration) cannot be denied; but in the Tobacco Colonies where the Trade is so diffused, and in a manner wholly conducted by Factors for their principals at home, these difficulties are certainly enhanced, but I think not insurmountably increased, if the Gentlemen in their several Counties wou'd be at some pains to explain matters to the people, and stimulate them to a cordial agreement to purchase none but certain innumerated Articles out of any of the Stores after such a period, not import nor purchase any themselves. This, if it did not effectually withdraw the Factors from their Importations, wou'd at least make them extremely cautious in doing it, as the prohibited Goods could be vended to none but the non-associator, or those who wou'd pay no regard to their association; both of whom ought to be stigmatized, and made the objects of publick reproach.
The more I consider a Scheme of this sort, the more ardently I wish success to it, because I think there are private, as well as public advantages to result from it; the former certain, however precarious the other may prove; for in respect to the latter I have always thought that by virtue of the same power (for here alone the authority derives) which assume's the right of Taxation, they may attempt at least to restrain our manufactories,; especially those of a public nature; the same equity and justice prevailing in the one case as the other, it being no greater hardship to forbid my manufacturing, than it is to order me to buy Goods of them loaded with Duties, for the express purpose of raising a revenue. But as a measure of this sort will be an additional exertion of arbitrary power, we cannot be worsted I think in putting it to the Test. On the other hand, that the Colonies are considerably indebted to Great Britain, is a truth universally acknowledged. That many families are reduced, almost, if not quite, to penury and want, from the low ebb of their fortunes, and Estates daily selling for the discharge of Debts, the public papers furnish but too many melancholy proofs of. And that a scheme of this sort will contribute more effectually than any other I can devise to immerge the Country from the distress it at present labours under, I do most firmly believe, if it can be generally adopted. And I can see but one set of people (the Merchants excepted) who will not, or ought not, to wish well to the Scheme; and that is those who live genteely and hospitably, on clear Estates. Such as these were they, not to consider the valuable object in view, and the good of others, might think it hard to be curtail'd in their living and enjoyments; for as to the penurious Man, he saves his money, and he saves his credit, having the best plea for doing that, which before perhaps he had the most violent struggles to refrain from doing. The extravagant and expensive man has the same good plea to retrench his Expences. He is thereby furnished with a pretext to live within bounds, and embraces it, prudence dictated oeconomy to him before, but his resolution was too weak to put in practice; for how can I, says he, who have lived in such and such a manner change my method? I am ashamed to do it; and besides such an alteration in the system of my living, will create suspicions of a decay in my fortune, and such a thought the World must not harbour; I will e'en continue my course: till at last the course discontinues the Estate, a sale of it being the consequence of his perseverance in error. This I am satisfied is the way that many who have set out in the wrong tract, have reasoned, till ruin stares them in the face. And in respect to the poor and needy man, he is only left in the same situation he was found; better I might say, because as he judges from comparison his condition is amended in proportion as it approaches nearer to those above him.
Upon the whole therefore, I think the Scheme a good one, and that it ought to be tryed here, with such alterations as the exigency of our circumstances render absolutely necessary; but how, and in what manner to begin the work, is a matter worthy of consideration, and whether it can be attempted with propriety, or efficacy (further than a communication of sentiments to one another) before May, when the Court and Assembly will meet together in Williamsburg, and a uniform plan can be concerted, and sent into the different counties to operate at the same time, and in the same manner every where, is a thing I am somewhat in doubt upon, and shou'd be glad to know your opinion of. I am Dr. Sir, etc.4
[Note 4: The following is an extract from Mason's reply to this letter, dated the same day:
"I entirely agree with you, that no regular plan of the sort proposed can be entered into here, before the meeting of the General Court at least, if not of the Assembly; when a number of Gentlemen, from the different parts of the Country, will have an Opportunity of conferring together, and acting in concert; in the mean Time it may be necessary to publish something preparatory to it in our Gazettes, to warn the people at least of the impending Danger, and induce them the more readily and cheerfully to concur in the proper Measures to avert it; and something of this Sort I had begun, but am unluckily stopped by a Disorder, which affects my Head and Eyes in such a Manner, that I am totally incapable of Business proceeding from a slight Colds checking an Attack of Erisipelas or St. Anthony's Fire (a Complaint I am very subject to) so soon as I am able, I shall resume it, and then write you more fully or endeavour to see you; in the mean Time pray commit to Writing such Hints as may occur.
"Our All is at Stake, and the little Conveniencys and Comforts of Life, when set in Competition with our Liberty, ought to be rejected, not with Reluctance, but with Pleasure: Yet it is plain, that in the Tobacco Colonys We can't at present confine our Importations within such narrow Bounds, as the Northern Colonies. A plan of this kind, to be practicable, must be adapted to our Circumstances; for if not steadily executed, it had better have remained unattempted. We may retrench all Manner of Superfluitys, Finery of all Denominations, and confine ourselves to Linnens, Woollens, &c. not exceeding a certain price: it is amazing how much this (if adopted in all the Colonys) would lessen the American Imports, and distress the various Traders and Manufacturers in Great Britain.
"This woud awaken their Attention; they would see, they would feel, the Oppressions We groan under, and exert themselves to procure Us Redress: this once obtain'd, We shou'd no longer discontinue our Importations, confining ourselves still not to import any Article, that shou'd hereafter be taxed by Act of Parliament for raising a Revenue in America; for, however singular I may be in my Opinion, I am thoroughly convinced, that (Justice and Harmony happily restored) it is not the Interest of these Colonies to refuse British Manufactures: Our supplying our Mother-Country with gross Materials, and taking her Manufactures in Return, is the true Chain of connection between Us; these are the Bands, which, if not broken by Oppression, must long hold Us together, by maintaing a constant Reciprocation of Interest; Proper Caution shou'd, therefore, be used in drawing up the proposed plan of Association. It may not be amiss to let the Ministry understand, that, until We obtain a Redress of Grievances, We will withhold from them our Commoditys, and particularly refrain from making Tobacco, by which the Revenue would lose fifty times more than all their Oppressions cou'd raise here.
"Had the Hint I have given with regard to the Taxation of Goods imported into America, been thought of by our Merchants before the Repeal of the Stamp Act, the late American Revenue Acts wou'd probably never have been attempted."
The original letter is in the Washington Papers and is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 3, p. 342.
The assembly in May was the first that met after the arrival of Lord Botetourt as governor. The burgesses agreed upon an address to the King, which Governor Botetourt disapproved and dissolved the assembly. The dismissed burgesses reassembled in the Apollo room of the Raleigh Tavern and drew up the Virginia Non-Importation Association. Washington was on the drafting committee and notes expenses, in his accounts, arising therefrom. Spark's note on this letter calls attention to the variation of Mason's draft of the association in the Washington Papers from the printed text in Burk's History of Virginia, vol. 3, p. 345.]
Mount Vernon, June 6, 1769.
Sir: As you did not come down to our April Court according to promise, or according to your own expectation, I shoud be glad to know if you have considered anything further of the matter I mention'd to you at your own House.
The Slipe of Land which I then proposd to buy, is in my opinion, the most indifferent part of your Tract, because one half of it is cold wet ground, and the other half Stony Hill sides; but as it lyes upon my Line, and is pretty well stockd (that is the Wood part of it) with Rail timber, it woud answer the end for which I want it, as well as better. Nor woud my purchase of this small piece injure the Sale, or settlement of the residue, as you may see by the Plat Inclosd, which leaves the remainder in a very pretty figure and mostly upon the Hills where the level and tendable Land chiefly lyes for I woud take it in a long Square from the Creek to Mr. Russells Line adjoining my own, and either 60, 70, or 80 rod wide as you yourself might choose.
For this piece I woud pay you ready money, and as a security against any consequences which might result from Mr. Russells claim (under old Robt. Johnson) I woud take a Bond from you to refund me the neat sum which I shd. pay in case of a recovery (which is putting it upon the most favourable Issue imaginable for you as few others I presume woud take any thing less than a general Warrantee) by which means you woud have the use of my Money whilst I had the use of your Land and I am much mistaken if the Interest of it is not more than an equivalent for the Rent of the Loggd Cabin below the Hill.
I send this Letter upon purpose in hopes that you will favour me with a definitive answer because I have just come to a resolution of rebuilding my Mill, and fitting her for Mercht. Work and till the Mill wright comes up to the lay of the spot to fix her in (which will be on thursday or friday next from Fredericksburg Fair) I do not know but there may be a more convenient place found by drawing the Water from my present Pond a long a Race to a spot on the Creek so near to your Line as to be incommoded by it; for this Reason therefore and for the sake of Rail Timber more convenient than I at present have it I am inclind to make what I think a generous offer at once for this slipe of Land and that is a pistole an Acre; this sum when compard with the Land, when compard with the times, for let it be rememberd, that the Scarcity of our money at this juncture is such as to have raisd it in value almost equal to Sterling, whereas the time Doctr. Cockburne inclind to buy the Land, he coud have paid a hund'd pound Curry. with about £60 Sterg. and now I cannot do it with £80 Sterg. which makes a very material difference and causd me to add as above that this price compard with the Land and the times, must be th't a very gen's offer.
Perhaps you may imagine by my wanting to hurry you into an answer, that I have heard of some other Person or Person's who may want to buy it, and woud give this or a greater price; but you may rely upon it when I assure you upon my word and honour that I know of no such thing further than you yourself mentioned to me. I have no other Reason's for applying to you at this time than what I have candidly declard; on the contrary, I do know, that it is a general receivd opinion that there never will be the same price offered for the Land again, which Doctr. Cockburn talkd of giving for it in order to get fixd in this neighbourhood, for I know that that was his motive for offering such a price, and the Reason why I have straind the point is to see if the matter can be brought to a conclusion at once as it is, not worth my while in so trifling a purchase as 70, 80, or an 100 Acres to be hegling for a few pounds. I am Sir, etc.5
[Note 5: West sold this land to Washington, whose statements of the value of the land to him are fairly confirmed by the fact that his accounts show he parted with some of it to George William Fairfax in 1772.]
Mount Vernon, June 11, 1769.
Sir: Hearing by your Son Price, and perceiving by the Maryland Gazette that you are again entered into the Estate of Matrimony I wish you joy.
Your Affairs in this County having now come to a Crisis, I am under a necessity of reminding you of matters as they stand between Us; and hope you will consider them with that attention and care which the Subject deserves.
You will no doubt be informd by your Sons, that every thing which is not under Security to me hath been attached. Many of them sold, and the rest on the point of selling; It remains however for me to add, that, some of the Effects which were Included in your Bill of Sale to me, have under gone the same fate, and many of the others continually wasting by various and unforseen Accidents. That Colo. Mason hath several times spoke to me on Acct. of your Bond (to which I am Security) since he wrote to you himself; and I shoud presume, must now have greater Calls for the money than he himself apprehended, inasmuch as he has been disappointed of receiving £350 of the Publick for his executed Negroes; but as I have not seen him since my return from Williamsburg, this is the result of my own Conjectures only. That Mr. Ross and others have brought a Bill in Chancery against you and me, to compel a Sale of your Estate (under Engagements to me) and which, in a Court or two, I expect will be finally decreed. And lastly, that whilst others are adopting the most short and easy method of obtaining their Money, I, by forbearance am not only lying out of mine (which I really stand in need of) but am Subjected in how to pay Colo. Mason's demand whensoever he shall say he can wait no longer; And moreover, by the Deminution of the Goods, which by one means or another are greatly lessen'd, I may, if some speedy steps are not taken to raise money to discharge my demand, be a considerable looser by that forbearance and Indulgence, which was meant as a favour to you, without you or yours, gaining any thing by it; as I coud easily demonstrate were I to set myself about it.
It is not at all probable; however, lest you shoud entertain any thoughts of redeeming your Estate in Virginia by a Sale of what you have lately acquired in Maryland, you will permit me to observe, that if it was for your Interest to do so, there is an effectual bar put to every attempt of that kind (for sometime to come) by the Bill in Chancery brought by James Chetton (which appears by the Gazette) against your pres't Wife, her Sister &ca. in behalf of Messrs. Sedgley and Hilhouse for Subjecting the real Estate of Robt. Idair (for want of suff't Personal Estate) to the payment of his Debts. But admitting that you coud raise wherewithal to do it, a moments consideration must convince you, that your Land in this Neck is of no value to you as a Seat to live on, since it is seperated from that which you held in right of your late Wife; and, as you will most assuredly loose the Six Acres with the Improvements thereon which you bought of Mr. Marshall (it being the concurrant opinion of the Lawyers, and every body else that I have heard speak of it, that Mr. West has an undoubted right to it) I say then, as distinct from other Land and as having neither Timber, Fencing, nor Firing upon it, It is of no other value than what it will sell for; this reason therefore in my opinion if no other existed, is sufficient to turn your thoughts another way. And having given you this short, and I flatter myself just state of the thing, and of your Affairs in general on this side of the Water, I am Inclind to make you a proposal, In which if I am not explicit enough to be clearly understood, I must refer you to Mr. Lund Washington (who is acquainted with my Sentiments on the matter) for further explanation.
As I have endeavourd to shew you, that the 200 Acres of Land which you bought of my Broth'r Charles considered distinctly from those of Mr. Wests, and the Slipe on which your dwelling House stands will never answer for a Seat; I have now desired Lund Washington to ask what you woud take for it, delivering me possession immediately; He knowing the extent of my price, and being desired also to talk more fully to you on this, and some other matters, than I have time or recollection to mention in this Letter. One principal reason however for my wanting to know for a certainty, if I can purchase the Land, and get it at this time I shall candidly own to you, and this is it. I have it now in my power to Rent out some Lands which I hold near Williamsburg but durst not do it, nor give the Overseers on it notice to go of, unless I coud be upon a certainty of a place (in this Neighbourhood, where I want to draw all my force to) to put some of the Hands upon; there being too many to distribute among my other Quarters, and again, I shoud like to be making some preparations, and alterations on the place (agreeable to my own fancy) between this and the Fall for the Lands, and Crop.
Perhaps you may say, how is possession to be given when I have a Crop now growing on the Premises? This objection is easily removd: And as I conceive may turn out much to your advantage, I mean by a Sale of the Crop as it stands upon the Ground, the value of which may be ascertaind in one or t'other of these three ways, either by an agreement between ourselves, by the valuation of three Sensible and honest Men, Or, by setting it up to the highest bidder as it is growing. And that I may not appear to advance any thing without assigning reasons for it, I will explain what I meant by saying, that a Sale of the Crop in this manner (and in short of every thing that is containd in the Bill of Sales, at an early day) might turn to your advantage. In the first place then; if you coud with the greatest ease and convenience imaginable, Cut your Grain, and pull your Corn, I have but too much reason to believe, that both will be attached so soon as it happens; and by this means, and the neglect and waste, that consequently follows, the proceeds of either, woud turn to very little Acct. In the next place, Hanson informs me that in a very few days your People will be without bread, at present the Horses have nothing to eat; and how a Crop is to be made under these Circumstances, is beyond my management to discover. Again, if you can dispose of your Crop, as it now stands, to any tolarable advantage, the expences, and Inconveniences which are here pointed out, are avoided, your Negroes and other things will be then sold at once, and but a very little while perhaps before the Court may decree it; and at a time (it being about Market) when money is easily obtaind; which will be better in my opinion, than to make two Sales; for one must be made to raise money for Colo. Mason, if he will wait no longer, unless you intend to let me suffer in this matter, which I hope, and am convinced, you do not; the Articles therefore from which this Money of Colo. Masons is to be rais'd are such, (if sold) as to put an end to any further progress in the Crop; Horses, Carts, &ca. constituting a principal part of the Money.
These therefore are the Reasons which I offer in support of my opinion but as it is the Land which I have principally in view at this time, and for the Reasons mentioned, I should be glad to know your Ultimate determination in respect to it, even if you shoud not Incline to deliver possession till the Fall; because, a certain knowledge of what I have to depend upon, is to fix my own conduct in respect to the removal of my People from below; any agreement therefore which you and Lund Washington may come to on this head, will be binding on me. But it may not be amiss to observe, that no private agreement which even you and I can make, will be valid unless Mr. Ross accedes thereto; but as I am willing to give a greater price at this time for the Land (in order to put myself upon a certainty) than I am sure Mr. Ross expects it will sell at, there is no doubt of his readily agreeing to it, however it would be a good way to say nothing of it as yet to him, or any body else, till matters coud be properly prepared. It may not be amiss to observe also, that nothing more than a conditional agreement coud be made for the Crop; for if Mr. West recovers possession before it is gatherd, it goes with the Land for by this you may perceive, I mean to Include your whole Crops; as well that w'ch grows on Mr. Wests Land, as your own, that your Negroes maybe entirely disengag'd; But as the Crop is a matter I am by no means anxious abt., I only proposed it for your consideration; and to shew that by this method, wh'ch had a good deal of eligibility in it to me, you might remove every obstruction to a Sale, and dispose of the whole at once. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, July 25, 1769.
Gentn: Inclosd you will receive Invoices of Goods wanted for myself and Master Custis for this place and our Plantations on York River, as also for Miss Custis which I beg may be sent by Captn. Johnstoun if the Orders gets to hand in time, if not by any other Vessel bound to this River. But if there are any Articles containd in either of the respective Invoices (Paper only excepted) which are Tax'd by Act of Parliament for the purpose of Raising a Revenue in America, it is my express desire and request, that they may not be sent, as I have very heartly enterd into an Association (Copies of which, I make no doubt you have seen otherwise I shoud have Inclosed one) not to Import any Article which now is or hereafter shall be Taxed for this purpose untill the said Act or Acts are repeal'd. I am therefore particular in mentioning this matter as I am fully determined to adhere religiously to it, and may perhaps have wrote for some things unwittingly which may be under these Circumstances.
Many of your Letters lying before me I shall take notice of such parts of them as require answering and shall begin with Mr. McLean because the trouble you have had with him on my Acct. deserves my particular acknowledgments; but even here, I hope there is but little occasion to be explicit, as he will undoubtedly have paid the Money before this Letter can get to hand. True it is, the Draft arose in consequence of a Debt, due to me from Colo. Robt. Stewart, and as true it is, that I shoud have been unwilling to have done any thing that might have distressed that Gentleman; but surely Mr. McLean will not pretend to say, that there was not time to have rectified the mistake he attributes the Non-payment to, between the hour of his Acceptance of the Bill and the date of your Letter of the first of March. Certain I am it woud give Colo. Stewart a good deal of uneasiness to think I had met with any obstacle in receiving the Money as I lent it to him five or Six years ago without Security and without Interest, having nothing but the Word of a Gentleman of no Estate to repay it to me again.
I observe what you have mentioned in a Letter of the 12th. of August, last year in respect to the payment of the Duties of Master Custis's Tobo. and not doubting the justice of the Remark, I have only to add, that I shall confide in your pursuing such measures as appears most conducive (under the change of Circumstances which are often happening) to his Interest.
By a Letter which I have just received from Mr. Jos'h Valentine I am informd that 37 Hhds of Mast'r Custis's Tobo. and all mine amounting to 17 Hhds are put on board Captn. Peterson to your Address, on both which parcels you will please to Insure Ten pounds pr. Hhds. I have no Tobo. on this River, having made none for two or three years past and believe I never shall again. There is in my opinion, a very great appearance of another short Crop of Tobo. owing to several concurrant Causes, but more especially to a Drought which has been severely felt in most parts of the Country during the whole Month of June, part of May, and till the middle of this Instt.
I am oblig'd to you for your notice of Mr. Magowan, who is now returnd and got fixed in a valuable living in the Province of Maryland not far from this place. As it is probable I shall have occasion to draw upon you at the next October Genl. Court for some part (perhaps four, five, or Six hundred pounds) of Master Custis's Money, I take this oppertunity of mentioning of it to you and am Gentn., etc.
* ... * ... * ... * ... *
3 pr. plain and strong Steel Nut Crackers
* ... * ... * ... * ... *
1 large huntg. Horn bound tight round
with sml. brass Wire from one end to the
other and sec'd in such a man'r as to prev't the Wires Slipping
50 best Sack Bags, Markd GW and nd. from
1 to 50
* ... * ... * ... * ... *
As handsome a fowling piece 3½ feet
in the Barl. as can be bot. for 3 Guins.
* ... * ... * ... * ... *
Mount Vernon, July 26, 1769.
Sir: In answer to your Letter of yesterday, I must inform you that I am not a little surprizd, that you shoud begin now to tell me, that Colo. Mason's10 claim will be satisfied "you hope" by the middle of October without pointing out at the same time the ways and means by which you intend to do it; when you know, that he premptorily demanded payment of the Money by the 10th. of April last, and that it was upon the express conditions of your raising it immediately when calld for, that I joind you in a Bond to him. Can the Circumstances of my entering into this securityship be so soon forgot then? Can't you call to Mind the conversation's that pass'd between you and me at the time you were Importuning me to become your Bondsman? Do you not remember what I told you on that
[Note 10: George Mason, of Gunston Hall, Va.] occasion, to wit, that it was only to put of the evil day, and that whenever Colo. Mason calld for his Money (which might be equally unexpected and inconvenient for you to pay) that you woud have the same objection to parting with any part of your Estate to raise it as at that present moment? And do you not recollect the answer you made to all this, namely, that you were at that time in Custody of the Sheriff, that matter's coud not well be worse with you, and that you woud be Sacraficed if the things shoud not be immediately sold to raise the Money when ever it was demanded?
What then did all these promises and Protestations mean? Were they intended for no other purpose than to deceive a Man, who had discovered by every means in his power an Inclination to serve you, and your Family with the best advice he was capable of giving, and with his purse also? Your delaying the matter from January till this time, and from this time to a future day, are strong marks of such an Intention; and therefore, I woud go further, and recommend it to your Sober, and serious reflection whether such treatment is due to a Man who has so often saved your Person, or Estate from the Officers of Justice, in hopes of your pursuing such measure's as wd. retrieve your Circumstances; and then say whether the appointing of this time, that time, and t'other time for fulfilling your Engagements are right.
It is true Colo. Mason has not brought Suit against me as yet, but it is sufficient for me to be reminded two or three times of the necessity of doing so, and to know that he wants the Money. He gave you and me both Notice so long ago as January, that he shoud expect the Cash in April and I waited patiently (under the solemn assurances I had receivd from you) from that time till I wrote to you at Baltimore, to see what steps you woud take to discharge the Bond; and now in the last of July, you tell me he shall be paid (you hope only) by the middle of October; true it is you add, that you "have expected a Gentleman from the Eastern shore with the needful, that he is not come, that I may depend Colo. Mason shall be paid and soon, you hope by the Middle of October"; these are your very words, but what dependance can I have in promises, when promises seems to be no more than words of Course, which when often repeated, and as often broke destroys all faith and confidance.
It is but the other day I heard you tell a Company at your own House (when Mr. West was there a Surveying) of the great Acquisitions you had obtaind by Marriage; and among other things, that your Wife had 300 half Joes by her. Why not then (if she has made over all her Estate to you, as we were informd) is not part of this money applied to the discharge of a Debt which is running upon Interest; and which you know I am every moment liable to a Suit for. For give me leave to tell you in this place, once for all, that Colo. Mason does not look to you for the Money, and very probably may never mention the matter to you again, he knows where he is secured, and where to seek redress; and the first notice he gave you, was more for form's sake than any thing else. But to proceed, if you propose to redeem your Virginia Estate by the Sale of any part of your Wiles fortune is it not high time that there were some steps taken towards it? for the time is not only past in which Colo. Mason's shoud have been paid; but a time will quickly be here, when a Sum of much greater Dignity will be expected without any further delay, or procrastination. Surely this is not only a just and reasonable question to ask but a timely admonition of what you have to expect. But Sir, to deal Ingenuously with you, I shall tell you what I have heard, and that is, that your Wife not only denies her having conveyed her Estate, or any part of it, to you but has also declared that She never will do it; Why then do you endeavour (if this be true) to amuse the World with these kind of Tales, which in Fact, answers no Earthly end, or purpose; for People that have been put of from time to time, pay no regard to Words, whilst they see nothing effectual attempted towards carrying them into Execution; but are more and more confirmd in a belief that you never intend to part with any thing so long as you can hold it. This I can assure you is the firm belief of many people already; tho' I, for my part, can never harbour so ill an opinion of any Man, till I am convincd he has thrown of every principle of honour, honesty, and Virtue.
However, I have endeavoured to lay the State of my Affairs (with you) fully open, because I think the exigency of them requires it; and because I want you to be convinced, that I cannot live upon promises, nor satisfie my own Engagements upon the strength of your Assurances. I expect now to know, and to know with certainty, not only when, but in what manner (if it is not to be done by a Sale of the Mortgaged Articles) Colo. Mason is to be paid; for it is a matter of the most perfect Indifference to me, how the money is raisd, so that the Bond is taken in, and my Name with drawn from it. It is true a Month or two may not make any material difference with Colo. Mason if he has not some thing particular in view for his Money; but what surety have I, that when the Middle of October arrives you may not talk of fresh disappointments, and crave two or three Months longer, and so on to the end of time for to keep your Estate, and to pay your Debts too, is next to Impossible, and to no purpose to attempt it; the money must be raisd by a Sale here, or in Maryland (if you have the privilege of selling there) and it is in vain to think of amusing People any longer with other expectation's.
Upon the whole, and to cut the matter short, only let me know for certain, that you will assuredly have the Money ready by the middle of October, or expose as many things to Sale (with out further delay) as will raise a Sum Sufficient to take in the Bond, and I will endearour to keep Colo. Mason satisfied till that time. But take notice again, it is upon the express terms that no longer time may be asked, that I do it. And take notice also, that I shall want my own Money at the time (according to your own Acct.) it becomes due having a considerable payment to make between this and Christmas out of that Sum. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, September 26, 1769.
Sir: In Return for my Venture of Fish, which are committed to your disposal, I shoud be obliged to you for bringing me the following Articles first deducting the Freight and Commissions).
I heartily Wish you a prosperous Voyage, and a safe and Speedy return to your Friends at Alexandria being Sir, etc.
[Note 12: Of Dumfries, Va.]
Mount Vernon, October 3, 1769.
Sir: The repeated, and pressing demands of Mrs. Savage for Money obliges Mr. Fairfax and myself (as Trustees) to put Doctr. Savage's Bond in Suit against Mr. Thomson Mason his Security for the Sum due thereupon to her. The Inclos'd Memm. which was given to me by Mr. Bryan Fairfax who has the Bond in possession, and much better acquainted with the Condition's of it than I am (for I never saw it) will Instruct you how to lay the Action which we desire may be commenced as soon as possible in Prince William Court against Mr. Mason unless Mr. Montgomery will pay at the Genl. Court Ensuing one years allowance for the present Support of Mrs. Savage (who complains of real distress) in that case we woud stay prosecution agst. Mr. Mason till the Doctr's. arrival for the residue (as we understand he is expected in shortly). We therefore beg the favour of you Sir to make application to Mr. Montgomerie previous to your Issuing the Writ and govern yourself by his answer as we woud willingly have the Suit against Mr. Mason commencd before he goes to the Genl. Court if Mr. Montgomerie does not choose to pay the Hundred pounds above mentioned. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, October 7, 1769.
Dr. Sir: I am informed that the Bill in Chancery exhibited against me by Mr. Ross and others was presented and receivd last Court an Order made for me to answer. I formerly told Mr. Ellzey that seeing no cause why he might not prepare the answer also (as I wanted nothing but my due, and not to procrastinate matters) he might do it accordingly but how far his ill health may suffer him to prosecute business I do not know and therefore I shoud be glad if you woud take the Affair in hand so far at least as to assist in putting in the answer and to see that no delay happens that can be avoided. For this purpose I furnish you with all the materials which I conceive to be necessary (to wit) His Conveyance of the Land and Bills of Sale one of which you will perceive is a Counter Security against Colo. Mason's demand which was made eight Months ago in form. I also give you a Short Sketch of my claim on Captn. Posey (Including Colo. Masons Debt) but as there is a small open Acct. between Us I do not know precisely how the Ball'e stands and therefore mention this as I mean to be exact in nay answer. If it be judgd necessary that this Ball'e shoud be ascertaind previous to my answering I will endeavour to do it tho I believe it is no easy matter to find the Captn. at home and still more difficult to take him in a trim capable of business; and yet to do him justice he came here on Monday last perfectly Sober and proposed of his own voluntary motion to sell his Estate finding it in vain to struggle on longer against the Terms of Debt that oppresses him, and seeming desirous that I shoud be present at the Sale fixed it to the 23d. Inst. as I coud not delay my Journey to Williamsburg longer than the 25th. What Revolution may happen in the System of his Politicks between this and then I will not undertake to say but coud wish a final Decree (if now necessary under his present determination) coud take place this Court and the Sale depending confirmd as it will be sufficiently promulged by its appearance in the Virginia and Maryland Gazettes and at most publick places in this Colony notwithstanding the short notice. I might also add that Mr. Posey expects nothing else than a final determination of the matter next Court in as much as he told me that he neither had, nor intended to make, any defence to it and was desirous of knowing the worst at once. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
[Note 13: A merchant of Colchester, Va.]
Mount Vernon, October 9, 1769.
Sir: Before this, you undoubtedly must have seen some of Captn. Posey's Advertisements for the Sale of his Estate. At the time he proposed it to me which was on Monday last I observd to him that as there was a Bill exhibited against me and then depending in our Court I did not know whether a Sale coud be appointed before a decree for that purpose took place; to this he answered that as his Estate was certainly more than Sufficient to discharge my Debt and your Claim and as timely Notice woud be given of the Sale no injury coud possibly happen to any one consequently your concurrance woud not be wanting. These Reasons added to some others (which I do not want to publish but shall not scruple to inform you of) induced my consent to his setting out the Advertisements which appeared at Dumfries, Frederickburg, Boyds hole and other places; and will appear in the Virginia and Maryland Gazettes.
The Reasons which I have just above hinted at I am now going to communicate. Captn. Poseys effects of every kind (Stock only excepted) not Mortgaged are disposed of. Many of those which were Mortgaged have been seized and sold for Publick Dues. And others disposed of by himself. Some Articles are perishing fast, and the whole wasting and subject to continual deminution. Add to this, that the Mad and distracted manner in which he lives is alone sufficient to create unfavourable Idea's of a foul Intention but when those Suspicions are corroborated by the Information of a Person whom one would naturally suppose best acquainted with his secret Intentions it then becomes a matter of serious concern.
But that I may not speak altogether obscurely (as I am perswaded you will make no improper use of what I communicate) Mrs. Posey when she took refuge at Colo. Fairfax's about the time of my return from the Spring did in the presence of him and his Lady upbraid him (that is Posey) with a design of Transporting his and her Negroes to Pensacola and there selling them. This she not only did in the course of Altercation but afterwards in a serious manner assured Mrs. Fairfax that he was fully bent on it. I have taken occasion since of mentioning this matter to Posey who of course denied it that is the Intention only; but acknowledged that he had made use of such expressions to his Wife in Order to plague her. However there is a Circumstance or two lately happened which makes his Conduct appear extremely Suspicious and that is his removing her Negroes over to his own House (where he has no Earthly employment for them for his Corn is already lost in the Weeds and no preparation making that I can see for another year) and this from a Crop in which I suppose they might have been usefully engaged. He has also under very frivolous pretences forbid two or three of my People who had Wives in his Family from coming there again and expects a Vessel from the Eastern Shore with his Wife's Goods, which Vessel may for ought I know, be the one he intends to Imbark in and these Advertisements and promised Sale only a finess to bespeak Security.
It becomes extremely necessary therefore, in my opinion at least, to bring matters to as speedy a conclusion as possible with him, even if he has no Intention of removing his Effects and it is for this Reason I give you the trouble of this Detail that you may consider if a final Decree can be obtaind (in your Suit) this Court whether it is eligable to postpone the Sale to a Future day. For my part I freely confess, I see no reason for doing it as the time now fixed will be sufficiently promulged; and as it is a fact very well known that his Negroes and Stock never can be disposed of at a more favourable juncture than in the Fall when they are fat and lusty and must soon fall of unless well fed which I am sure cannot happen in the present case for very good reasons too obvious to mention.
I have no Sinester Inducements for desiring the Sale to be hastened indeed I have no other motives for it than what I have candidly confessed and such I conceive as most of his Creditors will find their advantage in. To Secure my own Debt is the object I have principally in view; and to effect it does in some measure (latterly) appear to be a matter of doubt when I compare one part of Poseys Conduct with another and take a retrospective view of the whole.
I have given you a Circumstantial Acct. of matters in the light they appear to me, that you may judge with more precission of the propriety or impropriety of acquiessing to the appointed time for the Sale (which I caused to be put of as late as I coud delay my journey to Williamsburg) imagining that you as the Acting Person in the Bill exhibited against me are the only person that can legally object to it nor do I see cause why any shoud do it if notice is given and purchasers appear.
From a tender concern for Characters you will readily perceive that great part of this Letter is intended for your private information only for if Captn. Poseys Intention's are honest and upright, I shall be sorry even for my Suspicions of him, but should be more so if any thing was propagated through my means that should cast any unjust odium on His Character tho I have some reason's to believe that what I have hear mentioned is pretty generally talked of. I am Sir, etc.
[Note 15: Norborne Berkeley, Baron de Botetourt. He arrived in Virginia in October, 1769, being the first governor in chief who had come to reside in Virginia since Lord Culpeper. He died in October, 1770, respected by the Colonists for his moderation and good judgment.-- Ford.]
December 8, 1769.
My Lord: When I had the hon'r of seeing your Lordship in May last, I took the liberty of mentioning, in a cursory manner, the claim of Sundry Officers of the first Troops raisd in this Colony in behalf of themselves, and the Soldiery of that day, to certain Lands westward of the Aligany Mountains which they humbly conceivd themselves entitled to under and by virtue of a Proclamation of Governor Dinwiddie's; but the number of Grants which appear upon the Council Books, the number of Petitions depending before and exhibited to that hon'ble Board for more Lands, a copy of which by your Excellency's orders the House have seen, renders it necessary in my humble opinion to give your Lordship the trouble of receiving a more full and perfect State of the nature of our claim to this quantity of Land containd in the Pro'c and the inevitable consequences which must follow a delay.
In order to do this, my Lord two things may be necessary for me to premise, and those are the number of Men which were raisd under, and by means of that Proclamation, and the terms upon which they engaged.
In respect to the first the Council journals, and other records of 1754 will proove that 300 was the number of Men which were voted for the purpose of Erecting a Fort at the Forks of Monongahele and the Proclamation in the Month of Feby. the same year affords ample testimony of the latter. I shall therefore beg leave to refer your Lordship to it.
Small as the number may seem, it is a Fact nevertheless well known, that the difficulty of enlisting them at that time, in an Infant Country unaccustomd to War, was not more clearly foreseen, than evidently experienced; and evinced to the World the Policy of the then adopted measure to procure Men for a Service which at one view appeard new, difficult, and hazardous, from the length of the March, uninhabited Country, and almost inaccessable Mountains, which were to be passed.
But let the motives which gave rise to this Proclamation have been founded in good, or ill policy, most certain it is the terms were offered; the condition were embraced, and to all Intents and purposes considered, as a mutual contract between the Governm't and Adventurer's; the latter of whom always conceiving that the Lands were as firmly engaged to them as their pay, have omitted no oppertunity since of avowing their Pretensions to it.
It is humbly hopd therefore, that your Lordship and Council will be pleas'd to take the matter into consideration, for the reasons which have been offered, but more especially for the two which follow.
One half of the Land promised by the Proclamation is to be laid of contiguous to the Forks of Monongahela, consequently cannot interfere in any manner whatsoever with the boundary lines, admitting, that the most contracted one, is finally established. And next, because the Country in general, but more especially that part of it where the first quantity is located, is settling very fast, and of course, every good, and fertile spot will be engrossd and occupied by others, whilst none but barren Hills, and rugged Mountains; will be left to those, who have toild, and bled for the Country, and whose right to a part of it is fixed by the strongest Assurances which Governm't coud give them so long ago as 1754. Unavailing is it to say, that these settlements of individuals illegal in their nature, are not to be respected, to remove them, woud proore a Work of great difficulty; perhaps of equal cruelty, as most of these People are poor swarming with large Families, have sought out these retreats on which perhaps their future prospects in like way wholely depend.
Thus my Lord I have endeavoured to give your Lordship a genl. view of the nature of our claim, and of the peculiar hardships which must follow the restriction of our Surveying of it; I shall now beg leave to mention one thing more which occurs on this subject and that is this,
It has been distantly askd, for I must own I never heard the matter regularly questiond, whether the Troops employd in the subsequent campaigns were not entitled to a share also of this 200,000 Acres of Land? to this it may answer'd, that a moments recurrance to the state of Affairs in 1754 and the occ'n of raising Troops at that early period will demonstrate at once the Impropriety of such expect'ns if any such there be; For 300 Men were adjudgd suffic't to the Service then under contemplation, and 200,000 Acres of Land was offered as a bounty to obtain them; and though the number proovd insuff't to accomplish the purpose for w'ch they were rais'd (as thousands afterwards likewise did) yet it is a Fact very well know that this body of Troops did actually advance into the Country claimd by the Enemy, and built a Fort there which they were obligd to surrender to sup'r num'brs.
Besides, they woud beg leave to make this one observation more, in proof of their exclusive right to this Grant, and that is, that the next Campaign was made by His Majesty's Troops under the Cored. of Genl. Braddock; and that all the Troops enlisted in this Colony after that time; did it upon a quite differ't, and much better establishment, the Officers recg. higher pay, and the Men greater bountys. It must plainly appear therefore, in my humble opinion at least, that the grant of this Land was merely local, con find to that particular enterprize prize then in view, and coud by no means be construed to extend to the multitude which afterwards engagd in the course of a Ten years War. We rest in full hope therefore my Lord that in this opinion your Excellency and the Council will be, and that we shall be orderd the Lands upon the Terms it was granted to us by Proclamation and as soon as the Affairs of Governm't can possibly admit of it. I beg your Lordships excuse for the prolixty of this Letter. I was desirous that the whole matter should be clearly stated for your Lordships determination and with all imaginable respect I have the hon'r to be, etc.
P.S. Since writing the above I have been informd by Doctr. Walker that the Lands near the Fort are reserved in the Indian Sale for the Traders. If so, as this woud have been the most valuable moiety of our grant we shall humbly hope to be endulgd (this being an event w'ch coud not be foreseen) in laying the like q'ty in some other good spot of Earth rather than wait a determination of that matter in England.16
[Note 16: Washington has entered the following notes at the end of his draft of this letter: "If time cannot be obtaind to look out the Land, and we are obligd to locate it immediately, in that case do it according to Colo. Lewis's Memm. with Mr. Walthoe provided none of those spots fall within the reserv'r for the Traders. To be in one or more Surveys, as Land can be found. To be indulged in a Survey or of our own, to avoid the great expence (which the Governm't seemd inclind to ease us of) as well as Inconvenience and delay of Employing the County Surveyor." The fort mentioned in the postscript was Fort Pitt. Washington had been appointed by the officers of the Virginia Regiment their attorney to prosecute their claims to these bounty lands. The officers pledged themselves to contribute to defray the expenses of the business. This letter was one of Washington's activities in behalf of his fellow officers. In the Washington Papers, under date of Dec. 15, 1769, is also a draft, in Washington's writing, of the petition "in behalf of himself and the Officers and Soldiers who first Imbarkd in the Service of this Colony" to the lands on the Monongahela, Great Kanawha, and other rivers.]
Prepared under the direction of the United States George
Washington Bicentennial Commission
and published by authority of Congress
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor
Volume 3
January, 1770--September, 1775
United States
Government Printing Office
Washington
PRINTED
AUGUST, 1931
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
RECEIVED
APR 5 1932
DIVISION OF DOCUMENTS
Mount Vernon, January 31, 1770.
Dr. Charles: If you saw my Brother John in Stafford when you were down there at Christmas; if you had any Conversation with my Br. Sam'l on the Subject I mentioned to you; and if any time was proposed for your meeting at this place, I shoud be glad to know it, and beg you will write me a line by the first Post after this gets to hand informing me of it accordingly; as I want to prepare for my journey but am desirous before hand of knowing whether I am to go alone or in Company as it will make some difference in my preparation's.
As I expect it will shortly be known, whether the Officers and Soldiers under the Kings Proclamation have any chance to come in for Lands West of the Alligany Mountains, I shoud be glad to know if any of them which may fall in your way woud sell their rights; and upon what terms; tho' I have little expectations that any of them woud sell upon such terms as I woud buy, or any person coud afford to buy, unless they warranted the Lands; For if the number of Grants (which are of older date to the King's Proclamation) shoud take place, as their is but too much reason to apprehend, if they do not by clashing with each other, destroy themselves; I woud hardly give any Officer a button for his Right; for besides a large Tract of Country reserved for the Indian Traders, from Fort Pitt near 150 Miles down the Ohio, and up to the Laurell Hills there appeard by a List laid before the House of Burgesses by order of the Govt. to be between 6 and 7,000,000 of acres actually granted and Petitioned for; and most of the Grants made in such general, and indeterminate terms, that if confirmd no man can lay off a foot of Land and be sure of keeping it, till they are servd.
Upon my shewing Mr. Thurstonn1 (who was formerly a Lieutt. and thereby entitled to 2,000 Acres of Land) a Copy of the Grants, and proceedings of the House of Burgesses thereupon, he immediately sold his right (tho otherwise very fond of it) to Lund Washington for Ten pounds. Now coud I purchase 12 or 15,000 Acres upon the same terms, I woud do it, considering of it as a Lottery only; and my Reason's for so doing are these. Such a quantity of Land as this, added to what I may expect in my own Right, woud form a Tract of so great dignity as to render it worth my while to send out a Person for the discovery of Land, clear if possible of these numerous grants; and to be at some expence and trouble in seating and Saving it; for without this the Land woud soon be forfeited (which I believe will be the case with half the Officers in this Colony) if they shoud actually obtain the Land; and again, it would be worth my while thus situated, to buy of some who might under their Grants think I clash'd with them.
[Note 1: Charles Mynn Thruston. Later he was a colonel in the Continental Army.]
Upon the whole, as you are situated in a good place for seeing many of the Officers at different times, I shoud be glad if you woud (in a joking way, rather than in earnest, at first) see what value they seem to set upon their Lands; and if you can buy any of the Rights of those who continued in the Service till after the Cherokee Expedition, at the Rate of about five, Six, or Seven pounds a thousand acres I shall be obliged to you, and will pay the money upon demand. I am of opinion that Chew, and some of those who may be in want of a little ready money, would gladly sell; nor is it much to be wondered at if they shoud, for if those large Grants which I have already mentiond shoud take place the purchaser will have sunk so much money to very little purpose; nor is the Officer's right under the Proclamation of any consequence to those who either does not resolve to go after the Land himself, or employ others to do it for him; the first I do not suppose many are inclind to, the last is hardly worth the expence for small tracts; and the Officer is as much obliged to find the Land as any other individual; nor is his Title, if he be not entitled to some degree of preference, a jot better than any other Man's who will go in pursuit of Lands himself, except that he is to enjoy it 10 years free of Quit rents.
If you shoud make any purchases, let it be done in your own name, for reason's I shall give you when we meet; take Bonds in large Penalties to convey all their Rights under the Kings Proclamation to you; and they shoud be obligd to suffer their names to be made use of to obtain the Land, as the Kings Proclamation requires a Personal application to the Govnr. and Council in order to entitle them to the Respective quantities granted. In looking over the List of Grants that were laid before the Ho. of Burgesses I perceivd one for 10,000 Acres to a certain Ambrose Powell (who I belive lives in Culpeper County) lying above the Mouth of the great Kanhaway; this is comprehended within our Grant of 200,000 Acres, it is also fixed at a place where two or three other Grants are laid and I believe some of them older; but yet, as it lyes in the way of a scheme I have in view; and woud, in some small degree promote my Plan if I had it, I shoud be obligd to you if you woud enquire in a round about way who this Powell is and where he lives &ca., and tell me who you think the most likely person for me to employ to purchase his right to the Grant. You need not let your reasons for enquiring after Powell be known, till you have given me what information you can concerning him, least it may give him or others cause to imagine that his grant is more valuable than it really is: In fact, I do not think that it is intrinsically worth a groat (tho I woud give eight or Ten pounds for it, If I coud not get it for less) inasmuch as it is totally swallowed up in other Grants; but several of this sort may in some measure give me a prior claim to have my share of the 200,000 Acres above the Mouth of the Gr. Kanhaway where I am told the land is very fine, it is for this reason therefore I would [ ... 2] a little for Powell's.
[Note 2: Mutilated in manuscript.]
In the whole of your transactions, either with the Officers, or on this other matter; do not let it be known that I have any concern therein. I have Inclosd you a copy of the Bond I drew from Thruston to Lund Washington, which will serve you for a Precedent in case you shoud make any purchases. I have put your name in the place of Lund Washington's, as I woud have the title given to you, and not to me, till matters are riper than they appear to be at present. I shall take care to furnish you with money as you may find occasion to compleat the quantity I have mentioned. Show no part of this Letter, so that you can be drawn into no trouble or difficulty in the Affair. In the mean time I shoud be glad if you would write to me fully by the first post after this gets to hand. I am, etc.
P.S. Inclosd you will receive 30/ to pay the within Acct. of James Browns, tho I think it is a most enormous charge as I shoud be glad you woud tell him.
March 16, 1770.
Sir: In reply to your favour of the 12th., I have only to say, that I am equally sorry we shoud misapprehend each other's Intention's concerning the agreement we entered into at my House; but since we have done so, in respect to one part of it, and since I am under no sort of apprehension of having the mistake rectified by giving you possession of any part of Mr. Alexander's Land adjoining you, or the whole if required next year (unless a death shoud intervene to prevent it) I shoud be glad to know, if, in the meantime you will suffer me to go on and get the remainder of my Mill frame in the place I was cutting (there wanting but little to compleat the Work as I got the chief part of the Scantling for it last Summer from my own Land) upon conditions of my paying you the customary price for all the Timber I may take off of these slipes in case I shoud not have it in my power to put you in Possession of as much of Mr. Alexander's Land as these shall measure, at the determination of the present year?
Mr. Alexander at the sametime he mentioned to me what he had wrote to you, and the conversation that passd between you and his Tenant (tho different from what you Inclosd); also told me, that by some Law, or custom in Maryland relative to Landlords and Tenants that if the Landlord neglected before some certain day to warn of the Tenant that it was optional in the latter to obey the notice afterwards or not it may be impractacable therefore now, for him to give you possession of any part of the Tenanted Land, till the expiration of the present year, but there can be no doubts of his doing it then; and therefore, as these slipes of Land can never be of more essential Service to me than at this time, and as I see little, indeed no difference it can make to you to give me the use of them at this time or 8 or nine Months hence. I shoud be very glad if you coud oblige me therein, upon the conditions above mentioned especially, as it will be only doing that now which I really thought was done before.
I woud be much obliged to you also for a Copy of the Plat and Courses of Mr. Alexanders Land pointing thereon the piece you want to get from him.
Mount Vernon, April 15, 1770.
My Lord: Being fully persuaded of your Excellency's inclination to render every just and reasonable service to the people you govern, or to any body or society of them, that shall ask it, and being encouraged in a more particular manner by a letter, which I have just received from Mr. Blair (clerk of the Council), to believe, that your Lordship is desirous of being fully informed how far the grant of land solicited by Mr. Walpole and others6 will affect the interest of this country in general, or
[Note 6: The Walpole Grant, into which had merged the Ohio Company scheme, had for its originators Thomas Walpole, a London banker; Benjamin Franklin; John Sargent; and Samuel Wharton. The grant of land petitioned for was made in 1772, but the Revolutionary War brought the scheme to naught.] individuals in particular, I shall take the liberty (being pretty intimately acquainted with the situation of the frontiers of this dominion) to inform your Lordship, that the bounds of that grant, if obtained upon the extensive plan prayed for, will comprehend at least four fifths of the land, for which this government hath lately voted two thousand five hundred pounds sterling, the purchase and survey of; and must destroy the well grounded hopes of those, (if no reservation is made in their favor), who have had the strongest assurances, which government could give, of enjoying a certain portion of the lands, which have cost this country so much blood and treasure to secure.
By the extracts, which your Excellency did me the honor to enclose, I perceive, that the petitioners require to begin opposite to the mouth of Scioto, which is as least seventy or seventy five miles below the mouth of the Big Kanhawa, (and more than three hundred from Pittsburg,) and to extend from thence in a southwardly direction through the pass of the Ouasioto Mountain, which, (by Evan's map, and the best accounts I have been able to get from persons, who have explored that country,) will bring them near the latitude of North Carolina. From thence they go northeastwardly to the Kanhawa, at the juncture of New River and Green Briar, upon both of which waters we have many settlers upon lands actually patented. From thence they proceed up the Green Briar to the head of the northeasterly branch thereof, thence easterly to the Allegany Mountains, thence along these mountains to the line of Lord Fairfax, and thence with his line, and the lines of Maryland and Pennsylvania, till the west boundary of the latter intersects the Ohio, and finally down the same to the place of beginning.
These, my Lord, are the bounds of a grant prayed for, and, if obtained, will give a fatal blow, in my humble opinion, to the interests of this country. But these are my sentiments as a member of the community at large; but I now beg leave to offer myself to your Excellency's notice, in a more interested point of view, as an individual, and as a person, who considers himself in some degree the representative of the officers and soldiers, who claim a right to two hundred thousand acres of this very land, under a solemn act of government, adopted at a very important and critical period to his Majesty's affairs in this part of the world; and shall, therefore, rely on your Lordship's accustomed goodness and candor, whilst I add a few words in support of the equity of our pretensions, although, in truth, I have very little to say on this subject now, which I have not taken the liberty of observing to your Excellency before.
The first letter I ever did myself the honor of writing to your Excellency on the subject of this land, and to which I beg leave to refer, contained a kind of historical account of our claim; but as there requires nothing more to elucidate a right, than to offer a candid exhibition of the case, supported by facts, I shall beg leave to refer your Lordship to an order of Council, of the 18th of February, 1754, and to Governor Dinwiddie's proclamation, which issued consequent thereupon, both of which are enclosed; and then add, that these troops not only enlisted agreeably to the proclamation, but behaved so much to the satisfaction of the country, as to be honored with the most public acknowledgments of it in their legislative capacity. Would it not be hard, then, my Lord, to deprive men under these circumstances, (or their representatives,) of the just reward of their toils? Was not this act of the Governor and Council offered to, and accepted by the soldiery, as an absolute compact between them? And though the exigency of affairs, or the policy of government, made it necessary to continue these lands in a dormant state for some time, ought not their claim to be considered, when the causes cease, in preference to all others? We fain would hope so. We flatter ourselves, that in this point of view it will also appear to your Lordship, and that, by your kind interposition, and favorable representation of the case, his Majesty will be graciously pleased to confirm this land to us, agreeably to a petition presented to your Excellency in Council the 15th of last December; with this difference only, that, instead of Sandy Creek (one of the places allotted for the location of our grant, and which we now certainly know will not be comprehended within the ministerial line, as it is called), we may be allowed to lay a part of our grant between the west boundary of Pennsylvania and the river Ohio, which will be expressly agreeable to the words of Governor Dinwiddie's proclamation, inasmuch as it is contiguous to the Forks of Monongahela. This favor, my Lord, would be conferring a singular obligation on men, most of whom, either in their persons or fortunes, have suffered in the cause of their country; few of them benefitted by the service; and it cannot fail to receive the thanks of a grateful body of men, but of none more warmly than of your Lordship's most obedient and humble servant.7
[Note 7: See Washington's letter to Lord Botetourt, Oct. 5, 1770, post.]
[June 22, 1770.]
*The Subscribers, Inhabitants of the County of Fairfax in the Colony of Virginia, having duly considered the above Agreement and Association and being well convinced of the Utility and real necessity of the Measures therein recommended to the Publick attention (at this alarming and critical juncture), do sincerely and cordially accede thereto; And do hereby voluntarily and faithfully each and every Person for himself upon his Word and honour Agree and promise that he will strictly and firmly adhere to and abide by every Article and Resolution therein contained according to the true Intent and meaning thereof.9
[Note 9: This addition, in Washington's handwriting, is entered on the half dozen nonimportation agreements entered into by the burgesses and merchants of Williamsburg, Va., June 22, 1770, printed copies of which Washington circulated throughout Fairfax County to obtain signatures thereto. The surviving copies, in the Washington Papers, bear different signatures. Washington was a justice of the peace for Fairfax County in 1770. (See Virginia, Calendar of State Papers, vol. 1, p. 263.)]
Mount Vernon, August 15, 1770.
Dear Sir: I laid your letter of the 26th. Ulto. (to me) before the Officers who met at Fredericksburg the first Inst.; but as they were unacquainted with the nature of your pretensions to a share of the 200,000 acres of Land granted in 1754 they did not choose to saddle you with any part of the expence, not conceiving that your commission as Commissary (if it is under that you claim) entitles you to any part of the Land which was offered to the Soldiery as an Encouragement to embark readily in the Service they were to engage in, must necessarily be exposed to hardships and Dangers.
This piece of information I thought it incumbent on me to give you; at the same time I shall add that I am ready to receive any, and every claim, that shall be offered, and will faithfully lay them before the Governor and Council to whom it belongs to judge of the Right from the reason's which may be offered pro and con. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
[Note 14: Of Newcastle-on-Tyne, England.]
Fairfax County, Virginia, September 20, 1770.
Sir: Your Letter of the 1st. of May 1769 Inclosing the Pedegree of Dulcibella Stott came to the Exrs. of the late Colo. Thos. Colvill about 1st. of Decr. last as your other Letter of the 25th.of May in the present year did to my hands about a Month ago.
I am sorry it is not in my Power to give you, or the poor Woman you seem so anxious to serve, a more favourable Acct. of the Surplus money of our Testatory Estate than I am now able to do. The Settlement of this Estate has been greatly retarded by an unhappy Sale made by Colo. Thomas Colvil as Executor of his Brothr. Jno. Colvil of a Tract of Land belonging to the latter for the Sum of between two and three thousand pounds Sterlg. out of which as a principal Creditor he himself (that is Thos. Colvil) was to receive a large part of the Money. This Land was sold to a Person neither very able, nor willing to pay for it; Bonds pass'd but no Conveyance of it made in the life time of Colo. Thomas Colvil and ever since his death we have been plagued with the letigeous person with whom the Contract was made. It is still unsettled, nor can I say when it will be finally adjusted; for want of which we are unable to discharge many of the Legatees and consequently cannot ascertain the Surplusage which is to be appropriated to the residuary Claimants tho' something there will be (but how much I really cannot say as I have had but little share in the Executorship of this Estate) and which it will be incumbent on us I believe either to lodge in the hands of the Chancellor, or in some Publick office in New Castle that the Person's claiming under the names of Stott, Wills Richardson and Smith may ascertain the Identity of their Person's if living, or their leneage if Dead; for we find it will be almost impossible for us to do it in an Epistolary way under a Seven years Corrispondance; so numerous, and confused are many of the Claims which are put in for a share of this Estate under the respective names above mentioned. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, September 29, 1770.
Sir: In return for the Herrings, (which will be shiped as a joint Stock by Mr. Campbell15 and myself) you will please to bring me the following Articles, Vizt.
[Note 15: Matthew Campbell, of Alexandria, Va.]
The balance of my half of the sales of the herrings you will please to bring me in Cash, and of such kinds as will pass here without loss. I wish you a pleasant and prosperous Voyage, and safe return to your Owners and Friends. I am Sir, etc.
[Note 17: Indian agent and widely known on the frontiers and in the Colonies as the most influential of all the agents. He was an Irishman and had settled in Pennsylvania in 1746. Ten years later Sir William Johnson appointed him deputy Indian agent to the northern Indians and sent him to England in 1763 on the business of the Indian boundaries. He served in the Braddock campaign and was usually referred to as Colonel Croghan. Died in 1782.]
November 24, 1770.
Dear Sir: Captn. Crawford (who I expect will be the bearer of this letter to you has promised me, that so soon as he has rested a little from the fatigues of his last journey he will wait upon you in order to view the Lands you were offering for Sale. I have described the kind of Land to Capt: Crawford, I would choose to become the purchaser of, and if a sufficient quantity thereof, is to be found in a body, I will take Fifteen thousand acres; the money to be paid so soon as there can be a legal title made to the acres, subject to a Quitrent (after the expiration of twenty years) of two shillings Sterlg. per hundred, and no more. If you incline to part with the above quantity of Land, on these terms, Capt. Crawford will proceed to view; and may, in company with any person you shall choose, run it out. It rests therefore with yourself to direct Mr. Crawford to go on the Land for the purposses above mentioned, or not; as it will be unnecessary for him to be at any further trouble if you do not incline to accept of the propossal.
If the Charter Government18 takes place in the manner proposed, I presume there will be Surveyors appointed to different Districts, in order that the Land may be run out as fast as possible; in that case I wou'd beg leave to recommend Captn. Crawford to your friendly notice as a person who would be glad to be employed, and as one who I dare say wou'd discharge the duty with honesty and care; thro' your means I am persuaded he might come in for a share of this business. I am persuaded also, that he would not be wanting in gratitude for the favor with very great esteem, I remain, etc.
[Note 18: Of the proposed Walpole Grant.]
P.S. If you still decline being one of the proprietors of the new Governmt., is it not better to sell, than resign ? If so, what will you take for your share, provided your name stands confirm'd in the charter?
December 12 1770.
D Sir: Having received your favour of the 6th.20 I profess myself at a loss to know what answer to give to it, and to consult a Lawyer every time we are puzled by the duplicity of Mrs. Savages' Conduct woud sink a large portion of her Annuity, or entail a heavy expence upon ourselves.
[Note 20: In the earlier correspondence the manuscripts identify George William Fairfax with the trusteeship of Mrs. Savage.]
I think as you do, that it would seem odd to refuse an actual tender of Mrs. Savage's Annuity from the Doctrs. Agent at a time when we are threat'ning his Security with a Suit on this Acct. And I am of opinion, that if we do receive the money from him, we can not legally withhold payment thereof from her Attorney (who is one and the same person) without submitting our Reasons for so doing to the Publick attention and her Letters she has expressly requird may not be seen. Without exposing these as the ground of our refusal [we] can have no pretext to detain the money in our hands; to keep it there woud contribute nothing to the relief of Mrs. Savages's necessities but very probably expose ourselves to Censure. And to pay the money to any Person not legally authoriz'd to receive it woud I believe be equally Imprudent. In short, view the matter in whatever light one will there is nothing but doubts and difficulties before us; and I see no effectual method of serving Mrs. Savage without falling into some snare which we may not easily extricate ourselves from for I must confess that I have no good opinion of Mrs. Savages honour on the one hand. On the [other] our attempts to serve her will give us little to expect from the Doctors Friendship if we shoud drop into a faux pas. Upon the whole, can we, do you think, avoid coming to a Settlement with Mr. Montgomerie without Incurring the Imputation of disengenuity on the one hand; or being too plain in our Reason's for it on the other; If this can be done, I shoud be for letting that matter sleep till we coud write a joint Letter to Mrs. Savage informing her of the predicament in which her Affairs respecting the Bond stands and to beg that she will [mutilated] and fixd to some point or no longer expect us to become the dupes of her fickleness and folly; if you think this method can be adopted no time shoud be lost in putting it in execution, if you think it cannot or ought not I am willing to pursue any other you shall advise as I own that I am more per [plexd the] more I think of the matter. I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, December 15, 1770.
Madam: Your letter of the 18th. of June came to my hands a few days ago (after my return from the Ohio, whither I had been upwards of two months). I am sorry to find by it, that you and the Doctr. continue to breathe the same discordant life, you did in this Country; especially too as there appears to be so little prospect of amendment; and it is with infinite concern I have further to observe to you, that your conduct is so full of inconsistency and unsteadiness that you render every attempt of your Trustee's, to serve you, abortive; such is the effect of your last power of Attorney to Mr. Montgomerie,21 who took care to have it recorded in our Court immediately,
[Note 21: Thomas Montgomerie, of Dumfries, Va.] that he might proceed to act under it. Before this happen'd we had not been able to recover any part of your annuity, and now it is unnecessary to attempt it; as Mr. Montgomerie who is at one and the same time the Doctrs. Agent, and your Attorney, has nothing to do, but to pay with one hand, and receive with the other. You see the consequence therefore of your attempt to amuse or please the Doctor, (for I cannot suppose that fear was the governing principle in this transaction) and the impossibility of our rendering you any desireable service, when you are counter-acting your own works, and leading us into a wilderness of difficulties and contradiction. It is highly incumbent on you therefore to be steady, and we earnestly recommend it to you either to live with the Doctor upon the best terms you can, giving him a discharge every year for the income of your Bond, if he supplies you with the necessary comforts of Life; or to renounce all connections with him and recourse to your Annuity invariably; for whilst Interest pulls one way, and your inclinations to the Doctr. the other, you are torn between the two, and your behaviour will continue to be so full of contradiction, as to remain the source of never failing uneasiness to yourself, and perplexity to others: for tho' Mr. Fairfax and myself shall never agree to relinquish the Trust, yet we have no right to withhold payment of the Bond from any person you empower legally to receive it, as it was for your benefit it was created. You will find it necessary therefore, if you expect payment of the Annuity, and are distrustful of Mr. Montgomerie, to appoint some other, to receive your money as we do not conceive it is optional with us to refuse settling this matter with a person whom you have legally authorized for that purpose, notwithstanding any private advice you may give to the contrary, if he shoud (as Mr. Montgomerie really has) call upon us to do so. Inclos'd you have a copy of the Bond which you sometime ago wrote to me for. I have nothing further to add at this time (as most things remain in statu quo) but Mrs. Washington's compliments, and good wishes for happier days to you, in which I heartily join, being Madam, etc.
[Note 24: Colonel Moore resided near Yorktown, Va. It was at his home that the capitulation of Cornwallis was signed some 10 years later.]
Colchester, January 23, 1771.
Dear Sir: Your letter of the 12th. Inst.25 by Mr. Seaton26 was delivered to me at this place in my way to Dumfries where I
[Note 25: Moore's letter, dated Jan. 12, 1771, is printed in Hamilton's Letters to Washington, vol. 4, p. 47.]
[Note 26: Augustine Seaton, nephew of Bernard Moore.] am going upon an Arbitration fixd to this day. I am exceeding sorry to hear of your unfortunate Circumstances and wish that the situation of my own Engagements, woud permit me to subscribe more largely to your relief than they will; but having several pretty large Sums of my own to pay in a short time it is utterly out of my power (with any sort of convenience) to advance more than One hundred pounds for the purpose and on the terms you mention; this I am willing to do, and accordingly have wrote to the Trustees informing them thereof. I have no doubt of your putting me upon as good a footing as any of the other Subscribers and therefore do not condition with you for terms or say anything further on that head but again beg that something effectual may be done to secure myself and Brothers from the payment of your Bond to Mr. Lightfoots Estate, as I am sensible it woud be attended with great Inconvenience to some of them to advance this money and be a hardship upon us all. I am Dr. Sir, etc.
January 23, 1771.
Gentn: Colo. Bd. Moore having informd me that he is endeavouring to make up a Sum of Money to purchase Slaves for the immediate Support of his Family I do hereby agree to become answerable to you as his Trustees on this Acct. for the Sum of One hund'd pounds Curr'y payable a year hence. I am Gentn., etc.
[Note 27: Boucher was at Annapolis, Md., at this date.]
Mount Vernon, February 20, 1771.
Rev'd Sir: When Joe, with your favour found his way to this place, I was from home, and did not return for some days the High winds and Ice, have been the cause of his very natural disappointment of getting to Marlborough as it was quite impossible for him to cross the River in these storms of wind and now, it is attended with some risk. Mrs. Washington has packed up what Books the Portmanteau would contain before the date of this, and of such kinds as I hope you wanted. She has given over the thoughts of accompanying me to Frederick, so that you will find her at home if I should not have the pleasure of seeing you here (should you be detained by the bad weather longer than was expected). The inclosd I should be obligd to you to forward by a safe, rather than the first, conveyance that may offer--with very great esteem, I remain etc.
25th. Agreeable to the above date, Joe attempted to cross the River; but being unable to effect it, has been unavoidably detained till this time and now the River is so much choked with Ice as to render his passage precarious. Mrs. Washington begs the favour of you to get her, for Patcy, another Phial of aether and bring with you when you come to Mount Vernon.28
[Note 28: The editor is indebted to Judge E. A. Armstrong, of Princeton, N. J., for the text of this letter.]
[Note 31: A Norfolk, Va., merchant who adhered to the Crown in the Revolutionary War. The sails and rigging ordered from him were for Washington's schooner.]
Mount Vernon, June 4, 1771.
Sir: If the Sails and Rigging which I bespoke for Mr. John West, are not already come of, be so good as to dispatch them by the first Vessel bound to Alexandria. Captn. Olife says he shall be up again immediately. I am Sir, etc.
[Note 34: Dandridge's "Letter Book" copy spells this as Polston; Ford prints it as to--Colston. The son referred to was probably John Polson, who, in Washington's "Ledger," is given as a lieutenant in the First Virginia Regiment.]
Fairfax Coty. Virginia, June 24, 1771.
Sir: Your letters of the 15th of December from Georgia, and 20th of April, from Charlestown, came duely to hand. In answer to them, I have only to inform you, that my advertisements which you refer to, issued in consequence of instructions from our late Governor and Council; and that I have nothing more to do in the affair, than to receive, and deliver in to them the several claims of the respective Officers and Soldiers who embarked in the service of this Colony in the year 1754 (under a proclamation of the then Governor, offering a reward of 200,000 acres of Land to all those who shou'd voluntarily engage in an Expedition against the French, who were at that time encroaching on his majesty's lands, on the Ohio;) among those who embarked under this encouragement was your son, and well entitled, not only by proclamation, but by his merit and bravery, to a Lieutenant's share of the Lands, which no doubt he (if any of us do) will obtain, as I have exhibited your claim for that purpose. Nothing final, however, is determined on with respect to this matter you will stand upon the same footing with the rest of the claimants, provided you contribute in the same proportion towards the incidental charges attending the Surveys &c which are now set about and for which each subaltern Officer has already been call'd upon for the respective sums of £6 and £4:10:0 current money of this government in order to prosecute the work; it will behoove you therefore to give some person a power of attorney to act on your behalf, who must be furnished with the means of contributing your quota past, and to come, for furthering of this business, which must, from the nature of it, be attended with trouble and expense. I know of no person better qualified to serve you in this matter, than the one who first exhibited your claim; I mean Mr. Alexr. Craig, who is a resident of Williamsburg, a man of very fair character, and lays more in the way of receiving your instructions and communicating such information as may be proper for you to receive, than I should be, or any one else I am acquainted with.
It may not be amiss to add for your further satisfaction, that all the claims are not yet given in, consequently the proportion and value of the land which may fall to each officer's share is not fully ascertained; and that we have many difficulties, and some uncertainties to struggle through, before our right to these lands will be fully recognized. Such powerful sollicitation is there at the Court of Great Britain for the lands to the westward of us, where our grant was located; and such the opposition we meet with; tho' it is hoped that the Equity of our claim will at length prevail.35
[Note 35: This equity was based upon the somewhat nebulous title comprehended by an unaccepted offer of the Six Nations to cede all their lands east of the Ohio to the English for a fair consideration and a scheme formed by Gov. William Franklin, of New Jersey, for purchasing a large tract of territory on the Ohio and forming permanent settlements upon it. General Gage, Governor Moore, and Sir William Johnson were also interested in the scheme, which was urged upon the British ministry by Benjamin Franklin in 1766--1768. The original idea comprehended a colony in the Illinois; but on submitting the plan to Lord Shelburne it was found that "it did not quadrate with the sentiments of people here; that their objections to it were, the distance, which would make it of little use to this country, as the expense on the carriage of goods would oblige the people to manufacture for themselves; that it would for the same reason be difficult both to defend it and to govern it; that it might lay the foundation of a power in the heart of America, which in time might be troublesome to the other colonies, and prejudicial to our government over them; and that people were wanted both here and in the already settled colonies, so that none could be spared for a new colony." (See Benjamin Franklin's letter to William Franklin, Sept. 27, 1766.) Gen. Phineas Lyman, of Connecticut, who had served with bravery and distinction in the late war, was in England urging the claims of the "military adventurers," which were designed to cover the same territory as those of the Franklin company, and an effort was made to make the two schemes one. In October, 1767, Franklin could report that the plan had been approved in cabinet council and had been referred to the board of trade, where it appears to have slept for some years without being acted upon. "There is little doubt," wrote Johnson to Governor Franklin, in May, 1768, "but that the intended settlement may be productive of a regular civil government in that valuable country, and this, too, without doing violence or overreaching the Indians, which from sentiments of policy as well as justice should Be always cautiously avoided."
The treaty of Fort Stanwix (September, 1768) established the bounds of English territory essentially as they had been proposed in Sir William Johnson's treaty of 1765, at the German Flats (now Herkimer County, N.Y.). Beginning at the mouth of the Tennesse river, it followed the Ohio and Alleghany rivers to Kittaning; thence in a direct line to the nearest fork of the west branch of the Susquehannah; and thence following the stream through the Alleghanies, it passed by way of Burnett's Hills and the eastern branch of the Susquehannah and the Delaware into New York, having its northern terminus at the confluence of Canada and Wood creeks. The line, thus proposed, was not in accordance with the instruction of the Board of Trade. Hillsborough, who had succeeded the liberal Shelborne as colonial secretary, and was bitterly opposed to any settlement in the interior, wished to have the line extended no farther than the mouth of the great Kenawha, where it would then meet the line which Smart, at a council in South Carolina, had recently established with the "Cherokees as the western boundary of Virginia." Sir William Johnson claimed that the effect of this treaty, which was ratified in 1770, was to vest the claim of the northern Indians to the country south of the Ohio in the Crown, leaving the southern Indians only to be dealt with concerning it; "and should they refuse to give it up, it is in his majesty's power to prevent the colonies from availing themselves of the late cession in that quarter, till it can be done with safety and the common consent of all who have just pretensions to it." (See Sir William Johnson's letter to Gage, Dec. 16, 1768.)
This plan reappears in London in 1770. "A society of us, in which some of the first people in England are engaged, and in which you and Colonel Croghan are made original partakers, have concluded a bargain with the Treasury for a large tract of land lying and fronting on the Ohio (part of the lands lately ceded by the Indians to Great Britain), large enough for a government. Having it suggested to us by Lord Hillsborough that it would be right that we should have a charter of government, in consequence of this bargain so concluded, we are next to apply to the Council Board, that the grant may issue. We expect to meet with opposition, and some objections arising from the impressions made by such opposition, yet have no doubt of carrying this point, as we have settled the main point. As soon as the grant has issued we are to apply to the Lords of Trade on the subject of the charter." (See Thomas Pownall's letter to Sir William Johnson, April, 1770.) The application for the grant was made in behalf of the company by Thomas Walpole, a London banker, Benjamin Franklin, John Sargent, and Samuel Wharton, but was opposed by Lord Hillsborough in a report that gave Franklin an opportunity to make such a crushing reply as to lead to Hillsborough's resignation from the cabinet. (See Franklin's Works (Bigelow's edition), vol. 4, pp. 137, 495.) This company, known as the Grand Company, or Walpole's Grant, received its grant in 1772.
In September, 1768, Lieutenant Colonel Wilkins, armed with wide powers of administration and bringing "orders for the establishment of a court of justice in Illinois for the administration of the laws and the adjustment and trial of all controversies existing between the people relating to debts or property, either real or personal," took command of Fort Pitt. In defiance of the King's proclamation of 1763, Colonel Wilkins began to make large grants of domain, and among others was one said to contain 13,986 acres, but in reality covered some 30,000 acres, made to John Baynton, Samuel Wharton, and George Morgan, merchants of Philadelphia, who "trading in this country, have greatly contributed to his majesty's service." This grant lay between the villages of Kaskaskia and Prairie du Rocher in the present county of Randolph. In 1809 the commissioners rejected a claim based upon this grant on the ground that Wilkins had no authority to make it.-- Ford.]
In which case, the Land will be well worth the trouble and expence we may bestow to obtain it, notwithstanding the remote distance it is from navigation.
I am much obliged to you for the favorable opinion you are pleas'd to entertain of me, and wish I may continue to deserve it, and approve myself Sir, &c.
Mount Vernon, July 9, 1771.
Dear Sir: From several concurring causes, which exist at this moment, the eve of my departure for Williamsburg, I have both my head and my hands too full of business to allow me time to write more than a hasty ill digested Letter; This, however, I shall attempt to do in answer to yours of the 4th. Inst.
In my last I informed you, (as well as I can recollect the contents of the letter) that the friends (I do not confine myself to the relations only) of Mr. Custis, were divided in their opinions, of the propriety of his travelling, not because they thought advantages would not result from it, but on account of the expense, as he would commence his tour with so heavy a charge, as you thought sufficient to induce you to accompany him, which would at once anticipate half his income; for his estate is of that kind, which rather comes under the denomination of a large than a profitable one. He has it is true a good deal of land and a great many slaves, but the former is more to be esteemed for the situation than the quality, being indifferent and much worn, so that large crops cannot be made from them. These doubtful opinions was sufficient cause, I observed in my last for me to be circumspect in my conduct, as I had another tribunal to account to besides that in my own breast, for the part I was to act on this occasion. For you cannot but know, that every farthing, which is expended in behalf of this young gentleman, must undergo the inspection of the General Court, in their examination of my guardianship accounts, and that it would be imprudent in me to permit him to launch into any uncommon or expensive pursuits, (especially at a time when a heavy and expensive chancery suit is instituted against his estate,) without first knowing whether such an expence would be approved by those, who had a constitutional right to judge of the expediency or propriety of the measure.
These are the reasons why I said in my last letter, that my own inclinations were still as strong as ever for Mr. Custis's pursuing his travelling scheme, provided the Court should approve of the expense, (I did not want their opinion of the utility of travelling) and provided also that it should appear, when his judgment is a little more matured, that he is desirous of undertaking this tour upon a plan of improvement, rather than a vague desire of gratifying an idle curiosity, or spending his money; for by the bye, if his mother does not speak her own sentiments, rather than his, he is lukewarm in the scheme; and I cannot help giving it as my opinion, that his education, from what I have understood of his improvement, (however advanced it may be for a youth of his age,) is by no means ripe enough for a travelling tour; not that I think his becoming a mere scholar is a desirable education for a gentleman; but I conceive a knowledge of books is the basis upon which other knowledge is to be built; and that it is men and things more than books he is to be acquainted with by travelling. At present, however well versed he may be in the principles of the Latin language (which is not to be wondered at, as he began the study of it as soon as he could speak), he is unacquainted with several of their classical authors, which might be useful to him to read. He is ignorant of Greek, (the advantages of learning which I do not pretend to judge of), knows nothing of French, which is absolutely necessary to him as a traveller; little or nothing acquainted with arithmetic, and totally ignorant of the mathematics; than which, so much of it at least as relates to surveying, nothing can be more essentially necessary to any man possessed of a large landed estate, the bounds of some part or other of which are always in controversy.
Now, whether he has time between this and next spring to acquire a sufficient knowledge of these, or so much of them as are requisite, I leave you to judge; and whether a boy of seventeen years old, which will be his age next November can have any just notions of the end and design of travelling ? I have already given it as my opinion, that it would be precipitating this event, unless he was to go immediately to the university for a couple of years, and in which case he could see nothing of America; which might be a disadvantage to him, as it is to be expected that every man, who travels with a view of observing the laws and customs of other countries, should be able to give some description of the situation and government of his own.
Upon the whole, it is impossible for me at this time to give a more decisive answer, however strongly inclined I may be to put you upon an absolute certainty in this affair, than I have done; and I should think myself wanting in candor, if I concealed any circumstances from you, which leads me to fear, that there is a possibility, if not a probability, that the whole design may be totally defeated; and therefore I add, that before I ever thought myself at liberty to encourage this plan, I judged it highly reasonable and necessary, that his mother should be consulted. I laid your first letter and proposals before her, and desired that she would ponderate well, before she resolved, as an unsteady behavior might be a disadvantage to you. Her determination was, that, if it appeared to be his inclination to undertake this tour, and it should be adjudged for his benefit, she would not oppose it, whatever pangs it might give her to part with him. This declaration she still adheres to, but in so faint a manner, that I think, what with her fears and his indifference, it will soon be declared that he has no inclination to go, the consequence of which is too obvious to be mentioned. I do not say that this will be the case; I cannot speak positively. But as this is the result of my own reflections upon the matter, I thought it but fair to communicate them to you.
Several causes, I believe, have concurred to make her view his departure, (as the time approaches) with more reluctance than she expected. The unhappy situation of her daughter has in some degree fixed her eyes upon him as her only hope. Add to this the doubts of her friends, &c., to what I have already said, I can only add, that my warmest wishes are to see him prosecute a plan, at a proper period, which I am sure must redound to his advantage, and that nothing shall be wanted on my part to aid and assist him in it. In the event of his going, I should think myself highly favoured, and him much honored, by Governor Eden's letters of introduction. Such, with others that might be procured, could not fail of having their advantages.
You will please to make my compliments to Mr. Dulany, and assure him, that I have not the least vestige of a house at the Frederic Springs, otherwise it should have been, if unengaged, much at his service. The two seasons I spent there was in a house of Mr. Mercer's.
I scarce know what answer to give to the papers you transmitted to me as an executor of the will of Col. Thos. Colvill, deceased. The affairs of that estate are unhappily involved with John Semple, to whom Colo. Colvill in his life time sold a tract of land in Maryland, called Merryland, for I think £2600 sterling and from whom we can neither get the money nor land. Till this matter is settled the executors are unable to pay off the Legacies in this country, consequently can answer no demands of the residuary legatees in England, who only come in for the surplusage if any there be. I believe there will be more than sufficient to discharge the debts and legacies here, but the overplus will be trifling. I am, &c.36
[Note 36: The text is from Washington's "Letter Book," in the writing of Bartholomew Dandridge. Ford's text, which differs in some particulars, was taken from page 336 of the Catalogue of the Stevens Sale (1872).]
July 18, 1771.
Sir: Inclosd you have three measures, by which you will please to make the following Shoes and Boots.
* ... * ... * ... * ... *
I have sent you a fresh measure for myself because the Shoes w'ch I have had from you latterly were rather too small. Make out the above Accts. seperately. Messrs. Cary & Co. will pay for the whole and it will be necessary that you distinguish the Shoes &ca. by writing each person's name on their own.37 I am, Sir, etc.
[Note 37: This order included shoes for John Parke Custis and Lund Washington, the specifications for which are here omitted.]
Mt. Vernon, July 20, 1771.
Gentlemen: Our Goods by the Liberty, Captn. Walker, came to hand in good order, and soon after his arrival; as they generally will do when shipped in a Vessel to this River, and scarcely ever when they go to any others (unless they should be despatched in one of your own ships, and the Captain particularly Instructed concerning the delivery of them.) For it don't often happen that a Vessel bound to one River has goods of any consequence for another, and the Masters, in these cases keep the packages till an accidental conveyance offers, and for want of better oppertunities, frequently commit them to boatmen who care very little for the Goods so they get their freight, and often Land them where it suits their convenience, not where they have engaged to do, which was the case of those Parcels sent by Saunderson. It is to little purpose, therefore, to recommend it to us to seek redress of the masters for these delays or abuses (though it may be the only remedy left) unless the injury is of so extensive a nature as to make it worth while to be at some expense and trouble to watch for and find out the Captains. Our Situation in this Country differs very widely from yours; a ship going from Virginia to London is always, and with ease, to be met with at that part; but a ship from London to Virginia may be in Rappahannock, or any of the other Rivers, three months before I know anything of her arrival, and may make twenty Voyages without my seeing, or even hearing of the Captain; in the same manner that vessels may Trade to Liverpool, Whitehaven, or Bristol, unknown to you. It is more expedient, therefore, to prevent the Evil, than to redress it afterwards, and this is very easily done by sending the Goods out in ships belonging to the River they are destined for. So much in answer for that part of your Letter of the 13th of November advising me to make Saunderson (a man I never saw in my life, and perhaps never shall) pay the extra expence I was put to in getting my Goods from Mr. Bland's warehouse at Boyds Hole.39
[Note 39: On the Potomac, in Stafford County, Va.]
There are several other Passages in the letter above mentioned that I think it incumbent upon me to take some notice of; not that I am fond of dwelling upon a subject that is full as disagreeable to me as it can be to you, but because there is one paragraph in particular in it, respecting the Window glass, which appears to me to contain an Implication of my having deviated from the truth; why else should you require, in the name of the person you bought of, a Square to be sent you? And what end was it to answer, but to charge me indirectly with a misrepresentation of the Fact? For if it was supposed by Mrs. Dennis that I had related a Falsehood, it might as well have been imagined, that I would have practised a deceit; as there could have been no difficulty in making Mrs. Ann Dennis a square of 8 by 10 out of 9 and 11, and any one who would condescend to practise the one would not hesitate to execute the other; But, however Credulous I may have been in relation to the Prices of Tobacco, I could not well have been so in respect to the measurement of the glass when I built a house with sashes 9 by 11, and got squares that would not fit them. I do not repeat this matter with a view of having any allowance made me; I neither want nor would accept of any; but to shew that it is much more likely Mrs. Dennis should put up a box of 8 by 10 through carelessness or by mistake, than that I should mistake the size when I came to use it. I had nothing more in view when I made the complaint first, than to shew how inattentive the tradesmen and shopkeepers sometimes are, that I might be relieved from the like inconveniences for the time to come. This was my reason also for taking notice of the Duffield from Mauduit & Co, not that I expected any deduction from the price as he could not see the condition of the cloth for want of my having an opportunity of reshipping it, an inconvenience we are obliged to Submit to and is among the disadvantages attending my Shipping to a House that has no Connection with the River I live on, and it is seldom we have it in our power of sending any little trifling matters which want repairs, alterations, &c. to London, not choosing to put Captains of Vessels, with whom we have no concern, nor any way of obliging in return, to any trouble in sending for or taking the charge of them. So likewise is it a disadvantage on Acct. of your Letters which come chiefly by York and James River Ships, by which means I have the postage from Williamsburg to Alexandria always to pay, which upon a letter that contains an Account of Sales, or that has anything else Enclosed, amounts often to four, five, and sometimes eight or ten shillings, which in the end increases to no trifling Sum.
I observe what you have said in respect to the purchase of our Goods with ready Cash; it is what those who have money in your hands, or who pay Interest for the Loan of yours, have an undoubted right, to expect. And if we are allowed the benefits of debenture, and the prompt payment of Goods (for I am told, the Tradesmen and Shopkeepers generally, if not always, make out their Notes on twelve or more months' Credit, according to the general run of their dealings, and then discount according to the payments) I say, if these are allowed, it is all we have a right to expect; and yet, I do aver that I can buy Linnen and many other Articles in the Stores here in their Sterlingway of dealing, cheaper than I can Import them, which is a mistery not easy to be accounted for, as I do not conceive that you are charged the retail prices for the Goods you purchase: For though the quantity that I, or any other Individual, may want is small, yet, when it is considered that one Person has a demand for twenty pounds worth, another for Fifty, a third for an hundred, and so on to the amount of thousands for any Article (Linnen for example), to be shipped of at one and the same time, surely the whole is of dignity enough to bring you under the denomination of a wholesale purchaser, and sufficient to entitle you to all the benefits of a drawback upon the exported goods. This is the light in which things have always appeared to me. I may be mistaken, however, in my conjectures for want of better knowledge of trade; and if I expect any thing that is unreasonable, or inconsistent with the principles of a just, fair and practicable commerce, I am sure I do not desire to be indulged in it. But I cannot help adding that it has ever been my opinion that in return, for the heavy charges upon our Tobacco and the ample and uncommon Commissions which are drawn upon the Sales of it, we ought to reap every advantage which can be procured in the purchase of our Goods. Otherwise I should be glad to know to what end we Import them.***40
[Note 40: The omitted paragraph is a minor detail of shipping directions.]
I must request the favour of you to be particular in directing the Scythe Maker to furnish me Scythes exactly agreeable to my Order, otherwise they will be of very little use to me; As, in the first Instt. I have given the Size that suits our business best, in the next, as they are intended to fix to Cradles for cutting our Wheat and other grain, if one Scythe gives way in the throng time of Harvest another can be put to the same Cradle immediately, without loss of time; Whereas a Scythe differing in length or shape, requires a Cradle proportionate and takes more time to make than we have to spare at that busy Season; so in like manner I am to beg that, where particular direction's is given touching any other Article, it may be attended to accordingly.
Our Association in Virginia for the Non-importation of Goods is now at an end except against Tea, paper, glass, and painters' Colors of Foreign Manufacture: You will please, therefore, to be careful that none of the glass, Paper, &c., contained in my Invoices, are of those kinds which are subject to the duty Imposed by Parliament for the purpose of raising a Revenue in America.
The late great Calamity which has befallen this Country by the overflowing of the waters will be communicated to you I expect through so many different Channels that it is scarce worth my while to touch upon the subject. Neither my ward nor self has sustained any damage by this disaster, but it is expected, that it cannot fail to have some effect upon the prices of Tobo. In which case we suppose ours will reap the advantage of it as well as others.
Mount Vernon, August 12, 1771.
Gentn: On the 20th. Ulto. I wrote you fully, and Inclosed Invoices of such Goods as Mr., Miss Custis, and myself wanted; since then I have recollected some Articles which were omitted, and which I now beg may be added, and forwarded with the other Goods
And, which is an Article of more consequence than all the rest to me and the principal end of my writing to you at this time, a pair of French Burr Millstones of John Cooper agreeable to the Inclosed Letter of Daniel Williams's and the Memm. of William Roberts my Miller thereon. I must through you request this Cooper to be very particular in his choice of the Stone that the whole may be of a good and even quality. I should not Incline to give any extravagent Sum for them on the one hand nor miss of getting a pair of good ones by limiting the price on the other; and therefore leave it to you to consult with the Sellar on a price that a good pair can be bought for. It will be unnecessary to add that the sooner these can be sent to me the better; Williams's Letter (which I send in hopes of stimulating Cooper to a good choice) will shew that I have been disappointed in my first attempt and consequently must require them as soon as you can get them forwarded which I hope will be along with my Goods. I remain Gentn., etc.
Mount Vernon, September 5, 1771.
Madam: As I have some suspicion that my letters do not get to hand with the regularity they ought, I shall enclose you a copy of my last, since which, about the middle of June I was favou'd with yours, of the 10th. Decr. informing me of your third power of Attorney to Mr. Piper41 which I wish had come to hand about two months sooner as your second power, to Mr. Montgomerie, revok'd the first to Colo. Mason, and reduced Mr. Fairfax and myself to our usual perplexity of not knowing how to act under such duplicit conduct, it being unnecessary to attempt the recovery of money from a person into whose hands it was immediately to be paid.
[Note 41: Harry Piper, of Alexandria, Va.]
For sometime, indeed for many months, we evaded a meeting with Mr. Montgomerie, and tho' we coud not absolutely refuse a settlement with him, we endeavour'd, and did delay it till the middle of April, when his importunity was no longer to be withstood; we were then obliged to give the Bond a discharge for the Annuity due thereon till the January preceeding; after Mr. Montgomerie had promis'd that he would remit the money into your own hands, which by the bye, was a promise we had no right to insist upon, and how far he is obliged to perform it under the power by which he acts, I cannot take upon me to determine, but this I can say, that if you will adhere to your 1st appointment of Mr. Piper (who is willing to act) it will then be in the power of the Trustees to serve you; as they can, at the expiration of every year, demand payment of the Annuity; and in case of refusal or delay commence Suit immediately; by which means, tho' you may be kept a while out of the first sum, the rest will come in tolerably regularly afterwards; and I do in behalf of Mr. Fairfax and myself beseech you to be steady, and no longer suffer the conflict between Love and Interest (which has been the source of your own disquietudes and our perplexities) to sway you any longer, you certainly must by this time, know the ultimatum of your dependance upon the Doctors affection and support; and as to his threats, and dreadful denunciations, if you are seperated from him, what have you to fear from them? A steady and resolute behaviour on your part will soon put an end to his persecution and relieve you from every apprehension of abuse; and though it is far, very far from me, to foment differences, or to instigate a separation of man and wife, yet under the circumstances you describe yourself to labour, it is highly eligable, and much to be wished.
I have nothing more to add at present, but my best wishes, in which Mrs. Washington joins, and that I am, etc.
Annapolis, September 24, 1771.
Sir: At the particular request of the Honble Danl. Dulany Esq., I address this Letter to you, a certain Mr. Plowman of Baltimore has, unfortunately, had his Vessel seized by the Boston Frigate, if it should be condemnd,42 I have to request the favour of you to facilitate the purchase of it and render any Service you can in behalf of the proprietor. I have no great right to take this Liberty, but you will be good enough, I hope, to excuse the freedom taken by Sir, etc.
[Note 42: For smuggling. The British cruisers on the American coast made a practice of boarding vessels to examine for shipments not permitted export from the Colonies.]
Mount Vernon, October 21, 1771.
Dear Sir: Your favour of the 18th. of August, never came to my hands till about the middle of this month. In answer to it, I shall beg leave to observe that, the Township contain'd in the Plat you sent me, includes more Land than I shou'd choose, or that would be convenient for me to purchase; and I suppose by your laying the Grant off in that manner, and offering me a Lott, instead of 15,000 acres which I proposed to buy, that you do not incline to sell less in a parcel, for which reason I must decline the purchase altogether, unless I can get some person to join me, and at present I know of none that chooses to be concerned; but as I am going to Williamsburg in a few days, it is possible I may meet with some Gentlemen there who may incline to engage in this Scheme, in which case, I will write to you by the first opportunity after my return, and let you know more of my Sentiments on the subject of your offer, than at present I am able to do, in the mean while I have only to request that you may not disappoint yourself of a Bargain on my account.
I am much obliged to you for your kind assurances in favour of Captn. Crawford, and shall add nothing more at present than that I am with very great esteem, Dr. Sir, etc.
Williamsburg, November 7, 1771.
Dear Sir: Since you first left this Country,43 I have been favoured with two Letters from you one of them dated the 28th. of March, 1770; Serving to enter your own, and the claims of Captains Stobo and Vanbraam, to part of the 200,000 Acres of Land granted under Governor Dinwiddie's Proclamation; and the other, of the 18th. of December, which did not come to
[Note 43: Mercer had been in England for upwards of six years as the agent of the old Ohio Company, Failing to establish the claims of the company, he approached the organizers of the new company, known as Walpole's Grant, and sought to merge the interests of the two claimants. This he accomplished, as on May 7, 1770, the following agreement was made: "We the Committee of the Purchasers of a Tract of Country for a new Province on the Ohio in America, do hereby admit the Ohio Company as a co-purchaser with us for two shares of the said Purchase [equal to two seventy-second parts of the entire purchase], in consideration of the engagement of their agent, Col. Mercer, to withdraw the application of the said Company for a separate grant within the limits of the said Purchase." This agreement was repudiated by the old company. Mercer wrote to Washington from Dublin (Dec. 18, 1770): "Before I left England, I mentioned my having agreed with, or I may rather say prevailed with, the great Land Company [i.e., Walpole's Grant] there, that the 200,000 Acres, claimed by the officers of the Virginia Troops, should be allowed out of their small Grant."] my hands till about the first of last month, urging the expediency of prosecuting our Right to those Lands with Spirit.
In respect to the first, I have only to inform you, that your own claim, as well that for your Brother as yourself, was entered before the receipt of your Letter, and that Stobo's and Vanbraam's are also put in. In answer to the Second, I can only add, that the same backwardness, which has ever appeared in our Honorable Board to recognise our right to these Lands, seems still to prevail, and that our business in this Affair, is by no means, in that forwardness, which I could wish, owing (I believe I may say) to other Causes, as well as to a lukewarmness in those from whom we seek redress. The unequal Interest and dispersed situation of the Claimants make a regular Cooperation difficult. An undertaking of this kind cannot be conducted without a good deal of expense and trouble; and the hazard of obtaining the Lands, after the utmost efforts of both is such, as to discourage the Major part from lending a helping hand whilst a few are obliged to wade through every difficulty, or relinquish every hope.
Circumstanced in this manner I did in behalf of those, who had contributed to the expence of exploring and Surveying the Lands, (of whom you are one by means of your Brother). Petition the Governor and Council, that the quantum of each Man's share, according to his Rank, should be ascertained; and each Claimant suffered to Locate and Survey distinctly by which means every Man would stand upon his own bottom and not a few burthend with the expence of the whole whilst the Major part are standing aloof waiting the Event; if favourable to come in for part of the Prize but to pay nothing for the Ticket in case of a Blank. This petition I thought so reasonable, and so consistent with every principle of common justice, to say nothing of the disadvantage of being forced into large Tracts, and the manifest inconvenience of dividing them afterwards, that I conceived it could not possibly be rejected; but to my great astonishment it was so, and we are now compelled to be at the expence of Surveying our whole quantity in twenty Surveys, and then each Individual subjected to the charge of Surveying his own Separately; by which means we are doubly Taxed, whilst the whole is held as a kind of joint Interest, and no man is certain of his property, or can tell how, or in what manner to dispose of it. In short, so many glaring obstacles opposd their mode of proceeding, that they did not even attempt to remove them, but contented themselves with putting the Soldiery upon a worse footing, than the meanest Individual in the Community, rather than be thought to give a License for the pillaging of his Majesty's, or the Proprietary Lands; when it is a fact well known, and every age evinces it, that no Country ever was, or ever will be settled without some Indulgence; What Inducements have Men to explore uninhabited Wilds, but the prospect of getting good Lands? Would any Man waste his time, expose his Fortune, nay, life, in such a search, if he was to share the good and the bad with those that come after him? Surely no! and here we have Surveyed Ten of the largest Tracts we can find in the district allowed us, and have been able to get 61,796 Acres, and for this we have been obliged to go between 2 and 300 Miles below Fort Pitt, as the Lands thereabouts are thought to be within the Pensylvania Government; at least, are Survey'd under those Rights, and held by such a number of Individuals, that it was thought to be Impolitick to engage in private disputes, whilst there appeard but a gloomy prospect of getting any Land at all.
The Claims, which have been presented to me, are now all given in, and the Governor and Council have determind, that each officer shall share by the Rank in which he enter'd the Service, and that the Land shall be distributed in the following manner, viz., to each Field Officer 15,000 Acres; each Captain 9,000; each Subaltern 6,000, the Cadets 2,500 each, 600 to a Sergeant, 500 to a Corporal, and 400 to each private Soldier. They have made a reserve of 30,000 Acres, as well to provide for any Claims, which may hereafter come in, as to compensate those, who have been and must necessarily continue to be saddled with this expence; which we find will not be very inconsiderable, as we have already advanced and expended near £200 and the Surveyor not paid.
This expence must now be greatly augmented, as we shall be run to a considerable charge in exploring the Lands, before we can proceed to Survey any more, as it appears from every thing we know at present impossible to get 200,000 Acres in 20 Surveys without Including Mountains and Inhospitable Hills to the amount of near one half of it, which will render the grant of little value, and be the source of much discontent at a division. It behooves Us therefore to examine the Lands well before we Survey. And give me leave to add, that it will be very proper for you to give Messrs. Stobo and Vanbraam a hint that, something more than entering their Claims is necessary for this Work cannot be carried forward without an advance, and I dare say they will hardly think it reasonable to profit by the labour and Purse of others; it is highly incumbent on them, therefore, to appoint an Agent in this Country to transact their business and advance their quotas of the expence if they expect to share in the Lands.
To give you a minute detail of the proceedings respecting this Grant, would be a Work of time to me, and afford little entertainment to you; what I have here said will serve to give you an idea of the matter and this is all I have aimed at in this Letter; which I shall readily acknowledge is the first I wrote you since you left this Country. It was my sincere wish, and full Intention to have kept up a regular and friendly intercourse with you by Letter, and I only waited to be advised (according to promise) of your arrival in London, and address to begin this; but in waiting for this pleasure, I waited long enough to be convinced that you had forgot your old acquaintance; for tho' I could hear of your Letters to almost every Gentlemen in this Country I never had the satisfaction of being favored with one. At first I attributed it to accident, or miscarriage of Letter's but finding it invariably the same I did not incline to drag you into a corrispondence you seemd desirous of avoiding. I should not however have delayed answering your first Letter till this time, had you not advis'd me therein of your Intention of Imbarking soon for this Continent; which being frequently corroborated by your Brother, of whom I often enquird after you, I thought a Letter could have little chance of finding you in England; and the Reason of my giving you the trouble of this long Scrawl now is that I have just been told by Mr. Mercer, that you are to remain in London for some advices from him, respecting the Affairs of the Ohio Company. Mrs. Washington makes a tender of her Compliments to you, and I am, with very sincere regard, dear Sir,
[Note 44: A friend and neighbor. Maj. George Eskridge, guardian of Manley's father, had been the guardian also of Mary Ball.]
November 13, 1771
Sir: Inclosed you will receive a Copy of the Act Impowering your Grandfather to sell certain Intaild Lands. There being no printed Copy of it, I was obliged to have recourse to the Inrolld Bills in the possession of the Clerk of the House of Burgesses, and consequently pay the Fee established by our Assembly (which is 15/) an expence I would have saved you, by copying it myself, if the private Acts of that date had been Printed; but it seems they are not. Colo. Carter's Escheat of Hallows's Land is not among the records in the Secretary's Office, for this you will be obliged to apply to the Proprietor's Office, and Mr. Everhard,45 the principal Clerk in the Secretary's, being constantly engaged with the Court business I could not get him to search for the Paper's, and decree in favour of Hallows against Manley's heir. I attempted it myself, but for want of knowledge in their Records, I could not trace the proceedings regularly on; though I found where the Suit was commenced in April 1729 [ sic] by Hallows against George Eskridge, Guardian to your Father. I shall probably go to Williamsburg again in Feby. as the Assembly, it is suppos'd, will then meet; and shall find the Clerks more at leizure to search for the Papers you want or if this will be delaying the matter longer than you would choose, I could write to Mr. Everard by the Post, who I dare say would send transcrips from the record of every thing necessary to illucidate the point you want to know.
[Note 45: Thomas Everard was also one of the auditors for Virginia, which post he held from 1761 to 1780.]
Herewith you will receive the Notes &ca. agreeable to your Memm. and the Treasurers rect. for the Sum you sent by me, but he would not receive the Acct. as the 61 Hhds. of relanded Tobo. should [mutilated] be a credit to the Country [mutilated] was money actually received, or ought to have been so, [mutilated] to the Country credit'd as the Warehouses belong'd to [mutilated] I offerd to pay the difference, that is the £2.0.8, but he said this would answer no purpose, as the Acct. must be fresh stated; at which time it would do equally well to receive the Ballance, and requested me to bring down the Acct. with the alteration I have here mentioned, that he may enter a proper state of it in his Books, I am Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, November 22, 1771.
Dear Sir: Since my Letter of the 7th. which will accompany this by Mr. Adam, who I beg leave to recommend to your Notice; I have thought it advisable to purchase Stobo and Vanbraams Rights to the Land under Governor Dinwiddies Proclamation; provided they will take a trifle for it, and more than a trifle circumstanced as things are, I will not give.
My only motive for doing this, is, that the progress of our Affairs may be less obstructed, by being more contracted. The whole trouble of late (in this Country I mean) has fallen upon me, and a good deal of expence which never has, nor indeed never can be brought into Acct. I have been Subjected to by my Activity in this matter; And, as it is very obvious that the whole Work must go on at the expence of a few, or not at all, I am Inclind to adventure a little further in order to take the chance of gaining in proportion to my loss; for no problem in Euclid is more clear than that those who do not choose to advance before hand whilst there is at least a hope of success will hardly draw their purse strings to reimburse the expences of others when even hope is departed from them.
If you can give Mr. Adam any assistance towards makg. these purchases, I shall acknowledge it as a singular favour. Colo. Cresap who I have seen since his return from England, gave it to me as his opinion that, some of the Shares in the New (Charter) Government on the Ohio might be bought very Cheap from some of the present Members. Are you of this Opinion? Who are they that would sell? And at what price do you think a share could be bought? I am Dr. Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, November 22, 1771.
Dear Sir: Your claim to a share of the 200,000 Acres of Land under Governor Dinwiddie's Proclamation has been entered, and the Governor and Council have settled the proportion's which shall fall to each Man's Lott (according to the Rank he enterd the Service with) by which each Field Officer is allowed 15,000 Acres, each Captain 9,000, each Subaltern 6,000; each Cadet 2,500. A Sergeant 600, a Corporal 500, and each private Soldier 400 Acres a piece.
The Solliciting this matter with some other expences that have attended the prosecuting of our Claim have cost a few Individuals upwards of £200 already and instead of getting one half the Land contiguous to the Forks of Monongahela (Now Fort Pitt) where they are of some value, we are obliged to go down the Ohio near 300 Miles lower and take the Land in twenty Surveys; by which means, and the Nature of that Country which you know is very hilley and broken, we shall be obliged to include a large portion of bad Land so as not only to render the Grant of little value but will create a good deal of discontent at a division as it is absolutely impossible to make an equal distribution of the good and bad, nor divide it by Lott as differ't Ranks are entitled to different quantities; and when all is done what plague and trouble we are yet to meet with from the Proprietors of the New Governm't to the Westward of us whose Grant Includes every Inch of the Land we are expecting under our Order of Council I know not, time only can reveal it.
The expence attending this Grant of Ours, is in a manner but just beginning as we have not Surveyed a third part of the Lands yet, and are laid under the Inconvenience and hardship of first exploring the Country, then Surveying our whole quantity in twenty Surveys, and after that each Man his particular quantity seperately. A Grievance we have labour'd much to get removd, but could not. It is therefore Incumbant upon you to appoint an Agent here to attend to your Interest in these Lands; who should be enabled to contribute your proportion of the expence, for without money the business cannot go forward even if the way was smooth much less where there are difficulties in every Stage of it.
What I have here said will just serve to give you some Idea of this Affair; to relate the whole proceedings, with the troubles and Vexation's that have accompanied them in stating our Claims, drawing Petitions, presenting Memorials &ca. &ca. would require a Volume and afford little entertainment I shall therefore only add that I am, Dr. Sir, etc.
Note. A Letter of the same date of the above, and word for Word with it, I also wrote to Captn. Jacob Vanbraam, and sent them both, together with the foregoing and following by Mr. Robt. Adam.
Mount Vernon, November 22, 1771.
Gentn: I have Commissioned the bearer of this Mr. Robert Adam a friend and acquaintance of mine and one who I beg leave to recommend to your Notice to purchase on my Acct. the Rights of two Officers to certain shares of a Tract of Land granted by Govr. Dinwiddies Proclamation in 1754 to the Troops that engaged in the Service of this Colony at that time. If he does this he may possibly have a call for about One hundred and fifty pounds Sterling to pay for them which I beg the favour of you to advance him on my Account, charging me Interest thereon; or, if you have any unwillingness to do this, I then request that the money may be paid out of Mr. Custis's money in your hands and I shall allow him Interest for it here.
Mr. Adam has also one or two other little Commission's to execute for me which possibly may require from Ten to Twenty Guineas, this Sum you will please to advance on my Account also, among [them] I have requested him to get me a Gardner, if one of an orderly, and Sober behaviour can be had upon good terms your advise in procuring of one may be of Service both to him and me and will merit my thanks as I am a good deal in want of one. Captns. of Ships (Johnstoun in particular) I know make a practise of engaging Tradesmen of difference kinds upon Indenture for four or five years and bring them over from whence I conclude a Gardner may be had in the same way but rather than fail I would give moderate wages. I do not desire any of your fine fellows who will con tent themselves with Planning of Work, I want a Man that will labour hard, knowing at the sametime how to keep a Gar den in good Order and Sow Seed in their proper Seasons in ground that he has prepard well for the reception of them. I am Gentn., etc.
Mount Vernon, November 22, 1771.
Sir: In case of your going to England I should be obliged to you for using your Endeavours to purchase for me the Rights of Captns. Robt. Stobo, and Jacob Vanbraam, to part of the 200,000 Acres of Land claim'd by the Officers and Soldiers under Governor Dinwiddies Proclamation of the 19th of Feby. 1754 which by a late determination of the Governor and Council will be, if got at all, Nine thous'd Acres to each of these Gentlemen.
For neither of these shares would I give above an hund'd pounds Sterlg. at the Utmost because there is, in the first place a chance of our never getting the Land at all as it cannot yet be forseen what difficulties we are to meet with from the Members of the Proprietary Governm't to the Westward of us; who have it is said obtaind an actual Grant of the Country we are Surveying In. In the next place if we do get them it is under every disadvantage and discouragement that the nature of the thing can possibly be attended with for instead of getting one half of the Land Contiguous to Pittsburg as we were entitled to do by Proclamation and where it would be valuable we are obliged to go 300 Miles below and take the Land in large Tracts by w'ch means, and the Nature of the Country, we must necessarily Include a large portion of bad Land as we are con find to 20 Surveys and have made 10 of them, in the most extensive bodies of good L. we c'd find and have not got near one third of our q'ty which besides the hardship of compell'g us to receive, will be attend'd with much difficulty and great discontent at a division as it is almost impossible to divide the good and the bad in eq'e proport'ns am'g the different Claim'nts add to this, that we are obligd to be at a dble expence; first in Surv'g the whole q'ty and then each Man saddled with the charge of lay'g of his own part sepearately w'ch by the by appears to be subjected to the Manifest Inconvenience of being held in the Nature of a joint Interest and consequently no Man ascertaind of his particul'r spot till the whole are ready and willing to divide for which reason it is, I incline to buy, in order that this Inconv'e may be lessen'd by the principal Shares getting into fewer hands, and because hitherto the principal share of the advance (which has been upwards of £200) and almost the whole trouble has fallen upon me, otherwise I must have given up every hope of my own. Under these Circum stances which are justly and truely related I think those who have contributed nothing towards bearing the trouble, or ex pence of this business (among whom Stobo and Vanbraam are two) cannot expect much for their Shares and therefore I would give a trifle in order to take the chance of gaining as well as loosing as I must carry on the Work. Whatever Sums you agree for (and I have no doubts of y'r purcha'g upon the best terms you can) I have desired Robt. Cary Esqr. & Co. to pay; and I shall be much obligd to you for any trouble you may be at and will thankfully repay all expences.
I have furth'r to request the fav'r of y'o, if it sh'd happen in y'r way, to procure me a good Gardner; they, as well as other Tradesmen are frequently I am told to be had upon Indenture. Captn. Jno. Johnstoun I know used to bring in more or less every y'r in this man'r, and sell them in the Country. I do not want one of y'r fine fellows; a Man that can lay of a Garden, and will Work hard in it afterw'ds, and who knows how to sow Seeds in their proper seasons is all that I desire. In short a good Kitchen Gardner is what I want. If he underst'd something of Fruit Trees and could Graft and Innoculate so much the better.
The Gun herewith sent please to have handsomely Stock'd; let the Stock be of the same Bend, and Substance at the Britch as the old one. The Barl. to be scaled and properly cleans'd on the Inside and to have a new Lock of a piece with the Barl., the whole to be done in a compleat mann'r, with a pair of Bullet Moulds.
A Neat slip Cane, with a gold head (not expens'e) with my Arms engravd thereon. Also a Plate with my Arms engravd and 4 or 500 Copies struck.46 A White Agate Stone fixd in the gold Socket sent with Custis's Arms engravd thereon for Mr. Custis to whom it is to be charg'd. Heartily wish'g you a pleas't Voayage &ca. I am with g't Esteem, etc.
[Note 46: This was the Washington bookplate. It was engraved on copper by S. Valliscure, who charged 14 shillings for the work and 6 shillings more for 300 prints therefrom. The plate and prints were shipped to Washington in the ship Martha Rawlins, from London, Mar. 25, 1772. The original copperplate was discovered in 1929 by that discriminating and indefatigable collector, Dr. A. S. W. Rosenbach.]
Mount Vernon, December 6, 1771.
Dear Sir: The inclosed I write to you in behalf of the whole Officers and Soldiers; and beg of you to be attentive to it, as I think our Interests is deeply concerned in the event of your dispatch.
I believe from what I have lately heard that there is no doubt now, of the Charter Government taking place on the Ohio; but upon what terms, or how the Lands will be granted to the people, I have not been able to learn: I shou'd be glad however if you would endeavour to keep the Tract you surveyed for me till such time as we can tell where, and how, to apply for Rights; or, if you did any thing with McMahan, on my account, I will abide by that. As soon as the Tract at the Great Meadow's is enlarged, I should be glad to have the Surveys return'd to the Office, and to get a plat of it myself, as I am determined to take out a patent for it immediately.
I cannot hear of any reserve in favor of Colo. Croghan; for which reason I do not care to say anything more to him on the subject of a purchase untill matters are upon a more permanent footing, since no disadvantage can follow to him, after leaving him at liberty in my last letter to sell the Tract he made me an offer of to any body he pleased. I shou'd be glad however to hear from you how he goes on in his sales, and what is said, and thought of his claim; in short, what chance there appears to be of his getting it; for I suppose his right to the Lands he claims must either be confirm'd, or rejected by this time, and known at Pittsburg before now. I shou'd be glad to hear from you by the first opportunity in respect to these several matters; in the mean while I remain with my best wishes to Mrs. Crawford, yourself and Family, Dr. Sir, etc.
Mount Vernon, January 27, 1772.
Dear Sir: Inclos'd you have a letter for Mrs. Savage and a Bill drawn upon James Gildart of Liverpool for £53 Sterling, being a balance in his hands, which you will please to remit of soon as possible for her use. If we are able to recover any part of her annuity from Doctor Savage, I shall lay claim to my money again and this is the reason of my passing it thro' your hands; if not, I wish it may prove the means of relieving the old Lady from distress,47 who I believe has met with hard measure from the Doctor, from any one of the hardships she complains of in her letter. I am Dear Sir, etc.
[Note 47: Mr. Savage acknowledged this gift (August 19): "the Bill of £53 you were so good as to send for my relief, which believe me my dear Friend came most season ably; my situation is terrible, hut without it, it would have been wretched indeed. It would argue a base and ungrateful mind to omitt this opportunity of tendering you all in my power to bestow, the tribute of an Honest, Sincere and gratefull Heart for this Act of generosity and Friendship."]
Williamsburg, March 16, 1772.
Gentn: Since I came to this place I have been informed of your Letter to Mr. Jos'h Valentine (who is now Dead) respecting the Tobo. Shipped you by Captn. Peterson. I cannot conceive how this mistake has happened, nor is it in my power at the time to remedy it otherwise than by sending the marks and numbers as under from the different Inspection's not having the Bills of Lading to Inclose. This method I suppose will sufficiently distinguish the property of the Tobo. and enable you to make out my Acct. of Sales distinct from Mr. Custis's.
I inform'd you in my last of the 20th. of Feby. of a Draft for Fifty pounds in favour of the Revd. Mr. Boucher, Tutor to Mr. Custis, to whose acct. it was to be placed; and I believe I shall have occasion to draw upon you on the same Acct. at the April Genl. Court to the amount of four or five hund'd pounds more to comply fully with a late purchase of Land made on the behalf of this young Gentlemen. I remain Gentn., etc.
Mount Vernon, July 15, 1772.
Gentn: Inclosed you have mine, Mr. and Miss Custis's In voices for this River. The Goods you will please to forward by the first Vessel for Potomack (which possibly maybe Captn. Jordan the bearer of this) as there are some Articles that will be a good deal wanted especially the Sein, which will be altogether useless to me if I do not get them early in the Spring, or in other words I shall sustain a considerable disappointment and loss, if they do not get to hand in time. The Invoices for York River must be sent by some other oppertunity as the Steward there (Mr. James Hill successor to Mr. Valentine) has not yet furnished me with an Acct. of the Goods wanting.
The Wheat Riddles sent with my last Goods by [the] Mary Vaughan are by no means such as I desired, or such as I can make use of, and therefore I return them. I wanted these Riddles made open enough to let every thing smaller than the broken heads of Wheat and Straw through. In short to have had the Wire 5/8 th. of an Inch apart, and thought my directions on this head would have been expresive enough of my meaning to have obtaind my desire. I should still be glad to get such Sieves as these as they are very useful in taking out the broken heads and straws before the Wheat is winnowed, but want no others as we have a different method of cleaning Wheat here than that used in England.
Whatever Freight other's are charged for the Tobacco Shipped in Peterson last year I shall expect to pay for, Mr. Custis and myself but cannot help observing nevertheless that I have heard of no other Ships going at £10 pr Tonn from this Colony and have good Reason's to believe that they went at a much lower freight from Maryland.
Mr. Adam is not yet return'd to Virginia so that I do not know what success he met with in procuring a Gardner for me in Scotland. I am obliged to you however for the trouble you took in endeavouring to get one in London notwithstanding the attempt prov'd fruitless. It was not my Intention to give high Wages, Mr. Adam was right therefore in declining the matter when he found they were not to be had upon reasonable terms.
Peterson's late Sailing will, I fear proove very detrimental to us, not only in receiving our Goods so late in the Season but on Acct. of our Tobacco's not getting to an early Market. I remain, etc.
*INVOICE OF GOODS TO BE SHIPPED BY ROBERT CARY &
CO. AND FOR THE USE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON,
POTOMACK RIVER, VIRGINIA, VIZ.
*INVOICE OF GOODS TO BE SHIPP'D BY ROBT. GARY ESQ.
& CO. FOR THE USE OF MISS. MARTHA PARKE CUSTIS,
AND TO HER CHARGED BUT CONSIGNED TO GEO:
WASHINGTON, POTOMACK RIV'R, VIRGINIA, VIZ.
Virginia, July 15, 1772.
Sir: Please to send the following Shoes and Boots and apply to Robt. Cary Esqr. & Co. for Payment.
The Shoes which you sent me last fitted very well, but were in my opinion very ill shap'd; at least they do not please my taste as I am not fond of either long, or low hind Quarters, or Sharp Toes. I beg that none of the Shoes you now, or hereafter may send me, may be made of Dogskin unless particularly required to be so. I am Sir, etc.
PS Mr. Custis desires his Shoes may be made long and low in the hind Quarters. In short they may be made fashionable.
Virginia, July 15, 1772.
Mr. Gibson: The Coat and Waistcoat which you sent me last year (by order of Robt. Cary Esq'r & Co.) fitted very well, except having the fault you apprehended of being too long in the Skirts (for I was obliged to cut of near three Inches from the length) and being at the sametime a little too tight in the Sleeves; with an allowance for these alteration's I have to desire you to make the following Cloaths for me now
I have also to request you to send the following Cloaths for Mr. Custis, desiring at the same time that they may be made larger than those you sent him last year as the Breeches were too small for him every way especially in the Seat, and the Coats too narrow across the shoulders over and above these alteration's you are to make a proper allowance for his growth since as he is not only Taller, but lustier in ev' other resp't
Robt. Cary Esqr. & Co. will pay you for these things and I am Sir, etc.
P.S. Send Mr. Custis also, a Waistcoat of Superfine Scarlet Cloth with a Neat light gold Embroidery (if Embroidery is in Fashion, if not then to have a gold Lace on it). In short he wants a fash'e Winter Waistcoat which you will please to let this be, Yrs. &ca.
Virginia, July 15, 1772.
Gentn: That I may have my Seins Nett exactly agreeable to directions this y'r I give you the trouble of receiv'g this Letter from me to desire that 3 may be made. One of them 80 fathom long another 70, and the 3d. 65 fathom, all of them to be 12 feet deep in the middle and to decrease to 7 at the end when Rigged and fit for use; to be so close Mesh'd in the Middle as not to suffer the Herr'gs (for w'ch kind of Fishery they are intended) to hang in them because, when this is the case it gives us a good deal of trouble at the busy hurrying Season to disengage the Sein and often is the means of Taring it. But the Meshes may widen as they approach the ends; the Corks to be no more than 2 feet and half asunder and fixd on flat ways that they may Swim and bear the Sein up bett'r w'h a float right in the middle to shew the approach of the Sein with greater certainty in case the Corks should Sink, the Leads to be 5 feet apart. The Sein I had from you last y'r (by ord'r of R Cary Esqr. & Co.) had two faults, one of w'ch is that of hav'g the Meshes too open in the Middle; the other of being too strait rig'd; to avoid w'ch I advice you to loose at least 1/3 of the length in hanging these Seins; that is, to let your 80 Fathom Sein be 120 in the strait Meas'e (before it is hung to the Lead and Cork Lines) and the other 2 to bear the same prop'n. I c'd wish to have these Seins Tan'd but it is thought the one I had from you last y'r was inj'd in the Vat for w'ch reason I leave it to you to have these Tan'd, or not, as you shall judge most expedient. Robt. Cary Esqr. & co. will pay you for them also for 25 lbs of twine w'ch I desire may acompany them. It is absolutely necessary that I sh'd have these Seins as soon as possible for w'ch reason I hope no disapp't will happen from you as I possibly may be a pretty good customer for the time to come if you do me justice in these now ordered. I would not wish to have them made of thick heavy twine as they are more liable to heat and req'r great'r force to Work them; keep this Letter by you and I can from time to time point out any alter'ns I may find necessary to make in future with greater ease and certainty. I am Gentn., etc.
[Note 67: A merchant of Alexandria, Va.]
Mount Vernon, August 7,68 1772.
[Note 68: Ford prints this letter as of August 2.]
Sir: In reply to your Letter of the 4th. I think it a piece of Justice due to you to acknowledge that I was not lead to enquire into the price of the Goods I had purchased of you already, and might hearafter take from any thing that passed between us at the time I offered to discontinue my own Importations (upon Condition I could get my Goods at nearly what they would cost to Import them myself). I very well remember that nothing conclusive passd between you and me on that occasion; as a proof of w'ch I made out my own Invoice and sent it home by Captn. Jordan as usual, consequently you were not restraind on that Acct. from charging me what you pleased. My enquiry arose from an opinion that I was dealing with you upon better terms than common, and this opinion was founded upon what Mr. Adam told me of his Scheme when I came therefore to see an Article advanced a good deal higher than I expected I own to you that I was alarm'd and thought it high time to know upon what footing I was purchasing. If after this acknowledgement which I thought it incumbant on me to make in order that you might be released even from the apprehension of an engagement you still think proper to let me have the Goods I may find occasion to buy in the Country at 25 pr. Ct. Sterling advance upon the genuine Cost dischargeable at the Curr'y exchange I will confine my whole Country dealings to your Store and will endeavour to thro the Wages which I pay to hirelings into your hands also; provided you will let me know upon what certain reasonable advance they can have their Goods (upon the strength of my Credit) for unless they can deal with you upon better terms than with others I should not think myself justifyable in attempting to influence their choice, and this knowledge I must come at in order that I may convince them (if satisfied myself) of the propriety of the Measure.
You may believe me sincere when I assure you that no Man wishes to see your Company prosper in Trade more than I do and self Interest apart, I have always thought the way to do this was to Import largely and Sell low provided you could get a ready Vend and quick payments for your Goods but do not deceive yourself by the ready dispatch you have hither to met with; for tho' I do not pretend to dispute your Selling at a low advance in general (having had no oppertunity at all of Judging) yet give me leave to add that the progress you have hither to met with is by no means an evid't proof of it. The Mind of Man is fond of Novelty, Curiosity led many to your Store, and Inclination when there tempted them to be doing; to this they were excited by an opinion which most People had imbibd of your large Importation, and intended Scheme of Trade but my good Sir this is but the Work of a day, and like the Evening of it will sink into obscurity unless by a steady adherance to your Plan you convince the judgment as well as satisfie the curiosity of your Customers. You see that I have used a freedom which Friendship only can excuse me for. If I did not wish well to your undertaking, I should not take the liberty of troubling you with my Sentiments which however different from your own, or wrong in your principles, are truely genuine. If you are in any doubt, in respect to the advance upon the Goods I may get for my own use, or are got upon my Credit, I do not want to hurry you into a determination. The matter may rest till the arrival of Mr. Adam. I am, with very great esteem, etc.
Mount Vernon, September 20, 1772.
Madam: From the purport of Mrs. Bomforts last favour by Captn. Grayson it wou'd appear that my letter (and the small sum I was able to advance out of my own pocket for your immediate support) had not then got to hand; but as there is no doubt of its having done so before this; I shall not give you the trouble of having the substance of it recapitulated. In pursuance of our request, I have at length, got the original Deeds w'ch passed from you to the Doctors previous to your marriage, as also an authentic copy of the Doctrs. Bond to you both of which are herewith inclosed. In procuring the former, I met with a good deal of difficulty, being oblig'd to send to Williamsburg for them, after searching Prince William, Fairfax and Loudoun offices in vain. I have, at the same time, the further satisfaction of advising you, that I think we are in fair way of setting aside the transaction with Mr. Montgomerie respecting the annuity of your Bond; and consequently coming upon the Doctor for the whole sum due thereon, since the date of your marriage; but as the matter yet hangs in suspence, I would not advise you to be altogether sanguine, till you hear from me again, w'ch shall be as soon as we can get the matter finally fixed with Mr. Montgomerie. In the interim the suit goes on against the Doctor, and will, it is hoped, come to a hear'g in a Court or more; I wou'd advise you therefore to adhere steadily to your appointment of Mr. Piper, who seems to have taken a little umbrage at your changing the Channel of corrispondence from Mr. Dixon, as if you were suspicious of some inattention or remissness in one or the other of them. The Doctor begins, I fancy, to squeak at the prospect; and you may for ought I know, soon receive some proposals of accomodation from him, but I wou'd advise you not to be hasty in acceding to them, as I flatter myself we are not without a very good chance of recovering the whole sum due upon the Bond; and you may be assured that his offers will fall short of his expected payments. This packet was intended to go by Capt: Grayson, but being unluckily from home, when his Ship passed by, I missed the opportunity; but hope it will get safe to your hands not withstanding. I rejoice sincerely, that it is in my power from the information of Mr. Bomfort to congratulate you upon your recover'd state of health; at the same time I assure you that I receiv'd the acct. of your affliction with real concern; Persons, and things in this neighbourhood since the date of my last, remain nearly, in statu quo; Mrs. Washington and Miss Custis join their best wishes to mine, for you, and I am Madam, etc.
Mount Vernon, September 20, 1772.
Madam: The tender concern you shew to the distressed is sufficiently exemplifyed in the case of Mrs. Savage, and will be attended, I am persuaded, with more pleasing reflections, than the acknowledgments of the Lady, or the thanks of her friends are capable of affording. Brutal as the Doctrs. behaviour must appear to the feelings of every dispassionate mind, he is unwilling to be thought the Culprit he proves himself; for he does not scruple to assert, that Mrs. Savage was not only provided with every necessary, but all kinds of conveniencies, when he left Ireland: little, however will these assertion's avail him, when oppos'd by your candid and disinterested account of his con duct towards that Lady nor will it, I apprehend, avail his purse; as we are not without hopes of bringing her Affairs to a more favourable issue than was expected in my last, there being good reason to believe, we shall now be able to set aside the Transaction with her former Agent, and consequently bring the Doctor to account for all the arrearages due on the Bond. In the mean time I send her the papers she requested thro' you, and with all due deference and respect remain, Madam, etc.
Fairfax County, December 3, 1772.
Sir: I have been inform'd, that a Survey which Captain Crawford made for me on the Ohio (being the first bottom on the So. East side of the river)