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From Frederick Law Olmsted to John G. Nicolay, October 10, 1862
Washington Octr 10th, 1862
My dear Sir,
If you can find a moment of less than usual pressure, perhaps you will present the accompanying volumes to the President, inviting his attention particularly to the Map near the title page of the first volume, where he will find a suggestion extended in which I once heard him express an interest.—
I send a second copy, which as it contains matter for reference, I trust you will do me the honor to add to your own library.
I wish to offer a suggestion which you can, if you think well of it, make in the proper quarter.
The Proclamations of the President with regard to the Colonization, compensated voluntary emancipation, and forced legal emancipation as an act of War, of the slaves, are obviously designed to be presented to the people of the South, each as parts of a whole. They are not ordinarily published together, nor are they even brought separately before the people whom it is most desirable they should reach, by any of the ordinary methods of publication.—
My suggestion is, that they be printed on linen, as handbills, to be posted and distributed by such means as are practicable among the people of the South wherever our armies and squadrons go. If freely issued in this comparatively permanent form, they would be conveyed to distant points as a matter of curiosity by the whites; while the negroes would pass them from plantation to plantation, and thus many, both by accident, and by design, of the negroes, would come to the hands of the class of men whom it is so desirable, and now so difficult to reach. (I have turned a few leaves down, in the second volume, where you may find the class indicated to which I refer). Each would then become a centre of more correct rumors of the purposes and offers of the President; and a knowledge of the true designs of the government would thus be disseminated among those now so generally grossly deceived in this respect.
Very truly Yours,
Fred. Law Olmsted.
From G. Julian Harney to Abraham Lincoln, October 11, 1862
Moreland House, St Helier's, Jersey
Channel Islands, Great Britain, October 11th 1862.
Sir,
Among the few direct rewards that have recompensed earnest if humble, labours in the cause of Human Progress, now extending over a somewhat lengthened term, I count, with allowable pride and sincere pleasure, the letter from your hand dated Washington, July 23rd, 1862, in reply to one from myself of the 4th of that month in which I enclosed an article from the “Jersey Independent.”
I did not answer yours of the above date, because I felt I had no justification for thrusting a correspondence upon you; but now that I see fair reason to trouble you again, I must be allowed to say how much I was gratified by receiving your letter, an act of courtesy which, considering the calls upon your time, I had no right to expect. Your approbation of my sentiments towards yourself and the great cause of which you are the representative, I felt, and still feel, as a mark of honour, none the less 'though kept religiously, to myself. Your letter was marked “Private”, but under any circumstances I should never think of publishing a communication from the President of the United States, or any one in authority under him, unless in accordance with an express intimation, or by express permission. It is superfluous to add that the knowledge of your favor has been kept absolutely to myself.
I had the pleasure of receiving yours immediately after returning from London where I had been received by Mr AdamsTuscarora”, at Southampton, on my way to the metropolis. I was strongly impressed by the gallant Captain, and I feel assured that the Republic may count upon him as a most determined patriot and gallant sailor in the hour of battle, against any “odds.” I have marked with shame and vexation his treatment at Southampton, so inhospitable, so unworthy of England.
Of course I have followed with daily and nightly solicitude the fortunes of the Republican arms on the Chickahominy, the Rappahannock, and Antietam Creek. I must forbear from troubling you with my regrets or congratulations, I come to a more recent and still more important event — regarded politically and looking forward to its probable consequences — the issue of your Proclamation of September, 22nd.Independent (of this day) containing the same article. I have always been an “abolitionist” — how could I be otherwise as a friend of democratic institutions and a believer in the principles of the “Declaration of Independence”? — but I have reflected that your position was very different to that of Mr Phillips
I hope I have justly estimated your position and its difficulties — although no doubt I have expressed myself very imperfectly, owing partly to want of information, and partly to the fact of being “cribb'd, cabin'd and confined” in so small a paper. I purpose to return to the subject and will forward copies of the Independent containing my remarks.
I take the liberty to add that probably my opportunities of saying a good word for America through a Jersey newspaper will now soon terminate. After seven years residence I propose to leave this little nook. Whether my destination will be England or Australia I am not sure, but probably the latter. Wherever my “location,” if connected with the Press, as I hope to be, it is certain that my pen shall never be used in reference to American affairs but to vindicate, according to my ability, the Cause of Freedom and Good Government as represented by the United States and the successor of the line of Chief Magistrates whose father was George Washington.
I pray that your efforts to compose the distractions of your Country, and to maintain the supremacy of the Republic — “one and indivisible”, may be crowned with success, and that you may experience the devoted support of your Countrymen, and the sympathy of good and true men everywhere, to sustain you in and through the working out of the great mission which concerns not more the safety of the American Union, than the real and permanent welfare of all free nations and peoples struggling for Freedom.
I subscribe myself, your faithful & obdt servt,
G. Julian Harney.
P. S. I expect to remain in this part of the U. Kingdom until the end of March 1863.
From Elihu B. Washburne to John G. Nicolay, October 11, 1862
Galena. Illinois.
Oct. 11. 1862.
Dear Geo:
I wish you would get the President's attention to the matters mentioned in the enclosed letter.
Truly Yours,
E B Washburne
P. S. Please drop me a line as to the result.
From John Cochrane to John G. Nicolay, October 16, 1862
Hd Qrs John Cochranes Brigade
Couch's Division
Downsville near Hagerstown
Octr 16, 1862
My Dear Nicholay
I am ashamed not to know, because of characteristic defectiveness in that respect, your initials positively. And lest I make a mistake I prefer stripping you of them entirely lest otherwise I destroy your identity. I wrote you yesterday & to-day telegraph to you. The mails are so wretchedly ordered here, that I am afraid that my letter will not reach you. So I write now — & send to Hagerstown to post it— It seems to me, though I may well be mistaken that I could do much good now in New York. I have been written to to that effect The President told me that in case I was needed in N York, to write to you & that you would communicate to him, and he could arrange for my absence. Of course if my Brigade is to move into action immediately I would not go. But otherwise I think that I could just now, materially strengthen the Administration by taking decisive ground against Seymourillegible] to Pennsylvania
Truly Yours
John Cochrane
From Henry B. Stanton to John G. Nicolay, October 17, 1862
Custom House, New York,
Collector's Office,
Oct. 17th 1862
Dear Sir;
Our friends here think it of the highest importance that Gen. John Cochrane should come to this city, & take a part in the Election. He can aid us to save three Congressional Districts in this City. He can be of excellent service to us in the State.
Rest assured that, on account of the results of the Elections West of us, we shall be very hard pressed in this State — very. If New York is lost, all is gone. The battle pending here is of more consequence than that which seems about to be fought on the Potomac.
Now, Gen. Cochrane is willing to come here if he can have leave from the President.
This letter is borne to you by Wm Kemeyes, Esqr, the friend of Gen. C. He will lay the case before you: & I hope leave will be granted to Gen. C. by telegram to come at once to this City.
— Will you see that it is done?
Very Truly Your's
H. B. Stanton
From Schuyler Colfax to Abraham Lincoln, October 18, 1862
South Bend Ind
Oct 18. 1862.
Dear Sir,
Though the telegraph East announced my election as certain, we have been here in great suspense about it till last night, when the fog cleared off; & the officials proved I was elected by from 100 to 200 maj in a pole of 30,000. At one time it was down to 11 on the reports & shakey at that. Our 3.000 maj. in the District in 1860 has all gone to the War & more too; but an arduous canvass of over two months saved it. Your Emancipation Resolution of last Mch
I am saved by two Counties, Lake & Jasper. To no one am I indebted for their magnificent result than Hon Elihu Griffin, Ex Representative, of Crown Point, Ind, who canvassed them thoroughly for me after I had left them, till election day.
If you are willing to grant me one favor, I would like him appointed Paymaster of Volunteers. With 11.000 Volunteers from the District we are entitled to it; & he is splendidly qualified — fit indeed for Congress — & poor. If you can do this you would enable me to pay a heavy debt of gratitude — promote a worthy man — and place under life long obligations to you,
Yours truly
Schuyler Colfax
From Francis Springer to Hawkins Taylor 1, October 19, 1862
Burlington, Iowa.
Oct 19, 1862
My Dear Hawkins—
Your favor of the 20th September did not reach me until yesterday. Though late it is welcome, and I am obliged to you for it.
Our election is over and we have the State — and all six of the members of Congress. The canvas on the republican side has dragged, not because of the emancipating proclamation of the president, but because of the lamentable want of vigor and energy in the conduct of the war.when we were then. And with such generals in command as Grant, Buell, Halleck and McClellan,treasonable inactivity on the part of his subordinates — in other words would discard, dismiss (is the better word) from the service — the generals I have named — and place live men in their places — such as Banks in Hallecks, Hooker in McClellan's, and give Rosecrans the command of the West and South-west — he could end the rebellion in 90 days.will to act, before it is too late is the prayer of his best friends. A few more months of disgraceful inaction — and blundering strategy by his generals and I fear the county is lost forever. Is it possible that the president is not aware of the intense feeling of the country on this subject — of the dreadful anxiety of his friends for his fate and that of the country, unless he comes at once to the rescue? I would rather have a thimblefull of the good sense of the president in the conduct of the war than all the strategy of his generals — and all the science of West point — and so would the people of the loyal states—
I have the honor to be
Truly your friend
Francis Springer
From [Alexander T.] Stewart to Mary Todd Lincoln 1, October 31, 1862
Broadway & Chambers
Oct 31.
Mr Stewart's compliments to Mrs Lincoln, and takes the liberty to enclose a letter for the President which is left open for her perusal and which he will thank her to send to the President.
From Alexander T. Stewart to Abraham Lincoln 1, October 31, 1862
Broadway & Chambers
October 31. 1862
My dear Sir
I wrote you on the 25th Sept. with respect to the promotion of Capt Thaddeus P. Mott — son of the most eminent of our Surgeons Dr. Valentine Mott — requesting a favorable consideration of the application for Captn Mott's promotion, and fear my letter may not have reached you
Captn Mott was highly distinguished in the battles of the Peninsula and particularly on the last of the “seven days battles” on which occasion the battery temporarily under his command, rendered the most important service at the moment of the well known desperate charge of the enemy under Magruder, in which he was decisively repulsed
It may be recollected that at Harrison's Landing Captn Mott was presented by Majr Genl McClellan and so highly commended that he was asked by your Excellency, — such is the representation to me — “what he desired, and he omitted to express his wishes which earnestly pointed to promotion.
All that I can ask as a personal favor, is, that the application may be examined, and if it shall appear to be compatible with the public interests, that he may be given the command of a battery, for which on a sudden emergency he displayed such fitness.
I have the honor to be
Yours most sincerely
and truly
Alexr T Stewart
From Edward D. Townsend to John G. Nicolay 1, November 11, 1862
A. G. Office, Novr. 1, 1862.
Dear Sir,
The only papers I have ever seen in relation to the case of Major Key, were the President's memorandum on which the order for dismissal was given, with accompanying notes; all of which were sent back to the War Dept. and have since been printed in the papers—
Very truly Yours
E D Townsend
A A G
From Mary Todd Lincoln to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 2 [1862]
Nov 2d—
My Dear Husband
I have waited in vain to hear from you, yet as you are not given to letter writing, will be charitable enough to impute your silence, to the right cause. Strangers come up from W— & tell me you are well — which satisfies me very much— Your name is on every lip and many prayers and good wishes are hourly sent up, for your welfare — and McClellan
Dear little Taddie is well & enjoying himself very much— Gen & Mrs Andersonthese periods, will launch me away— All the distinguished in the land, have tried how polite & attentive, they could be to me, since I came up here— Many say, they would almost worship you, if you would put a fighting General, in the place of McClellan— This would be splendid weather, for an engagement— I have had two suits of clothes made for Taddie which will come to 26 dollars— Have to get some fur outside wrappings for the Coachman's Carriage trappings— Lizzie Keckley, wants me to loan her thirty dollars — so I will have to ask for a check of $100 — which will soon be made use of, for these articles— I must send you, Taddies tooth— I want to leave here for Boston, on Thursday & if you will send the check by Tuesday, will be much obliged—
Mary Todd Lincoln: A Biography (New York: W. W. & Company, 1987); and Elizabeth Keckley, Behind the Scenes, or, Thirty Years a Slave and Four Years in the White House (New York: G. W. Carlton, 1868).
One line, to say that we are occasionally remembered, will be gratefully received — by yours very truly
M. L.
I enclose you a note from Mr Stewart,
From Mary Todd Lincoln to Abraham Lincoln 1, [November 3, 1862]
My Dear Husband.
I wrote you on yesterday, yet omitted a very important item.here that, she can— She has been very unsuccessful— She says the immense number of Contrabands in W— are suffering intensely, many without bed covering & having to use any bits of carpeting to cover themselves— Many dying of want— Out of the $1000 fund deposited with you by Gen Corcoran, I have given her the privelege of investing $200 her, in bed covering— She is the most deeply grateful being, I ever saw, & this sum, I am sure, you will not object to being used in this way— The cause of humanity requires it — and there will be $800 left of the fund— I am sure, this will meet your approbation— The soldiers are well supplied with comfort Please send check for $200 — out of that fund — she will bring you on the bill.
Mary Todd Lincoln: A Biography (New York: W. W. & Company, 1987); and Elizabeth Keckley, Behind the Scenes, or, Thirty Years a Slave and Four Years in the White House (New York: G. W. Carlton, 1868).
From From Oliver S. Halsted Jr. to John G. Nicolay 1, November 7, 1862
Newark Nov. 7, 1862.
Friend Nicolay
According to promise I send the balance of Genl. Kearnys scathing review of the Battle of Williamsburg in general, and Genl. McClellan in particular.private circulation & use to any extent you may think best.
The people and the Army want facts — truth and accountability should be exacted. Commanding Genls. should be required to make, constantly, accurate Reports, and from time to time they should be given to the public. Let all responsibility rest where it properly belongs — Court Martial, & punish all who render themselves liable; and above all give to the nation the results of all such proceedings, and thereby show confidence in the people, & they will be sure to return the compliment by retaining their Confidence in the President. As it now stands he is made responsible for all blunders and shortcomings— And with his extreme good-heartedness he has undertaken to shoulder it all, and stand, as a wall of fire between the Culprits & the Country. It wont do, the fabled Atlas himself would be crushed under the load. I regret, as one of his fast, firmest friends to be compelled to admit, that many of his staunch supporters begin to falter — to doubt, his firmness, promptness and determination to stand by, & carry out, his prominent measures — and compel those around & under him to support him cordially, without an if or a but, or to yield to those who will. I enclose a letter to the President from the Executive Dept. of Illinois, which I was to have handed to his Excellency, will you be good enough to place it in his hand, & I will consider my mission filled.
Also find a clear copy of my “Card” on the Kearny Correspondence for the Presidents private use at some leisure moment. It will answer as preliminary to certain exposures which will certainly come.
The people have been studiously, purposely & basely, wrongfully educated, in reference to the acts & doings of the “Army of the Potomac” and its “Grand Commander”.
Generals & leading Officers who might possibly prove rivals, or were supposed to stand in his way— Cabinet ministers, who have dared to criticise his acts, or want of action — and finally the President himself, have, one and all, been compelled to feel their weight & effect of the determination of his blind worshippers & secession supporters to sustain him, at all hazzards, for political or traitorous purposes, at the expense it may be of the very life of the Nation. With an infatuation & want of foresight perfectly unaccountable, leading Statesmen, editors and politicians who should have known better, have stood silent & unmoved, aiding & abetting, directly & indirectly the misrepresentations, falsehood & deception by which was manufactured, and bolstered up a bastard public sentiment which has sought to make an idol of a species of “Golden Calf”, and served to hamper & trammel the President, and his true & honest friends for the last six months. Not a palpable or recognised blunder, failure, or short coming of the Grand Army, or its immaculate General, but has been at once attributed to the unwarrantable interference of others, or to causes over which its great leader had no control, and have occurred not by reason, but in spite of his brilliant efforts, great talents, & unrivalled strategic genius. With paid Reporters, & subsidised correspondents, a “monopolized telegraph & a trammelled press” defeats & repulses have been converted into successes and victories for the “Young Napoleon's” peculiar benefit — whilst as the Newspaper Record stands he has been “Cribbed, cramped, cabbinned & confined by the President & Cabinet, and they alone made responsible for all of disaster and disgrace under which the Army & the Country have been compelled to sorrow & to Suffer. The most outrageous & shameful part of the whole matter is, that McClellan, well knowing the fictitious and false foundation upon which designing demagogues & secession sympathisers were attempting to build up the fame of their favorite Genl. and tool at the expense of others; even those to whom he was subordinate, and in honor, bound to sustain at all hazzards; even in derogation & to the damage of, the only person to whom every patriot is bound to cling in this one hour of trial as the great hope of the Nation — the President himself — he should stand calmly by, silent & without one word to check, rebuke, or correct the disgraceful falsehoods and misrepresentations constantly put forth & promulgated by members of his Staff, his confidential friends and applauding press. He has gone up like a Rocket, he will come down like a Stick. When the facts are all known, I predict he will go lower in public estimation than any Genl. this side of Benedict Arnold. He alone has cost the Nation $500,000,000 & 100,000 lives at least, & our people will in due time, be appalled and utterly disgusted at the manner in which the record has been falsified, and they blindly misled & deceived to build up & sustain the greatest Military Impostor, and Humbug, of this or any other age.
Had the President displaced him previous to the late elections, a grand Secession & Lo-co-fo-co wail & howl would have gone up, and their results been attributed to no other cause. Thankful am I that he was given one more chance to save his stars pending the political contest.
A removal now will be sustained by all who propose honestly & fairly to uphold the Union, the President and the prompt prosecution of the War to subdue Traitors, and put down this most damnable Rebellion. As predicted in some of my former letters, he will accomplish nothing— Two to four miles a day, after six weeks or more of unaccountable delay, & wasted precious time, will not overtake, or force a fight from Generals who fully understand his peculiar “strategic” talent & slow tactics, and who have been given all the leisure they required, for retreat & preparation
Lee wont fight him now, unless he can get him to a disadvantage and surely whip him. As usual, the Army will find itself stuck in the mud, and in winter Quarters under Canvas, whilst the Rebels, as at Manassas, will be comfortably housed in Huts, in the best location of their own selection.
McClellan is strongly committed against a Winter Campaign in Va. and any such effort under him, even if forced would be made to fail, as its success would be a condemnation too manifest & rebuking, for his last winter Strategy. The great regret I have is, that no matter who succeeds him, if removed, which I am quite sure must come, Hooker, Burnside, Banks,progressive General, they will find themselves at once over-loaded with an Army in a questionable position, and at a very bad season to make an aggressive Campaign. If we advance & win now, it must be in spite of McClellans blunders, under every disadvantage, and in face of the very best Rebel preparation.
I have had an opportunity to confer with leading men both in New Jersey & New York both Democrats, Whigs, & Republicans, & am fully satisfied, that what I stated to the President on Wednesday was strictly true. The apparent Democratic victories, mean nothing more, nothing less than that the people having furnished all the men & means required will not brook further delays & defeats to accomodate or sustain any Cabinet officer, or General, or mere political & party policy
They expect information, facts, light & truth — less personal oppression in loyal States more Rebel persecutions & punishments in disloyal. They claim results, advances, success, victories, and will not stand by & sustain those who fail to accomplish them. Seymour Wood & co,
Knowing them as I do I predict an early manifesto, standing by the President & the prompt prosecution of the War, provided the President stands by himself & exhibits in any decided manner, that firmness & determination which We do know he possesses when he once “puts that foot down”. Excuse this long epistle. I write but seldom on these subjects, when I do it is “Currente Calamo”,
Your Obt Servt
O. S. Halsted Jr.
P. S.
In vain, would he plead, that he disgraced Sumner, by sending him back to Yorktown, from dissatisfaction, at his not having extricated Hancock, after his pseud-victory — and for sending way to the rear for me, the last troops in the far defiles, to support Hooker over pressed in front— For it was not for General Sumner, Commander of a defined Command, to substitute himself for McClellan, the Chief— In vain would he plead, that Heintzelman should have proved a genius, & improvised some stroke of strategy, for the worthy old General has never pretended, but to do his duty in his sphere— And the General-in-Chief is head of all to furnish plans, and to expressly blend into a whole the energy of all — which was impossible as he was not there.
In vain will he impute to General Hooker the committing himself to a general fight, involving the whole army, when a few Regiments would have sufficed, to hold his own, until the designs of the Chief were made known— For if that Chief is miles in rear, when his army is in full carreer, there are very few Generals, however superior their talents (and of such class is General Hooker) who under the long known duplicity and favoritism, and despotism of General McClellan, would have ventured to risk opprobrium on them, for hesitation, or do any more than they best they could, and rely on him for justice.
Such is the secret of this incomprehensible mystery — and it is within the comprehension of the first citizens mind, that will spread before him the Map of Virginia.
But, if one point in this malignity, working with a monopolized telegraph, and a trammelled press, has created with me more indignation, than another, it sadly is that the fate of my two most gallant aids and very dear friends, Captain Wilson, A. A. Genl. and Lieut. Barnard, have been purposely kept from the honors due to their gallantry. The same as was the case, when my skirmish at Sangsters Station, produced the enemy's hurried retreat from Manassas, I was debarred by every underhand influence, from having published to the world, the heroic end of that most noble martyr to the first Cavalry success, Lieut. Hedden— Yes, this is a repetition of those times, for then as now, I was the first General Officer, whose Reports had been excluded from the press. General McClellan from the early commencement of his Carreer seems to have singled me out, the thirteenth on the list of 212 Brigadiers, nearly the senior Division General on the list, to be the marked victim of his indirect injustice.
However, in this matter I am not acting, however outraged, from personal motives, but to unvail to the Country, when opportunity shall permit, the weakness and unreliability of the General-in Command.
I enclose to you my Report of the Battle of the 5th.
Very Truly
Yours
Ph Kearny
Br General Comdg
3d Division 3d Corp's,
O. S. Halsted Jun Esqr
Willards Hotel, Washington.
(In Pencil at the bottom the following) This letter is not intended for publication now, but I hope, without forestalling the fearful condemnation that must follow Mj. Genl. McClellan — for I care not to make trouble, that you will show it to all my friends, as due to me & mine
Ky.
From William H. Seward to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, [November 8, 1862]
My dear President.
Will you see Col. Hamilton of Texas with Col. Rogers of the same state, a moment
Truly
William H Seward.
11 A M.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Will be glad to see Col. Hamilton, & his friend, whenever it may be convenient for them
A. Lincoln
Nov. 8. 1862
From Benjamin H. Brewster to Abraham Lincoln, November 10 [1862]
706 Walnut Street
Philadelphia
My dear Sir:
On my return home it was my intention to have visited Washington for the purpose of expressing to you my thanks for your kind attention to my letter from Paris and likewise to say how much we all owe to you our cordial sympathy for the trials you have undergone as well as for the labours that are before you.
Again thanking you, and tendering my little word of encouragement as a loyal duty to a just and faithful magistrate overladen with unforseen troubles
I have the honor to be
Mr President with Sincerity
More & more
yr Friend
Benjamin H. Brewster
Sunday 10 November
From William H. Fry to Abraham Lincoln, November 11, 1862
New York, Tuesday Nov 11 1862.
Dear Sir:
I have just had placed in my hands a pamphlet of 95 pages entitled — “Government Sale Catalogue of an immense collection of library books in all departments of Literature, Arts, Sciences; including every many important & scarce works &c &c to be sold at auction Nov. 17, in New York” etc.— This collection, is understood to belong to a college or literary institution of Beaufort, South-Carolina, and it strikes me, that it is carrying the war beyond Africa, to strike at benign learning and Science after this fashion. I fear it will be viewed as an act of injustice & bad taste should this sale take place — supposing I have been rightly informed as to the place & circumstance of the seizure. I beg, therefore, Mr. President, to call your kind attention to the subject, in the hope that the sale may be arrested, and the “immense collection” preserved, if possible, for restitution when the Union is restored, if ever.
With Lincoln in the White House: Letters, Memoranda, and Other Writings of John G. Nicolay, 1860-1865 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 93.
With great regard,
Your obedient Servant,
Wm Henry Fry
Assistant Editor N. Y Tribune
From Edward Bates to John G. Nicolay, November 20, 1862
Washington, Nov 20. 1862
My Dear Sir,
I fear that some accident has happened to a paper of some consequence, which should have come to me, some days ago, but cannot be found in this office— Neither the Chief Clerk, or any other, can give me any account of it.
It is an order, by the President, charging the Attorney General with the duty to direct the Execution of the Confiscation act, so called.
The President told me, to day, that it had been expedited several days since. Perhaps, by some accident, it has been detained in your own office.
Pray inform me, & so oblige
Your friend & obt servt
Edwd. Bates
From Erasmus D. Gaines to John G. Nicolay 1, November 24, 1862
Collected Works, V, 152.
U. S. Military Academy, West Point, N. Y.
Nov 24th 1862.
Dear Sir;
I have concluded to write you a few lines to inform you how I am getting along in relation to my studies.
I am sorry to state that I have not done very well in consequence of not having any previous advantages with the present course in which I am now engaged. The subject of Algebra and Grammar, I was most entirely ignorant of when I came here, and it is a rare thing for a New Cadet, to pass the examination which will take place on the first of January unless he possesses a certain degree of preperations before entering this Academy . But my circumstancies through life has been such as to prevent me from acquireing a suitable education for this place.
If I understood Algebra, and Grammar, as well at the commencement of this term as I now do, I would not have no difficulty, but unfortunately for me I was born a poor boy and thus failed to acquire it.
For the last three months I have been fearful of the coming examination and I have improved all of my time to the best possible advantage in setting up at knight until 12 Oclock, reguarly, to get my lessons. I labored for three years under many discourageing circumstancies to obtain an appointment to this place which I now enjoy, through the kindness of the President. My situation here I value beyond evrything that ever came in line of my observation, and for this reason I have considered it worth while to try and stay here, and I have tried my utmost with the hopes of success. There is not a Cadet in my class of 79 members who labores so hard as I do to get through this Institution. as I do. and I shall still continue to do all in my power, with the hopes that all will be well.
The first examination which takes place on the first of January is the severest of all, and my Instructor tol me that if I could withstand it that I would do well in the future. I had a very sevre headache all last weak and I dont feel well to day, setting up so late at knight has nearly brok me down but I hope that I shall get better soon, otherwise I shall fail entirely. if I should loose one week's study by sickness it will be impossible for me to regain it. I hope you will consult the President as to the probability of reappointing me in the event of my failure this term, for unless I get reappointed all that I have thus far gained will be lost I hope you will write to me soon as convenient, and if there is any advise or information that you can give me in relation to my affair here it will be very thankfully received.
Very Truly and Respectfully
Your Most Obet Servt
Erasmus. D. Gaines
Cadet U. S. M. A.
From Benjamin Gratz Brown to John G. Nicolay, November 25, 1862
St Louis Nov 25. 1862
My Dear Friend
I wrote a letter today to the President,
Curtis is openly in the interests Freedom, and our Governor
Genl Pope
If we are to be saddled here in Missouri with a disastrous change & all our work now unsettled then the President must be responsible for the result—
For my own part I must reiterate an ernest protest against any change for the present.
It is said charges have been sent on to Washington against Genl C. but he is not the first Genl who has been continued in position in the face of criminations, nor do I understand that they are of a nature so serious even unexplaned to require that so great a sacrifice as that of the cause of freedom here should be made to find him a successor.
It is generally credited here that the charges are trumped up in the interest of slavery and at the instigation of men who fear to appear personally in the work of detraction.
My object in writing to you is, in the event the President has not received my letter, to ask that you will show him this memo, and ask that he will at least give us two months without interruption to finish up our work of Emancipation.
Will you do me the personal favor to attend to this and let me know the result.
I remain very Truly & in haste
Your Friend
B. Gratz Brown
From John G. Nicolay to Lucius E. Chittenden, November 27, 1862
Washington, Nov. 27, 1862.
Dear Sir:
In answer to your letter of Oct. 9, asking estimates, I beg leave to report that the sum of One Thousand Dollars will be required for the Contingent Expenses of the Executive Office including stationery, for the next fiscal year, it being the same amount that was appropriated for the present fiscal year.
Your obt Servt
Jno. G. Nicolay
Private Secretary to the President of the U. S.
From John W. Forney to John G. Nicolay 1, December 1, 1862
Chronicle, Forney had a keen interest in seeing Lincoln's Annual Message before Nicolay officially presented it to Congress.
My Dear Nicolay—
The Senate is filling with Senators and I regret I cannot leave before the hour. I will do justice to the message in reading; and if you could let Mr. Cook, my friend, who bears this, have a copy it shall see no mortal eye but mine, and will be handed to you as you present it in Senate—
Collected Works, V, 518-37.
I hear that the Star is resolved to beat the Chronicle in getting it out. We'll see
Yours Truly
J. W. Forney
Dec— 1, 1862—
From Lawrence A. Gobright to John G. Nicolay 1, December 1, 1862
My Dear Sir: I will be on the lookout for you at the door of the Senate, after you shall have delivered the Message to that body. Please have two copies for me in the envelope, for the better convenience of transmission
Collected Works, V, 518-37.
Yours truly
Gobright
Dec 1, 1862.
From Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln, December 2, 1862
Washington, Dec. 2d, 1862.
Dear Sir,
Upon receipt of your favor of the 24th of Nov. I came to this city last night, in order to have a conversation with you upon the subjects discussed in your letter.
Very truly yours
C. Schurz
From John G. Nicolay to Henry H. Sibley 1, December 9, 1862
Copy.
Washington, December 9, 1862.
General:
The President directs me to call your special attention to the case of Robert Hopkins, alias Chas-Kay-don no. 163 by the record one of the condemned Indians now in your custody, that you may not be led by a similarity of names to confound him with Chaskaydon, or Chaskay-tay No 121 by the record, one of those whomse the President has sentence of death the President has confirmed.
It appears by numerous representations made to the President from entirely trustworthy sources, that Chas kay don (No 163) by his own personal exertions saved the lives of the family of Revd. Mr. Williamson and behaved throughout the unfortunate occurrences in which he was involved with great humanity, and in fact imperilled his own safety by his fidelity to the white family under his charge. was also instrumental in procuring the release of Mrs Huggins.
Your obt. servt
(signed) Jno G Nicolay
Priv Sec
From John J. Crittenden, John W. Crisfield, and William A. Hall to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, December 17, 1862
Washington D. C.
December 17th 1862.
Sir
At a meeting, on yesterday evening, of members of Congress from the Border States of Maryland, Kentucky & Missouri, the undersigned were deputed to solicit an interview with you for the purpose of representing the true situation of those States with the grievances of their people, and of suggesting remedies for the removal of the evils under which they are laboring, and of the public mischief to which they may give rise. It was the expressed wish of the meeting that we should seek that interview with you at as early date as your convenience would permit.
We will be prepared to wait upon you at any hour you please to appoint, after this day, and we will be gratified, if it please you to grant us the interview at some time to morrow.
We hope, Sir, to have the honor to an answer designating the time when you will receive us.
We are, with great respect,
Your Excellency's
Obedt. Servts.
J J Crittenden, Kenty:
J. W. Crisfield, Md.
Wm A. Hall Mo.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Mr. Crittenden, Crisfield & Hall.
From Abraham Lincoln to John J. Crittenden et al. [Draft] 1, December 17, 1862
Washington, Dec. 17. 1862.
Gentlemen:
Your note of to-day asking me to designate a time when I can receive you as a committee, is at hand— Let 10. A. M. to-morrow be the time—
Your Obt. Servt.
A Lincoln
From John D. Defrees to John G. Nicolay, December 17, 1862
Washington, Decr. 17, '62
Dear Sir:
Only a few events stand out prominently on the page of the history of each century.
The proposed proclamation of the President will be that one of this century; sh and it should be such a document as to justify the act in all coming time.
If the President can only put his whole mind to its composition, it will be done done; — but, I fear he will suffer himself to be so perplexed by “outsiders” that he will not give it proper thought.
Can you not gently [tell] hint this much to him?
Your friend &c
Jno. D. Defrees
From William D. Lewis to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 23, 1862
Philada Decr 23, 1862
Dear Sir,
The enclosed slip from the North American of this morning showing the course taken by Lord Dunmore in 1775, on the subjects of confiscation of property & freeing of slaves of rebels, has seemed to me of sufficient importance to ha justify me in bringing it to your special notice at this crisis.
It is most probable that you have been cognizant of the facts therein stated, but as the majority of the public certainly were not, I deemed it advisable to cause the publication of the British Governor's proclamation in one of our newspapers now [see Force's Public Documents] thinking the effect could not but prove salutary.
With much regard Your obt Servant
Wm D Lewis
From Green Adams to Abraham Lincoln, December 31, 1862
Office of the Auditor of the Treasury
For the Post Office Department,
Decr 31st 1862.
For God,s sake, stand by the proclamation—
The Good men of Kentucky will stand by you in every effort to crush the rebellion, and if you will let the political jugglers know they have to toe the mark, they will sink & come too
Green Adams
From Schuyler Colfax to Abraham Lincoln, December 31, 1862
Washington, Dec 31, 1862
My dear Sir,
I returned from New York yesterday & hoped to see you this morning but the Cabinet meeting prevented.
The New York Editors are anxious, if possible, that your Proclamation, if ready, may be telegraphed by to the Associated Press this afternoon or evening, so that they can have it in their New Year's morning newspapers with Edl. articles on it. You are aware, of course, that, as no papers are printed throughout the land the morning after New Years, if this is not done, it will not be published till the in any morning paper till Jan 3rd, robbing it of its New Year's character.
With Lincoln in the White House: Letters, Memoranda, and Other Writings of John G. Nicolay, 1860-1865 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 98.
Respy Yrs
Schuyler Colfax
From Frederick W. Seward to John G. Nicolay, January 6, 1863
Washington, Jan. 6th 1863
My dear Sir,
Shall we appoint the Springfield Journal and Galena Advertiser, to publish the Laws in Illinois?, this session? Mr Washburn
Official Register, the Quincy Whig and Republican and the Springfield Journal were awarded the State Department contracts to publish the laws.
Faithfully yours
F. W. Seward
Abraham Lincoln, Executive Order [Copy in a Secretarial Hand] 1, January 8, 1863
Executive Mansion
January 8. 1863.
Ordered by the President:
Whereas on the 13th day of November, 1862, it was ordered “that the Attorney General be charged with the superintendence and direction of all proceedings to be had under the Act of Congress of the 17 of July 1862 entitled “an Act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, and to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes” in so far as may concern the seizure, prosecution and condemnation of the estate, property and effects of rebels and traitors as mentioned and provided for in the fifth, sixth, and seventh sections of the said Act of Congress”.
And whereas, since that time it has been ascertained that divers prosecutions have been instituted in the Courts of the United States, for the condemnation of property of rebels and traitors under the Act of Congress of August the 6th 1861, entitled “an Act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes” which equally require the superintending care of the Government: Therefore—
It is now, further ordered by the President: That the Attorney General be charged with superintendence and direction of all proceedings to be had under the said last-mentioned Act (the Act of 1861) as fully in all respects, as under the first-mentioned Act (the Act of 1862).
Abraham Lincoln.
Abraham Lincoln, Executive Order [Copy in a Secretarial Hand] 1, November 13, 1862
Executive Mansion, November 13. 1862.
Ordered by the President
That the Attorney General be charged with the superintendence & direction of all proceedings to be had under the Act of Congress of the 17th of July 1862 entitled “an Act to suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of Rebels, and for other purposes”, in so far as may concern the seizure, prosecution and condemnation of the estate, property and effects of Rebels and Traitors as mentioned and provided for in the fifth, sixth and seventh sections of the said Act of Congress.
And the Attorney General is authorised and required to give to the Attornies and Marshals of the United States, such instructions and directions as he may find needful and convenient touching all such seizures, prosecutions and condemnations. And moreover, to authorise all such Attornies and Marshals, whenever there may be reasonable ground to fear any forcible resistance to them, in the discharge of their respective duties, in this behalf, to call upon any military officer, in command of the forces of the United States to give to them such aid, protection and support as may be necessary to enable them safely and efficiently to discharge their respective duties.
And all such commanding officers are required, promptly, to obey such call, and to render the necessary service, as far as may be in their power consistently with their other duties.
Abraham Lincoln
[Endorsed by Edward Bates:]
March 1864
Atty General to the Secy of War.
About military confiscation— Mr Bates &c
The Prests orders to the Atty Genl & c
From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, January 10, 1863
Washington, D. C.
Wednesday Eve
Jan. 10, '63.
My Dear Sir:
I hoped, when I saw you, that I should certainly see you, and try to see the President, before I left the City; yet I am going to-night without. Mr. I have spent all day at the other end of the Avenue after wasting most of yesterday in getting ready to lecture, and must go home to-night.
I pray you to say for me to the President that his Message fully satisfies the expectations of his friends, and is received with general enthusiasm.
Collected Works, V, 517-38.
Yours,
Horace Greeley.
From Franklin A. Dick to Montgomery Blair 1, January 26, 1863
St. Louis, Mo., Jany 26th 1863.
Dear Sir.
An agreement was made between the President and Governor Gamblevolunteer Aide to the Governor, by special order of Genl Schofieldwould be had been any difficulty about paying him. Both said no: & Major J. said emphatically that I would be paid. I was commissioned by the Governor on Novr. 4. 1862 as “Aide-de-Camp, with Rank of Lt. Col. on Staff of Major Genl Curtis, commanding M. S. M” On the 5th Novr. I reported to Genl. Curtis, and received this order from his Chief of Staff—
Collected Works, V, 15-17; and Official Records, Series I, Volume 3, 565-66.
“Lieut Col. F. A. Dick, M. S. M. is hereby assigned to duty as Provost Marshal General of the Department of the Missouri, and will be obeyed and respected accordingly” On that day Nov. 5. I entered upon such duty— Early in January I made out my pay a/c from 5 Novr. to 1st Jany. 63 and asked Major Johnson to pay it— He refused, upon the ground, that it had been lately decided by Genl Halleck that, Lt. Col. Charlot, of the Staff of Genl Curtis as Major Genl of the M. S. M. was not entitled to pay — because not mentioned expressly in said agreement, as one of the Officers authorised to be appointed by the Governor. When Col. Charlot's pay a/c was sent back, disallowed, Genl. Curtis wrote at large upon the subject to Genl Halleck; & in his letter will be seen clearly stated the reasons he relied upon. From Genl Halleck's having had such a Staff, it would seem that he gave the act of Congress the same construction — & not until after my entering upon the office, & more than a month passed, did I suppose any doubt existed.
I have not pushed the matter, for I have been waiting for a decision upon the case of Col. Charlot, which if in his favor, would decide the question in my favor. Col. Charlot tells me now that it is 5 weeks since the question was sent back to Washington, & I feel it be due to myself that I should know whether or not, I am to have pay as Col. Farrar had. I was mustered in by Col. Easton of the M. S. M. Aide to Gov. Gamble, on 5th Novr. 1862.
But pay alone is not the only thing involved in this — it if was, I would not trouble you, who have so many cares, with it.
If I am not entitled to pay, it must be, because Genl Curtis is not entitled to a State Staff, and consequently my commission is void—
That being so, I stand just as Col. Gantt stood, as volunteer Aide — & having been appointed Pro. Mar. Gen. by Genl. Curtis, after the order of Genl Halleck, prohibiting such appointment, may not my appointment be considered as void, because contrary to orders—
I have been acting as a Staff officer, & my orders of Pro. Mar. Genl. run in the name of Genl Curtis.
An other point— The said agreement provides that when the U. S. Major Genl ceases to command this Dpt. his Comn as State Major Genl ceases—
I have seen Broadhead
Now to me, it is an important thing to know, what would become of my commission, and office in that event. When Genl C. ceases to be Major Genl of the M. S. M. I cease to be a Lt. Col. & Aide— Does that dispose of my office— I think so— Take away a Cols. Comn. — he can not command his Regt.
Having stated these matters, I now enter upon an other. By numerous, and unmistakeable indications, there is one, if not two parties of men in this State, who are preparing for a dispute of the authority of the U. S. in Missouri. When we had a large force of troops, U. S. Volunteers, & M. S. M. all commanded by U. S. officers, in the State, it was desperate and futile to question the power of the U. S. Gov't. in Mo — but of late I believe all the U. S. volunteer Regts. have been with drawn, & the M. S. M. forces have I believe been ord most of them taken into Arks, by Blunt & Herron.
What is called the Enrolled Mo. Militia, is expected to take care of this State. That is exclusively under the control of the Governor. Already ugly questions begin to arise, under this change, as to jurisdiction — the authority of the Governor, — of U. S. officers. Some time since, a Provost Marshal arrested a man who is a Col. of the E. M. M. on alleged grounds of disloyalty, & at once the Governor called upon me for an explanation of the act. The Gov. and I agreed upon the principles governing the case, — no trouble grew out of it, & the man was discharged; but I foresee that with the constant disturbances in this State, that serious difficulties will spring up — & the way further is prepared by the withdrawal of the U. S. troops— If no military force was needed to keep the state quiet, then the troops should be withdrawn; but such force is needed, and soon you will see the State in full control of the E. M. M. under command of exclusively State officers.
By an order issued a few weeks ago, the President has conceded or given to the Governor the Power to remove the Officers of the M. S. M, that is the special 10000. troops raised by that agreement; & under it, the Gov— has already removed Col. Jackson, (the Judge Jackson impeached in Claib. Jackson's time)—
Official Records, Series III, Volume 2, 646-47.
I do not question the Governor's loyalty; nor his integrity.
Last fall or summer Genl Schofield made an order, to take away arms from disloyal men — under it, in many Counties, these guns were collected, and placed in custody of the Provost Marshals, and held subject to the orders of the U. S. Officers— That order of Schofield still stands in force, & is a necessary & proper order.
On the 20th inst. Lieut. J. A. Mayhall, of the M. S. M. one of the best officers in the U. S. Service, of his rank, writes to Genl Curtis, that when he arrived at New London, Ralls County, some 6 weeks ago, (where he is Pro— Marshal) he found the guns that had been taken from the Citizens, under Schofields order, 150 in all, had been returned by Col. TinkerM Brig. Genl of the E. M. M. appointed by the Governor) to call in all the guns in the Country, & also those now in the Provost Marshals possession. Mayhall says that Major Johnston is disloyal — also Col. Tinker (and I believe so too) — and Mayhall says that he will not surrender the guns unless ordered so to do by Genl Curtis— That Tinker & Johnston have obtained an order for all the enrolled militia of the County, who are loyal, except 60, to retire from active service, & say they intend to arm 2 Companies of conscripts — that is disloyal men, who refused to enrol. The Pro. Mar. says he believes these Militia officers are preparing to resist the laws & orders of the U. S.—
I regard Mayhall as a safe, reliable, discreet man. On the 24th the letter was referred by Order of Genl Curtis to me, without instructions.
If I direct the Pro. Mar. to give up the arms, it is conceding every thing to the State Officers—
Why does not the Governor issue an order, to collect all the arms, if it is his purpose to do so. It is improper — irregular for a subordinate State officer to demand arms from an U. S. officer, taken in pursuance to a Gen. Order, issued by a Genl Commanding the State, as Genl Schofield did. You will see how difficult it is for me to direct the Provost Marshal, how to act, in the absence of any policy indicated by the Admin in such a matter: and you see how difficult is the position of the Pro. Mar. who if he refuses, may have his commission in the M. S. M. taken from him by the Governor; and if I sustain him, the Governor may revoke my Comn.
It may be asked, why Genl. Curtis gave no instructions, how to answer the letter. I can not tell, but he may feel at a loss to know what answer the President would have him give. Col. Farrar is now engaged in collecting forfeited bonds, taken by orders of U. S. Officers, of disloyal men — who violated their bonds & a second time took up arms— The Provost Marshals write me that a military force is absolutely necessary to collect those bonds— The U. S. forces are withdrawn, & Gov. Gamble has issued an order, No. 50 which I enclose, declaring that the E. M. M. shall not aid in collecting assessments, & are exclusively under his control— These were assessments made under Schofields order 3,
Official Records, Series I, Volume 13, 446-47; Hamilton R. Gamble to Lincoln, December 31, 1862; California, Missouri Citizens to Lincoln, January 1, 1863; Missouri Delegation in Congress to Lincoln, January 4, 1863; and Lincoln to Samuel R. Curtis, January 5, 1863.
I could give you other examples of the way in which collisions are threatened — but it is too much labor for you to read & me to write of all these matters in detail. You can judge from these facts, how matters are going in this State; & of whether or not, it is expedient to allow the control of it to slip from the hands of the President.
To go back now to the point at which I started— The only semblance of the U. S. authority in a large part of the State, is the Provost Marshal system — it is an important matter to determine whether or not it shall be preserved. In a long letter forwarded by Genl Curtis to Washn some days ago, I gave some facts to show its operation.
I took charge of it, in this State, pretty well understanding its operations.
What I want at this time, is to understand what is required of it. It should be known, that in this State, we arrest few or no State Prisoners as they are called— The men under my charge are active aiders of the rebellion, by open deeds— Marauders — Guerillas — Men taken in arms — in rebel Camps — who rob & murder Union men— Talk of executing the law against such men, in a Rebel community, where the office holders & Juries are Southern Sympathisers, & worse — I tell you it is a cruel farce — and a fearful injustice to the supporters of the Gov't. The Courts may sit in many Counties, but witnesses, jurors &c, are disloyal— Arbitrary arrests made in the free states are very different from the military arrests made in this disloyal State— Missouri is disloyal, deeply so from end to end, and the arm of military power alone has kept kept up a show of quiet. In view of this, I believe that some military system of Government, is absolutely necessary to be kept up— Gov. Gamble sees this, — is providing for it by his E. M. M — and it has at once to be determined whether the State or U. S. Military force will have the occupancy & possession.
If the Pro. Mar. system is to be kept up, [and] and I am willing so long as I can render service to remain in my present position. But from the facts I have first stated, my position ought somewhat to be changed. Although the pay is small, yet, it is necessary for me to have it, to aid in paying my expences, for it takes all my time, and I work at it from 8 1/2 A. M. till bed time, every day— The business of my office is enormous, & consumes all my waking hours— The President should pass on the question of my pay — and that my I may not be turned out of the place, by a change of commander of the State, I should be appointed Provost Marshal of the Department by order of the War Department, with the pay of Lt. Col. so that a succeeding Major Genl. could not appoint someone else to the place. I do not ask this to be done — for I never asked for the place, and have no desire to retain it. But I think it is due to me, if the President chooses to continue the office, & me in it, that both as to pay and tenure the uncertainty may be at an end. Certainly my condition, in case of the removal of Genl C. is one of doubt; & I could not exercise then any authority, under the supposition, that my office lapses by his withdrawal — and with the existing doubt as to the regularity of my appointment, I feel uneasy and anxious to know where I stand.
When I took charge of this office, I found 1500 Prisoners to take charge of — they had been captured in skirmishes, & as bands of Guerillas — being the worst men in the State— I have been hard at work all the time investigating & disposing of their cases. In Missouri, hundreds of singular questions arise, & are disposed of by me— The labor & responsibility of the office are immense— Genl Halleck's orders, placed all Prisoners, & questions incidental to them, in control of this office; & it has now, with the prolonged war grown to be an affair of great magnitude— To dispense with it, is to It has become a distinct & important Bureau, under the existing state of things in Missouri. Another instance of conflict between the U. S. & the State, occurs to me— There have been large numbers of horses taken from the Guerilla and marauding bands in this State — these horses have been turned over to the Provost Marshals, and sold — under orders of Military officers— Some days ago the Provost Marshal at St. Joseph advertised such stock for sale— An agent of the U. S. Quarter Master wrote to Genl. Allen, Chief Qr. Master at St. Louis stating that the Qr. Master Genl of the State claimed that such stock belonged to the State— Genl. Allen referred the question to Genl Curtis; and finally the matter was dropped, — the claim of the State Qr. Master admitted. Now if that is correct, it is beyond my comprehension. That gives the State authorities the purse — they are getting hold of the sword — then, the next step depends upon what they choose to do— As I consider these matters of importance, I make them known to you, and hope that you will present them to the President.
I am very truly Your's
F. A. Dick
One more matter it is important for me to speak of — & that is, that in St. Louis is the seat and centre of the rebel plots & schemes, and spies revel here. The women, & several of them of the better class act as mail carriers — at no time have the Rebel sympathisers & secret workers been so active and bold as now — their course, of that of treason— These People ought to be sent South— Our Union People here know this, & urge it constantly upon Genl Curtis— I assure you that the authority of the Govt. here, before our face, is despised & set at naught. The traitors seem to believe implicitly that there is no danger that to them — for even if discovered, they will lie out of it: or beg off. What I mean here to state is, that the Representatives of the Government here, should be invested with discretionary power, and where it is complained that they are in error, explanation should be asked of them. Those who cry loudest when hurt, are always the worst offenders. The President can not be well served, if he unjustly listens to the Traitors who are selected by Officers of the Government for examples. It, deadens the energy & discourages the heart, to see wicked lying Traitors gain the confidence of the President, and succeed in over coming the efforts of union men in the service of the Government.
[Endorsed by Francis P. Blair Sr.:]
There are some matters explained in this enclosure which it seems necessary the President should act on promptly to prevent [collison?] between National & State authority— Mr. Dick thinks the leading Rebels are contriving to create within the State the new revolutionary movements by stirring up the [members?] of the old parties
F. P. B
From Daniel F. Coffey to John G. Nicolay, February 8, 1863
Griggsville Ill February 8th 1863
Friend Nichally Sir
it has now Become a Settled fact that we are to have a Blooddy Revolution in old pike & through the central & Southern portions of the State, unless prompt measures are adopted to prevent the Same, our own County as you are aware have turned out allmost to a man Such as would be accepted by the Government to fight its Battles & Sustain its Laws, I mean the union portion, the disloyal are at Home and out number us two to one and have been largely ReEnforced by Sevearl Hundred from Missouri Bushwhackers & Bridge Burners that ware Driven from that State & took Refuge here they together with the coperhead Democrats have many Lodges of the K. G. C.sbefore the president. the pressing necessity of the case must be my excuse for claiming a moment of your allreddy overtaxed time may God Bless you, the president, and our Country, Excuse the bad writing as it is done in Hury & confusion but without undue Excite[mnt?]
yours D F Coffey capt Griggsville
Guards & Former Capt Co B 68 Ill
P S
you can wright to me or to W. A. Grimshaw of pittsfield
C
From Benson J. Lossing to John G. Nicolay 1, February 11, 1863
Dear Sir:
Will you have the kindness to inform me whether the photographic copies of the President's Proclamation, have been forwarded to me? Not having received them, I fear they may have been sent, and miscarried.
Pictorial History of the Civil War in the United States of America.
I hope I may have it in my power to reciprocate your kindness and courtesy.
I observed that Col. ForneyPress, that I was to have a copy of the Proclamation, to engrave for my History of the Rebellion.
As early a response to this as your convenience will allow, will greatly oblige me.
At Lincoln's Side: John Hay's Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 67.
Very truly yours,
Benson J. Lossing
Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
Feb. 11, 1863
From Lazaraus W. Powell to Abraham Lincoln 1, February 11, 1863
Senate Chamber
Feb. 11th 1863
Sir
I left with you a memorandum concerning the release of Col T L Jones & Mr. Winston of Kentucky from a prescribed parole— I asked their unconditional release—you this matter to pass out of your mind—
Official Records, Series II, Volume 5, 250.
Will you be kind enough to give me an early reply — my constituents who have been sorely oppressed by these assessments are anxiously awaiting your decision
Your obt svt
L W Powell
From John Cochrane to Abraham Lincoln, February 25, 1863
Near Falmouth
Feby 25th 1863
Private
My Dear Sir
I was informed that you had very kindly engaged to see that my resignation should be accepted when offered. Previous to this knowledge, however, I had offered my resignation, because of unfitness for the duties of the field, through physical disability, — induced by exposure to the inclemencies of the Campaigns in which I have been engaged. These infirmities were strongly attested by all the necessary Medical Directors including Doct Letterman, as productive of unfitness for the service & as endangering life, and my resignation was approved by all the Generals required, including General Hooker,
I wish to direct your attention for a moment to another subject. Brig Genl John Newton, (my Division commander) was I understand some time since appointed by you a Major General. But, since then — I hear from him that his name has been suspended or withdrawn. I hope that he may be included among your Major Generals. He is one of the best Officers in the Army. His conduct has been conspicuously gallant & able on several occasions. He never was of the McClellan school. He is an out & out advocate for this war, even to subjugation & the utter overthrow of Slavery and he is recommended by Genl Hooker. I do assure you, on my judgment, that he should by no means, be omitted from your list—
The tone & spirits of the army have improved and are improving, and I am glad to think that the general symptoms of the Country show a determination to prosecute this war to a successful and a final issue—
Permit me once more, to ask you to let Nicholay see about my resignation, and to telegraph to me about it
I am Truly Yours
John Cochrane
Abraham Lincoln, Resolution on Slavery [Copy in John Hay's Hand] 1, [April 1863]
Collected Works, VI, 176-77n.
Copy.
Whereas, while heretofore States, and Nations, have tolerated slavery, recently, for the first in the world, an attempt has been made to construct a new Nation, upon the basis of, and with the primary, and fundamental object to maintain, enlarge, and perpetuate human slavery, therefore
Resolved, That no such embryo State should ever be recognized by, or admitted into, the family of Christian and civilized nations; and that all Christian and civilized men everywhere should, by all lawful means resist to the utmost, such recognition or admission.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Resolution for abroad.
Slavery
From Francis De Haes Janvier to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 4, 1863
Washington. D. C.
March 4th. 1863.
Sir.
I enclose, with this, an autograph copy of “The Sleeping Sentinel”, which, I trust, you will do me the kindness to accept.
The Sleeping Sentinel was published in 1863 by T. B. Peterson & Brothers of Philadelphia.
I have the honor to be
with great respect,
Your Obt. Servt.
Francis De Haes Janvier.
From Sarah F. Wakefield to Abraham Lincoln, March 23, 1863
St Paul March 23, '63
Dear Sir
I will introduce myself to your notice as one of the Prisoners in the late Indian War in Minnesota.
My Husband was Physician for the Sioux at Yellow Medicine and it was near there that I was overtaken by 2 Indians and saved from death by one called Chaskadan when [Hapan?] the murderer of George H Gleason endeavoured 3 times to shoot me, he not only saved me then but several times when I was in great danger.
When the Indians withdrew from “Little Crows” Band, he was with them and when Col H H Sibley
I am extremely sorry this thing happened as it injures me greatly in the community that I live. I exerted myself very much to save him and many have been so ungenrous as to say I was in love with him that I was his wife &c, all of which is absolutely false. He always treated me like a Brother and as such I respect his memory and curse his slanderers.
I was promised by the Court Martial that he should be saved from Death, and I was content and was much pleased when the list was published that you, Sir, declared guilty, and the nature of their crimes, you will imagine my astonishment! shortly after the Execution to see in print the Confession of Chaskadan who saved my life and Babes; I say there was a mistake in the number and as soon as convenient after reaching St Paul sent for Rev S. R. Riggs Missionary with the Sioux for many years, and he said it was a sad affair and it ought to be known. He was present at the trials of the Indians and at the Execution, and he says there was no testimony against the man of any kind and he considers it a horrible affair, where the fault lies I know not, but it would be extremely gratifying to me to have these heedless persons brought to justice I am abased already by the world as I am a Friend of the Indians. This family I had known for 8 years and they were Farmers and doing well. now this poor old Mother is left destitute, and broken hearted, for she has feeling if she is an Indian, surely we are Brothers all made by one God? we will all meet some day, and why not treat them as such here. I beg pardon for troubling you but there is much said in reference to his Execution. The world says he was not convicted of Murder then why was he Hanged? Then they draw their own conclusions: if this could be explained to the world a great stain would be lifted from my name. God knows I suffered enough with the Indians without suffering more now by white brethren & sisters.
My Husband is very anxious this thing should be made public, as he thinks the mistake was intentional on the part of a certain “Officer” at Mankato, who has many children in the Sioux tribe. I pray you deem me not bold in addressing you, and grant my pardon for troubling you.
I remain Yours Respectfully
Sarah. F. Wakefield.
P. S. it would be gratifying to me to have this guilty man executed although I am in favor of the majority of the poor fellows being pardoned. I can not deem them guilty as many persons, as they were so very kind and honorable to me while I was with them. God and you Sir, protect and save them as a people S. F. W.
From Leonard Grover to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 24, 1863
Grover's Theatre
March 24' 63
Your Excellency,
It would afford me very great gratification if your Excellency would avail himself of the enclosed certificate for Wednesday night. The play for that evening is Hamlet in the rendition of which character Mr E. L. Davenport
If your Excellency will permit Mr. Nicolay to acquaint me with your purpose, it will confer a favor.
No public announcement will be made. It is purely to be the instrument to confer a pleasure to meritorious Artist and true Union lover — and at the same time I hope, to minister in some slight degree to your Excellency's gratification, that this offer is made by
Your Excellency's humble Servt.
and admirer
Leonard Grover
P. S. An intimation at any time that you may desire any play will be received with pleasure and be promptly attended to.
Hamlet on the evening of March 25.
L. G.
From James Shields to John G. Nicolay, [February 1863]
Washington
Dear Sir
I beg you will state to the President that my private business in Cala requires me to return to that State— To do this I would [at his?] he can afford me free transportation if the Prest would kindly direct the Secretary of War — to order me to report to the Genl there in Command On my arrival there I propose resigning if my services be not needed— This will be to restore me to where I entered the Service— I prefer stating this to the Prest — and requesting a few lines from him to the Sec of War—
Official Records, Series I, Volume 50, Part II, 303.
Jas Shields
From Murat Halstead to John G. Nicolay 1, April 1, 1863
Cincinnati Commercial.
Cincinnati Commercial
Office April 1st 1863
My Dear Sir:
An imperative sense of duty impels me to try to reach the ear of the President through you. I supported his election earnestly and his Administration persistently. I never asked an office for myself or any friend of mine, and never will. But I ask this one favor — that the President will give his attention for five minutes to certain facts which I have the honor to communicate — and I ask you as a personal friend as a personal favor, to invite the Presidents consideration to the following propositions:
1st Grant's Mississippi opening enterprise is a failure — a total, complete failure—
2nd Burnside has nothing special to do in Kentucky — the invasion of that State by the rebels having been played out—
3d Grant's army has at hand transportation (steamboats) sufficient to move his most effective Divisions— And the Cumberland river is up so that his men could be sent suddenly by steamer in complete fighting trim to Nashville.
4th The bulk of Burnside's Army can be pushed forward to relieve Rosecran's garrisons at Frankfort Ky and Gallatin and Nashville Tenn.
5th The situation is such that in two weeks Rosecrans can have 130,000 effectives — and give him that army at once he will utterly route and destroy Bragg's Army so that it will never get across the Tennessee river.
6th Rosecrans is in the position to strike this blow and is the man to strike it.
7th Such a blow would end the war in a blaze of Glory—
The operation recommended would be simply a concentration on our Center where we have the best fighting General and the best fighting army; and it would result in the breakage of the enemies center; and we should at once open the Mississippi and win East Tennessee and totally demoralize the rebel forces every where—
M. Halstead
Editor of the
Cincinnati Commercial
From Robert T. Knight to Thomas Lincoln 1, April 1, 1863
Collected Works, V, 348.
Washington April 1st/63
Master Thos. Lincoln
When a boy my kind old Father taught me one “Maxim” which I have invariably laid down as the guide of my life. It was this
“Never to promise any one, with out you intend to fulfil that promise.”
Consequently as you so earnestly requested that I should give you the Blue Rosette which you saw fastened to the left lapel of my coat on last evening and as I promised to send it to you to day, I therefore enclose the same hoping that you will preserve it looking back with pride (as well as pleasure) to the momentous occasion upon which it was worn by one whose very soul is wrapped up in the cause of his bleeding Country's success I am
Verry Resptly
Your Obdt. Sevt.
Robt T. Knight
5th Ward
From William Butler to John G. Nicolay, April 11, 1863
Springfield April 11th 1863
Sir I received your inclosure this morning— Jesse Hatch & Phillips
A general refermation must take place that Can Only be done by a Commander who is Competant to Command— The Goverment has now experimented for two years by this time they aught to begin to discrimenate The people are doing it for them their Voice will eventually be heard
we have Hooker Burnside Hunter Rosencrants Pope
If you Can spare time I would be pleased to hear from you Occasionally
I am Sir Yours Respectfully
William Butler
From Thomas T. Davis to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 13, 1863
Washington April 13. 63
Sir
I have been in the City for two or three days, for the purpose of conferring with your Excellency upon the subject of the appointments to be made under the Conscription Act for the 23rd Congressional District of New York, composed of Onondaga & Cortlandt Counties
There are besides sundry subjects of local and general interest, on which I should be happy to occupy a little time with your Excellency.
Inasmuch as it may be more convenient for the President to give me an audience at some hour when interruptions may be less likely to occur than during the period assigned to calls, I shall be pleased to attend at any time which will be most agreeable to day or to-morrow if possible
With Great Regard
Thos T Davis
M C 23d Dist N Y
National Hotel
From Schuyler Colfax to Abraham Lincoln, April 21, 1863
Washington City Apl 21 1863
Sir,
Will you allow me to make a few suggestions in regard to the Conscription Law that may tend to render it more popular, & aid in its execution.
1. Announce by Proclamation the total number needed.
2. Draft first from the delinquent States the amounts necessary for their quota.
3. In a subsequent Proclamation, after enumerating the number thus drafted, & also the Negro Regiments raised, (which will enable Union men to show the Copperheads that every additional Negro soldier would have diminished the number of white men drafted) make the general draft for the remainder.
4. At the same time that the draft is ordered, authorize a limited number of Volunteer Regiments to be raised for two years, to be appointed as far as possible equitably; & declare that whoever himself volunteers & is accepted; or whoever procures & pays for an accepted substitute in the Volunteers before the draft, shall be exempted.
Respy Yrs Schuyler Colfax
From Mary Jay to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 23, 1863
119. Madison Avenue
New York— April 23rd 1863—
My Dear Mr Lincoln—
We have recently heard that efforts are again being made to remove Mr Benedict the Post Master at Katonah (West Chester County N. Y.) Mr Benedict as you already know is a loyal and honourable man — he was appointed Post Master by Mr Blair in 1862, and after holding the Office for three months, during which time he faithfully discharged his duties, was removed notwithstanding your note in which you said
“I am impressed with the belief that there should be no change in this case.” and which you endorsed on the Woman's Petition which I had the honour of presenting to you.
Recently at the request of Mr Haight
We therefore confidently hope that when such efforts are made you will again disapprove them as you did before, and let the matter rest, especially as our Citizens are now engaged in forming National Leagues to unite all in supporting the Government—
I have the honour to be
Dear Mr Lincoln,
Very Faithfully yours—
Mary Jay—
From Cyrus Elder to John G. Nicolay, May 5, 1863
Johnstown Pa. May 5” 1863.
Dear Sir
It is alleged that “the ink was hardly dry with which the President wrote the Proclamation of a Fast, when the he was out on Sunday with Mrs Lincoln, reviewing the Army of the Potomac”.
Collected Works, VI, 155-56.
If it is proper for you to do so — when you can find leasure, will you give me an authoritative statement of the fact?
And oblige
Yours very truly
Cyrus Elder
From Abraham Lincoln to Joseph Hooker 1 , [May 6] 1863
Collected Works, VI, 198.
War Department
Washington City,
1863.
Major General Hooker
Are you suffering with dust this morning?
[Date and Note in Shorthand in Another Hand:]
May 6, 1863,
[Endorsement:]
Written by the President, but not sent out in the morning of May 6th, after a pouring rain all night and during the morning.— Subsequently turned out that on the 6th Hooker had recrossed the river.
From Ellie B. Reno to Abraham Lincoln, May 11, 1863
Louisville, Ky. Bks. No 1.
May 11th
1863
My Ever dear friend—
I do not wish you to think me bold as I write to you wholy out of love for my native Country I am the true blue and for that Noble Flag I am willing to die I have been in the Army for nearly one year and I wish to see it over I am willing to do anny thing to aid or assist to Goverment that lies in my power for my Country I have lived [illegible] and for my Country I will die So I write this small Childish letter to beg your admistrion to remain in that noble cause to which I have sworn to defend. My Father is Commanding a Gun Boat he is a good Union man and loves Liberty My kind friend my parent's are very Welthy and live well so I have lelft all my dear frends and relations solely because I love liberty So I write this to ask you as a Child would ask a Father iff I can remain in your Service being as I have left my own Father and Adoupted you in stead — the Noble Father of our Glorious Banner that it may forever wave over our beautiful Capitol the Mother of Liberty My Kind friend I am on light duty at Bks No: 1 — doing all I can to gain my Countrys freedom. You will excuse me for my short letter Now my friend or rather Father I am a Lady I went in the Army to gain Liberty not to disgrace my Fellow Soldiers I love and respect all Soldiers in thier places and as long as they remain so I am thier friend and no longer I have been treated with the greatest respect I am a Lady in every respect and so I will remain answer if you will pleas be so kind
pleas excuse my poor writing and Speling also
I am your as ever
Your Humble
Sirvent Miss Ellie [b] Reno
please answer as I am anxious to hear from you and your Family
respctly your
E. [b]. R.
From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, May 21, 1863
New York, May 21, 1863.
My Dear Sir:
I have so often bored men in high place with letters (most reluctantly written, God knows) that I must afflict you with this by way of variety. My only excuse is, I have no personal interest in any of them.
My case is this:
Gen. Quincy A. Gilmore is here on sick leave from his post of duty in Kentucky. He is to return next week. You know that he took Fort Pulaski, and that this was one of the cleverest achievements (on our side) of the War. Well:
Gen. Gilmore wants to take Charleston, and I want to beg that he have a chance. If he had not done something, I would not ask it. But he is sure that he can take Fort Sumter in three days, and at very little cost, driving the Rebels all out of gunshot of the harbor.
I want the President to call Gen. Gilmore by telegraph to Washington, and consider his plan; of course, to have others who ought to be consulted consider it also. This can't cost much any how; and, if nothing comes of it, so be it. But I feel confident that something will come of it, and I beg you to think likewise if possible.
Yours,
Horace Greeley.
From William S. Rosecrans to Abraham Lincoln, May 21, 1863
Murfreesboro Tenn. May 21, 1863.
The Rev' Dr Jaques,
I do not anticipate the results that he seems to expect, but beleive a moral force will be generated by his mission, that will more than compensate us for the his temporary absence from his Regiment— His letter is herewith enclosed—
W. S. Rosecrans
Maj Genl.
From James R. Gilmore to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, May 27, 1863
Willard's Hotel, Washn
May 27, 1863
James R. Gilmore of New York city has just arrived here from a month's visit to Tennessee, whither he went to study the real undertone of Southern public sentiment.
As he was leaving Murfreesboro, on Sat'y last, Gen'l Rosecrans entrusted to him the enclosed papers, requesting him to explain the Rev Dr Jaquess' project to the President. The General also requested Mr Gilmore to lay another matter of great importance before the President in a private interview. The communication is of such a nature that it can only be made personally.
The subjects on which Mr G. is requested to converse with the President are known only to Gen'l Rosecrans, and Gen'l Garfield and Major Bond, confidential members of the Gen'ls staff— The President will therefore see, that from the fact that they are confided to Mr Gilmore, that any interview with him will be confidential — but further to convince Mr Lincoln of his loyalty and trustworthyness, Mr. Gilmore will state that he is the author of “Among the Pines” &c.—
Mr G. is desirous of returning to New York in the morning, and the President will therefore oblige him by naming some hour today — if he desires to see him—
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Rev. Mr. Jaquess.
From Augustus Montgomery to [William S. Rosecrans] 1, May 17, 1863
Washington D. C. May 17th 1862—
General
A plan has been adopted for a simultaneous movement or rising to sever the rebel communications throughout the whole south, which is now disclosed to some General in each military department in the seceded states in order that they may act in concert and thus insure success.
The plan is to induce the blacks to make a concerted and simultaneous rising on the night of the 1st of August next, over the entire states in rebellion: To arm themselves with any and every kind of weapon that may come to hand and commence operations by burning all railroad and country bridges and tear up railroad tracks and cut and destroy telegraph wires — and when this is done take to the woods; the swamps or the mountains whence they may emerge as occasion may offer for provisions and for further depredations— No blood is to be shed except in self-defence— The corn will be in roasting ears about that time the 1st of August and on this and by foraging on the farms at night they can subsist.
This is the plan in substance and if we can obtain a concerted movement at the time named it will doubtless be successful, and the rebellion will suddenly come to an end—
To carry the plan into effect in the Department in which you have a command, it is requested that you select one or more intelligent contrabands and after disclosing to them the plan and the time (night of the 1st of August) you will send them into the interior of the Country within the enemies lines and where slaves are numerous — with instructions to communicate the plan and the time to as many intelligent slaves as possible and requesting of each to circulate it far and wide over the whole Country—
By adopting this plan in every military department of the south, nothing would seem to be easier than to make the fact known throughout every state by the 1st of August and thus cause the movement to be general and simultaneous—
When you have made these arrangements please enclose this letter to some other General Commanding in the same department with yourself— And he is in turn requested to send it to another, until it has travelled the entire rounds of the department; and thus each command and post will be acting in concert, employing negroes to carry the plan into effect at the same time— When this circular letter has gone the rounds in your department, please send it to some General in the next department further south from yours and they in turn will send it to the next, until it has gone the rounds of all the military departments— When it is requested of the last person possessing it that he return the letter to my address that I may thus know and communicate that the plan is being carried out at the time named—
In this way the plan will be adopted at the same time and in concert over the whole south; and yet no one of all of all engaged in it will learn the names of his associates and will only know the number of Generals acting together in the movement— To give this last necessary information and before endorsing this letter to some other General — put the numeral 1 after the word “Approved” at the bottom of this sheet
Be assured General that a copy of this letter has been sent to every Military department in the rebellious states, that the plan and the time for the movement may thus be Ggeneral over the entire south—
Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War (Boston: L. C. Page and Company, 1898), 150-53; and Official Records, Series I, Volume 18, 1067-69 and Volume 51, Part II, 737-38.
Very Respectfully Yr Obt Servt
(Signed) Augustus Montgomery
“Approved”—
From James F. Jaquess to James A. Garfield 1, May 19, 1863
Head Quarters 73d Regt— Ill Inf
Camp Near Murfreesboro May 19th 1863
General
I feel it to be my duty to lay before you the following considerations, facts and and proposition.
Situated as we are, it ceases to be matter of astonishment, that we see the great eye of the world so intently fixed upon us. The truth is we are intrusted with the dearest interests of humanity; with the solution of the grandest problem that ever engaged the attention, or figured in the dreams of philosophers; it is the problem of mans capacity for self government. And if we fail in this enterprize, which we do most signally if we fail to suppress this rebellion, mans emancipation from tyrany and oppression is a failure, and human liberty and self government are fables—
The question that heaven has called us to discuss, not without blood, with the weapons of war, and demonstrate upon the battle field amid scenes of great slaughter, is not one of a political character alone— It is not simply a question of latitude and longitude—
But we are to settle the question, at once and forever as to whither we are a christian or a heathen nation—
We claim to be christian, on both sides of, “Mason and Dickson's Line”,. We speak the same language, read the same Bible, and worship God under the same forms and ciremonies. We appoint our days of fasting & prayer — and observe them with a promptness and zeal characteristic of the most worthy. And independent of mans designs, these appointments and obsirvances have some times fallen on the same day north and south: with a determination to trust Providence, and at the same time to “keep our powder dry” — we have risen up from our devotions, grasped a fresh the well tried weapons of death, and rushed into the thickest of the fight, without stopping to reflect that God has other means of subduing his enemies — auxialliary to these—
It is a well known fact that the Methodist Episcopal Church, in the United States, was divided on the very questions which have divided the nation; before the southern states seceded. It is also known that the “Methodist Episcopal Church South”, was a leading element in the rebellion of the southern states, and has been a prominent power in the prosecution of the war.
A considerable part of the territory occupied by the M. E. Church South, at the time of the separation, and up to recent date, is now in the possession of our (the Union) army— This brings a large number of ministers & people of that communion within our lines. Some of these were prominent in the rebellion that separated the church, and were most bitter and uncompromising on the questions of difference—
From these, I have learned, in person, the following facts: that they consider the rebellion has killed the M. E. Church South; that it has virtually obliterated slavery, and all the prominent questions of differ between the north and the south; that they are desirous of returning to the “old church” (“Methodist Episcopal”); that their brethren of the south are most heartily tired of the rebellion; and that they most ardently desire peace, and the privilege of returning to their allegiance to church and state— And that they will do this on the first offer, coming from a reliable source—
My attention has been called to these facts, and others of a like character — frequently of late, and from these considerations, but not from these alone, but because God has laid the duty upon me, I submit to the proper authorities, the following proposition viz—
I will go into the Southern Confederacy & return within Ninety Days with terms of piece that the Government will accept—
N. B. I propose no compromise with traitors — but their immediate return to allegiance to God and their Country— It is no part of my business to discuss the probability, or the possibility of the accomplishment of this work. I propose to do it, in the name of the Lord: If He puts it into the hearts of my superiors, to allow me to do it, I shall be thankful, if not I have discharged my duty.
Collected Works, VI, 225.
Your Obt Servt
James F. Jaquess D. D.
Col Comndg 73d Regt. Ill Inf.
From James F. Jaquess to Abraham Lincoln 1, May 23, 1863
Murfreesboro Tenn May 23d 1863
My Dear Sir
This and other papers will be handed to you by Mr. Gillmore of N. Y.; who has been introduced to me by Gen— Rosecranz.too strong, and can not be realized I would say, I may not be able to reach the specific object stated in the proposition, but the mission can not fail to accomplish great good.
Collected Works, VI, 225.
It is a fact well known to me, and others, perhaps to your self, that much sympathy exists in the minds of many good people, both in this country and England, for the south, on the ground of their professed piety. They say “Mr Davis is a praying man”; “Many of his people are devotedly pious”! &c, &c
Now you will admit, that if they hear me — I have gained the point. On the other hand, if Mr. Davis and his associates in rebellion, refuse me, coming to them in the name of the Lord on a mission of peace, the question of their “great piety,” is settled at once and forever. Should I be treated with violence, and cast into prison — shot or hung — which may be part of my mission, then the doom of the Southern confederacy is sealed on earth and in Heaven forever— My Dear Mr Lincoln will excuse me when I say I am ready for either emergency, and I am not Samson, yet like him I should slay more at my death than in all my life at the head of my Regt— No this mission can not fail. Gods hand is in it. I am not seeking a marters crown but simply to meet the duty that has been laid on me I have talked freely with Mr— Gilmore, and he will explain to you more fully if you desire — to whom I would refer you hoping that, his acquaintance — if not already made, will be of advantage to you in future.
With best wishes and prayers
I am
Dear Sir
Your obt Servt
James F. Jaquess
From James Taussig to John G. Nicolay 1, May 30, 1863
Willard's Hotel
Washington D. C. May 30th 1863
Dear Sir
In compliance with the appointment made by the President at his desire I called at the White House on yesterday at 8 o'clock A. M., the appointed hour.
I waited till 10 o'clock A. M. without obtaining admission.
Having a professional appointment for that hour at the Treasury Department and being in the habit of keeping my engagements, I addressed you in writing, requesting you to inform me whether I may consider the appointment made by the President as changed to another hour or as rescinded.
I have received no answer.
My professional business in this City is finished and I feel anxious to go on my ways rejoicing.
There is nothing to keep me except the desire on my part, not to be wanting in courtesy to the President.
If I receive no answer to this I shall take it as an indication that my attendance is no longer required.
I remain very respectfully
Your obedt servt—
James Taussig
P. S. If you have an answer let it reach me at Willard's before 11 o'cl. A. M—
From Edward Bates to Abraham Lincoln, June 5, 1863
Honored Sir,
Being confined at home by indisposition, at the request of Mr Ewing, I send enclosed, his letter to me, of June 1. with its enclosureSheriff of a County, to deliver certain Civil prisoners to a mob, to be dealt with at their pleasure. And the proceedings of the Mob, down to the hanging of the men—
If the military find it necessary — & it is sometimes necessary — to act with promptitude & sharpness against public offenders, in the name of all sound policy & of decency itself, let the Military act by its own strong hand & under its own peculiar laws & usages.
In such case, the act may be either a wanton outrage, for which the Commander is responsible, or a measure of violence employed for the public good, & excusable or justifiable, as the facts may warrant. But there seems to me, no excuse for this wanton degradation of the Civil law, this contemptuous subjection of the Civil authorities, to the caprices of every Military Commander, great or small.
This does not appear to be a matter which at all concerned Gen Blunt's Military Command— It was wholly civil, and Genl Blunt has, by his order, deliberately suppressed the laws of Kansas, and attempted to establish in its their stead, a system of mob violence & licentious power of punishment — all under the direct sanction of the general, & the implied protection of the army.
This, my Dear President, is but a part of that scheme, wickedly adopted & persistently followed, which has brought poor Missouri down to its present unhappy condition, and which will not fail, wherever allowed to prevail, to alienate the hearts of thousands of our best & truest men, and to drive the people into irretrievable anarchy & social war.
I cannot see a motive for these groundless & needless assumptions of arbitrary power, unless indeed the object be to drive the people into despair & anarchy, and thus make a necessity for a Military Dictator!
Most respectfully
You obt servt
Edwd. Bates
F. Street, June 5. 63.
[Endorsed:]
Family Controversies.
From Schuyler Colfax to Abraham Lincoln, June 13, 1863
Newport R. I., June 13. 1863.
My dear Sir,
I intrude upon your time to express the hope that, when the Ohio Committee of 20 appear before you to demand the recall of Vallandigham,thr & loyal soldiers throughout the land.would would be very apropos just now. I did find the enclosed from Dickinson, which contains an idea or two quite appropriate, & suggestive of others.
The people here insist that you are going to visit them this summer. “They saw it in a paper.” I hope it is so.
I am sorry to say Mrs Cs. health is about as it was when we left Washington.
With regards to Mrs Lincoln,
Respy & truly Yrs
Schuyler Colfax
From Henry Villard to John G. Nicolay, June 16, 1863
Murfreesboro Tenn. June 16th '63
Dear Sir,
One Swinton,
New York Times.
Knowing this man, from previous acquaintance to be a habitual liar, & considering his statement only as further evidence of his mendacity, I beg you to inform me at your earliest convenience, to what extent he told the truth?
I make this inquiry from a sense of duty in view of the fact, that his story has created strong ill will & distrust towards the Government in those to whom it was related.
Very respectfully
Henry Villard
From C. W. Hebard to Abraham Lincoln, June 18, 1863
Rochester, N. Y., June 18 1863
Dear Sir Your admirable letter to the Albany democratic committeeCopperhead prints in the country, the editor pretending to have received an advance copy “through the kindness” of yourself and Mr. Nicolay, your private sec'y—
We send copies of the U. & A. containing your letter, with the editor's boastful statement as to the manner in which he obtained it, & his comments thereupon, & you will be able to judge for yourself of the character of the paper from these copies— The U. & A. from the breaking out of the war has sought to outbid the most rabid of the disloyal journals, both in its opposition to the war & in abuse of yourself and your administration The leading editor, Mr. Isaac Butts, boldly declares he will not support the war but will do all in his power to break it down—
May loyal people hereabouts therefor wonder how in the world such a concern could receive personal notice & “kindness” from yourself, against whom it was laboring to with all its might to poison the people's minds. In charity, however, we think that you was unaware of its character, or that the copy was misdirected
It may not be improper to state here, which we do from positive information, that the since the war broke out this paper has received over $6,000 from war advertising from the very administration it was seeking to overthrow.
It This sheet has done immense injury to in this locality to the Union cause, & has been the great engine of disloyalty against which we have had to contend
It grieves loyal people therefor to see it getting its support from the government. They think the printing patronage of the War Department should be given alone to truly loyal papers, of which there is an abundance
It does not seem wise to nourish the viper which would sting us & our children to death.
With the highest respect
we remain your most
obedient servant
The Editors & Pub-
lishers of the Rochester
Evening Express
by C. W. Hebard, one
of the Editors.
From George A. Bennett to John G. Nicolay 1, June 18, 1863
Camp Relief. Thursday
18 June 1863
Dr Sir,
I arrived here yesterday with my Black horse Company, having received from Col Swainverbal Order to report at this 7th Street Camp. And here I am. I have not received the order, that you got through, from Colonel Swain for me to report for Presidents Escort duty. Col taking the liberty to withhold it from me.
I also understand that Genl. Heintzelman
Sergeant Sommers, “Acting Adjutant,” states that Col. Swain now says he will not have the Presidents Escort taken from his Regt., he called three times at Genl. Heintzelmans head Quarters to have the order altered so as to read, “A Company of Scotts 900” (the reason of his request is, he is under money obligations to a Capt whom he has promised shall Command the Escort,) Genl. H— said when told of Col. Swains request, “By God! if the President wants Capt Bennett he shall have him or if he wants me I will Command it. I dont care a Continental damn for Col. Swain. Order Genl. Schenck to have Capt Bennett Co relieved immediately Now will you please allow me to suggest, that a note of enquiry be sent to Genl. H, asking why Capt Bennett has not reported for escort duty as ordered? And ordering to report in person immediately. And also that the Escort shall occupy their old Camp on the Corner of I. and 17th Streets, which is now vacant. (And is so convenient to get horses from.) My men have neither tents nor Barracks. I have no doubt if an order should come for a detachment to move Col. would start my Company. So pray press the above as speedily as you can, and we will see who is to have what they wish, President or Colonel. I would gladly have called on you instead of writing, but Col. only allows one Company Officer out per day, and my Lieut is out to day. I should like to have a little time you know to polish up my boys. Hoping to hear from you to day “Officially.” I remain,
Yours to Command,
George A. Bennett
Capt. Co. A. Scotts 900. Cavalry
From John G. Nicolay to Editors of Chicago Tribune, June 19, 1863
Private
Washington, June 19, 1863.
Gentlemen:
I have duly received your note of the 16th inst.
“By the way, we are told the President said to Senator Sumner recently, that he had not seen a copy of the Chicago Tribune for four months. Now as it is mailed regularly we wish to know whether it is received at the White House. If it miscarries we will have that corrected. If he does not want it — declines to read it — we will discontinue sending it. Please answer.
Yours Respectfully
Tribune Company.”
To this — let me answer:
The Chicago Tribune is received very regularly, opened and kept with other papers on the newspaper table in my office; and it is very regularly examined by myself, and especially sought after by the Western men who happen here.
That so far from desiring to place the Tribune under ban in the Executive Mansion he the President requests me to say that he will be very glad to receive it here so long as in your kindness you may please to send it.
And to thus much from him let me add a word on my own responsibility. Excepting the Washington City Dailies, in which he carefully reads the telegraphic dispatches, the President rarely ever looks at any papers, simply for want of leisure to do so. In this the Tribune fares as well as, and no worse than all others. Still I think that during the two years of his stay here, the President he would have been attracted to your journal much more frequently as to an old and familiar friend, if it had not in that time contained so much which he had a right to expect it would at least have left unsaid.
I can assure you of what you ought to be able to guess — that the President's task here is no child's play. If you imagine that any man could attempt its performance, and escape adverse criticism, you have read history in vain, and studied human nature without profit. But was it not to be expected that those of the President's friends, who knew him long and intimately — who understood his integrity and his devotion to the country and the cause entrusted to his charge — would at least abstain from judging him in the blindness of haste, and condemning him in the bitterness of ill-temper? It does seem to me that this much was due to generosity and charity for the fiery trial which he is called upon to pass through here, if not to political or personal friendship.
Let me repeat that these are exclusively my own thoughts and not the President's, and even I would not even have written them, if withou I could, without misconstruction have otherwise answered the implication in your note to which you specifically requested an answer reply.
Let me add that I desire to continue reading the Tribune — reserving only the privilege of finding as much fault with it or it finds with the Administration, which I know is unselfishly endeavoring to do its whole duty in the crisis.
Your obt Servt
Jno. G. Nicolay
From John G. Nicolay to C. W. Hebard 1, June 20, 1863
Evening Express.
Private.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, 20th June, 1863.
My dear Sir:
I have the honor to acknowledge to receipt of your letter of the 18th and the accompanying papers
The mistake by which a pamphlet copy of the President's letter was sent to the Copperheads journal in your city was one committed through the inadventure of another person, and overlooked by myself in the hurry of business.As
Union & Advertiser.
As to the statement you make of this journal being borne on the Advertising list of the War Department, I find upon inquiry that it is not so borne. If it has received government patronage heretofore it has been given by subordinate officers of the service. Their orders at present however are to patronize no journals not specially indicated by the War Department for that purpose
I have the honor to be
Your obt Servt
Jno G Nicolay
From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, June 24, 1863
New York, June 14, 1863.
Friend Nicolay:
I thank you heartily for the two copies of the President's letter to Albany just received.
And now pray induce the President to write just such a letter on the causes of the War and the [wa] necessary conditions of Peace. This letter will do great good; that would do still more. It is greatly needed. Yours,
Horace Greeley.
From Thomas Ewing to Abraham Lincoln, June 27, 1863
Confidential
Lancaster Ohio June 27/63
Sir.
I think you have my son Thomas Ewing Jr. now in a position in which he will discharge his duties to your satisfaction—
But the greatest difficulty is this— The Country is infested with robber bands — Jayhawkers & Red-legs — who rob & murder in behalf of the Union, as they profess, and they have had too much the countenance of the public authorities— Lane
I am strongly impressed with the opinion that Hookeris has intellect & Generalship, though perhaps he lacks ardor—
I am very truly
Yours
T. Ewing
From James R. Doolittle to Abraham Lincoln, June 29, 1863
Racine June 29th 1863.
Dear Sir
I have seen a letter from one of the most sagacious, close observing men who left our state for for the War.
He is still in the Army, in Kansas. He is most decidedly of opinion that Genl Blunt
That as a military man no one surpasses him in aim & action, and that his executive ability is first rate. He deems it of great importance that Blunt should be sustained
I take the liberty of stating this to you for as the war progresses I am more & more impressed with the idea that our success every where depends upon our men in Command.
Now is the day and now is the hour, of severe trial
May God the Almighty be with you now, and give you good generals.
As ever
Yours
J R. Doolittle
From Benjamin F. Whidden to William H. Seward 1, July 30, 1863
[Marginal note:
Acknowledge
Send to President
Ask him to return]
Lancaster N. H.
July 30th 1863.
Sir,
You will see the reason of my writing from this place at this moment instead of Port-au-Prince, in my Despatch No. 30. of this date.
Since my arrival here my Secretary in charge of the Legation at Port-au-Prince has forwarded to me a copy of a letter from Mr De Long, the U. S. Consul at Aux Cayes in Hayti, setting forth the conduct of Monsieur Bernard Kock and the condition of the emigrants taken by him from the United States to Ile à Vache.by Mr De Long are inclosed with this Despatch.
I have already called your attention to this matter in answering some inquiries in regard to Mr Kock and the emigrants under his charge at Ile à Vache, in a former Despatch.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient Servant.
B. F. Whidden
From James De Long to Henry Conard 1, June 25, 1863
Copy
Consulate of the U. S of America
Aux Cayes Hayti
June 25th 1863
Sir.—
I am in receipt of your favor of the 13th inst, in which you desire from me information in regard to the condition of the Colony of the Ile à Vache.
I arrived at my post of duty on my return from the States on 8th inst.—
I have not seen Mr Kock or any of the lessees of the Island, nor have I been favored with a communication from any of the parties.
It will not therefore be expected that I can give such information as I would have preferred doing from personal observation, and a delicacy on my part prevents me from going to the Island unless invited or instructed to do so by my Government, besides every-thing connected with the affairs on the Island is kept in the dark as much as possible; no person is permitted to land on the Island without a passport except parties immediately connected with Mr Kock is business, or particular persons who are allowed to go on the Island with vegetables &c &c: they occasionally take a friend in their boat to assist them; by this means since the receipt of your letter I have obtained considerable information from as reliable a man as I have ever met with in any place: he has resided in Hayti four years and previous to his coming here, was a resident of the State of Louisiana; he has been on the Ile à Vache twice; he informs me that when the Emigrants were landed on the Island, there were three temporary sheds each about Twenty five feet by eighteen covered by the leaves of the Palmetto tree: these sheds were used for depositing provisions furniture &c &c in: the emigrants numbering about Four hundred & fifty had to camp out without tents or covering and even up to this time they have only small huts, made of brush covered with leaves; they have to lay their bed if they are so fortunate as to have one on the ground; some of them had got boards to lay their beds on, but Mr Kock ordered them to be returned which they refused to do, this came very near causing a general insurrection: Mr Kock sent to Aux Cayes for troops and had four of the leaders arrested and conveyed to the prison in Aux Cayes.—
Mr Kock before leaving the States had notes printed similar to our Bank Bills, of the following denominations: One dollar Bill valued at ten cents, Half dollar Bill valued at five cents; with these Bills he pays the Emigrants for their labor: they are not permitted to purchase any-thing whatever except from him or his authorized agents— In this case he receives his own paper in exchange for goods— Haytien dollars pass at the rate of thirteen for one American or Spanish silver dollar, and when he reduces his paper he only gives in exchange Eight Haytien dollars for ten of his Ten Cent Bills, and in this way he makes a clear profit off of the Emigrants of five Haytien dollars equal to fifty per cent—
The goods that he brought with him from the States said to be for the Emigrants are admitted free of duty; these goods are sold to the Emigrants at an enormous profit. Taking into consideration the profit on the goods, and what he makes by way of exchanging his money, he must be doing a tolerable fair business—
Mr Kock brought with him from the States Twenty four double barreled guns, a quantity of “Enfield” and “Sharps” rifles and several revolvers: If these are the means by which he intends to keep the Emigrants in subjection and enforce his measures, in my opinion he has made a great mistake; I think they are calculated to do more harm than good.—
He has to keep a guard around his house every night— Several of the Emigrants have revolvers and Mr Kock requested Governor Fabre to have them delivered over to him (Mr Kock) this the Governor refused, saying, he had no right to meddle with their private property—
At the same time he told him not to issue any more of his bills, but I understood that he still desists and continues to circulate them among the Emigrants
Mr Kock also after he landed on the Island claimed the right to the title of Governor, this the Governor forbid—
I have just received the following information from a reliable source and from personal observation, which is that Mr Kock shortly after his arrival on the Island built four comfortable houses, one for his sleeping room half out in the sea Dining room & Kitchen, and one for a friend of his—
And the Emigrants that had the Small pox were put on one end of the Island, in what he called a Hospital: the Physician attending on them told my informant that their position was no better thay laying on the sea shore in the open air: the number that have died I have not been able to ascertain but said to be very considerable.—
The soil is reported good; also good well water; timber of very little value: The Emigrants are said to be intelligent industrious and some of them educated, and all well disposed if treated right—
The same rule in regard to Marriage Contracts as are practised in the Slave States—
I believe the Authorities of Hayti are disposed to do what is right, but Mr Kock claims from his contract the sole and absolute control of the Island and the Emigrants—
The Island lies out in the Sea Seven or Eight miles from the main land, and the Emigrants are not permitted to leave the Island; they can look like Moses of old upon the promised land but not allowed to go to it; they have no justices of the peace, no Courts of justice, no Civil or Criminal Law, and if an offence is committed and Mr Kock cannot regulate it with his guns & revolvers he sends to Aux Cayes for and demands Soldiers: they are arrested and taken to Aux Cayes and brought before a strange people speaking a different language, and if found guilty they are imprisoned—
Mr Kock has a position, if he were disposed to do what is right, to make Kings and Princes envy him; he is intrusted with the means of a great and liberal nation, in addition to this there is placed in his charge near Five hundred manumitted slaves that require a kind and fostering hand to feed clothe and protect them in a new and distant land against sickness, and to provide teach them how to provide for themselves, and educate theirselves children, and further to teach them by precept and example the road that leads to Heaven—
While our beloved Country is bleeding at every core, and the minds of those placed at the head of affairs are taxed with the most important trust ever committed to the care of any set of men, and the plains of the South whitened with the bones of thousands and tens of thousands of the brave young men of the North, and the soil moistened with their blood, children left Fatherless and Mothers widows, we have among us designing corrupt men who think of nothing but the eternal dollar, and every advantage sought to obtain it, no matter how or the misery they entail on others— In Gods Holy name when will men learn Truth, Justice and Mercy—
It was with greatest difficulty that I procured two of Mr Kocks bills — he did not want them sent to the States— I enclose them in my despatch which you will consider part of same and send them with your copy to Mr Commissioner Whidden
I have the honor
to be Sir
Yours with Respect
(Signed) James De Long
U. S. Consul
From James E. Tewell to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, July 31, 1863
New Orleans,
July 31st, 1863.
Honored Sir:
It is made my pleasing duty to communicate to your Excellency the inclosed Proceedings of the Union Association of New Orleans.
I have the honor to be
Your Excellency's
Most Obt Servant,
James E. Tewell,
Assistant Secretary of
Union Assn of N. O.
[Enclosure:]
Union Association of New Orleans.
Lyceum Hall, City Hall,
July 25th, 1863.
At the Regular Meeting of the above-named Association, held as above, the following Preamble and resolutions, offered by Mr. James E. Tewell, were unanimously adopted:
Whereas the Unionists of New Orleans have heard with surprise and indignation of the attempt on the part of certain gentlemen, claiming to represent the planting interest of Louisiana, to induce the Federal Authorities so to act as to fetter once more the Freemen of this State, by putting in force a Constitution, the principles of which are utterly at variance with the sentiments of a large majority of the Loyal People, and repugnant to the Spirit of the Age;
And whereas we have read with the liveliest feelings of satisfaction the noble utterances of our beloved Chief Magistrate, in reply to and in rebuke of the self-constituted, slavery-preserving delegation, and in approval of the efforts of the truly loyal in securing a Constitution based upon the principle of “Freedom to all;” therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Union Association of New Orleans deprecate all efforts having for their end the organization of a State Government under the Constitution in force prior to the outbreak of the present Rebellion; and
Resolved, further, That they will oppose, by all legitimate means, every measure having for its object the recognition of slavery in any Constitution that may hereafter by formed.
On motion of Mr. Enos W. Smith, it was
Resolved, That the foregoing Preamble and Resolutions be published in the New Orleans Era, and that a copy of the same be signed by the Officers of this Association, and transmitted to his Excellency, President Lincoln.
Dr M Schuppert
President pro temp
James E. Tewell, Assistant Secretary.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Louisiana —
Resolutions.
From Abraham Lincoln to Stephen A. Hurlbut [Draft] 1, [August 1863]
q. v.), in which he outlined unofficially his view of how things stood between the federal government and the individual rebels states, particularly respecting the status of slaves in those states. The present document is probably the retained copy of Lincoln's reply. The recipient's copy has not been located, so it not clear what document — the “within” — Lincoln included, or intended to include, since the copy of the letter Hurlbut sent to Lincoln is still in this collection.
Executive Mansion,
Washington
The within discusses a difficult subject — the most difficult with which we have to deal. The able bodied males contrabands are already employed by the Army— But the rest are in confusion and destitution— They better be set to digging their subsistence out of the ground. If there are plantations near you, on either side of the river, which are abandoned by rebel their owners, first put as many contrabands on such, as they will hold — that is, as can draw subsistence from them— If some still remain, get loyal men, of character in the vicinity, to take them temporarily on wages, to be paid to the contrabands themselves — such men obliging themselves to not let the contrabands be kidnapped, or forcibly carried away. Of course, if any voluntarily make arrangements to work for their living, you will not hinder them. It is thought best to leave details to your discretion subject to the provisions of the Acts of Congress & the orders of the War Department.
By Direction of the President.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Gen. Hurlbut.
From Robert C. Schenck to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, September 1, 1863
Official Records, Series I, Volume 27, Part II, 88-197. There are also several documents in this collection that concern the case. See especially, Milroy to Lincoln, June 28, 1863 and Lincoln to Milroy, June 29, 1863.
Washington Septr 1st 1863
Sir,
I have been summoned to this city to appear as a witness upon a Court of Enquiry convened under Special Order 346.
Until this morning I had not seen, nor did I know the terms of that order. I had only understood that on the application of Maj. Gen'l Milroy, forwarded through me as his Corps Commander, a Court of Inquiry had been ordered.
But, coming here as a witness, I find myself answering to a call, which would make me in fact a party defendent to the investigation which this court is conducting; and this without notice, without opportunity to object to the constitution of the Court, and without a part in the testimony which has been given; and also, when I have neither been “accused” and so demanded a Court of Enquiry nor has one been “directed” by the president to inquire into my official conduct.
Referring to instructions embodied in the order for the Court I find this language; “The Court will report whether the orders of the General in Chief in regard to the evacuation of Winchester were complied with, and if not, by whom disobeyed”. But the orders of the General in Chief were given only to and through me, as the Corps Commander. I am therefore necessarily put upon my defence as at least one of the parties to this proceeding. In any investigation which ensues, there will be envolved also of necessity the conduct and course of the General in Chief in relation to the matter in question. And yet, as I am distinctly advised, this Court, in the findings, and report, and recorded opinions of which he is so directly concerned, and all the members of which are inferior to me in grade, is entirely of his own selection, and the Judge Advocate of it, his own Military Secretary.
I shrink from no legitimate einquiry into any official conduct of mine, as involved in the particular matter in question, or in any other performance of my duty; but I respectfully demand, as a right, that my reputation and conduct shall not be called in question or decided upon by surprize or indirection.
I ask, Mr. President, that you will order a Court of Inquiry which shall be as to me and my rights, regular in its institution, and fair in the opportunities afforded me to meet any thing which it may be pretended implicates me unfavorably in any action attending the evacuation of Winchester.
I have the honor to be, Mr President,
Very respectfully
Your obt. Servt.
Robt. C. Schenck
Maj. Genl. U. S. Vols
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Gen. Schenck.
From Francis P. Blair Jr. to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, September 9, 1863
To the President,
In a matter of such importance as the opening of the Mississippi River to Commerce, I am very sure the President will find apology for the urgency with which Western men have pressed the subject upon his attention.
Recently when the Committee from the Chamber of Commerce of St. Louis were here on this business they advised me of the steps they had taken and the result so far as known to them. I failed to perceive the soundness of the reasoning or the Justice of the conclusions of the Secretary of the Treasury. The question is one which ought to be settled by the single consideration of whether it would be more beneficial to our people and their Government, to open the River to free and unrestricted trade, than to our enemies. It is a simple question of a balance of accounts. If it can be made to appear that it would be more to our advantage than to the advantage of the enemy — then in my opinion the restrictions should be removed and commerce made free, altho' it should be certain that the enemy derived some benefit from such a course— I apprehend that the Secretary of the Treasury has concluded the whole case simply upon consideration that the enemy might derive an advantage from it and without counterbalancing this benefit to the enemy by the consideration of the far greater advantages which will accrue to our own people— The principle of such a decision would stop the flow of the waters of the Mississippi, if such a thing was possible, in order to prevent our enemies from quenching their thirst in its stream— The enemy will occasionally comfort themselves with a drink of water from the Mississippi so long as it continues to flow and so if free trade is permitted on the River, the enemy will occasionally get a barrel of Pork or a package of Quinine. But will not the advantages to our people of this commerce overbalance all that can possibly accrue to the enemy? And if so, is it not the duty of the President to over-rule the decision made by the Secretary of the Treasury?—
The idea conveyed by the phrase “supplying the enemy” has in my judgment been allowed too much weight in this discussion, without regard being paid to the actual condition of affairs in the country or the true import of the language used— If trade with the region of country bordering on the Mississippi River means “supplying the enemy,” why is any trade allowed? But it is allowed under regulations which have varied so often that it is next to impossible for ordinary persons to determine what are the existing regulations at any given time. This state of things has within my own knowledge, in several instances, brought heavy loss on individuals, who have undertaken to engage in business relying upon established regulations which were changed before they had time to dispose of their wares. Again the persons employed to enforce those regulations are not always — nor in the general — entirely faithful to their trust, and if the enemy are really in want of anything which they must have and are willing to pay for, they will find a way to obtain it and that way is as likely to be through the Agents of the Treasury as any other — even if trade is entirely prohibited, as in the case of our blockaded Ports, what the enemy really want they are very likely to get, if they have the money to pay for it, — Witness the vast amount of arms and munitions of war with which the British have furnished the rebels through the blockaded ports.
I am inclined to believe that this question of such vital importance to the West, has been prejudiced by misconception of the actual condition of affairs and by allowing too much weight to superficial views based on this misconception.
The first proposition which I shall offer for your consideration as a reason against all restriction on this commerce, may be broadly stated thus:
Free and unrestricted commerce on the Mississippi will supply the enemy with nothing that they absolutely need to enable them to carry on the war because they are abundantly supplied with provisions, coarse clothing, ammunition and munitions of war. If their armies in the south-west have ever suffered for the want of any of these things it has been more on account of a lack of transportation or a want of foresight, than any other cause. My remarks are intended to apply to the region bordering the Mississippi and in order to support my assertion I will recall to your mind some official and authentic statements and refer to some well established facts which I think have a bearing upon the point.
General Grant, in his official report of the transactions before Vicksburg, states that his Army of 45,000 men crossed the Mississippi below and at Grand Gulf with three days rations drawn from the Commissary and with this supply marched to Jackson, Mississippi, and thence to Vicksburg, fought five battles and invested the town, employing eighteen or twenty days in these movements and subsisted his men and a vast number of Animals employed by the Army upon the country through which he passed. The enemy by whom he was opposed passed over the same ground more than once and drew their supplies from the same source. The Garrison at Vicksburg had drawn a large portion of its supplies from the same country for the period of more than six months preceding. After the investment of Vicksburg, General Grant found it necessary, in order to prevent the enemy from gathering force in his rear to raise the seige, to send out large detachment of his Army, (in one instance the detachment amounted to 10,000 men) to lay waste and destroy the resources of the country and thus make it difficult for the enemy to approach him without first providing himself with land transportation to bring his supplies from a distance. Yet it is well known that, notwithstanding all this, Genl. Johnson
When Vicksburg fell it was found that the Garrison had still two weeks provisions on hand and ammunition enough to sustain a seige for six years, altho' all the ammunition which the enemy carried with them to Champion Hills fell into the hands of Genl. Grant.
In Jackson large factories were destroyed in which the rebels manufactured coarse cloth for their soldiers from the cotton of the country, a material exhaustless in quantity and in quality well adapted to protect the men from the severest weather known in that climate. We found every plantation well stocked with Sheep and Cattle and I have heard it roughly estimated that Genl. Grant's Army captured 30,000 head of Cattle during its march and during the investment of Vicksburg. Could it be possible that those people could want the material for making shoes or woollen garments? What has been said of the country immediately around Vicksburg is equally true of every part of the country on the Mississippi River. As long as any part of this region remains in the hands of the enemy its inexhaustible fertility will make its people independent of the whole world for the actual necessaries of life. There is no such thing as putting down the rebellion by prohibitions of trade or restrictive regulations as long as men can live on corn bread, bacon, beef, mutton, poultry and vegetables, and can clothe themselves in cotton & woollen clothes and have an inexhaustible supply of material for shoes &c. Equally futile it seems from our experience of two years and a half of prohibitions have been our efforts to exhaust their supplies of ammunition, arms and munitions of war— They either produce these things for themselves or they have them in abundance through our blockaded ports— They have not procured them from the upper Mississippi because until recently that region was itself in need of these articles.
If then this region of country is already thus bountifully supplied with all articles of prime necessity it may be asked of what value will its commerce be to the North West, whose chief staple is food? Before answering this question it seems to me proper to say something of the present actual condition of affairs there and dispel the misconception which I believe exists on that subject and upon which is built the whole theory of the necessity of continuing, through the Treasury Department, the embargo of Jeff Davis. The entire region bordering on the Mississippi River for a hundred miles on either Bank is free from the presence of any organized force of the rebels and large portions of that territory are substantially embraced within our military lines— Our troops hold every point on the river capable of being fortified, every point which communicates by railroad with the interior and the River itself with its navigable affluents and the innumerable bayoús, which permeate the low or bottom lands like the veins in a mans body, are open to our Gunboats which constantly patrol them and make it next to impossible for any large organized force of the enemy to approach the Mississippi without danger of being cut off by a force thrown on their flank or rear— I will not deny that small Guerilla bands have occasionally made their appearance on the river Bank but since the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson the motive for this species of warfare has been so much diminished and the danger to the Guerillas so much increased, that I think it might be safely asserted that they have not fired half a dozen hostile shots, since those events, on the Banks of the Mississippi. Instead, therefore, of these regions being a country bristling with enemies whom we must not supply — it is in fact clear of all hostile force and a vast number of the people are anxious to renew their allegiance and resume their old relations to the Government upon such terms as the Government shall dictate. This at least is my candid opinion formed from personal observation. Is it desirable to foster this disposition on the part of the people, and what is the best course to effect this object? Shall we treat them, although not in arms, as enemies, who are not to be supplied or shall we allow them again to share the blessings of the old Government which in an evil hour they renounced or were forced to renounce? Which course is best calculated to conciliate them and which is most worthy of the rulers of a great nation?
Such then is the actual condition of the country which borders on the Mississippi River. It is under the authority of our forces and most of the inhabitants remaining rejoice in the return of the legitimate authority of the old flag. Portions of the country have been laid waste, as for instance the immediate neighborhood of Vicksburg on both banks of the river. Here the people are in actual want of the necessaries of life, from the causes already explained, and they are supplied by Commissaries of Subsistence by the orders of the Generals in command and at the expense of the Government. Why should they not be supplied by our Merchants and traders and be allowed to pay for it in Cotton? The food thus supplied is no more likely to reach the confederate troops than that given to the people by the Government. Indeed it is not possible on account of the lack of land transportation to convey any considerable quantity of such bulky articles the distance required to reach the organized armies of the Rebels. And if such articles could be conveyed it would only be carrying coals to New-Castle — carrying food to those who have plenty— By far the greater part of the country a few miles back from the River where our large Armies have not penetrated and where no attempt has been made to lay waste and devastate the country is abundantly supplied with provisions; but the inhabitants want the luxuries of life to which many of them have been accustomed and of which they have been long deprived, and doubtless they have also the means of paying for them by exchanging their hoarded crops of cotton, which they have kept secreted from the cotton burners— Can there be any objection to supplying these people with such articles of luxury?— Articles which in no sense could add strength to the armies of our enemies even if they obtained possession of them — while every bale of Cotton which is obtained from them by our merchants benefits our whole people and deprives the rebels of credit abroad and the means of obtaining arms, ships and munitions of war.
The Government policy of leasing the abandoned plantations of the rebels to loyal men, for the purpose of supplying our factories with the raw material and giving employment and support to the liberated slaves, requires that the trade should be opened in order to give these lessee's the means of feeding and clothing the negroes— If this system is to take root and extend itself to such a degree as to accomplish the object sought it cannot be the intention of the Government to feed all of the negroes so employed out of the Government Department — nor can it be the intention of the Government to load and embarrass an experiment in the success of which it must feel the greatest interest, with the inevitable expense and delays attending the permit system, a system in its very nature so fruitful of corruption as to taint and destroy every interest with which it comes in contact. It is almost impossible to conceive of any healthful or beneficial trade which can spring up under a system which requires it to be evaded in order that trade may be profitable. It is the old system which enriches the smuggler and destroys the honest dealer.
This system contains another vice, in this, that it assumes to proceed upon the principle that military necessity requires it to be put in force and yet its execution is committed to the hands of civil officers under the orders of a different and distinct department of the government.
Whoever heard of an Army in the field committing its safety or the measures necessary for its success to a batch of Treasury Agents & Boards of trade? The simple fact that these regulations have been devised by the Chief of a Civil Department and their execution intrusted to civil officers under his control goes far to show that they are not grounded upon any military reasons or demanded by any military necessity. If demanded for the safety or success of our Army, they should be devised by the Commander of the Army and executed by Officers under his control— He is more likely to know what is demanded for military purposes, far more likely to enforce with vigor and impartiality what he conceives the interest of the Army requires and can be better relied upon to relax all unnecessary restraints, than those who feel that their whole importance and perhaps their livelihood is dependant on keeping up regulations which give them power over the business of the community which they live upon by taxing it.
A consideration which I think should not be overlooked will be found in the moral influence which would be exerted at home and abroad by a proclamation from the President setting free the commerce of the Mississippi. This great fact could not fail to arrest attention in foreign countries in which public opinion has been swaying to and fro on the questions of recognition and intervention. It would not only arrest attention but such a striking proof of the progress of our arms might even arreset designs which it is not improbably have been harbored in some quarters against us. It has been said that the capture of Richmond, the Rebel Capital, by our arms, would exert a vast moral influence in our favor in the old world. It seems to me that with reflecting men, the men to whom the destinies of the Governments of Europe are confided, that a proclamation striking off the shackles placed by Davis & his accomplices upon the navigation and commerce of the great Mississippi, would convey a far more important lesson— It would signalize the resumption of the national authority over a vast empire and would leave even the sympathizers of the rebellion without hope for a cause thus shorn of its strength.
The West has suffered much from this rebellion and has done its whole duty in putting it down.— The Railroads which have borne its produce to the eastern marts have been enriched by the embargo laid upon the Mississippi river. It is full time that this should cease and yet it is a matter of fact that even since the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson the Steamboats which carried our produce to New Orleans have been refused a permit to ship back to the North West cargoes of Sugar at the very moment when this staple was permitted to be shipped by sea to our Atlantic Ports, to be carried thence to the West for consumption by railroad— Why this discrimination? It could not be for fear that the boats and cargoes would fall into the hands of the enemy — the danger on the high seas from such Pirates as the Alabama is far greater than any which has been encountered on the Mississippi since the fall of the rebel strongholds— Was it the freak or something worse of a treasury agent sitting in judgment on questions of military policy? I have addressed you as the representative of a great commercial city sorely tried by the vicissitudes of this war but whose temporary interests have never severed her from a loyal support of the Government and whose faith in the Presidents determination to do what is just and right will always remain unshaken.
Very Respectfully
Frank P. Blair Jr
Washington City
September 9. 1863.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
On opening trade on the Mississippi—
From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy in John Hay's Hand] 1, September 30, 1863
q. v.) petitioning for a restoration of his earlier rank. He was brevetted lieutenant colonel in June of 1864.
Washington, September 30, 1863.
Dear Sir
I believe Col. Halpine to be a most capable and deserving officer, and hope that his request may be granted if it can be, consistently with the interests of the service.
Your Obt. Servt
A. Lincoln
From Hannibal Hamlin to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, November 4, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 546-47, 549-50, 552-53; Frederick F. Low to Lincoln, November 7, 1863; Zachariah Chandler to Lincoln, November 13, 1863; and James Dixon to Lincoln, November 14, 1863.
Bangor Nov 4 1863.
My Dear Sir
Your favor of the 29th ult reached me last evening.
I will see that your suggestions in relation to the certificates of our Members of Congress elect, are carred out— I suppose each member has been furnished by the Gov. with the certificate of his election and has it in his possession—
Yours Truly
H. Hamlin
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
V. P. Hamlin.
From James Mitchell to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 5, 1863
[Marginal note: Colinization]
Washington Nov 5th/63
The Officers of “The African Civilization Society”, are in attendance and respectfully ask a short interview — they are
G W Levere, President
H M Wilson, Sect
R H Cain,
P S Porter,
Wm Anderson,
I have the honor to
remain your servant
James Mitchell.
Comm. of E[migration]
[Endorsement:]
Appointed to see them at 4 ocl P M
From [James Mitchell] to John P. Usher 1, November 5, 1863
Executive Mansion
Nov 5th 1863.
The Secretary of the Interior is hereby directed to issue a requisition on the Treasurer of the United States, for the sum of Five Thousand Dollars, to be placed to the credit of John Peterson, and Henry M Wilson, the Treasurer and Secretary of “The African Civilization Society, of New York— The requisition shall be handed to James Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration, who shall deliver it to said Society, when its said Officers, shall lodge with him a good and sufficient bond, for the proper arrangement of those funds; of which he shall be the judge, the money to be drawn from the Colonization funds
From John G. Nicolay to Solomon A. Meredith 1, November 14, 1863
Washington, Nov 14, 1863.
Dear Sir:
Daniel H. Gilmer,missing, of that fight. The only intelligence concerning him is that he was seen during the fight to be wounded, but after the battle, although special search was made among the dead on the field, his body could not be discovered, nor has any mention been made as yet of his name, among the prisoners which are reported as having been taken by the rebels.
His friends still hope that he is living, and think that he is a prisoner confined somewhere in the South, in some prison from which a list of those held in confinement has not yet been published
Do you know of any means of gaining any information concerning him, and if you, will you not be so kind as to interest yourself specially to obtain it and communicate it to me?
Your obt Servt
Jno. G. Nicolay
[Endorsed by Sullivan A. Meredith:]
Office Commr for Exch
Fort Monroe Va
Nov 17. 1863
Respectfully referred to Hon R Ould Agent of Exch
S. A. Meredith
Brig Genl & Com for Exch
[Endorsed by M. P. Turner:]
C S Mil Prison
Richmond Nov 21/63
An officer captured at Chickamauga confined in this prison informs the clerk that Col Gilmer was killed and left on the Battle field of Chickamauga
M. P. Turner.
Capt Comdg
[Endorsed by W. H. Hatch:]
Office Exch of Prisoners
Richmond Va
Respectfully returned to Brig Genl S A Meredith Agt for Exch of Prisoners
Ro Ould
Official
W H Hatch
Capt & A A G
[Endorsed by Sullivan A. Meredith:]
Office Commr for Exchange
Fort Monroe Va
Nov 25, 1863
Respectfully returned to Jno. G. Nicolay Esqr calling his attention to endorsement of Captn Turner
S. A. Meredith
Brig Genl & Commr for Exc
From Hannibal Hamlin to Abraham Lincoln, November 19, 1863
Bangor Nov 19 1863
My Dear Sir
I have obtained the certificates, which you suggested in your favor of the 29th ult, and will bring them with me to Washington.
Collected Works, VI, 546-47, 549-50, 552-53; Hamlin to Lincoln, November 4, 1863; Frederick F. Low to Lincoln, November 7, 1863; Zachariah Chandler to Lincoln, November 13, 1863; and James Dixon to Lincoln, November 14, 1863.
Yours Truly
H. Hamlin.
From Charles Sumner to Abraham Lincoln, November 30, 1863
Boston 30th Nov. '63
My dear Sir,
You have seen, perhaps, that the London Post, which is sometimes called Ld Palmerston'sTimes has also thrown out the same menace in a very recent article.
Now, I have no fear that there can be any arrest of the judgment which Providence has entered already against slavery & its abettors. But I am anxious that the case should be stated, so that Civilization shall gain as much as possible. And, this will be accomplished, if the British people can be made to see that it will be immoral on their part to recognize such a combination. Why cannot the discussion be changed to this ground?
Congress already by its resolutions, which Mr Seward has communicated to Foreign Powers, has declared its regret that Foreign Powers did not at once tell the chiefs of the Rebellion that they could not expect “recognition” for the State which they were trying to build.
(1) The talk of “recognition” would stop, & our people would not be disturbed by reports that it was at hand.
(2) If “recognition” would be wrong; — then, of course, it was wrong to concede “belligerency”, which is a semi-independence; & our argument against England on this head would be strengthened immensely by shewing that “recognition” was a moral impossibility.
This is a long introduction to a suggestion, which I desire to make. It is that, you in yr message, you should refer to the resolutions of Congress, & mention that they have been sent to Foreign Govts; — & then add to this statement the enunciation of the principle you so well expressed in the memdm you gave to me last springwhere & asks “recognition” in the Christian Family, whose only declared reason of separate existence is the support of slavery — & that no such Power can expect any such “recognition”, but that Christian states are bound to set their faces against it.
Let this statement be made in the message & it will reach the people of Europe. Its essential truth will vindicate it every where. But it must be stated so that the people can know it.
Collected Works, VII, 36-53.
If our cause in Europe could be put openly on this ground, the Rebellion would receive a death-blow. Nor is this all. Slavery every where would tremble before the judgment of the civilized world.
Let us get as much as possible for our own Country & also for mankind out of all our blood-shed.
Ever Sincerely Yours,
Charles Sumner
From Jesse K. Dubois to John G. Nicolay, December 5, 1863
Dec 5th 1863
Dear Nicholy
I have just seen a letter that you wrote to William Dated 1st Dec in which you say “you will have some trouble on account of some trouble with a Sutler or something of that kind
Yours Truly
Jesse K Dubois
I want to be in Washington with Mrs Dubois about New years if my affairs will permit
From John W. Forney to John G. Nicolay, December 8, 1863
My Dear Nicolay—
We are very anxious to have an early Copy of the Message,
Collected Works, VII, 36-53.
Yours Truly
J. W. Forney
This will be handed you by Mr. Bowen, of The Chronicle.
Dec'r 8, 1863.
From Nathaniel P. Banks to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 18, 1863
New Orleans, 18. December 1863.
Sir:
I concur in the opinion so generally entertained, that it is for the interest of the country to deplete the Rebel territory of that species of property, which is made the basis of credit for the Rebel govememt with foreign nations— But great care is neccessary to avoid an injury to ourselves in the operation— Unless the ultimate and final disposition of the proceeds of this property be ascertained we may find that the munitions of war furnshed to the Rebels — and the pirates — that prey upon our commerce — may be paid for, and supported by Rebel products passing throgh our hands to the markets of the world. No commercial advantages — can counterbalance so great a wrong as this— In april I recconded that the cotton in western & northern Louisiana, be allowed to find a market, one half, or 50. per centum of the proceeds of sales, being retained by the Governemt: but the Secretary of War, thought it then inexpedient, to adopt this policy. The agents selected for the execution of the plan proposed — should be designated by the General governemt— These two points guarded, — protection from public injury by the mis-appropiation of the proceeds, of the sale of this property & the selection of proper agents if it cannot be made a general trade.— I see no objection to the proposal made by the Treasury Agents of the Department
I have the honor to be
With high respect
Your Obendt Servt
N. P. Banks
M. G. C
From George F. Shepley to Abraham Lincoln, December 18, 1863
To the President
I have the honor to concur in the Policy recommended in relation to the introduction of cotton within our lines,
first — payment is to be made in the notes or bonds of the United States
secondly — that the United States is to receive a fair proportion of the enhanced value given to the cotton by the permission to ship it from ports not blockaded—
thirdly that agents selected by the government shall take care that no portions of the proceeds be reinvested in anything which could sustain the armies or the private armed vessels of the rebellion,
With great respect
I have the honor to be
Your Most Obdt Srvt
G. F. Shepley
Military Governor
of Louisiana
From Paul S. Forbes and Charles K. Tuckerman to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 13, 1864
New York, Jany. 13. 1864
Mr. President,
We have the honor to enclose for your perusal a Printed Statement of circumstances attending our efforts to Colonise free people of colour in the Republic of Hayti.
These circumstances are so unprecedented and peculiar and have been attended by such hardship to ourselves, that we feel compelled to make a record of the facts and present them in this form.
In our attempt faithfully to discharge a most responsible public duty, we are conscious of having acted from first to last uprightly, consistently, and in full sympathy with your humane intentions. That the result has not been more satisfactory is owing to circumstances utterly beyond our controul. Should this statement fail to show this conclusively to your mind, we shall claim the privilege of making a further statement, more in detail and more personal in it's character.
Sir, you are eminently a just man. We ask and will receive simple justice, only, at your hands. So far as the specified sum in the Contract is concerned, we have been officially informed that this will be paid so soon as it shall be shown that we have carried out the provisions of the Contract according to “it's well understood meaning.” It is not therfore in the expectation of receiving simply this, that we ask for more, but because we feel that a liberally disposed Government will not refuse equitably to meet the just claims of it's citizens, even if they exceed the letter of the Contract.
Senate Executive Document 55.
We think it due to you to say that the enclosed is the only Copy that has yet left our hands. It is printed, for greater facility of perusal.
We are Sir,
very respectfully
your ob'dt. Servants
P. S. Forbes
pr. C K Tuckerman
C. K. Tuckerman
P. S. Since the foregoing was written we have thought it proper to send a copy of the enclosed Statement to Mr. Seward, he being acquainted with many of the facts of the case possibly not known to your Excellency, and which doubtless he will be willing to lay before you.
From Abraham Lincoln to Quincy A. Gillmore [Copy in John Hay's Hand] 1, January 13, 1864
Copy
Executive Mansion
Washington D. C. January 13. 1864
Major General Gillmore
I understand an effort is being made by some worthy gentlemen to reconstruct a loyal State Government in Florida. Florida is in your department and it is not unlikely that you may be there in person. I have given Mr. Hay a Commission of Major, and sent him to you with some blank books and other blanks, to aid in the reconstruction. He will explain as to the manner of using the blanks, and also my general views on the subject. It is desirable for all to coöperate; but if irreconciliable differences of opinion shall arise, you are master. I wish the thing done in the most speedy way possible, so that when done, it lie within the range of the late proclamation on the subject. The detail labor of course will have to be done by others; but I shall be greatly obliged, if you will give it such general supervision as you can find consistent with your more strictly military duties.
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
From John T. Morton to John G. Nicolay, January 22, 1864
Executive Department, Kansas.
Office of Auditor of State. Secretary of Senate
Topeka, January 22, 1864
Dear Sir
It is a long time since we have corresponded and I believe we have not met since we were respectively Editors of the Free Press and Quincy Whig
I trust you will not deem it improper for me to address you on a subject that I, with a vast majority of the people of Kansas, am deeply interested in, — the confirmation of Judge Delahay.
There is an almost unanimous feeling in this state that the fixing, so thoroughly an incompetent man on the bench for life will be a public calamity.
The business of the U. S. Courts in this State is heavy and important and under Judge D. the Court will be a terrible burlesque on the Judiciary
I was Judge Williamsno doubt of it. As to any personal interest in the matter I have none except that I am going into the practice of Law again and cannot go into Delahays Court. Many other Lawyers in the State will refuse to do so. I dont suppose that I will get my office again even if Delahay is rejected although it is not impossible. But if I know myself I am actuated by better motives in this matter than any personal interest. As a citizen of the State of Kansas the announcement of Delahays Confirmation will sadden me than any thing could but the death of a relative or friend. And this is the universal feeling in this State among the true and honest friends of the administration.
I forwarded to the Senate a few strong letters in reference to Judge D, and a protest signed by 23 of the 25 members of the Kansas Senate and one signed by 47 of the 75 members of the House is also before the Senate. Many members of the House and both of the Senators who failed to sign expressed their hearty concurrences in the protests, but for personal reasons preferred not to sign. The feeling is so deep and sincere that if Delahay is confirmed I fear Joint Resolutions requesting him to resign will pass both Houses. And yet for any office he is competent to fill, there would be no objection made to him.
I will frankly say that, if you deem it proper I wish you to regard this letter as one written to lay before the President. I trust that Mr Lincoln can remember me as an earnest and devoted freind although a humble one, and will not see any impropriety in this frank and sincere letter.— I have no objection to Judge D's seeing it.
As to the Presidential question, Kansas is for Mr Lincoln. And so unmistakeably that even Gen Lane
Very truly Yours
John T. Morton
[Marginal Note on First Page of Letter:]
I suppose you have noticed that I had the honor of a unanimous election to the Secretary-Ship of the Senate
From Charles G. Halpine to John G. Nicolay, January 25, 1864
My dear Nicolay: I heard today from Mr. Hanscom,
Thine
Halpine
January 25th 1864
From William B. Sprague to John G. Nicolay 1, January 25, 1864
Albany, Jan. 25th 1864.
My dear Sir,
I beg you will communicate to the President of the United States my best thanks for his ready compliance with my request,
Collected Works, Supplement I, 219.
I am, my dear Sir,
Very respectfully & faithfully yours,
W B Sprague
From R. Shelton Mackenzie to Abraham Lincoln, January 27, 1864
Philadelphia
Jan 27 — 1864
Dear Mr President.
You will perceive, by the enclosed, that the Burns Club, on Monday, did due honor to your health.
Your faithful Servt
R. Shelton Mackenzie
From William H. Ashhurst to John G. Nicolay 1, February 3, 1864
1118 Chestnut Street, Philada.
Feby 3 1864
My dear Sir
I am very desirous of obtaining any leading items of information on the early life of President Lincoln, that may be yet unpublished, with a view of issuing a short biography from the press of our publication committee.
If we can get the necessary data, the life will be written in a simple but forcible style for general reading. The author will be Mr Packard, the writer of “About the War or Plain Words to Plain People” a copy of wh I send you, and of which we have issued over seventy thousand copies. I think such a biography as Mr P can write, composed into a 16 or 32 page pamphlet will do much good—
If you can spare time to comply with my request, you will much oblige
yours very faithfully
Wm. H. Ashhurst
From Nehemiah D. Sperry to John G. Nicolay 1, February 10, 1864
New Haven, Conn. Feb 10 1864
Dear Sir
You will remember my talk with you at “Willards”, about the time of the commencemt of the present Congress
We spoke of a combination that was being started to oppose Mr Lincolns relection, that opposition is showing itself in Connecticut, but in secret manners. The Town of New Haven elected Delegates to our State Convention and passed Resolutions instructing the delegates to our “State Convention” to vote for no man as a delegate to the National Conventon but those who were unqualifidely Lincoln men. And the Towns about us in our County have done the same thing we are determined not to be out done. Our Opponents towit, the “Chase men”, are working among the Germans in our State to induce them to go against Lincoln, and in this way make capital, and I think that the same thing is being done throughout the Loyal states. I hope that this matter will be attended to.
By the way we are to have a fair in our place for the Benefit of the “Soldiers Orphans” I would suggest as a good thing, that you see Mrs Lincoln and have her send a few flowers to me by Express with a Line showing her interest in the fair. It would “take well,” beside I believe a few flowers thus sent, we raise Forty, or Fifty, Dollars. The fact that they were sent by her, and picked from the “Presidential Green House” would be every thing to us.
Can we not make a point by this operation If you think so, please send them to my address at New Haven Conn.
Please let me hear from you and consider this note private
Very truly yours
N. D. Sperry P. M
at New Haven
N. B. Our Fair takes place the 22d of Feb and continues a week or so
From Charles G. Halpine to John G. Nicolay, February 11, 1864
New York, City, Feby. 11th 1864
My dear Nicolay: I arrived here this morning and still live, as was not said by the lamented Webster. If you saw the pile of papers and letters that have accumulated in my absence, you would (I know) condole with me on the fact of continued existence—. Amongst other matters, letters without number about Dunning, (Lieut. reduced to the ranks) and George M. Sullivan 5th R. I. A., sentenced to be shot. Will you like a dear keep your eye on these cases and let me know the President's orders “if consistent with the interests of the service”.
Collected Works, VIII, 531.
In extreme haste, and sleepiness, and weariness of the burden we call life, — I am thine
Usedupedly everlastingly
Chas G Halpine
Herr Johannes Gorgeous Nicolay
Baron de Varsovianna, Count Redowa and Marquis of the most noble order of Lancers.
From Robert Todd Lincoln to John G. Nicolay, February 11, 1864
Dear Sir:
It is my opinion that the Equine Quadrapeds you have had the honor to see me handle with such skill, had better have the benefit of a little more exercise before they are put into practical traction of vehicles of pleasure—
A man known as “Shanks” kindly offers me the use of his mare to return from the National Hotel on the evening of Feb 11th 1864.
I take this opportunity, Mr. Private Secretary, to renew to your Private Secretaryship the assurance of my most distinguished consideration and I have the honor to be
Mr. Private Secretary,
Your Private Secretaryship's
Most obedient Servant,
R. Todd Lincoln
From Joseph Holt to John G. Nicolay, February 13, 1864
Judge Adv Genl's office
Feby 13th 1864
My dear Sir,
If you think the President can give me an interview this forenoon on the business of this office, please let me know the hour. I am extremely anxious, if possible to finish the cases which remain, & many of which are constantly being pressed upon my attention.
With Lincoln in the White House: Letters, Memoranda, and Other Writings of John G. Nicolay, 1860-1865 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 126.
very respectfully
your obt servt
J Holt
From C. Edwards Lester to John G. Nicolay 1, February 15, 1864
Harpers Ferry — Va
15 Feb— '64—
Dear Sir.
If you will direct the special attention of the President to the accompanying letter, you will do me a very great favor. I believe I have been & still am the victim of some malignant conspiracy of which the president has no knowledge, & that my release may be ordered. May I hear a word from you, for which you will receive
my most sincere thanks—
C Edwards Lester
From John G. Nicolay to Thaddeus Stevens 1, February 15, 1864
Washington, February 15, 1864.
Sir:
In the discharge of my official duties as Private Secretary to the President of the United States, I have almost constant use for a carriage in which to carry messages from the President to Congress, and to visit the various Departments, &c. For this purpose, I have, since Sept. 11th 1861, kept a private carriage, the total original cost and expense of which, (including carriage, horses, harness, repairs, horsefeed, and coachman's wages,) up to Feb'y 1st 1864, have been $3060.49. Of this amount, I have been able to pay out of the public monies, appropriations, viz: the deficiency and contingent funds for the Executive Office, only the sum of $1318.46, leaving more than one half, viz: the sum of $1742.03 to be defrayed out of my own private purse. As the government only pays me an annual salary of $2500 — as I lost the horses in the late burning of the stables at the Executive Mansion,As All similar services are provided at the public cost, and Iit would be but simple justice for Congress to re-imburse me for the above amount already paid out of my own pocket; at all events I respectfully ask that an appropriation be made for this necessary expenditure in the future, the current rate of which will be, in addition to the cost of a new pair of horses, about one hundred dollars per month.
With Lincoln in the White House: Letters, Memoranda, and Other Writings of John G. Nicolay, 1860-1865 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 126.
I have the honor to be
Your obt Servt
Jno G Nicolay
Private Secretary
From Edward Jordan to John G. Nicolay 1, February 20, 1864
Washington Feby, 20th 1864.
Sir,
A committee appointed by the “Ladies Relief Association” for the purpose, desire to wait on the President at an early hour on Monday next, to invite the President and his family to be present at the opening of the Fair at the Patent Office on the 22d inst. Will you be kind enough to ascertain and inform me at what hour it will be convenient for the President to receive the committee?
Collected Works, VII, 197-98.
Yours very truly,
Edward Jordan
Chn
From Thomas L. Davies to Orville H. Browning, February 22, 1864
Poughkeepsie Feb. 22d. 1864
Dear Sir
Mr & Mrs Coxe left here on Monday to be absent 8 or 10 days. He requested me to open any letters which should come from Washington for him. I shall forward yours recd today to him immediately.
You are aware I presume that Mr Coxe is my Son-in Law & formerly resided at Montgomery Alabama where he has as you stated to Senator Harris
Very Respectfully
Your Obt. Sevt.
Thos L Davies
P. S.
Should you be of opinion that the above statement, will be satisfactory to the Hon. Judge Harris, please let him see it and assure him that I shall feel greatly indebted for any service that he can consistenty render Mr Coxe in this affair—
[Endorsed by Orville H. Browning:]
Feb. 64
Genl Thos L Davis asking for Robert E Coxe to pass through our lines
Judge Nelson said to me orally what Senator Harris has put in writing.
I hope the President will grant the request
O. H. Browning
[Endorsed by Ira Harris:]
I do not know Mr Coxe but I do know Thomas L. Davies well— He is one of the most worthy and estimable men of New York— His statements will be accepted without question wherever he is known— I have no doubt therefore that this matter is all right
Collected Works, VIII, 199-200, 354.
Ira Harris
From James C. Derby to John G. Nicolay 1, February 24, 1864
441 Broadway
New York Febr 24/64
Dear Sir
I wrote you a few days since in reference to the enclosed named book.—enroute?] it must be very interesting— It has occurred to me that you would like to have a sett of plate proof sheets as issued if so I will have duplicate proofs taken for that purpose— In this way some possible error in name or incident as reported in the papers of the day might be corrected by you—
History of the Administration of President Lincoln: including His Speeches, Addresses, Letters, Messages and Proclamations, with a Preliminary Sketch of His Life.
—As the book is written with a view to aid President Lincolns re-nomination, I write wit to you with entire freedom
Yours truly
J C Derby
Please reply
From John T. Hanks to Abraham Lincoln, February 25, 1864
Feb the 25. 1864
Canyon vill Oregon
Dear unkel
after medtation over the past and The future and whot is to cunm I thought I coud not availe mi self a beter opurtunity than this to drop you a few lines to let you know that I am still f living yet and geting a long as well as the times will ad mit as to Helth thair is non beter fur the last three or four years I hav ben blest with the best of health I am still living her in oregon I think I will make this cuntry mi home I hav ben Travling a round fur sum time and I cant fine no beter cuntry than this and I hav seteld down fur lif I expect— I hav ben in washington terratory and the British poseshion a fine cuntry fur minerl producks I hav ben over grate portion of oregon and California hav serched fur the hidn trashur found it not now I am satisfied to live on whot is loted to man— I dont no how the old folkes at hom is geting a long it has ben som time since I hav herd from them I hop thair ar doing well I got a leter from Charley Hanks mi Brother he was at vicburg he is in the armey
now unkel he is the onley Brother that I hav that is ov eney sise and I am her all a lone not a relation near me to stand by me throw the dangers of this world — and the onley thing that I ask in god a world fur you to send him on this cost of oregon it is in your power to doe soe if you will as fur mi self I ask fur nothing I am well satisfied all though you hav given som of the best offices to men that I consider mi self so peair to them her under mi nose I dont think you hav treated me rite all though you hav don your duty as a president wich you ar not to blame
I hav allways hav loved you from Child hood and Still think well ove you a miney a time hav I stoud up fur you and hav ben curst fur doing so in this cuntry both partes is well divide I think thair will be ware times her yet some purty hard threates mad a ganst the union party
I wish you wod send me som dockumentes so that I can post mi self with if thair is enything that I can doe fur you in this cuntry I am wiling and so to doe if willing to lay down mi life fur you in defenc of mi cuntry if it is your wish I dont think I coud dy in a nobler cose but a Nuf of this you may think I am going to furre
now unkel if I hav writen eny thing that is Contrary to your wishes you will fur give me fur it I wont you to answer this if you please and you will be stow a grat favur and a ever lasting friendship direct your lettors to
Canyonvill douglas. Co. oregon times is hard but a delitful winter I never hav seane a plesent er winter on the Pasifick Cost when peace is maid I shal pay mi old frendes a visite and I shal be happy to col on you so good by your in haist
John. T. Hanks
To his Unkel
A. Lincoln President of
the united States
P S
Charles Hanks is in the 8 Rigement of Illinois volenteears
J. T. H—
From John Matthews to Abraham Lincoln 1, February 26, 1864
New York
February 26th 1864
Honored Sir;
I send to you enclosed a photograph and translation of an autograph letter from Alexander Von Humboldt,
I am aware that the opinions of Humboldt upon slavery cannot be unknown to you but, as there are moments in the life of every one when doubts intrude upon the path of duty, — perhaps oftener when grave affairs of state involving the safety of nations are committed in trust to a single man.—
In such a moment I dare venture to hope that this opinion of the good and wise Humboldt may not be without its influence on the progress of human freedom, with which you are so honorably identified.
An acknowledgment from you would be esteemed a great favor.
I am with great respect
Yours Truly
John Matthews
No. 437 First
Avenue New York
From Elihu B. Washburne to John G. Nicolay, March 1, 1864
Private.
H. R.
March 1. 1864.
Dear Sir.
When the Commission shall have been made out the President will write a letter to Genl. Grant and will hand both to you to be sent to me, at Louisville, Kentucky, by express.
Official Records, Series I, Volume 32, Part III, 13, 26, 58; Collected Works, VII, 234; and Michael Burlingame ed. With Lincoln in the White House: Letters, Memoranda, and Other Writings of John G. Nicolay, 1860-1865 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 129-31.
I told the President that I had talked with you fully on the subject, and he understands.
Yours, Truly,
E B Washburne
From John P. Kennedy to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 4, 1864
90 Madison St
Baltimore March 4, 1864
Dear Sir
You were so good as to furnish the Committee, who have charge of the Autograph Volume, preparing for the Sanitary Commission Fair in this City, a copy, in your own hand, of your excellent address at the inauguration of the Cemetery at Gettysburg, which was sent to us yesterday by Mr Bancroft.
Collected Works, VII, 212.
You have perhaps been informed that we are getting up a most interesting and unique volume of American compositions in Autograph, to be executed in fac simile. It is a feature in this plan that every piece shall have the Author's name in his own sign [manner?], and another condition of it is, that it shall be written on a space adapted to the size of the page with proper allowance for margin and binding.
Now, my dear Sir, we are in a perplexing dilemma in regard to your kind contribution, which I almost fear to mention to you, which I almost fear to mention to you, knowing how much your time is engrossed by public business and feeling how little right we have to intrude upon it. But, it unfortunately turns out, that your sheet is like the great picture of the Vicar of Wakefield which was a most admirable performance but was found, when finished, to be too large to be got into the house.
What are we to do?— We might stretch it across the whole page, but that would leave no space for binding: and yet we would rather to this than part with it. Or we might make a larger volume, but that would require us to undo all our work — now half finished — and begin again — though there is hardly time for this. Our last alternative is in your hands, which it seems almost an impertinence in us to ask — another copy, within defined limits. I beg you to pardon this suggestion and to set it down to “the inexorable logic” of our predicament.
I have promised the ladies interested in the fair, to lay this dilemma before you and to leave it to your good nature and your estimate of the opportunity which your incessant occupation may afford to solve it.— If you can conveniently appropriate another quarter of an hour to the making of another copy for us, I would respectfully suggest to you our wish that you would confine the actual writing on each page within the dimensions of nine inches by seven, placing a heading at the top — such as — “Address delivered at the dedication of the Cemetery at Gettysburg” — and signed at the bottom with your name and the date of the dedication.
If you have not time to do this — then I can only ask that you send us your signature to append to what we have.
If you will do me the honor to address your communication to me I will see that it is delivered to the Committee. Begging you to excuse the freedom of this letter, I am my dear Sir
Autograph Leaves of Our Country's Authors (Baltimore: Cushing & Bailey, 1864). See Bliss to John G. Nicolay, March 7, 1864.
very faithfully & truly
yours
John P. Kennedy
From John P. Kennedy to William H. Seward 1, March 4, 1864
Baltimore March 4. 1864
My Dear Mr Seward
I fear you find me a troublesome correspondent, and have to beg you to excuse my frequent invasions of your time, in consideration of the extraordinary zeal which has lately possessed the whole corporation of loyal Women all over the country to let off the excess of their patriotism in the conscription of our universal loyal mankind for the service of these fairs which are raging just now as an epidemic. Mr Bancroft wrote to the President for a copy of his address at the dedication at Gettysburg, which Mr Lincoln was kind enough to answer favorably, and we have in consequence just received it.
Collected Works, VII, 212. The volume compiled by Kennedy and Bliss was titled: Autograph Leaves of Our Country's Authors (Baltimore: Cushing & Bailey, 1864).
I have ventured to submit the difficulty which this enlargement presents to our enterprise, in the enclosed letter to the President
I know how much the President is vexed with the thousand frivolous applications to which he is daily exposed, and feel very reluctant to add to his annoyance — but this is a case of [neck?] or nothing with us, which I hope he will perceive, and perhaps remedy by submitting to another tax — which by the by, Congress seems to consider the most natural mode of meeting all exigencies in these times. The President perhaps will not complain at our following such an illustrious example.
I hope you received and will respond favorably to my letter of yesterday.
Very Truly
my dear Mr Seward
Your friend
John P. Kennedy
From Alexander Bliss to John G. Nicolay 1, March 7, 1864
Collected Works, VII, 212). The “Bancroft Copy” of the Gettysburg Address was written on paper that was too large to fit neatly onto the pages of the volume, so Kennedy wrote to Lincoln on March 4 (q.v.) and requested another copy that would fit within the prescribed parameters. The following letter was sent to work out the details of procuring the new copy of the address.
Baltimore, March 7th 1864.
Dear Mr. Nicolay
I have just rec'd a note from Mr. Kennedy requesting me to forward a sheet ruled to show the margin desired for the autographic copy of the Presidents Address at Gettysburg, and the original previous copy.
I send the former at once to lose no time, in case the President should be able to make the copy without reference to the previous copy, & shall send that, as soon I can get it — from my lodgings.
I shall send the previous copy with great regret as being a certainty in hand and also because I had promised my father to return it to him after the lithographing.
I therefore beg that you will return it with the new copy.
Autograph Leaves of Our Country's Authors (Baltimore: Cushing & Bailey, 1864). Today, the Bancroft Copy is owned by Cornell University in Ithaca, New York and the Bliss Copy is on display in the Lincoln Room at the White House. The copies that Lincoln gave to Nicolay and John Hay are in this collection (q. v.). The other extant copy is the “Everett Copy” which is owned by the Illinois State Historical Library in Springfield, Illinois. For more on the Everett Copy, see Edward Everett to Lincoln, January 30, 1864 and Lincoln to Everett, February 4, 1864.
I shall be much obliged to you if you will cause the Mss to be forwarded as early as possible.
I much regret the trouble caused the President in recopying but we did not like to have the Mss appear to disadvantage if it could be avoided
Yrs in great haste
& most sincerely
Alexander Bliss
Lt Col & Q. M
From Abraham Lincoln to William A. Merriwether [Copy in John G. Nicolay's Hand] 1, March 7, 1864
Collected Works, Supplement I, 229.
Copy
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 7, 1864.
U. S. Marshal
at Louisville Ky
Until further orders, suspend sale of property and further proceedings in cases of the United States against Dr John B English and S. S. English, et al. sureties for John L Hill
Also same against same sureties for Thomas A. Ireland
A. Lincoln.
Major Eckert
Please send the above dispatch
Jno. G. Nicolay
Priv: Sec
[Enclosure:]
U States District Circuit Court for Ky
No 3
Dr John B. English & S. S. English etc as surities for John L. Hill Bond to keep the peace & be of good behavior to the U. S. Government — Judgment for $5000—
Same against the same as surities for Thos A. Ireland for the same purpose property of S. S. English has been levied upon by the U. States Marshal for Kentucky— It is ordered by the President of the united States that the sale be suspended & no further steps taken against the [Defefts?] untill further orders
From Alexander M. McCook to John G. Nicolay, March 11, 1864
Washington D. C.
March 11th 1864
My dear Mr Nicolay—
The President met me a few moments ago, and requested me to send my address to him—
Any communications left at Maj Robt: Williams's office War Department will be promptly handed me—
Very respectfully
Ar. McD. McCook
Maj: Genl:
From Ignatius Donnelly to John G. Nicolay 1, March 15, 1864
Washington City March 15th 1864
Dear Sir:
It will save me the trouble of a visit to the President, and perhaps of waiting for hours in the ante-chamber, if you would drop me a line saying what conclusion the President has come to in the matter of the application of Lt. James B. Rodgers for a remission of the sentence of a Court Martial. The President will probably recollect the case; I presented it to him in person more than a week ago.
If you can do anything to lead the President to a favorable conclusion, you will greatly oblige me.
Collected Works, VII, 65.
Very truly & respy yrs.
Ignatius Donnely
From Cornelius A. Walborn to John G. Nicolay 1, March 16, 1864
Post Office
Philadelphia, Pa.
March 16. 1864
My dear Sir:
Some months since, in the early part of September I think, I forwarded at the request of Mr Joseph C. Grubb of this City to His Excellency the President a portrait of John Bright of Manchester, which has been sent by a Mr Chas. C. Wilson of London.
I now enclose you a letter from Mr Wilson to Mr Grubb referring to the same subject, which may be gratifying to Mr Lincoln to read, as it shews the satisfaction felt by both himself and Mr Bright at the President's acceptance of the gift.
At the time the portrait was presented to Mr Lincoln he expressed himself much pleased with it, and remarked that he would acknowledge it to Mr Grubb. That he has not done so has been I know from having so many responsibilities and duties to perform, but as such an acknowledgement would be highly prized by the gentleman from whom the gift came I have ventured to ask if you could not procure it and forward to me.
I have written to you, not wishing to trouble Mr Lincoln in the matter, and as you know the circumstances of the presentation.
Hoping it may be in your power to forward me the letter
I am, With Respect
Very Truly Yours
C A Walborn
From Charles Wilson to Joseph C. Grubb 1, February 18, 1864
Tunbridge Wells 2 mo 18. 1864.
My dear friend
I did not mean to have left so long unanswered thy very welcome letter of 12th month last, giving the interesting particulars of the presentation of John Bright's portrait to Mr Lincoln.
Had I supposed that extracts of my letter would have forwarded to the President I might have been more careful in what I wrote— But I think all was done well, and that Mr Lincoln appreciated the simple heartfelt sympathy which prompted the act—
I have much pleasure in sending Charley's portrait, which will complete our little family. We have been spending the Winter in this locality on acct of Frank who was delicate. He is much improved, & getting quite strong— Little Claude, however, has been so ill that we gave up all hopes of his recovery — but he also is now almost well— We have great cause for thankfulness on behalf of them both—
Mr Mylrea wrote me some weeks ago that he wd be sending thee a parcel about this time — and I intended to have sent thee 6 or 7 portraits of Bright, and asked thee to give 2 or 3 of them to friends of mine whom I wd name— I have not however succeeded in getting them yet, though I hope to do so— I have therefore requested Mr Mylrea to obtain one if he can, & enclose it to thee— Please accept it from Susan & me, with our very kind regard—
& believe me to remain They friend sincerely
Charles Wilson
From Thurlow Weed to Abraham Lincoln, March 30 [1864]
Astor House,
March 30
Dear Sir,
Mr Nickolay handed me your Letter, to which I had prepared an answer with explanations which I hoped would relieve your mind from uneasiness that I had unintentionally caused.
But I have a Letter from Gov. Morgan
Pray do me the justice to remember that I have never consumed your time or asked your attention, but upon subjects which concerned the general welfare; so that while a useless, I have not become an expensive Friend.
Truly Yours,
Thurlow Weed
From George Denison to John G. Nicolay 1, March 22, 1864
Confidential—
Custom House New York
Naval Office March 22d 1864
My Dear Sir.
The time fixed for the assembling of the “Republican Union Convention” is drawing nigh; and it behooves all, who are desirous of perpetuating the administration of Abraham Lincoln, to put forth their strength, in order to secure the removal of all those antagonistic elements, whereby, an event so eminently desirable, may, by any contingency, become endangered— For the attainment of these objects it is my purpose to labor with all the ability, zeal, and discretion with which I am endowed; “turning neither to the right nor to the left;” seeking no other goal, knowing no other aspirations.— In this spirit, I would confer with you, in strictest confidence, in relation to matters of vital importance, respecting which I would have you confer with the President, and advise me, as soon as practicable, of his views in relation to them, their expediency &c &c—
I feel assured that I can convert the “New York Herald,” from its, present, hostile attitude, to a warm support of Mr Lincolns interests— I entertain no doubt of the success of my undertaking— I likewise esteem the disintegration of Genl Fremontsentirely within my reach, easily attainable— Before moving, however, in these matters I am anxious to ascertain the views of the President, when, if deemed advisable, I will place before him, for approval, the means by which I propose to effect my designs—
I am Very truly Yours
Geo Denison
From James C. Derby to John G. Nicolay 1, March 22, 1864
New York Mch 22/64
Friend Nicolay—
I enclose the Associated press despatch, of Mr Lincolns admirable words to the Workingmen—error typographical error corrected, — & if any thing has been omitted in the report, so much the better, but please add it for our book—
History of the Administration of President Lincoln: including His Speeches, Addresses, Letters, Messages and Proclamations, with a Preliminary Sketch of His Life.
You will be pleased in the next batch of proofs to read how Gov Raymond's squelches “little Mac”
Yours truly
J C Derby
441 Broadway
From James R. Gilmore to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1864
Boston Mch 25/64
My dear Mr Lincoln:
You may remember that in May last I had, by request of Gen'l Rosencrans, two interviews with you in regard to the Negro Insurrection projected for the 1st of last August, and in regard to the furlough Gen'l R. granted to Col Jacquess, (who went to Richmond)
The remarks you made during those interviews were of public importance, and the object of this note is to ask if you are willing I should publish them now, in a book of sketches I am ab't to write, what you said on those occasions; the proof of the chapters being first submitted, to you, for correction, or total erasure, as you might deem best.
An early reply will oblige me.
Yours very resp'y,
J. R. Gilmore.
(“Edmund Kirke”)
From Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln, March 28, 1864
New-York, March 28th 1864.
Dear Sir,
I have had two conversations with Mr. Nicolay which gave me a clearer insight into the “unpleasant difficulties” that would have attended my visit to Washington.
The unscrupulous manner in which a story like that is circulated, strengthens a suspicion I have entertained for some time, that some people are making it their business to discredit me in every possible way. I am sure you are not the only man to whom this story has been told, and the story would have gone on uncontradicted had not this accident brought it to my notice.
I most respectfully suggest, that instead of going around this unpleasant difficulty, it would have been far better, if you had invited me to Washington for the purpose of clearing it up. I am almost sure there are more such things of the same character, and the only favor I ask of you is, not that you should undertake my defense, but that you should give me an opportunity to do it myself. I know my conduct to be clear of reproach from the beginning, and I only want to have a chance at those, who undertake to say or insinuate that it is not so. I have suffered so much annoyance of this kind that I am by this time obliged to kick up against it.
I have sometimes been called one of your pets. The favors I have received from you impose upon me the duty, not only to act on all occasions in such a manner as to show, that these favors were not thrown away, but also to do all I can to clear myself of imputations which may unjustly be thrown against me. This I owe to you no less than to myself.
Of the manner in which Hookerthe papers in the Court of Inquiry-case up to Washington for revision, and then I would most urgently entreat you to grant my request.
Official Records, Series I, Volume 31, Part I, 137-216.
I ask for no favors. On the contrary, from sincere devotion to the cause and to you, I am willing and ready to do all I can, to expose myself to whatever difficulties my course will have to encounter, and to sacrifice my official position and all else whenever it may be desirable without asking or expecting anything in return except that measure of justice and consideration I would be entitled to under all circumstances.
Mr. Nicolay will relate to you the conversations we had about the present condition of affairs. He will give you my suggestions as to conciliating and disarming the opposition inside of the party, suggestions relative to the platform to be adopted at Baltimore, the Blairs, the propriety of a special message to Congress recommending the abolition of slavery by constitutional amendment, if such a message can be sent without infringing parliamentary etiquette, some manifestation concerning Mexico that would be apt to remove the odium attached to some previous measures taken by the State-Dept. relative to that country etc. etc.
As to my taking an active part in the political campaign I have also given Mr. Nicolay my ideas. If now or in the course of time I would conveniently be placed somewhere near the scene of the political contest it would be best. In this respect you may, perhaps, be able to discover a chance. If there is seems to be none now I go back to my command under Hooker where I expect to have very unpleasant times. I shall, however, do my best and go to the utmost limit of my endurance.
I would avail myself of this opportunity to renew my recommendation of the promotion of Col. Fred. Hecker
If you should have anything to communicate to me before my departure, a telegraph despatch would reach me here until Thursday morning Mch. 31st—
Very truly yours
C. Schurz
Prescott-House, New York.
[Enclosure:]
Memorandum.
At the time of the transfer of the 11th Corps from Virginia to Tennessee I was ordered by Gen. Howard to superintend the embarkation of the troops at Manassas Junction; I went to Alexandria on the last train. At Alexandria I overtook all the trains but one carrying troops of my command. On the first but one I went through Washington without leaving the train for a single moment.
The next day, while passing through West-Virginia, I noticed that on the train ahead of me several accidents had happened, men being killed by falling off the cars, and stragglers that had got off at the different stations being left behind and lining the railroad. I concluded that on that train the officers in charged failed to maintain the necessary order and discipline. I was also informed, that the troops would have to cross the Ohio on foot at Bellaire, and as there were two Ohio regiments on this first train, partly raised in the neighborhood of Bellaire, and the men were likely to straggle off when getting near their homes, which could have caused much trouble, disorder and delay, I thought it would facilitate and expedite things much, if I could would get on board the first train so as to superintend in person the arrangements to be made at Bellaire.
I noticed also, that whenever my train arrived at a station, the train ahead of me was almost always starting off at the other end of the depot about the same time, so that I might have easily got on board the first train, if it had only stopped from 3 to 5 minutes so as to give me time to run forward. This delay of 3 to 5 minutes would in fact have saved us much time and trouble, as by my personal presence I could have prevented the disorder and delay arising from the disorder and the necessity of gathering in the stragglers.
I telegraphed ahead to that effect. A railroad-official with whom I had some words about other arrangements which had been neglected, seems to have telegraphed to Washington about his matter.
At Bellaire we had to wait over three hours as the trains on that road were not ready for the reception of the troops. This shows that my wish might have been complied with without the least inconvenience, while the confusion existing there showed also how desirable it would have been if I had been on the first train at the head of my column so as to superintend everything in person.
At Bellaire I received a savage dispatch from Mr. Stanton, speaking of relieving me. Thinking that there must be some misapprehension about this matter I addressed a paper to Mr. Stanton immediately after our arrival at Bridgeport. In that paper I gave a full statement of the circumstances, which was endorsed by Gen. Howard. This paper must be on the files of the War-Dept. unless it was kept back by some intermediate commander.
Official Records, Series I, Volume 29, Part I, 169, 172.
The truth is that so far from leaving my command in order to see my family at Philadelphia, I was, with the exception of Gen. Howard, who travelled in the rear of the troops, the only general officer who did not leave his men a single moment but travelled even a large part of the way day and night in a common box-car with private soldiers merely to do my duty to its full extent. Still, I was censured on the most unfounded assumptions, while others, who endeavored to make the journey as easy as possible to themselves, escaped censure— I would respectfully submit, that an officer who endeavors to do his duty with zeal and without the least regard to his personal convenience would seem, to deserve a different treatment—
C. Schurz Maj Genl
From John G. Nicolay to Abraham Lincoln, March 30, 1864
Private
Astor House N. Y.
March 30, 1864.
Mr. President:
Mr. Weed
He read it over, carefully once or twice and then said he didn't quite understand it. He had written a letter to Judge Davis,
He said that all the solicitude he had was in your behalf. You had told him in January last that you thought you would make a change in the Collectorship here, but that thus far it had not been done. He had told you he himself had no personal preference as to the particular man who is to be his successor. He did not think Mr. Barney
His only solicitude he said, was for yourself. He thought that if you were not strong enough to hold the Union men together through the next Presidential election, when it must necessarily undergo a great strain, the country was in the utmost danger of going to ruin.
His desire was to strengthen you as much as possible and that you should strengthen yourself. You were being weakened by the impression in the popular mind that you hold on with such tenacity to men once in office, although they prove to be incapable and unworthy. This feeling among your friends also raises the question, as to whether, if re-elected, you would change your Cabinet. The present Cabinet is notoriously weak and inharmonious — no Cabinet at all — gives the President no support. Welles is a cypher, Bates a fogy, and Blair at best a dangerous friend.
Something was needed to reassure the public mind and to strengthen yourself. Chase and Fremont,
He had received a letter from Judge Davis, in which the Judge wrote him that he had read his (Weed's) letter to you, but that you did not seem ready to act in the appointment of a new Collector, and that he (the Judge) thought it was because of your apprehension that you would be merely getting “out of one muss into another.”
A change in the Custom house was imperatively needed because one whole bureau in it had been engaged in treasonably aiding the rebellion.
—The ambition of his life had been, not to get office for himself, but to assist in putting good men in the right places. If he was good for anything, it was as an outsider to give valuable suggestions to an administration that would give him its confidence. He feared he did not have your entire confidence — that you only regarded him with a certain degree of leniency; that you only regarded him as being not quite so great a rascal as his enemies charged him with being.
The above are substantially the points of quite a long conversation. This morning I had another interview with Mr. Weed.
He had just received Gov. Morgan's
I shall remain here a day or two longer.
Yours
Jno. G. Nicolay
From John G. Nicolay to Abraham Lincoln, March 30, 1864
Astor House New York
March 30th 1864.
Mr. President:
I called on Gen. Schurz
He also sends a letter on general matters, noting some few points about which we talked, and which I will explain more fully when I return.
He is under impression that the German movement for Fremont
Yours
Jno. G. Nicolay
From Benjamin B. French to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, April 1, 1864
Washington City, Ap. 1st, 1864
My Dear Sir,
You will remember that in the Autumn of 1861, you caused to be handed to me two hundred and seventy dollars to pay certain bills touching your household. At the time it was supposed that sum would be required, but it was afterwards found that $197 50/100 would be sufficient, which sum I used, & the balance remained among the public money in my hands, of which I afterwards notified you, & you requested me to keep it for the then present, and to pay some little bills that would probably be presented. Only one, of $10, was presented, which I paid & enclose, leaving in my hands due to you $62.50
I have the honor to enclose a statement, which you will understand, with the balance in money, of sixty two dollars and fifty cents. (62 50/100)
This being a matter strictly between us, I have not been very definite, but enough so I hope to convince you of the honesty of my stewardship.
I am, with high respect,
Your faithful friend
& obt. Servt.
B. B. French.
[Enclosure:]
Statement for the President
Accounts erroneously paid and withdrawn & money refunded
Francis Burke for Aug. 1861
Peter Vermeren
N. Julien
All the foregoing in Square So: of the President's.
N. Julien July 1861 Prests. square
Peter Vermeren Sep. 1861 Prest's House
Francis Burke Sep.
April 7 1862 Paid Corcoran's bill ton of ice10 00
$207 50
Balance due President & enclosed ————————————— 62 50
$270 00
By cash ———————————————————————————— $270 00
$270 00
B. B. French
[Endorsement:]
B. B. French
Account & letter containing $6250 balance
Money sent by registered letter to R T. Lincoln, Chicago, this Feb. 27th 1875.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
B. B. French.
From John G. Nicolay to John Hay, April 1, 1864
Astor House N. Y.
April 1, 1864.
My dear Major:
I had determined to start home tonight, but reading the villainously unfair and untrue editorial in the Tribune of this morning, I have determined to stay till I can have another talk with Greeley and Gay,
—Please attend to the matter of the flowers for me without fail as I have promised Miss Stevens that they shall be here. Let the gardener send them as cut flowers, unless he thinks he can send them more conveniently made up into one or two bouquets. The Express companies dead-head articles for the fair so that I suppose there will be no demand for bucksheesh there.
—Leavitt Hunt wrote to Webstera the newspapers gossip and wrangle about it.
Collected Works, VI, 496-97.
Go and see Webster, and try to gather from his conversation whether it was meant as a trick by which to inform the public that Seward wrote a document usually ascribed to the President. If so then we had better have it announced that the document is Sewards composition and so end all controversy at once. If that was not Websters purpose then he had better send some other MSS. which may be announced as Sewards and thus avoid all speculation and gossip about it on the part of the public.
Yours
N.
From Edwin M. Stanton to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, April 2, 1864
Washington City,
April 2. 9.20 P M 1864
Mr President
The information you desired in respect to colored persons in the service has just been furnished and I hasten to lay its substance before you.
The necessities of the service requires in the opinion of the Commissary Department an extension of the Executive order prohibiting Exports and I therefore submit an order for your signature if approved by you.
Collected Works, VII, 279.
Your Obedt Servt
Edwin M Stanton
[Enclosure:]
The official returns of the Bureau of Colored troops show
1 Total Number of troops of African descent enlisted organized armed & mustered into the United States service as soldiers ———————————————————————- 71.976
2d
Of these it is estimated that the number of fugitive slaves and Colored persons emancipated by the Presidents proclamation amount to
3d Free Colored persons who have volunteered or been drafted ———————- 13.543.
4. Official returns from the Quarter Master & Commissary Department are not yet complete but the returns already received by the Quarter Master General show that the number of Colored persons enrolled in its service as teamsters &c are over
The actual number when all the official returns come in will probably more than double this number. They are equivalent to an equal number of white persons.
5. The Commissary returns are too incomplete to afford a basis of any estimate but will at least amount to one half of the Quarter Masters Department.
6. To the above number are to be added the cooks officers servants &c amounting to several thousand.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Negroes.
From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln, April 8, 1864
Treasury Department.
April 8th, 1864.
Sir,
An order signed by you, and prohibiting the exportation of salted provisions from any port of the United States, excepting any State or Territory bordering on the Pacific Ocean, has this day been transmitted to me, for information, by the Secretary of War.
Collected Works, VII, 279.
With the greatest respect
S P Chase
Secretary of the Treasury
From John G. Nicolay to Salmon P. Chase, April 8, 1864
Copy
Washington, April 8, 1864.
Dear Sir
In answer to your note of today
Your obt Servt
Jno. G. Nicolay
Priv. Sec
From James C. Derby to John G. Nicolay 1, April 11, 1864
New York Apl 11/64
My dear Sir;
I have recd. your favor's— I will see what I can do about the Nos of daily Tribune, & report.— Mr Raymond has recd Yr revise of the Gettysburgh Speech thanks.—
I shall look with interest for anything new from the President, in Gov. Raymonds book —He will probably finish this week, & a splendid record his book will be for the President—Louisianians, upon re-construction &c— Can we not have copies of those letters? —They will do much good
—I mailed you to day a copy of Fremonts
History of the Administration of President Lincoln: including His Speeches, Addresses, Letters, Messages and Proclamations, with a Preliminary Sketch of His Life.
—What a melancholy death is Ticknors
Atlantic Monthly and the works of several notable authors, including Emerson, Thoreau and Hawthorne.
Faithfully Yours
J C Derby
I enclose you — Dr Cuylers notice of Carpenters great picture —Will you ask the latter for me, if he has made any arrangements for the publication of it on steel. If not will he negotiate with me for publishing it
J. C. D.
From William J. Albert to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 13, 1864
Baltimore April 13 1864
Dear Sir
On the 17th ulto I had the honour of advising you that the Managers of the Maryland State Fair had invited you and Mrs Lincoln to attend the opening ceremonies on Monday April 18th at 8 P M, and at the same time proffered you the hospitalities of my house and placed at your disposal my carriage & horses, and also made allusion to the importance of your coming on that occasion.
I fear that my letter has miscarried from not hearing from you.
However I am gratified to learn through the Honl Mr Colfax
Permit me again to repeat the invitation for Mrs Lincoln & yourself to make my house your home during your visit; and as it may be more agreeable for Mrs Lincoln to have some companions I will place a spare room for two ladies at her service.
Collected Works, VII, 301-303.
Very respectfully
Your Obt servt
Wm J. Albert.
President
No 52 Cathedral St
From Schuyler Colfax to Abraham Lincoln, April 15, 1864
Washington, D. C.
Apl 15 1864
My dear Sir,
I gladdened the hearts of the officers of the Maryland State Fair by informing them of your promise to me to attend next Monday evening at its opening, & they enclosed are letters they directed me to lay before you. But for other previous engagements I would have come up in person this morning to deliver them.
Mr. Albert expects you & Mrs Lincoln to stay with him. I understand he has very ample accommodations.
The trains go up at 3 P. m, 4.30 P. m & 5.20. I suppose they would prefer your coming at 3. I shall go over with my family, & stop at a friend's, Mr. Shoemakers.
Mr. Albert says he received no reply to his invitation. I suppose because you had not decided it till recently. Please apprise them of the time when you will come that they may make the necessary arrangements
Can I hear also about how you will go?
Collected Works, VII, 301-303.
Yrs vry truly
Schuyler Colfax
[Endorsed on Envelope by Schuyler Colfax:]
Will Mr. Nicolay or Mr Hay please lay these letters from the Prest. of the Maryland Sanitary & Chrn. Comn. Fair before the President at once. I sent them a message from him about it.
From James C. Derby to John G. Nicolay 1, April 19, 1864
New York
Apl 19/64
Dear Mr Nicolay
Gov Raymond recd. the official message — to day in answer to his despatch, — thanks
—He now wishes a revised Copy of the Presidents capital Speech at Baltimore
Collected Works, VII, 301-303.
—I suppose you have seen the miserable catch penny of Petersons' ‘Life & Services of Abram Lincoln”
Life and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln. T. B. Peterson & Brothers of Philadelphia published the book and sent two copies to Lincoln. See T. B. Peterson & Brothers to Lincoln, April 13, 1864.
Old Abe's Jokes was a compilation of humorous stories that Lincoln allegedly told. The book was published in New York by T. R. Dawley in 1864.
—I find those missing Nos. of the Tribune hard to get.— They are scare & rare One man has most of them but wants 25 cts per number, — Tell me how high I shall go in payment of same
Yours faithfully J C Derby
From John G. Nicolay to Benjamin F. Butler 1, April 19, 1864
Washington, April 19th, 1864.
My dear General.
I find the following statement floating about the newspapers.
“Mrs J. Todd White, a sister to Mrs President Lincoln,
Now the President is not conscious of having given this lady a pass which permitted her to take any thing more than the ordinary baggage allowed, nor which exempted her from the existing rules of inspection. He certainly gave her no such extraordinary privileges as are above described and implied.
Will you please inform me whether Mrs White presented to you what purported to be anything more than the usual pass on which persons have been sent through our lines, or which purported to entitle her to carry more than ordinary baggage?
2d Did she take with her more than ordinary baggage?
3d Was or was not her baggage inspected?
4th Did she use the language alleged in the above statement.?
Your obt Servt
(Signed) Jno G. Nicolay
P. S. Are such passes usually taken up by our Officers? If so please send me this pass, or a copy of it.
(signed) J. G. N.)
From Benjamin F. Butler to John G. Nicolay 1, April 21, 1864
Fort Monroe, Va., April 21st 1864.
My Dear Nicolay
I am sorry that you or any body else should feel annoyed with the silly story about the conduct of Mrs White when she passed through Fortress Monroe. If she had been any body else but a relative of the President she would have entirely escaped observation. Perhaps the better way to answer the newspaper article which you enclose is to take it point by point and give either a categorical affirmation or denial of the statement
To an analytical reader the paragraph contains its own refutation for it states that “she carried with her in trunks all kinds of contraband goods together with medicines, papers, letters, etc” while it is stated in the next paragraph that her trunks were wholly unexamined because of an order from the President to that effect. How then can it be known to the paragraph maker what the contents of here trunks were if they were never examined?
It is true that “Mrs J Todd White a sister of Mrs President Lincoln” did pass “into the Conferacy a few days ago by way of Fortress Monroe” There was no evidence which came to my knowledge or observation that she was either “a rebel spy” or “sympathizer”
General Butler did not “wish to open her trunks” “This woman” did not show him “an autograph pass or order from President Lincoln enjoining upon the federal officers not to open any of her trunks and not to subject the bearer of the pass her packages parcels or trunks to any inspection or annoyance”
Mrs White did not “say to General Butler or the officers in charge there in substance as follows ‘My trunks are filled with contraband but I defy you to touch them.” She did not say “Here (pushing it under their noses) “here is the positive order of your master” for she had no such order nor no such pass in substance or effect and had nothing but a pass in the usual form, which the President has given usually when he has thought proper to allow ladies to pass our lines
The interview between General Butler and Mrs White was not other or different from the usual courteous and ladylike deportment which passes when gentlewomen call upon him upon similar occasions. Mrs White showed no other or different reluctance than that usual with ladies to have their baggage examined by revenue and other officers when travelling. Mrs White had no other than the ordinary quantity of baggage for ladies travelling any considerable journey.
Mrs White was not “thus allowed to pass without the inspection and annoyance so peremptorily forbidden by President Lincoln in an order written and signed by his own hand” because there was no such order. I have not the pass or I would send you a copy of it, but I take leave to assure you it was in the usual ordinary and common form, indeed not so peremptorily as is sometimes given by the President when he writes in haste. If I had seen aught to suspect or had cause to believe anything wrong in Mrs Whites transit I should have done as I have done in another case of his pass with his approbation, detain the lady and telegraph him the fact I know nothing which has occurred which should “give a shock” to any “loyal hearts”
I did understand that there were in Mrs Whites trunk some bridal presents to a young relative about to become a bride, and as I knew it must have taken so much Southern gold to buy them, as they could not have been bought with their currency and could be of no possible use to the Southern army, I concluded it was a fair exchange or at least one in which we got the better bargain.
I saw the article in the paper and authorized a contradiction to the Tribune and Herald and I am told that it was there published. I cannot believe that the President has been much annoyed by this foolish story If he has, it is because has not been pounded in that way as much as I have and got hardened.
Tribune. See Nicolay to Horace Greeley, April 25, 1864.
I have the honor to remain
Very Respectfully
Your Obediant Servant
Benj. F Butler
From John G. Nicolay to Horace Greeley, April 25, 1864
Private
Executive Mansion,
Washington, April 25, 1864.
My dear Mr. Greeley
Will you be so kind as to publish the enclosed, or its equivalent in the editorial columns of The Tribune?
The silly story which it contradicts originated was vouched for in the Washington Correspondence of the Tribune on on March 28th last.give the authority of the Tribune to correct the error. publish the correction through the same medium the Tribune.
Yours truly
Jno. G. Nicolay
[Enclosure:]
We have the highest authority for the following statement in connection with the story about that Mrs. M. Todd White (a sister of Mrs. Lincoln) having been was permitted by the President to carry contraband goods south:
Mrs. White went south, with only the ordinary pass, which the President gives to those persons whom he permits to go.
The President's pass did not permit Mrs. White to take with her anything but ordinary baggage, nor did she attempt to take anything more
Mrs. White did not attempt to take with her anything more than the ordinary baggage.
The President's pass did not exempt her baggage from the usual inspection; and heHer baggage did undergo the usual inspection
General Butler found no contraband goods or letters in her baggage.
She did not insult or defy General Butler. nor There was nothing there anything in either her words or actions which led General Butler him to suspect that she was either a rebel spy or emissary, or that she was violating any of the rules under which persons are sent through the lines.
As the copperhead papers throughout the country are quoting The Tribune as authority in this matter we hope they will give this statement a speedy and wide circulation, publication.
From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, April 26, 1864
New York, April 26, 1864.
Friend Nicolay;
I thank you heartily for your note of yesterday.
Please send me any thing of public interest you may at any time have to publish. Though I am an earnest one-term man, I want to publish all the truth I can get and as few falsehoods as possible.
Yours,
Horace Greeley.
From O. Stewart to Abraham Lincoln, April 27, 1864
Judiciary Square Hosp April 27/64
Mr President Sir
I inclose a Peice of paper taken from the Detroit Free Press stateing that you gave Mrs Todd Mrs Lincoln sister a pass through our lines with a Trunk of medicines and Contraband goods and valuble Papers
O. Stewart
Co D 3d Michigan
Judiciary Square Hosp
Abraham Lincoln, Message to Congress [Draft] 1, [April 28, 1864]
To the Honorable, the Senate, and
House of Representatives,
I have the honor to transmit herewith an Address to the President of the United States, and through him, to both Houses of Congress, on the condition and wants of the people of East Tennessee, and asking their attention to the necessity of some action on the part of the Government for their relief — and which address is presented by a Committee of an organization called “The East Tennessee Relief Association.”
Deeply commiserating the condition of these most loyal and suffering people, I am unprepared to make any specific recommendation for their relief— The Military is doing, and will continue to do the best for them which is practicable. within it's power— Their address represents that the contstr construction of direct Railroad communication between Knoxville and Cincinnati, by way of Central Kentucky would be of great consequence in the present emergency;. and It may be remembered that in the annual message of December, 1861, such Railroad construction was recommended. I now add that with the hearty concurrence of Congress, I would yet be pleased to construct the road, both for the relief of these people, and for it's continuing military importance.
From John G. Nicolay to Benjamin F. Butler, April 28, 1864
Copy
Washington, April 28th, 1864.
My dear General,
I thank you for your kind letter of the 21st ins't, answering my inquiries in the case of Mrs. White.canard was too silly and trivial to merit an official contradiction, but thought that a correction in this shape was due and proper, and troubled you with the matter only that I might get the exact facts, to have them put in as few words as possible.
Your ob't serv't
(signed) Jno. G. Nicolay
From Carl Schurz to John G. Nicolay, April 29, 1864
Nashville April 29th 1864.
My dear Nicolay,
At New-York I informed you of the difficulties existing between Gen. Hooker and myself.have been equally proper to assign him to another command at least as large and honorable as that which he held before. But Sherman told me, he would give me a Division in the field but for the necessity of then displacing another officer already identified with his command which could not well be done; he would give me the District of West-Tennessee, but Gen. Washburnebut Brig. Gen. Prince
Official Records, Series I, Volume 31, Part I, 137-216.
Meanwhile he issued an order of which I send you a copy.
Official Records, Series I, Volume 32, Part III, 506.
Every fair minded man will come to the conclusion that I have been badly treated in this matter. The case reduces itself to this: an officer is wronged by a superior, complains and is sustained by a military Court; in compensation for the wrong suffered he is moved out of command by the superior who wronged him, and shelved. Redressing one wrong with another is a most singular way of disposing of a difficulty. I should like to know whether this is considered just and proper at Washington.
What I think I I am entitled to and what I desire is a command in the field. The campaign now in prospect may be the decisive campaign of the war, and, if completely successful, perhaps the last. And to be just now kept out of the field and consigned to forced inactivity, and that, too, in consequence of occurrences such as those to which I owe the loss of my command, is rather aggravating. Still, if it should be utterly impossible to give me a command in the field I will make a proposition which I wish you would lay before the President, together with this whole letter.
There will be a large number of 100-days men, who will probably have to do duty in the vicinity of the several theatres of active operations. If I had command of a goodly number of those especially men from Wisconsin, Iowa and Illinois, or rather if I had the command of a District, in which they will be doing duty, it would serve the following objects: it would bring me into contact with a great many people who will go home again before the presidential election, and, [who?], when they are mustered out and go home, I shall be able to go home also to work in the political campaign without an inconvenience.
I should prefer a District contiguous to Missouri, for instance that in which Cairo, Columbus and Paducah are, the same about which Gen. Sherman telegraphed to the War-Dept. It would no doubt be easy to find another place for Brig. Gen. Prince. To find places for Generals does not seem to be so very difficult after all, as Washburne changed almost every three months and never was a moment off duty, and as a Corps could be reserved for Frank Blair while he was in Congress. I do not know whether either of them has done better service than I.
If this matter is done I should especially like to have the Wisconsin troops and also to have Brig. Gen. Halbert E. Paine of Wisc., who in consequence of wounds received in battle is, I believe, now doing Court-Martial duty in Washington, ordered to report to me.— A command in the field I should, however, prefer.
You would greatly oblige me by communicating this letter to the President, and also by letting me know as soon as possible the result. What has become of that rail-road-story we were speaking about in New-York?
Very truly yours
C. Schurz.
From Francis B. Loomis to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 19, 1864
To Abraham Lincoln
President of the United States
Believing that the time has now come when every man who has been mustered into the service of the United States either as an officer of soldier, who are now stationed at the various forts in the Loyal States should at once be put into active service, and the Forts thus vacated be at once garrisoned by Citizen Soldiers, I would respectfully represent and suggest, that inasmuch as we have in this City (New London Conn) a first class Fort now well garrisoned under the Command of an efficient officer who would do good service in the field— Having had some Military Experience as an officer the Militia of our State I propose to muster into the service of the United States One hundred good and true men to garrison Fort Trumbull. [And pledging?] I will pay the whole expense including clothing pay and rations for the troops for a period of One hundred days if not sooner relieved by the War Department.
In addition to this I will take Command of the troops so provided in person and will report myself for duty at one hours notice and will fill the quota named in three days
Collected Works, VII, 338.
Very Respectfully
Your Obt Servant
F. B. Loomis
New London Conn.
April 29th 1864
From Carl Schurz to John G. Nicolay, April 30, 1864
Nashville April 30th 1864.
My dear Nicolay,
I wish to say in addition to the letter I wrote you yesterday,
I wish to say a word about a matter I find discussed in to-day's papers. It is rumored that there is a rupture in the Cabinet and that Mr. Chase is about to withdraw in consequence of the favors shown by the President to Frank Blair who had made it a business to persecute him, Mr. Chase, in the House of Representatives.
The Salmon P. Chase Papers (Kent: Kent State University Press, 1997), vol. 4, 379-80.
You will oblige me by reading these lines to the President. These are the sentiments of a true friend, and, I am inclined to think, of all his true friends.
Please let me hear from you as soon as possible.
Yours very truly
C. Schurz.
From Augustus Brandegee to Abraham Lincoln 1, [April 1864]
Respected Sir
Anteroom
Monday A M
I have tried for a week past to obtain an oppertunity to lay before you in person, the accompanying letter.
It is from one of the wealthiest & most public spirited of my constituents.
A Bell & Everett conservative
I have laid the matter before the Adjt Genl, & while he thinks it expedient that it should be declined (on the ground that he is using Fort Trumbull as a recruiting rendezvous) he thinks such a meritorious exhibition of Individual Patriotism should not pass unnoticed by the Govt
Can you not If you would acknowledge (or cause to be acknowledged,) this proffer in suitable terms I am sure you would hold up to the Public a much needed lesson of disinterested Patriotism
Collected Works, VII, 338.
& would gratify one of your strongest supporters
as well as your
friend
Augustus Brandegee
Conn
From Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, May 2, 1864
Chambersburg, Pa., May 2, 1864
Sir—
I have been amazed to see it intimated in one or two journals, that I am not cordially in favor of your renomination.
I shall notice these intimations no farther than to assure you, that you will have no more cordial, earnest & faithful supporter in the Baltimore Convention
Your Obt Servt
A K McClure
From Nehemiah G. Ordway to John G. Nicolay 1, May 7, 1864
Washington, D. C May 7th 1864
Dear Sir:
I have recently been spending a few days in — New England, and while there learned that great efforts were being made by the “outs” to slip in delegates where they have not been chosen; who while pretending to support Mr Lincoln would vote to postpone the convention.Radical” paper in New Hampshire to print an article taking ground against any postponement. I encole the paper containing it and also Mr Lincoln's letter.
The delegates in N. H. are to chosen on the 31st day of May and will be Lincolns-men with “backbone”. And I think N E. will be sound after all, although strong efforts are being made to divide the Republican party by those who fear they cannot control it
Please communicate these facts to Mr. Lincoln — if you pleese
I reman Very Truly
Your Obt Servt
N. G. Ordway”
(P. S) I suppose you got Lovjoys Speech in the chronicle. If not I will [illegible] it in some N. E. paper, yurs &c
N. G. O.
From Albert G. Riddle to John G. Nicolay 1, May 7, 1864
Confidential
Cleveland. May 7, 1864
Dear Sir
Your remember that some ten days ago Judge Spalding
I am asked to write out the substance of that interview and forward to Washington, for what purpose I know not, but the character of the parties precludes the idea of any improper use— I have not complied with the request and cannot do so without advising Mr Lincoln of it. Indeed I fear, that, my recollection would hardly enable me to do the President Justice; altho he needs no assureance that I will do him no injustice. Pleas show him this note. I suppose that I am desired to write out my recollections of that interview for the purpose of “perpetuating testimony”, against some possible contingency, but what I dont know.
Recollections of War Times: Reminiscences of Men and Events in Washington, 1860-1865 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1895), 267-76.
The interview was such, that the Prest. may have regarded it as confidential, altho we discused public matters and men, and I cannot recall a thing that could seem to compromise him.
But I do not know what complications have arisen since I left, which was very early the morning after I was at the Executive Mansion.
Pleas let this remain what the word at the head indicates
Ever with Respect
A. G. Riddle
[Endorsement:]
Answered May 10, 1864.
From John G. Nicolay to Albert G. Riddle 1, May 10, 1864
Confidential
Washington, May 10th, 1864.
My dear Sir:
Yours of the 7th is received.
Whether or not you should write out your recollection of the interview, is a question he leaves entirely to your own wish; and if you conclude to do so, he will not consider that you have any unfriendly motive in it.
My own suggestion is that if you write such a statement, it would be well to send it here to me to look at before you mail it to the parties desiring it.
Yours truly
(Signed) Jno G. Nicolay
From John G. Nicolay to Ozias M. Hatch, May 14, 1864
Private
Washington, May 14, 1864.
Dear Hatch:
When you see Judge Kellogg
With Lincoln in the White House: Letters, Memoranda, and Other Writings of John G. Nicolay, 1860-1865 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 145-46.
Yours
Jno. G. Nicolay
From James C. Derby to John G. Nicolay 1, May 16, 1864
New York May 16 1864.
My dear Nicolay
I send you per Xpress, thro State Dep — a Copy of Mr Raymonds book for yourself, — also a copy for the President which I hope will please him—
History of the Administration of President Lincoln: Including His Speeches, Addresses, Letters, Messages and Proclamations, with a Preliminary Sketch of His Life.
It cannot fail to have an excellent influence upon everyone who reads it
—I am going to send a circular like the enclosed to every P. M. in the free state (16.000 in all)—
Please give me the names of such Lincoln men, as will interest themselves in its Circulation, — in Washington, Illinois & everywhere, & I will write them and also send them a circular—
—Mr Jenny has promised me that last of missing Tribunes to complete your files very soon — he has been sick—
—Did you know my daughter Mary was married & in Washington?— Call for Mrs Lieut Bradshaw at Willards — or at Bakers — — he is aid to Gen Seymour & escaped capture by the General giving him one day to get married in!
Yours truly
J C Derby
5 Spruce St
Mr ArnoldVade Mecum”
From Benjamin F. Wade to Abraham Lincoln, May 20, 1864
Washington May 20th 1864
Sir
Enclosed please find the photographs of four returned prisoners, whose likenesses were taken by order of the Committee on the conduct of the War
Some of these will form a part of the likenesses to be published in the forthcoming report on the condition of returned prisoners
Very respectfully
Yours &c &c B. F. Wade
[Endorsed on Reverse of Photograph by Benjamin F. Wade:]
Private Isaiah G. Bowker Co. B: 9th Maine Vols. Admitted per Steamer New York from Richmond Va March 9th 1864. Died May 16th 1864 from effects of treatment received while in the hands of the enemy
From John G. Nicolay to Horace Greeley, May 26, 1864
Private
Executive Mansion
Washington, May 26, 1864.
My dear Mr. Greeley
In “The Tribune” of yesterday publisher the Washington Correspondent says “ under writing under date of the 24th inst., says:
“The subject of arbitrary arrests was incidentally discussed in Cabinet Council today. Mr. Chase manfully denounced them. The suppression of the New York papers,
World and New York Journal of Commerce on May 18 after both papers published a fraudulent presidential proclamation. For more on this episode, see Sydney H. Gay, et al. to Lincoln, May 19, 1864.
Now I do not know
I do not know what Mr. Chase's views may be on these subjects, but the statement that he expressed them as alleged is untrue— This statement is untrue Mr. Chase was did not at the attend Cabinet meeting on the day mentioned; these subjects were not discussed at that Cabinet meeting, nor at any held before or since; nor has there been any conference about the matter between the President and Mr. Chase, at any other time.
I am thus particular, in order to show that the correspondent (whoever he may be, and I do not profess to know who he is) has had no possible excuse, or even a reasonable basis on which to imagine an excuse, for the very positive statement he has made; and the only inference is that it is he is prompted in it by a determination at all hazards to find occasion for assailing the administration acts of the administration.
I do not know what either Mr. Chase's or your own views on the subjects mentioned may be. Nor do I do not write this to hold you responsible for for wh your correspondents misstatements about matters of facts
I do not write this to find fault with you, or to hold you responsible for misstatements made by your correspondents, but simply to point out that this writer that if any doubt existed that this writer has for some months been using his position
Presuming Knowing that you wish to be fair and just in your criticisms of the conduct of the administration, I take the liberty of bringing this matter to yr. notice, as one of many instances of the reckless misstatements & unfounded imputations of yr. Washington correspondent.
Your friend
Jno G Nicolay
From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, May 29, 1864
New York, May 29, 1864.
Friend Nicolay:
I am sure Mr. Wilkesonvery fareful with regard to his facts.
Tribune.
Tribune's Washington correspondent. A draft of Nicolay's letter to Greeley is in this collection.
Yours,
Horace Greeley.
From Henry J. Raymond to John G. Nicolay, May 30, 1864
Times office
N. Y. May 30. 1864
My dear Mr. Nicolay:—
[Capt.?] Paul
Times. For more on his efforts to obtain a pass to travel with the Army of the Potomac, see Paul to Lincoln, May 23, 25, 1864.
I take it the Baltimore Convention
Very truly Yours
H. J. Raymond
From George H. Boker to John G. Nicolay 1, June 1, 1864
1118 Chestnut Street, Philada.
June 1st 1864.
My dear Sir,
Some days ago I sent about twenty copies of the Proclamation of Emancipation to Mr. Lincoln with the request that he would sign the papers and obtain Mr. Seward's signature also. These things were intended to be sold at the approaching Sanitary Fair, for the benefit of the Commission.
Collected Works, VII, 394-96.
Will you be so good as to look into the affair; and, if there is no objection, to obtain the President's and Mr. Seward's Signatures to the documents. It is a small thing to ask; but we can make it of great pecuniary value to the Fair.
With my best wishes, I remain
Sincerely yours,
Geo. H. Boker
From John G. Nicolay to John Hay [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 5, 1864
At Lincoln's Side: John Hay's Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 84.
Eutaw House, Baltimore
June 5, 1864.
My dear Major:
Arrived here safely — find quite a number of delegates already in, but have not yet talked much with them.
One of the first men I met was B. C. Cook,talk thought of going to Washington tomorrow, but seeing me he concluded he could sufficiently post himself.
He premised by telling me that the milk-and-water Lincoln resolution which was first reported to the Illinois State Convention, was cooked up by a few plotters, to the utter surprise and astonishment of nine-tenths of the Convention, and by only a part of the Committee, and was with the others reported to the Convention when there was but a small attendance, it being late at night, but that the Convention very handsomely repudiated them, referred them to a new Committee, which introduced and passed others of the right stripe. Cook does not seem to know thoroughly who were at the bottom of the matter. He thinks Turner
Cook says there will be three or four disaffected members in the delegation from Illinois, but that nevertheless the delegation will vote and act as a unit, under the instructions of the Convention and also the will of the large majority of the delegation. He says the delegation will in good faith do everything they can for Lincoln that is in arranging the Vice P., the Committees, Platform &c. taking his own nomination of course as beyond question.
What transpired at home, and what he has heard from several sources, have made Cook suspicious that Swett
I told Cook that I thought Lincoln would not wish even to indicate a preference for V. P. as the rival candidates were all friendly to him.
There will be some little trouble in arranging the matter of the contested seats from Missouri. The Radicals seem to have the technical right to be admitted. They threaten to withdraw from the Convention if the Conservatives are also admitted; but promise to abide the action of the Convention if they (the Radicals) obtain the seats. Cook says they intimated to him that they would even promise to vote for Lincoln in the Convention, for the promise of an admission to seats.
Whitelaw Reid
Gazette, the librarian for the U. S. House of Representatives and a political ally of former Treasury Secretary Salmon P. Chase.
Cook wants to know confidentially whether Swett is all right — whether in urging Holt for V. P. he reflects the Presidents wishes — whether the President has any preference, either personally or on the score of policy — or whether he wishes not even to interfere by an a confidential indication. Also whether he thinks it would be good policy to give the Radical delegates form Missouri the seats, on their promising to vote for him.
Please get this information for me, if possible. Write and send your letter by express so that it will reach me by the earliest practicable hour on tomorrow (Monday). This will go to you by express by the 7 A. M. train tomorrow so that you ought to have it by ten A. M.
Address me at Eutaw house.
N.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Swett is unquestionably all right— Mr Holt is a good man, but I had not heard or thought of him for V. P
Wish not to interfere about V. P. Can not interfere about platform— Convention must judge for itself—
From Richard C. McCormick to John G. Nicolay 1, June 10, 1864
Evening Post and New York Commercial Advertiser as a war correspondent with the Army of the Potomac in 1861-62. After he failed to win election to Congress 1862, McCormick was appointed secretary of the Arizona Territory in 1863. In 1866 President Johnson appointed him governor of the territory.
Tucson, Prescott, June 10th 1864.
My Dear Sir
Our Territory is moving on— The discoveries of gold and silver continue frequent and amazing, and there is a steady increase of population—
The election is fixed on July 18th. It could not well be named for an earlier day in view of the numerous obstacles with which we have had to contend. Without roads, mails or the most ordinary convenience of frontier civilization, we have thus far labored under difficulties unknown, I believe, in the organisation of any other Territory.
There is no great excitement about the election— The Delegateship being only for the balance of this Congress, it is not accounted of large importance— Leib
Leib is very much out with Goodwinin terrorem over the heads of all who dare to differ with him— I cannot believe that intimacy or influence to be potent— At all events I trust that you will not permit either Goodwin or myself to be prejudiced in the eyes of the President, or in your own, without affording us a hearing— We have striven with all our power to bring order out of the chaos here, and are gaining ground every day— The country is vastly rich in minerals. I have ventured to take an interest for you in a promising silver lode— If it amounts to a fortune I shall be glad— It if proves valueless no loss will accrue to you and you will take the will for the deed, or the deed for the desired treasure—
Make my regards to Hay when you write him— How does he like the shoulder straps?
I am yr very obt svt
R C McCormick
Secretary &c
Goodwin begs a kind remembrance to yourself and to Major Hay—
From Thomas Fitzgerald to John G. Nicolay 1, June 13, 1864
Dear Sir—
I learn, though Mrs. Forney, that the good wife of our wise and good President, will visit Philada. this week, and remain some six or ten days.
We have living here, the greatest portrait painter in America — perhaps the greatest in the world — Mr. Thomas Sully — he, who was honored with the commission to paint that excellent woman, Queen Victoria.
Now, I owe the President a debt of gratitude, and if his wife will sit to Mr. Sully, I will present the portrait to his oldest son. Six or eight hours only will be required, and her convenience will be consulted.
Mention the matter to the good woman, and, if she approves, I shall be delighted. I will ask Mrs. Forney to present me to her upon her arrival.
I owe you a Dinner, you know. If you can manage to run over with the party, I shall be most happy to pay the debt.
Give my warmest and sincerest regards to the President, and tell him I expect to make many strong speeches for him this Fall.
With may assurances of regard, I remain your friend.
Thomas Fitzgerald—
Phila. June 13. 64.
From Alvin P. Hovey to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 23, 1864
New York St Nicholas Hotel
June 23rd 1864—
I have just received a letter from my old personal friend Hon Schuyler Colfax, in which he informs me, that you will decline to accept my resignation— I trust this is not so— I have never asked you for promotion, and now after fighting for nearly three years in the front, I simply ask, that you will not drive me to extremes, and that you will grant me, the poor privilege of retiring to private life— If left to my own choice, I should have stated no reasons for my resignation, but being compelled to do so by by Gen Orders, I preferred stating the blunt truth, to covering the same, under some hypocritical pretexts—
Whether right or wrong, I am now unfit to command— I could not go back to my little Brigade (called a Division) without deep humiliation— I think I have served my Country— In the battles of Shiloh, Port Gibson, Champion Hills, Big Black, Vicksburgh, Jackson, Dalton, Reseca, Altoona mountains, besides many expeditions in Arkansas, and Mississippi The troops under my command have borne a conspicuous and honorable part, and I can proudly boast, for them, that on no occassion, were they ever compelled to give back before the foe— I have probably, been nearly if not quite One hundred days under fire, and the only claim I now have to make, is one, that I regard as my legal right, that is, the privilege of retiring from the service, when I believe that my honor demands it—
My motherless children, now demand my care, but I do not wish to parade my family affairs before the World—
I trust Mr President that you will not hesitate to grant my request— With heartfelt prayers for the success of our Government, under your administration
I have the honor to be
Your obedient Servant
Alvin P. Hovey
Brig Genl U S Vols
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Hovey
From George P. Ihrie to John G. Nicolay 1, June 25, 1864
St. Louis, 25th June, 1864.
Dear Sir:
In April, 1864, Genrl. Grant, (on whose staff I was serving as Coll and A. A. D. C.) addressed a letter to the President on the subject of an Expedition to Utah Territory for the extinction of Polygamy, and recommending me as qualified for the “job.”
The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1979), vol. 7, 550.
I retained no copy of that letter, and am desirous of obtaining one.
Will you do me the favor to send me a copy of that letter, if agreeable to the President.
I wish if for my own personal gratification, and not for any public or political use.
Please address me at the N. Y. Hotel, N. Y. City, where I will be in four days, and much oblige
Very respectfully,
Your obdt: svt:—
George P. Ihrie
Late Col. & A. A. D. C.,
U. S. Army.
From John G. Nicolay to John Hay, June 29, 1864
Confidential
St Joseph Mo.
June 29th 1864.
My dear Major:
Please lay the enclosed before the President, if he can find time to read it.
Sanderson's Chariton Co. Affair has a very bad look about it now — I don't know how it may develop itself on the trial.
Official Records, Series I, Volume 34, Part IV, 371-76, 436-37; and Series I, Volume 48, Part II, 774.
I think Gen. Fisk is a quiet shrewd and able man, who manages affairs here as well as is possible under his embarrassments. But with Sanderson on one flank, Gov. Hall on the other, the bushwhackers in front and his paw-paw militia
He has been very kind to me here, and should he come to Washington during my absence, please give whatever facilities and assistance you can, on my behalf.
Yours
Nicolay
From James Mitchell to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 1864
Private
Emigration office
Washington D C. Jne
Permit me to furnish the report, called for by the Senate resolution of March 25th ult — so that it may be forwarded to them.
But if in your judgment it should be retained until the next session of Congress, I suppose it can be retained under the following letter of apology
“It is due the Senate and the writer to say, that this resolution, though forwarded regularly to the Department of the Interior — has never been sent me for report— I have such a report as my imperfect files, will enable me to make The most valuable files — such as those relating to Chiriqui
I have sent a copy to each Senator, except Senator Pomeroy,
The resolution of Senator Powell
I earnestly ask your attention to the correspondence of Messrs Hodge and Rolls, relating to Honduras, and the Claims of the British Colonies.
It is my opinion that the Palmerson
I have the honor to remain you obednt Servant
James Mitchell
From John G. Nicolay to John Hay, July 2, 1864
St. Joseph, Mo. July 2 1864
My dear Major
I see by the dispatches of yesterday that Chase has resigned, and Gov. Tod been appointed to succeed him.
If things break loose generally so as to make my presence desirable at home, telegraph me to Fort Kearney, and Cottonwood Springs.
We had another delay this morning, and it is now 1 o'clock P. M. but I think we shall get across the river and started in an hour or two.
Yours
N.