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From Samuel T. Glover to Montgomery Blair, June 13, 1863
St Louis Mo
June 13/63
Dear Judge
Brigadier Genl McNeilBrigad major Genl & Strachan a Brigadier. McNeil I am well satisfied was drunk on duty repeatedly during the march from Cape Girardeau & back and Strachan also— In addition Strachan is a great scoundrel was Provost Marshal at Palmyra recd large amounts of money and never has accounted for them— He has been three times I learn ordered to settle his accounts and has not done so, altogether having known him many years I say on my own knowledge he is the greatest kind of liar and as great a knave as any in the United States I wish the President to be informed of the merits of these men before he appoints either of them to any thing more.
Truly yrs
S T Glover
P. S.
I have nothing from you since my return from Washington
From Amory Holbrook to Abraham Lincoln, June 13, 1863
Private
Portland, Oregon, 13 June 1863—
Sir,
Dr. Henrythis certain defeat upon them.
Respectfully yours
Amory Holbrook.
P. S. Long ago, I wrote you frankly the truth as to Dryer,
From Joseph Hooker to Abraham Lincoln, June 13, 1863
Time 1 PM in cipher
Washington, D. C., June 13 1863
Hd Qrs Army of the Potomac
June 13” 1863, 1230 PM
It may be well not to come.
Jos Hooker
Maj Genl
From Robert C. Schenck to Abraham Lincoln, June 13, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 12.25 P. M. June 13th 1863,
From Baltimore Md.
Dated, June 13th 1863.
I see appointment of midshipmen at large announced in papers today. I trust mine for my brother Leiut. Schencks orphan son is not too late.
Collected Works, VI, 299.
Robt. C. Schenck
Maj Genl
From Edwin M. Stanton to Colin B. Ferguson 1, June 13, 1863
By Telegraph from War Dept
Dated June 13 1863.
Stop the tug on which the president is and ask him to return
E M Stanton
From William H. Seward to Abraham Lincoln, June 13, 1863
To the President:
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the Memorial of Franklin M. Seixas, relative to fifty-two bales of cotton seized at Lamar, Texas, taken to New York and condemned as prize, has the honor to report that although the question involved seems more properly to belong to the Navy Department, it may be remarked that the statements of the Memorialist are entirely exparte and unsupported by other proof. Assuming their correctness, however, by the claimant's own confession, he went to Texas for the purpose of clandestinely removing the cotton thence in violation of the blockade of the coasts of that State, of the laws of the United States, and the Regulations of the Treasury Department for trade in cotton. Under these circumstances, the Secretary of State does not see any sufficient ground for the interference of the Executive in the sale of the cotton for the benefit of the captors and of the United States.
Respectfully submitted:
William H. Seward,
Department of State,
Washington, 13th June, 1863.
From Cuthbert Bullitt to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
New Orleans June 14th 63
My Dear Sir
Since entering upon my duties as collector of this port, an appointment for which I deem myself entirely indebted to your friendship for me, & for which I shall ever feel grateful
I have been occupied incessantly with public business, so much so, indeed, as to be unable, adequately & satisfactorily to investigate a mass of documentary & other evidence, of malpractices alledged to have prevailed in the custom house affairs, under the preceding administration,
I am now measurably respited from the more pressing business of my office and I shall have consequently more leisure to devote to the investigation I have alluded to, — Its results I will place before you—
I have heard, (perhaps the information is erroneous) that attempts will be made to remove me from the Collectorship, under pretects very specious, if not reasonable or just,
This however I do not apprehend; as I am confident you will not allow enemies of mine to strike me in the dark, or undermine me in Your confidence, unheard in my own defence,
I know that my official conduct, will fully vindicate the favor you have shown me, and thoroughly & impartially examined, will justify the hope I sincerely cherish of being worthy to be remembered as your friend—
I took the liberty of enclosing You slips from the “True Delta” of this place, suggesting the necessity of your again being put in nomination for the Presidency— The editor Dr H Kennedy
Is it allowable for your friends here to move in this matter?
By next steamer I will take this liberty again, asking your official attention to important matters—
With much Consideration
Your obt Servt
Cuthbert Bullitt
From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
Treasury Department,
June 14, 1863.
Sir,
In view of the intelligence just received of depredations by rebel cruisers on our Commerce & navigation near the capes of Virginia, I respectfully request your directive to cooperate, by the revenue cutters of this department, with the Navy in arresting those depredations and in capturing the vessels engaged in them.
Collected Works, VI, 272-73.
With great respect,
Yours &c
S P Chase
From Samuel Cox to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
June 14th 1863.
Columbus. Ohio
To the President:
The largest convention of the people of my native state that ever assembled within our borders, met here on the 11th inst. They met as a Democratic Convention, according to the usages of such bodies. They based all their action on the principle laid down by Dr Leiber
I do not now discuss the propriety or legality of his arrest and trial. I have addressed my constituents upon that point, & possibly you may have seen in the “National Intelligencer” my remarks. They are not, I respectfully submit, reprehensible, for any lack of decorous manner or unpatriotic matter. They present the case truly, as a majority of the people of Ohio believe. You will observe that my position, as a public officer, on the war, — in Congress by votes for supplies, and out of it, by speeches, has not been exactly that of my late colleague; and in that regard a large majority of the people who nominated Mr. V. may have agreed with me. The motive which led to his nomination, as stated by Mr. Ex-Senator Pugh,
In accordance with the resolution of the Convention, a Committee consisting of nineteen gentlemen, among them fourteen members of the next Congress, (whose duty it will be to aid you in your future efforts to sustain this Government) have been appointed to ask of you Mr Vallandigham's return to his home.Committee Convention. The errors of Mr Vallandigham, if he has erred, can be shown by argument.
How much easier for your friends to overcome a man by reason, whose sentiments are in your opinion perverted, than to defend his arrest and banishment. Therefore by the rules of “fair play,” to say nothing of legal right and expediency — is it not proper for you to respect the wishes of so large a body of people as those who by their acclamation, call Mr Vallandigham from the South to his home to canvass the acts of our public agents as their Candidate for Govenor.
Your release of Mr Vallandigham if not accounted magnanimous, by reason of the bitterness of the times, — may nevertheless prevent that ill will and distrust between the people and its agents, which the wisest of Statesmen ever seek to avert.
In haste but respectfully
Yours &c S. S. Cox
From John W. Forney to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
Mr. Lincoln
My dear Sir— From a full heart let me thank you for your letter to the Albanians.
Yours Faithfully
J. W. Forney
June 14 1863.
From Joseph Hooker to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 7,41 P. M. June 14 1863,
From Dumfries 7 PM.
Dated, June 14th 1863.
In answer to your dispatch concerning Genl Ewell I must refer to you to that of Genl Pleasonton dated Six five (6.05) oclock PM today
Collected Works, VI, 273; Official Records, Series I, Volume 27, Part III, 101; and Hooker's additional June 14 telegrams to Lincoln.
J Hooker
Maj Genl Comdg
From Joseph Hooker to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 9.05 PM. June 14 1863,
From Dumfries June 14 830 PM.
Dated, June 14 1863.
I have reason to believe that Longstreets & the greater part of Ewell's corps marched from Culpepper on the Sperryville road on Sunday last & that a column which occupied four hours in passing followed on Thursday If this was true the head of the column has had time to each Winchester and if it is a movement for invasion it is a fair presumption to conclude of that the bulk of his cavalry is with him—
Collected Works, VI, 273.
J. Hooker
M. G.
From Joseph Hooker to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 1130 PM June 14 1863,
From Head QuartersA. P 1115
Dumfries Va.
Dated, June 14 1863.
Has anything further been heard from Winchester?
Collected Works, VI, 273-4. Hooker's two previous June 14 telegrams to Lincoln are in this collection.
Maj Gen Hooker
From Thomas M. Howe et al. to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
Pittsburgh Sunday June 14th 1863.
Sir
The undersigned committee appointed by a meeting of a large number of our best citizens have been directed to respectfully ask, that authority be vested in Major General Brooks the Commanding General of the Department of the Monongahela to declare Martial Law forthwith; the immediate exercise of this power is deemed necessary in order to place this Department in a proper state of defence.—
Collected Works, VI, 277-78.
With high regard and Consideration
Your most obedient Servants
Tho Bakewell.
Thos. M Howe
S. F von Bonnhorst.
John Harper
From Abraham Lincoln to Edward L. Baker [Copy] 1, June 15, 1863
Executive Mansion,
Washington, June 15, 1863.
Dear Sir
Not to exceed two hours after you left me I received a letter from Springfield, renewing the pressure upon me in the matter we talked of; and, in fact, leaving me no alternative but to make some change there. I can say but little beyond what I then said to you. The appeal to me in behalf of Mr. Edwards and Mr. Bailhasche, for a hearing, does not meet the case. No formal charges are preferred against them, so far as I know; nor do I expect any will be made; or, if made, will be substantiated. I certainly do not suppose Mr. Edwards has, at this time of his life, given up his old habits, and turned dishonest; and while I have not known Mr. Bailhasche so long, I have no more affirmative reason to suspect him— The trouble with me is of a different character— Springfield is my home, and there, more than elsewhere, are my life-long friends. These, for now nearly two years, have been harrassing me because of Mr. E. & Mr. B. I think Mr. E. & Mr. B. without dishonesty on the other hand, could have saved me from this, if they had cared to do so. They have seemed to think that if they could keep their official record dryly corect, to say the least, it was not any difference how much they might provoke my friends, and harrass me. If this is too strong a statement of the case, still the result has been the same to me; and, as a misfortune merely, I think I have already borne a fair share of it.
In what I may do, I shall try to so shape it, as to not seem to mean more than it is really intended—
Your Obt. Servt.
A. Lincoln.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
To E. L. Baker.
June 15, 1863,
From David P. Brown to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 15, 1863
Philadelphia
June 15/63
Sir.
I have read your letter, in reply to the letter from some specimens of the Democracy of New York,their communication, or my admiration of the tone & Character of your answer, is the greater— You have met them upon every ground of objection assumed by them, and utterly routed them, by the simplicity directness moderation and force of Your reply— No document issued since Your inauguration, has done more to satisfy the public mind, and vindicate national rights and I heartily congratulate you upon the success of a retort, so richly deserved by traitors in disguise.
Faithfully Yrs
David Paul Brown
June 15 1863
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
D. P. Brown
From Orville H. Browning and Anne J. Cox to Abraham Lincoln, June 15, 1863
Quincy, June 15. 1863
Mr President
The letter on the other page is from one of the most estimable, intelligent and patriotic ladies of this state. Her husband, Col John C. Cox of Genl McPhersons staff, has been in the service from the beginning of the war, and you have not a more valuable officer.
Her son Rowland Cox, for whom she asks a Lieutenancy, is a young man of far more than ordinary ability and worth. I know the truth of all she states. He left Princeton College, and volunteered as a private in the Anderson troop — fought most gallantly for five days at Murfreesboro — has not been a day absent from his post, and is still in the faithful discharge of his duty.
If you can comply with his mothers wishes I will be exceedingly gratified.
Truly as ever your friend
O. H. Browning
[Enclosure:]
Glen Anne near Quincy Ill.
June 15th 1863
Sir.
My son Rowland Cox left Princeton College N Jersey last Aug. & enlisted in the Anderson Cavalry Troop Co I — 15th Penn Regt. He is the only man from Ill in the Regt & did honor to the State, by being one of the “noble 300” of that Troop who were in front of the battle at Murfreesboro, 5 days. He is now in the Ordnance Dept at Nashville, as Clerk with Major Townsend. Presuming you would be glad to appoint men of education & ability & high moral worth, who would be devoted & faithful to our dear Land in these dark hours, I ask for my son the appointment of Lieut in the Ordnance Dept & can furnish abundant testimony of his ability &c both from your personal friends in this State & gentlemen of rank & value, in the Army.
very respectfully
Anne J. Cox.
From Simon Cameron to Abraham Lincoln, June 15, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 350 PM. June 15 1863,
From Harrisburg
Dated, June 15 1863.
I do not believe that you can get troops in time under your call
Collected Works, VI, 277-78.
Simon Cameron
From William Dawes to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 15, 1863
Saratoga Springs N. Y.
June 15. 1863
Valued & Dear Sir
By your kind indulgence I have spoken hopefully to you, of a Mission to a class of eminently influential persons in Grt Brittian, who would I confidently think lend their sympathy & influence, both at home, & elsewhere, to support you in the cautious, deliberate, yet firm course, pursued in the administration of our affairs, in these days of great National perplexity were an acceptable agency employed to enlighten them.
Having thus laid this subject, before the mind of your Excellency, I should feel much chagrined, to learn that by a hasty unwise & unjust criticism I became the occasion of placing an obstacle in the way of the realisation, of the invaluable benefits, desirable to our cause, from a due, prudent & faithfull improvement of a mission of this character.
My criticism was not made in the spirit of bitterness, but was the fruit of great solicitude & misconception — and now, tho greatly anxious for the prosperity of the cause, yet I feel more than compensated for any merely personal inconvenience sustained, by the assurance you gave, that the Honl Secy, was indeed, in deepest sympathy with the special & more grave acts, characterising your administration
May I not hope, that your well known magnanimity of character, will lead you to forgive, & to throw the mantle of charity over my error — an error, arising soley from misapprehension — for why should we, who so entirely harmonise in the mode — the means & results aimed at, perill vital interests to secure their promotion on account of the unwisdom of a word?
Such now is the manifest desperation of many of the leaders of the democratic party — and as a consequent the feverish unsettled demoralised & disaffected state of the public mind, as greatly to alarum all good men — and serves to stimulate & quicken my own desire to lend whatever aid I may, to bring forward our affairs, to a just & wise solution
There is manifest lack of enlightenment among our only true friends in that Kingdom in regard to the wisdom & justice of the measures you have adopted, & which have been dictated by a wise foresight, & the due results of the restrictions of the Federal Constitution — otherwise why so general apathy — or why such a demonstration as that but recently made at Sheffield — the life long home of Montgomery & hundreds of others equally wise & good? (Please see the accompanying letter of Mr Hobbs.)
I know the influential people of Sheffield too well — to believe that such a mutiny could have been sustained — had there been a prior & needfull work been done there, such as contemplated by the mission I propose—
When I came to you, I gave the assurance, that I came not to add to — but to share, & to help bear, your burdens — & to speak words of cheer!
I am no officer seeker — for the mere sake of office— I do desire a cover, & aid for my proposed mission — yet if I could reasonably hope to do up the work of such a mission, in from 2 to 3. months, I would at once set off at my own charges
But when I consider that from one or two years may be required, & the expense of travelling from Borough to Borough must call for large expenditure, I feel myself in the line of duty by thus presenting the case.
You have very properly, and to the thankful acceptance of thousands called for the sympathy, support & considerate judgement of mankind, to uphold & sustain you in the sublime laudable & responsible measures, which the duties of your position have required you to inaugurate—
And whilst as an individual I do feel most heartily to respond — I also am deeply anxious to enlist the intelligent & generous sympathy of a class in Grt. Brittian, whose influence is almost omnipotent over the home Govt. as well as extensively felt abroad, whenever exercised — because they are not “party men” neither have they the spirit of the “partisan' — “the weapons of their warfare are not carnal” but of a moral religious & pacific nature—
They are not easily approached — but when they give the hearing & approving ear — they arise in the unity & majesty of a moral power that convinces, & becomes wonderfully availing
As we were about to separate — you were pleased to say — “Mr Dawes will you go to Europe”? & as then I now respond, “I will go, if you will send me”
Will your Excellency allow me to have a line at your earliest convenience signifying your final decision herein and much
oblige — your obliged & obt Sevt.
With consideration of high regard
very truly yrs
Wm Dawes
Please address me to this place
where I shall remain 6. or 8. days
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Dawes.
From Joshua R. Giddings to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 15, 1863
Montreal, June 15 1863
My Dear President
I am about to retire to my home for a little rest. I do not expect to recover from another attack, and very likely will close my earthly existence before you again hear from me, though I hope to return to business again.
No man has taken a deeper interest in our Countrys wellfare, or in the administration of its government than I have, and now I desire to say for your encouragement that your course has met my expectations and I am confident history will award to you that justice which you have so ardently desired to extend to every Citizen and State of our nation
May God strengthen and guide you in the discharge of remaining duties
Remember me kindly to your lady and assure her of my tenderest sympathy in the aflictions through which she has been called to pass
Your Friend
Joshua R Giddings
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Giddings
From William A. Hall to Abraham Lincoln, June 15, 1863
New York June 15— 63—
My dear Sir,
I desire to thank you for your letter to Hon Erastus Corning & others,
Your friends in New York are taking steps to give every Soldier in the field a copy of it. In a word it has done us all great good—
God bless you for this as for every other good thing you have done— Your friends here who are not office hunters will never cheat or betray you, on the contrary they will stand by you to day & in 1864.
I am
Very truly
Wm A Hall
From John Hay to Julian R. Campbell, June 15, 1863
Washington, 15th June, 1863.
My Dear Sir
I am directed by the President to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 10th June,thanks gratification to the gentlemen composing the Association you represent for the liberal and patriotic tone of the Resolutions which you enclosed.
I have the honor to be
Very truly
Your obt Servt
John Hay
From John H. Hubbard to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 15, 1863
Litchfield Ct. 4th Cong: Dist:
June 15th 1863
Dear Sir:
In a hurried interview with your Excellency, I stated in substance, that a Provost Marshal had been appointed for my district who I did not recommend, and in opposition to a very good man who I did recommend.
I am very Respectfully
Your Obt Sevt.
John H Hubbard
From Edwin D. Morgan to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 15, 1863
New York June 15
1863
Dear President
I cannot refrain from expressing the gratification I have felt this morning, in reading your letter to the officers of the Albany Vallandingham Meeting. It is timely, wise, one of your best State Papers and was really necessary under the drift which affairs have taken—
I am dear President
very truly yours
E. D. Morgan
[Endorsed by Lincoln on Original and File Envelopes:]
Gov. Morgan
From David Tod to Abraham Lincoln, June 14, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 12.25 A. M. June 15th 1863,
From Columbus Ohio—
Dated, June 14th 1863.
Allow me to express the hope that you will treat the Vallandigham Committee about to call upon you with the contempt they richly merit.
David Tod.
From Abraham Lincoln to Joseph Hooker [Copy in John G. Nicolay's Hand] 1, June 16, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 280). Hooker's relations with both Lincoln and General Henry Halleck were deteriorating during this period, while the exact nature of Robert E. Lee's troop movements was still unknown.
Copy
Private
Executive Mansion,
Washington, June 16, 1863.
My dear General:
I send you this by the hand of Capt. Dahlgren.
I believe you are aware that since you took command of the Army, I have not believed you had any chance to effect anything till now. As it looks to me, Lee's now returning towards Harper's Ferry gives you back the chance that I thought McClellan lost last fall. Quite possibly I was wrong both then and now; but in the great responsibility resting upon me, I can not be entirely silent. Now, all I ask is that you will be in such mood, that we can get into our action the best cordial judgment of yourself and Gen. Halleck, with my poor mite added, if indeed he and you shall think it entitled to any consideration at all.
Yours as ever
(signed) A Lincoln
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
To Gen. Hooker.
June 16. 1863.
From Horace Binney Jr. et al. to Abraham Lincoln, June 16, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 5 PM. June 16 1863,
From Philadelphia 4 PM.
Dated, June 16 1863.
President Lincoln
Cannot general Cadwallader be sent to Phila with orders to organize a force under the present head of this Dept for the present Emergency The people here want a leader whom they know & in whom they have confidence We do not desire to interfere with Genl Couch but Cadwallader is the man for Phila & awaits your orders
Collected Works, VI, 279.
Horace Binney Jr
J E Thompson
J J Clark Howe
H. C. Carr
M McMichael
N B Browne
W M Tilghman
G H Baker
O Gibbons
From William S. Bliss to Abraham Lincoln, June 16, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 1130 AM. June 16 1863,
From New York
Dated, June 16 1863.
Will you accept the loyal brigade of the north I have four thousand three hundred men which are now ready. I did intend to take a thousand men from each New England State to place at your disposal. I try to serve my country. My family do not expect any money from this Government I will show you the signatures of all the bank officers of this city Reply immediately
Collected Works, VI, 279.
Col Wm S. Bliss
New York Hotel
From Roscoe Conkling to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 16, 1863
Utica N. Y. June 16th 1863
My dear Sir:
I write to congratulate you on your letter to Mr Corning and others, and to thank you for it.
You have I think covered all essential ground in few words, and in a temper as felicitous and timely, as could be.
I received a pamphlet Copy under Nicolay's frank, & it makes the best Campaign document we can have in this State.
If it has been printed in quantity for general distribution, I shall be very glad to circulate it hereabouts. If it has not been printed in Washington for general use, we will get it up here on our own hook.
Our anxieties are all astir at the news from before Washington. Success attend you.
Your friend & Sert
R. Conkling
From Edward Everett to Abraham Lincoln, June 16, 1863
— Private —
Boston 16 June 1863
My dear Sir,
I beg to acknowledge the receipt of a copy of Your admirable letter to the Albany gentlemen.
I cannot forgo the opportunity which the writing this letter affords me, to pray You to restore Genl. McClellan to the Command of the army.— Your order to that effect would be worth 50000 men. Right or wrong, the mass of the People confide in him, as they do in no other general, this side of the mountains. Every one that has super seded him, — Pope, Burnside, Hooker, — has proved a miserable failure, — & each failure, besides costing thousands of precious lives, has entailed nothing but defeat & humiliation on our arms.— I know nothing of military matters, besides what may be learned by a little reading, & the observation of the wars at home and abroad of half a century. But it is my firm opinion, to which I am led by no personal or party attachments, that next to General Scott, Genl. McClellan is far our ablest commander. As such he was recommended to You by Genl. Scott after Bull-Run. The Prince de Joinville
Is it safe, at a moment like this, so critical, to carry on the war under military leaders, who have the confidence only of the left wing of the Republican party; — if indeed, after the Events of the last week, they have any body's confidence, which I greatly doubt.
Pardon this Freedom, Mr President, from a political opponent, who has done his utmost to support You in the prosecution of the war.—
very respectfully Yours
Edward Everett—
From Joseph Hooker to Abraham Lincoln, June 16, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington, 1130 AM. June 16 1863,
From Hd Qtrs Army of the Potomac
Fairfax Sta 11. AM
June 16 1863.
Please accept my suggestions in regard to what should be done in the spirit with which they were given
Collected Works, VI, 280.
They were suggestions merely, for I have not the data necessary to form an enlightened opinion in the case— Upon general principles I thought those were the movements to make— You have long been aware Mr President that I have not enjoyed the Confidence of the Major General Commanding the Army
It may be possible now to move to prevent a junction of A P Hills Corps with those of Ewell & Longstreet
If so please let instructions to that effect be given me— As will appear to you the chances for my doing this are much smaller than when I was on the Rappahannack for if he should hold the passes stoutly he can cause delay— You may depend upon it we can never discover the whereabouts of the enemy or divine his intentions so long as he fills the country with a cloud of cavalry— We must break through that to find him
Joseph Hooker
Maj Genl
From Sigismund Kaufmann, Charles Kessman, and Friedrich Kapp to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 16, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 315 PM. June 16 1863,
From New York
Dated June 16 1863.
In the present Emergency will you allow Genls Fremont & Sigel to issue a call for volunteers to march at once to the defence of Pennsylvania & the Nation—
Collected Works, VI, 282.
Friederich Kapp
Sigismund Kaufmann
Chas Kessman—
From Francis Lieber to Abraham Lincoln, June 16, 1863
New-York,
16 June 1863
Dear Sir,
I had just finished pasting Your sterling Letter,
I shall propose to our Loyal Publication Society to print some 10000 copies of it which will certainly be done, if we are not out of all money (which we generally are). We depend for money upon individual contributions.
May I take the liberty, in the mean time, to request You to direct Your Secretary to send me some more copies of Your Letter, for distribution through our State? The Publication Society will do it with great pleasure.
Permit me to enclose a copy of my Address, of which I did myself the honour, some time ago, to send You a very imperfect copy. I have made several additions and hope I have expressed thoughts and sentiments on page 8 which are shared by many. As to the excellent title No Party now, but all for Our Country, I owe it to the noble old man Horace Binney, whose whole soul is with us. You will see from the last page on the cover what we are doing. We have distributed over the U. States not far from 150000 copies of pamphlets, broadsides &c &c, and wish to do a great deal more.
I am with the highest regard and respect
Dear Sir
Your most obedt servt
Francis Lieber
(No 48 East 34th Str)
From Hugh McCulloch to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 16, 1863
New York June 16 1863
Dear Sir
I am here on business connected with our proposed National Currency
You were kind enough to read to me, last Friday evening, your reply to the Albany Resolutions upon the subject of “Military Arrests—
I am with great respect
Your Obt Svt
Hugh McCulloch
From Thomas F. Meagher to Abraham Lincoln, June 16, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 530 PM. June 16 1863,
From N York
Dated, June 16 1863.
If called upon and authorized by the Govt I shall proceed at once to raise three thousand (3000) Irish Soldiers in this city to act as Cavalry & Infantry wherever they may be ordered
Collected Works, VI, 283.
Thos Francis Meagher
No 129 Fifth Ave
From John C. Ten Eyck to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 16, 1863
Mount Holly
June 16. 1863
Dr Sir
You have “hit the nail on the head” Your reply to Corning and his associatesis when you take them, is to stand by them — and to die by them if need be, you wont die Singly and alone, if you do—
Very Respfly
Yours &c
Jn. C Ten Eyck
From George F. Train to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 16, 1863
138 1/2 Madison Avenue
N. Y. June 16. 1863
Dear
President of the
United States
Your Albany letter
I want no better Platform to stand upon.
Sincerely
Geo. Francis Train—
Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on Israel D. Andrews 1, June 17, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 284-85n.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, June 17. 1863.
Mr. Israel D. Andrews appeals to me, saying he is suffering injury by something I have said of him. I really know very little of Mr Andrews— As well as I can remember, I was called on by one or two persons, asking me to give him, or aid him in getting some public employment; and, as a reason for declining I stated that I had a very unfavorable opinion of him, chiefly because I had been informed that, in connection with some former service of his to the government, he had presented an enormous, and injustifiable claim, which I understood he was still pressing the government to pay, I certainly did not pretend to know anything of the matter personally; and I say now, I do not personally know anything which should detract from Mr. Andrew's character
A Lincoln
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
To Israel D. Andrews.
June 17. 1863.
From John A. Andrew to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 17, 1863
1 In General Orders No. 111, dated December 24, 1862, Jefferson Davis ordered that captured officers of black regiments were not to be treated as prisoners of war. Instead, they were to be prosecuted under state laws governing servile insurrection—a crime punishable by death. The general orders also stipulated that captured black soldiers were to be returned to slavery. It is to this order that Governor Andrew's constituents protested. See Massachusetts Citizens to Andrew, June, 1863, and Andrew to Charles Sumner, June 18, 1863.
On July 30, 1863, Lincoln replied to these threats with his own order of retaliation. Lincoln ordered that for each Union prisoner of war that was executed, a Confederate prisoner would suffer the same fate. If a captured Union soldier was enslaved, a Confederate prisoner would be put to hard labor. For the texts of these orders, see Official Records, Series II, Volume 5, 795-97 and Collected Works, VI, 357.
Boston, June 17th 1863.
Sir:
I most respectfully and earnestly present to your attention the annexed original of a communication received by me on a subject of the utmost importance, and I invoke for those immediately concerned therein the amplest protection which a public and unequivocal Proclamation of the purpose of the Executive Government of the United States may be able to impart. The publication of a proper avowal of the Government's purpose to punish promptly, unhesitatingly, and in every instance, according to the rights of war, every infringement of the rights of the class of soldiers to which this memorial refers, will be a powerful shield for their defence. I doubt not the purpose and will of the President; but the moral influence of its clear avowal remains yet to be secured.
Allow me to add that the names attached to this communication are among the most eminent in our community for every quality of intellectual and moral distinction and merit.
I have the honor to remain, Sir,
with the highest respect,
Your obedient Servant,
John A. Andrew.
Govr. of Massstts
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gov. Andrew.
From Edgar Cowan to Abraham Lincoln, June 17, 1863
Harrisburg, 17 June 1863.
Dear Sir:
I am here in Harrisburg and I have been for the last several weeks quietly and anxiously endeavoring to learn the sentiments and opinions of the people of this state towards yourself and your Administration. The sentiment of despondency is universal indeed I think I may say that I have not met a single man who entertains a rational hope of ultimate success — under the present management of affairs — and I further find a coincidence of opinion which comes very nearly to unanimity — that nothing but an entire change in your Cabinet will give confidence to the Country. The people of this Country to-day constitute but two great parties, Democratic and Whig, just as they did 20 years ago — and the nature of men out of which those parties grew remains the same. It is true there are other parties — but they are exceptional and fragmentary — they never had any hold on the people as such and never can have — of, these the Abolitionist is the only one now prominent — and unfortunately is the one which you and your Cabinet have allowed to exert such an influence in the Counsels of the Government as to induce the universal belief that it is all controlling. Now whether right or wrong — it is certain that the whole Democratic party — one half the people — are bitterly opposed to Abolitionists — nay they hate and abhor them personally — this cannot be disputed — and with regard to the Republican party (really the Whig party) which always found its greatest difficulty in repelling the charge of Abolitionism — it is to-day composed of men — nine-tenths of whom have no sort of sympathy with Sumner, Philips,characterized too with interfering among our generals — and finally with driving the best of them from the service. But you ask — what is the remedy for all this? I answer — Go back again to the principles with which you started out — the people yet believe you honest and well meaning — and if you do so they will rally again to your support, fill up our Armies and give us victory. Fill your Cabinet with the representative men of the two great parties — discard all men with hobbies — or with one idea — and the Country will breathe freely — and prepare with all its immense resources for a last and final struggle.
The Democratic Convention is now in session here. I have conversed with its prominent members — and no man expcept a madman could doubt their loyalty — they will never consent to a separation — at least I think that their resolutions will show that much — but they are equally decided in their opinion that without a change in your advisers we can have nothing but disaster and defeat. One of them put a piece of paper in my hand with these names on it — Messrs. Everett, Dix, Banks, Guthrie, Ewing, Collamer, Howe
Now sir I have stated candidly and frankly my information and my belief — and I may say too that unless some change is made — and soon made — I see before us not only failure — but worse — though in what shape it may come I cannot now say — and to enforce my views I could I think send to you a delegation of all the cool-headed men of the State of both the great parties.
I beg you therefore to consider all this — as I write it in enmity to no man— Certainly I have no unkindness towards any member of your Cabinet — Since I have always been foremost to defend them against the assaults of the very men whose counsel they have taken to their ruin. Every member of the Senate Caucus knows this and far more.
Yours Truly
Edgar Cowan
Confidential
From John G. Nicolay to Edwin M. Stanton, June 17, 1863
Washington, June 17, 1863.
Dear Sir:
The President directs me to ask when and whether Frank E. Foster
Your obt. Servt
Jno. G. Nicolay
[Endorsed by Edwin M. Stanton:]
Referred to Col Hardie
EMS
[Endorsed by James A. Hardie:]
Respectfully returned. See report within.
Jas A Hardie
A. A. G
[Enclosure:]
Report
A. G. O. June 17. 1863
Frank E. Foster was confirmed as addl Paymaster — commission not yet issued. There is no objection to its issue. His appointment (letter of appointment) to date Nov 26/62 has never been accepted yet — but he can accept his commission & go to duty under it. Commission now before the Secy or President for Signature
Very Respectfully Submitted.
Jas A Hardie
Lt Col. Asst Adjt Genl.
From Henry Segur to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 17, 1863
Mr President
The President of Salvador has sent me here to express to your Excellency the sincere sympathy he entertains for the cause of the American Union, & the deep respect he feels for the Chief Magistrate of this great nation— He desires me particularly to say, that it is with profound grief that he has seen the dissensions that have occur'd in this great Republic, but at the same time he has full hope & confidence that in the wise administration of the great power which you possess, that the integrity of the Union will soon be reestablished on the firm basis of your glorious Constitution— The weaker Republics of this continent look with dread on whatever cause which tends to shake the potency of this Government, the asylum of the oppress'd of all nations, to it they look as the bulwark of their own independence, & security against ambitions and aggressive powers & the agents of reactionary principles at home & abroad. The President of Salvador has beheld with wonder and admiration the vast resources which have been call'd forth in this sacred struggle for law order, liberty & justice, in defense of the Union & to surpress civil discord, & feels full faith & confidence in the ultimate triumph of the principles for which the brave people are sacrificing so much life & treasure, & from your wise administration, that your Excellencys government will soon be established in peace & harmony throughout the land—
For myself, personally, I feel most happy that the President of Salvador should have selected me as the medium of communication with your Excellency & beg to offer you the expressions of my sincere & deep respect—
From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton 1, June 18, 1863
Executive Mansion,
Washington, June 18. 1863.
My dear Sir,
Could you, without too much trouble, have sent to me a statement of the case of John Steele, who, it seems, has been banished to Canada,
Yours truly
A. Lincoln
[Endorsed by Edward R. S. Canby:]
Mr [Oheath?]”
If you have the papers referred to in the Presidents note please send them to me.
Mr Steele appears to have been confined in the old Capital Prison and the only papers, in relation to his case were referred to Major Turner.
Very respy
Ed. R. S. Canby
Brig Genl.
War Dept.
June 18. 1863
[Endorsed by Thomas M. Vincent:]
W D
A. G. June 22
Resplly referred to Maj L. C Turner
Thomas M Vincent
A A G
From John A. Andrew to Charles Sumner, June 18, 1863
Boston, June 18th 1863.
Sir:
I inclose to you a memorial concerning Federal protection for colored troops, — and also a letter addressed by me to the President in support of it.
Official Records, Series II, Volume 5, 795-97 and Collected Works, VI, 357.
I am faithfully &c
truly Yours &c &c &c
John A Andrew.
From Benjamin Brewster to Abraham Lincoln, June 18, 1863
706 Walnut St.
Philada
17 June 63
Dear Sir:
First. I must thank you for your most opportune and conclusive paper on the subject of Military arrests.
Second. Do not yield to importunities to send Genl. McClellan to Pennsylvania We want no such dead heads here. It would be a concession wrung from you that would be beneath your dignity & tarnish the honour of the country. Let us have Cadwalader
I am with regard
& respect
Yr friend
B. H. Brewster
From Thomas E. H. Cottman to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 18, 1863
Mr President
My Colleagues have departed leaving me to receive the response that your Excellency was Kind enough to promise us for Monday last. I hope it will not be regarded as importunate to ask attention to the matter at earliest convenience.
With high consideration & regard I have the hon to subscribe myself
Your obt Sevt
Thos Cottman
June 18th 1863
Washington
From Benjamin F. Wade and William Dennison to Abraham Lincoln, June 18, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 445 PM June 18 1863,
From Columbus O.
Dated, June 18 1863.
The Administration will regard the nominations of Brough
W. Dennison
B F Wade
From A. Dingman to Abraham Lincoln, June 17, 1863
Received 12.40 P. M. June 18
In cipher from New York—
Bellville C. W.
June 17, 1863.
If Washington is in danger the fifteenth battalion is at your service to drive Lee back to Richmond. Hurrah for the Union — answer
Collected Works, VI, 285.
A. Dingman
Brig. Genl. Vols. Canada
From Ninian W. Edwards to Edward Bates, June 18, 1863
Private
Springfield Illinois
June 18th 1863
My Dear Sir,
In order to insure the receipt of the enclosed letteradvice of Judge Davis of the Supreme Court of the U States, I take the liberty of requesting you — to hand it to him, and to consult with him reference to the subject matter of it— I am anxious to do what you and he may think best— It pains me to think in these trying times, that the President is troubled on my account—
Very Truly Yours
N. W. Edwards
I will be satisfied with any decision the President may make I do not wish to embarrass him—
From Ninian W. Edwards to Abraham Lincoln, June 18, 1863
Private & Confidential
Springfield Illinois
June 18. 1863
My Dear Sir—
Mr. Baker has shown me your letter of the 15th—extraordinary pains to avoid giving any cause for complaint— I have let all contracts strictly in accordance with law and have to swear that I have done so without favoring any one—
Will it not remove cause of complaint, if the contracts in future can be awarded by the Chief Commissary of this department at Cincinnati—? I would then only have to make payments under them— This Col. Kilburn Chief C S would be willing to do—
When I asked an office from you, (it was not this one) I needed it very much— I can now do without it — I dont wish to embarrass you— If I am removed from here it will be said that there is good cause for it—
Under my present orders, I can keep my office at Chicago — provided the arrangement that Col Kilburn may let the contracts is not satisfactory — or rather than give you further trouble I will resign— I will do what you think best—
You speak of your life long friends in Springfield — desiring a change— I would like to ask you, if when you were a young man I was not your most devoted friend in more ways than one— Let Joshua F Speed, your own conscience recollection, and a letter of yours written to me in 1842 before your marriage answer—
At the last Presidential Election although I differed with you I made several speeches, with the approbation of your best political friends, in order to say what I thought of you — saying that if there was a man living without a fault I believed you were that man— This I can prove.
I know that you thought when you Matteson & Trumbulldevoted attachment to you—
If I have done any thing improper I ought to be removed— I would court an investigation from Judge Davis
You have not a friend who is acquainted with the intricate relation existing between us in former times, who would not say that you did right and acted nobly in aiding me when I needed it— For proof of this I refer you to Mr. Brownings' & Judge Daviss letters— All your old friends Joseph Gillespie, Uncle Cyrus, A Williams Col. Servant
Very Truly yours as ever,
N. W. Edwards
I never knew any one more unhappy than both my wife and myself on acct of the marriage of [Lizzie?] — and it seems that our troubles accumulate—
If Mr Vanbergen had not been disappointed in not getting a contract from Capt. Bailhache,
If you write that this shall be done I believe it will satisfy all parties At all events can you not try it and allow me to remain here— I am a strong friend of the Union—
I would also prefer not to make any Contracts— I assure you again that I shall not be dissatisfied with anything you may think for the best—
From Horace Maynard to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 18, 1863
Unofficial
Nashville June 18, 1863.
Sir,
The last mail brought me, under the hand of Mr. Nicolay, your Private Secretary, a copy of your letter of the 12th inst, to Mr. Corning & others.
I feel greatly obliged to you for, as I am sure every loyal American Citizen will; as a brief, pertinent, common sense view of certain vexed questions, coming from a source that will attract the public attention sufficiently, to induce a perusal. They have been so much [beclouded?] in the discussions of lawyers, that the people despaired of ever understanding them, & took sides, according to their partisan perdelictions— Unfortunately, not to say unwisely, some of the ablest of your own party journals, & party men lent their influence to your opponents, & helped to procure a very wide spread impression in that you had committed [new?] acts of maladministration, that could not well be defended. This letter will go far to correct that impression.
Will you pardon me for suggesting the importance of securing its republication in the public journals of the country, as far as practicable, especially in the obscure country papers, which in the aggregate, have a much greater influence on the public mind, than the more pretentious sheets of the great cities & towns—
I have the honor to be
Very Respectfully
Your Obt. Servt.
Horace Maynard.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Horace Maynard.
From James K. Moorhead et al. to Abraham Lincoln, June 17, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 1.15 A. M. June 18th 1863,
From Pittsburg 10.30 P.M.
Dated, June 17th 1863.
The undersigned appointed by the Executive committee of public Public safety acting in pursuance of the repeated & earnest wishes of successive meetings of citizens request you to authorize Major Genl. Brooks to declare Martial Law—
Collected Works, VI, 286.
J. K Morehead
W. Thaw
R. Miller Jr
Jas. Plummer
James Park Jr.
From David Tod to Abraham Lincoln, June 18, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 11:55 AM. June 18 1863,
From Columbus O
Dated, June 18 1863.
The Opponents of the Administration will attempt to attribute my defeat to the advocacy of the leading measures of your administration.
Collected Works, VI, 287.
David Tod
Governor.
Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on Louisiana 1, [June 19, 1863]
q. v.). For a draft passage by Secretary of State William H. Seward that is possibly addressed to the same point, see William H. Seward, Draft, [June, 1863].
If the military force of the rebellion were already out of the way, so that the people of Louisiana could now practically enter upon the enjoyment of their rights under the present State and National Constitutions, your request would stand before me in a different aspect.
From Abraham Lincoln to Thomas E. H. Cottman, Bradish Johnson, and E. E. Malhiot [Draft] 1, June 19, 1863
1 Lincoln responds here to Thomas E. H. Cottman, Bradish Johnson, and E. E. Malhiot to Lincoln, May, 1863, in which the writers, who had waited on him in Washington, sought from the Federal government “a full recognition of all the rights of the State, as they existed previous to the passage of an act of secession, upon the principle of the existence of the State Constitution unimpaired, and no legal act having transpired that could in any way deprive them of the advantages conferred by that Constitution.” The writers represented a pro-slavery element among Louisiana Unionists. They were exempt from the Emancipation Proclamation, and desired preservation of the state's 1852 constitution, which gave rural residents preponderance over New Orleans in legislative representation. See Michael Hahn to Lincoln, June 6, 1863.
For a paragraph that seems to have been drafted for this letter, but not included in the final version, see Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on Louisiana, [June 19, 1863].
Executive Mansion,
Washington, June 19, 1863.
Gentlemen
Your letter, which follows, has been received, and considered— (Insert).
Since receiving the letter, reliable information has reached me that a respectable portion of the Louisiana people, desire to amend their State Constitution, and contemplate holding a Convention for that object, This fact alone, as it seems to me, is a sufficient reason why the general government should not give the committal you seek, to the existing State Constitution— I may add that, while I do not perceive how such committal could facilitate our military operations in Louisiana, I really apprehend it would might be so used as to embarrass them.
As to an election to be held next November, there is abundant time, without any order, or proclamation from me just now. The people of Louisiana shall not lack an oppertunity of a fair election for both Federal and State officers, by want of anything within my power to give them.
Your Obt. Servt—
A. Lincoln
From John L. Chapman to Abraham Lincoln, June 19, 1863
Baltimore, June 18th 1863
Sir
I am directed to inform your Excellency that the First and Second Branches of the City Council of Baltimore have unanimously passed resolutions approving of the arrest, trial, conviction and sentence of C L Vallandigham
With great respect
Your Obdt Servant
John Lee Chapman
Mayor
pr Alford Mace
Secty to the Mayoralty
From Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, June 19, 1863
Leavenworth, Kan. June 19th 1863
Dear Lincoln
I have read all Your letters and speeches and am sure Your letter to Mr Corning & others
Very Truly Yours
M W Delahay
From Daniel S. Dickinson to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 19, 1863
No 60 Wall St
New York June
19, 1863
My Dear Sir
I have been away from my office or I should have written you before.
Your letter on the authority of Martial Law,
Sincy Yrs
D. S. Dickinson
From James W. Grimes, James Harlan, and James F. Wilson to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 19, 1863
Burlington, Iowa. June 19/63
Sir. It will be hardly necessary for us to recite the particulars of the capture of eleven rebel soldiers within the enemies fortifications at Vicksburg by private Joseph E. Griffith of the 22d Iowa Infantry and bringing them into our camp. The particulars are given in the official report of his commanding Col. & Gen.
Griffith is about twenty one years of age & is the only son of a Welsh Congregational preacher at Iowa City in this state. He has been appointed on the Genls. staff & has received a commission from the Governor of this state, but we think he should be distinguished by an appointment into the regular army of the United States. There never was a more meritorious case than this and we have from the most authentic sources that this young man is in every respect worthy of the position we suggest. It is proper for us to state that this application on his behalf is wholly unsolicited & unknown to him & to his friends. We have been prompted to make it by our own sense of what is due to so gallant & worthy a soldier
Your obedt. servt.
J. W. Grimes
James F. Wilson
Jas. Harlan
Joseph Hooker, Memorandum [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 19-20, 1863
June 19. 1863.
12th Slocum. Leesburg
11th Howard on Goosecreek 4 miles from Leesburg towards Aldie,
5th Meade, at Aldie,
1st Reynolds at Herndon Station & vicinity on Loudon & Hamp. R. R.
3rd Birney at Gum Springs
2d Hancock Centreville
6th Sedgwick Germantown,
———————————————————
20th.
2d. Thorofare Gap, a Div. of 2d corps
at Gainesville, a Div. of 6th corps
at Bristow, Others unchanged.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Hooker — June 19-21.
William H. Seward, Draft 1, [June 1863]
In whatever I may do or say on the subject I can not always at the present time, it I cannot ignore the fact that the military occupation [Louisiana] is yet with reference in view of the military operations outside of the state of [Louisiana] the military occupation of presence of the land and naval forces of the United States cannot at the in that loyal now loyal state yet be discontinued — as I [trust]
From Joshua Tevis to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 20, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 312 PM June 20 1863,
From Louisville
Dated, June 20 1863.
Your dispatch of eighteenth (18) inst, to me at Frankfort just received
Collected Works, VI, 286.
Respectfully
Joshua Tevis
From Joseph Hooker to Abraham Lincoln, June 21, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 530 PM June 21 1863,
From Head Quarters A. P. 5 PM
Dated, June 21 1863.
Pleasantons
Maj Genl Hooker—
From John M. Schofield to Abraham Lincoln, June 20, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 2 A. M. June 21st 1863,
From St. Louis—
Dated, June 20th 1863.
The action of the Missouri State Convention upon the Question of Emancipation will depend very much upon whether they can be assured that the action will be sustained by the General Government & the people protected in their slave property being during the short time that Slavery is permitted to exist. Am I authorized in any manner directly or indirectly to pledge such support & protection? This question is of such vital importance to the peace of Missouri that I deem it my duty to lay it before your Excellency, —
very Resp'y—
J. M. Schofield
Maj. Genl
From Abraham Lincoln to John M. Schofield [Copy] 1, June 22, 1863
Executive Mansion,
Washington, June 22, 1863.
My dear Sir:
Your despatch, asking in substance, whether, in case Missouri shall adopt gradual emancipation, the general government will protect slave owners in that species of property during the short time it shall be permitted by the State to exist within it, has been received. Desirous as I am, that emancipation shall be adopted by Missouri, and believing as I do, that gradual can be made better than immediate for both black and white, except when military necessity changes the case, my impulse is to say that such protection would be given. I can not know exactly what shape an act of emancipation may take— If the period from the initiation to the final end, should be comparitively short, and the act should prevent persons being sold, during that period, into more lasting slavery, the whole would be easier— I do not wish to pledge the general government to the affirmative support of even temporary slavery, beyond what can be fairly claimed under the Constitution. I suppose, however, this is not desired; but that it is desired for the Military force of the United States, while in Missouri, to not be used in subverting the temporarily reserved legal rights in slaves during the progress of emancipation. This I would desire also. I have very earnestly urged the slave-states to adopt emancipation; and it ought to be, and is an object with me not to overthrow, or thwart what any of them may in good faith do, to that end.
You are therefore authorized to act in the spirit of this letter, in conjunction with what may appear to be the military necessities of your Department.
Although this letter will become public at some time, it is not intended to be made so now.
Yours truly
A. Lincoln
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Schofield's despatch & my answer
June 20. & 22, 1863.
From Wemyss Jobson to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 22, 1863
Mr Wemyss Jobson, author of the “History of the French Revolution” &c, presents his compliments to the President of the United States, and — as has probably already been announced by Mr Adams — begs to state that he has arrived from London on the part of the European Republicans in the hope of being able to assist in terminating the unhappy differences which at present prevail in America and are likely to prove so fatal to the cause of freedom throughout the world.
He believes his party are not without influence with Mr Jefferson Davis, and he shall be happy to wait upon the President at any time convenient for his reception with the view of submitting the preposed plan. Meantime he has only to add that, should Mr Jefferson Davis reject an equitable arrangement, he shall cheerfully place his services and military experience at the President's disposal, and can supply him with arms from Europe to any amount.
As his stay in New York may be limited, he shall feel obliged by the President's reply at the earliest period consistent with his convenience.
French's Hotel
New York June 22/63
From Frank H. Stockett to Abraham Lincoln, June 22, 1863
The memorial of Frank. H. Stockett a citizen of Anne Arundel County in the State of Maryland, residing in the City of Annapolis respectfully shows that between the twenty fourth and twenty sixth days of May last, a certain negro named Latham Duvall about thirty four years old, and between the fourteenth and sixteenths days of June instant certain other negroes to wit Tom Johnson, and Ben Brown aged each about twenty four years the slaves for life of the undersigned and of whom he is the lawful owner and to whom they owe service and labor under the Laws of the State of Maryland absconded and became fugitives from such labor and service, and made their escape from said State to the District of Columbia
The undersigned further states that on the 18” day of June instant, having knowledge that said negroes were in said District of Columbia he applied under oath to Walter J. Cox Commissioner of the Supreme Court for said District for the arrest and delivery to him of the said negroes, and that on the same day the said Commissioner did by his warrant directed under his hand and seal to certain John H. Wise and A. R. Allen Constables for the County of Washington, require them to arrest said negroes and have them when arrested before the said Commissioner.
And the undersigned further states that with this warrant in his possession he saw Capt. Todd the Provost Marshal for said District of Columbia at his office, and stated to him that the undersigned had knowledge that his said negroes were then in the Contraband Camp in said District, and desired permission for said officers to visit said Camp and arrest said negroes. To which request the said Provost Marshal refused compliance but referred your memorialist to General John H. Martindale
Your memorialist further states, that he is advised that this proceeding is clearly in violation of the Constitution and laws of the United States, and the Constitution and Laws of Maryland, in utter disregard of the solemn duty of said officers the Provost Marshal and Military Governor enforced by their oaths to execute and obey the Constitution and Laws, destructive of all rights of private property secured to a citizen and a tyranical exercise of arbitrary power — to which he cannot believe your Excellency will suffer to go unrebuked and unredressed
Your memorialist further states he is a Loyal Citizen of the United States earnestly and zealously aiding according to his best ability the efforts of the Government to put down the Rebellion now threatening its existence, and has never by word or act given aid or comfort to those in Rebellion against the Government, and he claims to be entitled to the protection of all the laws of the land securing the rights of such citizens to the full enjoyment of their property—
Your memorialist forbears to enlarge on the consequences which must inevitably result from such subversion of law, and invasion of private rights, but he submits that if such proceedings as before represented be sanctioned by the Government, and the Slaves by the protection thus afforded them be encouraged to abscond from their Masters, then is the condition of their Masters worse than those residing in the Disloyal States, for they are aiding the Power which is plundering them of the very means of their own support, as well as their ability to contribute to the support of Government—
In consideration of all which your memorialist respectfully but most earnestly hopes that your Excellency will arrest such proceedings promptly and decidedly and will order the Constitution and the Laws in this respect be faithfully observed and executed, and will forbid that any encouragement shall be held out to the Slaves in Maryland to abscond and leave their Masters, or any protection extended to them by the officers in the employ of the Government when they shall abscond, And order and direct that the before mentioned negroes of your memorialist shall be forthwith returned to him and such further and other redress given him as the nature of his case may demand.
Frank. H. Stockett
22 June 1863
From James M. Ashley to Abraham Lincoln, June 23, 1863
Toledo Ohio June 23 1863.
Dr Sir.
I learn from the public Journals that a committee of twenty one from this State and corresponding committees from other States will soon visit Washington to demand of you the release and return of C L Vallandigham to Ohio
Your unanswerable reply to the New York Resolutions,
I write however to say that our friends are very anxious and many of them have asked me to write you on the subject.
For the past two weeks I have been in fifteen or twenty counties of the State and but recently met many of our leading friends in Convention at Columbus, and all agree that the release and return of Vallandigham would be a terrible blow to the Union cause in this State. I give it to you as my opinion that his release and return would be one of the most fatal act of your administration
I desire further to say that the revocation of Burnsides order against the Chicago Times places us in an embarrassing position.
Times. Lincoln wrote to Secretary Stanton on June 4 and asked him to have Burnside's order suspended or revoked. Burnside's General Orders No. 91, dated June 4, 1863, lifted the suppression of the Times. See Collected Works, VI, 248; and Official Records, Series I, Volume 23, Part II, 381 and 386.
The logic of your answer to the New York Resolutions fully justifies Genl Burnside. If Genl Schenck — Blunt, Grant and others, may properly exclude disloyal papers from their lines or prevent those published within their lines from making extracts from them why not suppress them at home where they are doing as much if not more damage than they can do in the army
The necessity for some uniform order on the question of arrests, the suppression and exclusion of disloyal papers from military departments appears so necessary, that I hope such an order as all loyal men can approve and defend may after full and free consultation be adopted, and every officer compelled to enforce it to the letter or resign.
The loyal men of Ohio, and indeed in all the free States are willing and able to enforce all you orders and they will do it, if you will but adopt such orders as commend themselves to their judgment.
Only two days before you revoked Burnsides order for the suppression of the Chicago Times the most violent copperhead organ in my district the “Napoleon North West” came out in an editorial article admitting the necessity of Order No 38
Official Records, Series II, Volume 5, 480.
I do not think I should have issued such an “order” as No 38 had I been in command and I do not know that I would have advised the arrest of Vallandigham or interfearace with the Chicago Times, but after the arrest and the order for suppression they should have been enforced without fear or favor.
Certainty and Uniformity is what the people want. They would chearfully sustain Order No 38 or one even more stringent if approved by the Government.
The arrest, trial and conviction of Vallandigham had an excellent effect in this State on the violent and noisy Copperheads in the Democratic counties in my District until the order No 38 was practically revoked, since which time they have been more defiant and it would be better if the order were revoked entirly — than to have it openly defied violated and the authority of the Government insulted and defied.
I have three Counties in my District that voted against Tod
A number of leading democrats in these Counties (Defiance — Henry & Putnam,) who had been classed with the copperheads, admitted to me after the trial and sentance of Vallandigham that it was just. They said that they were satisfied that Genl Burnside who was a democrat & Judge Levett
habeas corpus to the U. S. Court. Leavitt heard the case and denied Vallandigham's petition. For the habeas corpus proceedings in the Ohio court, see Official Records, Series II, Volume 5, 573-84.
The people ask and pray the Administration to give them plain and positive directions for their own government and for the government of their military officers.
The telegraph brings the news tonight that Vallandigham has escaped and is on his way to Canada and his friends have said from the first that this would be the case and that he would come into Ohio and remain. If this should be true and he is permitted by the Administration to defy them and their authority, (as George E Pugh is now doing) — & he should come into the State and speak all over it, I cannot promise that he will not be elected Governor, because it would so discourage & disgust our friends that I would not feel confident of defeating them.
Truly your friend
J. M Ashley
From Augustus W. Bradford to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 23, 1863
Annapolis June 23rd 1863
Sir:
I have the honor to introduce to you Frank H. Stockett Esq a Citizen of Annapolis who has a Memorial to present to your Excellency, and in support of which I would beg leave to offer a few Suggestions In the first place I would take occasion to say that Mr. Stockett is one of our more esteemed Citizens, whose loyalty is unqualified in its character, who was the Commissioner of Enrollment in his County, and by his firm and intelligent discharge of duty rendered efficient assistance to the Government— He is therefore entitled to its most favorable consideration in any matter he may have to present.
The subject of his Complaint, as set forth in his Memorial, presents I think just claims upon your interference—
Knowing as his Petition alleges that certain of his Slaves are in, what is called the Contraband Camp, in the District of Columbia, after arming himself with due process of law issued under authority of the United States, he seeks merely to have such process served by the proper officer.— Genl. Martindale
There is certainly nothing in the Act of Congress of July 17th 1862 (“an Act to suppress Insurrection” &c) which warrants such a Construction, for though that Act in its 10th Sec. prohibits any one engaged in the Military or Naval Service from surrendering up any such fugitive, the prohibition extends only to the delivery of any such person to the “Claimant” and taken in connection with the entire sentence, which forbids such officers “under any pretence whatever to assume to decide on the validity of the Claim,” it is manifest that both the terms and spirit of that Act extend only to prohibiting the Military officer from undertaking to adjudicate the claims of the owner, and were surely never meant to arm him with any authority to resist a judicial process against any one whether white or black who might happen to be within the Confines of his Camp.—
Still less is there anything in the Act “calling forth the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, &c &c” passed on the same day, which can justify the Course of Genl. Martindale: — for whilst that Act in its 12th and 13th Sections confers upon your Excellency the authority under such Regulations as you may prescribe, to organize persons of African descent, for performing Camp Service &c — it only allows protection to persons so employed against the Claim of their owner when such owner “during the present Rebellion has borne arms against the United States or adhered to their enemies giving them aid and comfort”
Your Excellency will excuse me for thus particularly quoting these two Acts of Congress: I do so because I can not believe that Genl. Martindale or any other officer under your Excellency's authority would interfere to arrest the due process of the law, or obstruct the lawful rights of a loyal citizen of Maryland endeavouring merely to have a Judicial settlement of these rights by the proper Authorities of the District, unless he felt himself constrained to that Course by a positive Statutory provision—
As these are the only Acts that I am aware of bearing upon the subject, I have brought them to your attention, confident that if you concur with me in their construction, you will cause such instructions to be given to Genl. Martindale as shall prevent any obstruction on his part to the just settlement of all such claims by the legal Tribunals of the District—
I have the honor to be very Respectfully
Your Excellency's Obdt. Servt.
A. W. Bradford
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gov. Bradford Ms.
Concerning certain fugitive slaves at the contraband camp, claimed by F.H. Stockett of Annapolis. Gen. Martindale refuses to surrender them.
From Erastus Corning to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 23, 1863
Sir,
Your communication of the 12th inst,over which I presided commenting upon and controverting certain positions in regard to Constitutional obligations & personal rights, set forth in the Resolutions adopted by that meeting, has been received.— I was absent when it reached this City or it would have been acknowledged at an earlier day.—
The special duty assigned to the officers of the meeting, I consider fulfilled in sending the resolutions by its direction to you.—
In view however of the importance of the principles involved, and the public shape this matter has assumed; I have deemed it proper to hand your communication to the Committee who reported the Resolutions, for such action as in their judgment, the case may seem to demand.—
With sentiments of high respect, I remain
Yours very truly
Erastus Corning
Albany June 23d 1863.
From James H. Lane et al. to Abraham Lincoln, June 23, 1863
Washington City
June 23rd 1863
Sir
We the undersigned would respectfully represent that the State of Kansas & Missouri, should be in separate Departments. The Head Quarters of the one Dept. at St Louis, the other at Fort Leavenworth. The policy adopted for the Government of the people of one State, would be distasteful to the Other. The people of Kansas are radically antislavery — Slavery haters — while in the State of Missouri they are mixed, proslavery, conservative and radical. There is also a Strong long Standing hatred between the people of the two States. We would further represent, that at the last Session of Congress, a law was passed, providing for the removal of the Indians from Kansas to the Territory South. The execution of the this law is of the utmost importance to Kansas, and the whole Country.
A Department composed of Kansas and the Indian Country South, placed under the Command of a prudent, Sagacious officer, would restore harmony & good feeling in Kansas, and the Separation from Missouri would be hailed with delight by all in both States. Such a Commander, it is Confidently believed, with the force now in the Contemplated Department, and the Troops now being raised, would be ample to drive the rebels from the Indian Country, and Keep them out. This being done, the Department Commander would acting in concert with the Interior Department; could and enable sd Dept at once to treat with the several Indian Tribes in the Territory, and in Kansas, and execute the law of Congress.
From these & other reasons we respectfully pray your Excellency to establish a Military Department Composed of Kansas, and the Indian Territory, and we will Ever pray &c
Very Respectfully
Your Obt Servts
J. H. Lane
U. S. S
Kansas
Thos Carney
Govr of Kansas
A. C. Wilder,
M. C.
S. C. Pomeroy
U. S. S
Wm. P. Dole
Comr Ind Affs
From John A. McClernand to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 23, 1863
Official Records, Series I, Volume 24, Part I, 158-65.
Cairo Ill. June 23d 1863
I have the honor to enclose a copy of my report of the operations of the 13th Army Corps from the 30th of March to the 22nd of May ulto
I trust the matter, if not the style of the narrative will repay its perusal.
Maj. Reves, visiting Washington on sick leave, will hand you this and the report, together with my report petition for justice.
You have long known me. A man cannot change his nature if he would. That I would intentionally fail in duty anything involving the safety of the Country or the honor of it you will hardly believe. That I have been faithful and successful in the discharge of duty, I affirm.
Your obt. sert
John A McClernand
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. McClernand,
June 23. 1863.
From Levi C. Turner to Edward R. S. Canby 1, June 23, 1863
Washington City, D. C.
June 23d 1863—
Sir,
I have the honor to report in relation to John Steele—
That he was arrested and committed to the Old Capital Prison, by order of the Asst. Secy of War, charged with fraud & treasonable practices. He claimed to be a native of Canada, but had resided many years in the United States and enjoyed & exercised the privileges & franchises of citizenship, and did not claim British protection.
He was employed by the Provost Marshal, on two or three occasions, as a Detective; and while acting, or assuming to act, in that official capacity, he was guilty of fraudulent and treasonable practices—
While in custody, he made a sworn statement of his “actings & doings” and addressed a petition to the Secy. of War, of which the following is a copy—
“Old Capital Prison 20th April 1863
Hon E. M. Stanton
Sir,
Understanding that persons confined in this prison on charges of fraud and treason against the Government of the United States, have been released on condition of leaving the United States —
I respectfully request, having made a statement of all my transactions, that I may be permitted the same privilege conceded to others — & promising to leave the United States in such time as may be designated by those having jurisdiction in the matter—
I am
Respectfully &c
John Steele”
On the same day, of the receipt of the above petition, the said John Steele was discharged from custody, upon giving his parole, in writing, of which the following is a copy—
“War Department
Washington City D. C.
April 20, 1863.
Whereas, I John Steele, am now and have been in custody upon charges of fraud and treasonable practices, and upon my discharge and at my own request, I hereby give my parole, that I will depart without the limits of the United States within four days from this date; and that I will leave the city of Washington within 24 hours from the signing hereof; and that I will not return again to the United States during the Rebellion, under the of imprisonment during the war
John Steele”
Witness
L. C. Turner
J Advocate—
I have the honor to be
Respectfully
Your obt Sevt,
L. C. Turner
J Advocate
From John A. Andrew to Abraham Lincoln, June 24, 1863
Boston, June 24th 1863.
Sir:
I have the honor to ask attention to the letter which I inclose from the Chairman of the Selectmen of the Town of Gloucester,when it which lies so near our own doors, while it is remote from the immediate sight of a Department already engrossed with many burdens and cares. I am sure that I need only repeat this once again the request heretofore respectfully made and now renewed to the Government of our Union by
Your most Obedient servant,
John A Andrew
Governor of Massachusetts.
From Darius N. Couch to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 24, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 293.
Recd 10.08 A. M. June 24
In cipher
Harrisburg 9.30 A. M.
June 24, 1863.
Rebel cavalry are this side of Chambersburg — scouts from Gettysburg report seven thousand at Greencastle deserters say A. P. Hill
Ten deserters in at McConnellsburg from Ewells
D. N. Couch
Maj. Genl.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Please forward this to Gen. Hooker
A. Lincoln
June 24, 1863.
[Endorsed by Thomas T. Eckert:]
His Excellency
A Lincoln
This was forwarded to Gen Hooker at 12.25 PM
T. T. Eckert.
From John A. McClernand to Abraham Lincoln, June 23, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 5.30 A. M. June 24th 1863,
From Cairo—
Dated, June 23d 1863.
I have been relieved for an omission of my Adjutant Hear me.—
Official Records, Series I, Volume 24, Part I, 158-65.
John A. McClernand.
From Jeremiah T. Boyle to James B. Fry 1, June 25, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 9.40 P. M. June 25 1863,
From Camp Nelson Ky 4 P. M.
Dated, June 25th 1863.
Genl. Finnell
If you gain these you will lose more than ten thousand — you will revolutionize the State and do infinite & inconceivable harm, and am sure this all wrong, and there is not an honest loyal man in the State in favor of it — and will meet with decided opposition for the peace and quiet of the Country. I beg you will change your order on subject. I request that you confer with President Lincoln on the subject and show him this telegram
Collected Works, VI, 298.
J. T. Boyle
Brig. Genl.
From Thomas Carney to Abraham Lincoln, June 25, 1863
Executive Department,
Topeka Kansas June 25th, 1863.
Sir,
The disordered and anarchical condition to which the State of Kansas has been reduced by some of the Military Officials operating in that State, and acting under Federal authority reluctantly compells me as the Executive of that State to again address you, apprehensive that in my communication of the 5th inst,
Since the admission of the State of Kansas into the Union, there has been no time, — if we except the occasional rebel invasions — in which the Civil Law could not be administered in that state. The lawfully constituted Courts and officers are organized, and exist in every county in the State.
Some time in the month of May last, a youth by the name of Shirley picked the pocket of a man in a grocery in the City of Leavenworth, he was arrested and committed by the Magistrate for trial for the want of bail fixed at 2000.$ and was sent to Fort Leavenworth for safe Keeping — as was said— Major General James. G. Blunt commanding at the Fort, organized a Military Commission before which he tried and executed this boy for this alleged crime.
Two men respectively named Daniel Mooney and Alexander Brewer were arrested and confined in the Jail of the County of Atchinson for robbery. Major General Blunt ordered the sheriff of that County to deliver these men into the hands of the Citizens of that County, by whom they were executed. This was about one month ago.
Now in both of the Counties of Atchinson and Leavenworth the Courts were regularly held, and no just pretex can be made that these men and the boy could not have been tried by due process of law, or that they would not have been so tried, but for the interference of General Blunt in executing the boy, and giveing up the men. to be executed
These individuals were not charged with any Capital crime, and the utmost punishment that could have been inflicted upon them if convicted according to law, was confinement in the Penitentiary.
As the Executive of Kansas I have according to the Constitution of that State taken an oath that I will see that the laws thereof be faithfully executed, how shall, or can I do that, if persons acting under Federal authority take the law into their own hands, as in the case of General Blunt. Such action will set all law at defiance, and inaugurate despotism and anarchy in the state.
I protest that I do-not make these complaints out of any motives to hinder or embarrass you in the discharge of the great responsibilities now devolving upon you, but I am sure you will agree with me that no government can long endure administered as it has been done in Kansas. A reign of terror must and will be inaugurated under General Blunt's policy that will produce anarchy, and no mans life will be safe.
If you would not allow the Indians of Minnesota to be executed under the circumstances of their conviction, would you have suffered General Blunt to have executed these persons if you had been informed of his acts.
I am desirous to aid you to the extent of my ability, not only as a citizen but as the Governor of Kansas, and to sustain you in all the measures you have adopted for suppressing the rebellion.
Your highl character forbids that you have or ever will sanction the conduct of General Blunt. While I render you my warmest sympathy and utmost aid the State of Kansas should be treated as other loyal states are treated, but it is not, and an order is now outstanding from the Hon Secretary of War, that General Blunt shall name the officers for me as the Governor of Kansas to commission. Entertaining for you as I do the highest regard for your sense of justice, I cannot believe that you will sanction this disregard of law, or expose me to indignities imposed upon no other loyal Governor. I am sure I have not merited it. I respect you and will to the extent of my ability sustain you, but how can I do it with effect and be treated as I am and have been.
Your sense of justice and Knowledge of the law will, I doubt not, satisfy you, that General Blunt in the execution of the boy and the me before mentioned has been guilty of a high crime, and that it is dangerous to the public welfare to repose further confidence in him — sustained as he is by Federal authority. He is above the law of the state of Kansas and puts them at defiance, and as matters now stand, backed by the army and Federal power, it will be quite impossible to bring him to justice. As the Executive of the state of Kansas I do therefore, most respectfully, but earnestly ask that his Military authority in the state of Kansas be absolutely suspended, and that all orders from the War Department for him to nominate officers for me to commission be revoked.
Collected Works, VI, 339; and Lincoln to Blunt, August 18, 1863.
I am, Very Respectfully,
Your Obedient Servant,
Thos Carney
Govr of Kansas,
From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln, June 25, 1863
Private
Ty Dr. June 25, ‘63
My dear Sir,
I understand that a delegation from Ohio is here to make some representation or proposition concerning Mr. Vallandigham.
Permit me to suggest that what is said by them or replied to them should be only in writing
Most truly yours
S P Chase
From Michael Corcoran to Abraham Lincoln, June 25, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 3 PM June 25 1863,
From Suffolk
Dated, June 25 1863.
Isaac Templeton twenty fifth (25) N J Vols has not yet been executed— The proceedings were reviewed by Maj Genl Dix and the record is in his hands— I will advise him that you wish it sent to you— Genl Peck is absent
Collected Works, VI, 295 and 297.
M. Corcoran
Brig Genl Comdg
From David Hunter to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 25, 1863
Princeton, N. J.
June 25. 1863.
Sir: You cannot fail to be aware that my removal from command of the Dept. of the South, has been all but universally regarded as a censure on my conduct while in that command.
Satisfied and well knowing that I acted throughout in strict obedience to orders, and that my record when published will prove an ample vindication of my course, — I now respectfully request of you liberty to make such publication of official documents and records as may be necessary to set me right in the eyes of my friends and in the justice of history. The time has now passed when any injurious effect to the public service could possibly arise from such publication.
Knowing how greatly your time is occupied, I shall regard your not answering this note as giving me the liberty I ask for, and will act accordingly. Should you deem such publications as I propose inadvisable, will you be kind enough to notify me of your opinion without delay.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Very respectfully
Your most Obedt Servant
D. Hunter
Maj. Gen.
[Lincoln's Endorsement in a Secretarial Hand:]
(Copy of answer.)
Executive Mansion
Washington 30 June 1863
My Dear General
I have just received your letter dated the 25th of June.
I assure you and you may feel authorized in stating, that the recent change of commanders in the Department of the South was made for no reasons which convey any imputation upon your known energy efficiency and patriotism; but for causes which seemed to me sufficient, while they were in no degree incompatible with the respect & esteem in which I have always held you as a man and an officer.
I cannot by giving my consent to a publication of whose details I know nothing, assume the responsibility of whatever you may write. In this matter your own sense of military propriety must be your guide and the regulations of the service your rule of conduct.
I am very truly your friend
From Jeremiah T. Boyle to Abraham Lincoln, June 26, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 250 PM June 26 1863,
From Cincinnati 2 PM.
Dated, June 26 1863.
Prest. Lincoln
I beg leave to call your attention to my dispatch of yesterday from Camp Nelson to Col Fry Provost Marshall General in regard to enrolment of free negroes in Kentucky Further reflection & consultation strengthen the opinions expressed in that dispatch
J T Boyle
Brig Genl
From Cuthbert Bullitt to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln], June 26, 1863
Custom House, New Orleans,
Collector's Office,
June 26th 1863
Dear Sir
I have the honor to introduce to you, my friend J. Q. A. Fellowes
Mr F will be able to give you much information in regard to how matters Stand here— I shall be pleased to know that he meets with your usual kind attention—
Yours Most Truly
Cuthbert Bullitt
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Cuthbert Bullitt — Fellows.
June 26. 1863.
From Ambrose E. Burnside to Abraham Lincoln, June 26, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 320 PM. June 26 1863,
From Cincinnati 2 PM.
Dated, June 26 1863.
Prest Lincoln
I am satisfied from my knowledge of Ky that it would be very unwise to enrol the free negroes of that State It would not add materially to our strength and I assure you it would cause much trouble I sincerely hope this embarassment to the interests of the public service will not be placed in our way Please Answer at once
Collected Works, VI, 298.
Very Resp'y
A E Burnside
Maj Genl
John Q. A. Fellows, Memorandum [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 26, 1863
Plan.
I—
Proclaim a general amnesty to all who have unequivocally returned to their allegiance, renouncing all allegiance to any other government & especially to the so called Confederate States on or before the
II—
Appoint a Civil Governor pro tempore in every state where a loyal Governor is not at present exercising the duties of his office whenever there is a permanent foothold obtained by the Military power of the United States; who must be a Citizen of such state & eligible to the office of Governor therein under its Constitution as it was before the act of Secession took place, & who must besides be an original, continuous & unconditional Union Man, of standing, ability & influence in his State & not wedded to particular isms of any kind—
III
Instruct him to put in force as far & as fast as practicable the Constitution & laws of his State as they were before the act of Secession & as not repugnant to the Constitution & Laws of the United States, & subject to their temporary suspension by the General orders of the Military authorities— And to this end to fill pro tempore all executive & Judicial offices rendered vacant by defection from allegiance to the Government of the United States or otherwise, as fast as the State may be reclaimed & permanently held by the Military;
And further to order all the elections as required both as to time & place by the Constitutions & Laws of the State & the United States, so soon as the State or any section thereof shall be permanently occupied by the forces of the United States & there appears a Certainty that it can & will be thus held to the Satisfaction of the Military Commandant of Such Department & of the President of the United States—
IV—
As fast as possible on the occupancy of any of the territory of the Seceeding States, have organized the Courts of the United States & all the other departments of the United States Government & do away with at once or as soon as possible all special tribunal and agencies of whatever kind—
V—
Instruct & order the Military and Naval powers to assist in carrying out these measures so far as may be not to the detriment of the Service — & to put forth the whole power of the Government to this end.
Remarks.
The General amnesty, coming on the heels of victory such as that of the few weeks past & after the long suffering of the people, now almost past enduring; with the certainty that there will be protection from against the return of the armies of the Confederacy, & the prospect of a chance to return under their former laws & old form of Government, will be greedily availed of by the masses of the people of the States in rebellion.
The subject of Slavery need not be considered for its existence, wherever an Army marches, ceases as such & becomes worthless to the owner— Such has been the case in those Districts excepted by the Proclamation of the 1st of Jan. 1863— Besides three fourths of all slaves were actually emancipated by the act of 17th July 1862 & the principles that a man once entitled to freedom can never be enslaved without his free consent will never again be seriously questioned.
Though the doct subject of Slavery has become the chief element in the strife, it was originally only made the occasion, the real cause being the false doctrine & as absurd as false of State Sovereignty as proclaimed by John C. Calhoun— The true doctrine being in a form of government like ours that All Sovereignty is in the people of the whole Country, who have delegated a portion of it general nature by certain articles called the Constitution of the United States, others of a sectional nature by the Constitutions of the respective States & that all other powers are reserved to the people of themselves, including the right to change those fundamental laws, though only in the form as prescribed in them.
Being one nation, & by the attempted act of secession every State officer having abandoned his post & there being no power in the state to again set the Machinery of Government in Motion, the President of the United States, as Chief executive of the Nation & by virtue of his office as such, Constitutionally & in accordance to what must be the fundamental principle of a Republican form of Government, steps in & appoints a Governor protem for his State — who appoints executive and judicial officers protem for his state & issues writs of election at proper times & places, at which all legally qualified electors, of course truly loyal citizens, can vote & again the Machinery of Government is set in Motion — & Secession is forever ended by practically destroying the principle of Government namely State Sovereignty, upon which it rests & the war in the meantime having destroyed the occasion of secession, namely Slavery, by destroying its utility wherever an army has marched—
Secessionists claim to have accomplished its object, namely taken the states out of the Union— If we admit by act or word that they destroyed the Constitutions & laws of their respective States by the act of Secession, we admit what they claim, & if we now attempt to make new Constitutions we enact a revolution similar & as unnecessary as theirs, & just like the attempted one in Texas of Secession. Our only safe policy is to declare & insist upon the absolute nullity of every act of secession & of every act since the attempted secession took place — & to commence a renewal of Government under the laws & Constitutions as they were proclaiming them in esse if not in actio—
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
J. Q. A. Fellows—
From Joseph Hooker to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 26, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 297.
The following Telegram received at Washington 910 PM. June 26 1863,
From Head Qrs AP 8 PM.
Dated, June 26 1863.
You need not believe any more than you choose of what is published in the Associated press dispatches concerning this Army tomorrow Was it from the Newspapers that you received a report that I was in Washn last night
Jos Hooker
MG
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Hooker — June 22, 26, 27, 1863.
From Matthew Birchard et al. to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 26, 1863
Washington City June 26th 1863
The undersigned having been appointed a Committee, under the Authority of the resolutions of the State Convention, held at the City of Columbus Ohio, on the 11th day of June A. D. 1863 to communicate with you on the subject of the arrest and banishment of Clement L. Vallandighamearnest and sincere, in the support of the Constitution and the Union, ever held in that State.
Official Records, Series II, Volume 5, 480.
Resolved
1st That the will of the people is the foundation of all free government. That to give effect to this will, free thought, free speech and a free press are absolutely indispensable— Without free discussion there is no certainty of sound judgment; without sound judgment there can be no wise government.
2d That it is an inherent and constitutional right of the people to discuss all measures of their government, and to approve or disapprove as to their best judgment seems right. That they have a like right to propose and advocate that policy which in their judgment is best, and to argue and vote against whatever policy seems to them to violate the Constitution, to impair their Liberties, or to be detrimental to their welfare—
3d. That these and all other rights, guaranteed to them by their constitutions, are their rights in time of war as well as in time of peace; and of far more value and necessity in war than in peace. For in peace Liberty, Security and Property are seldom endangered; in war they are ever in peril.
4th That we now say to all whom it may concern, not by way of threat, but calmly and firmly, that we will not surrender these rights, nor submit to their forcible violation. We will obey the laws ourselves and all others must obey them
5th That Ohio will adhere to the Constitution and the Union as the best, it may be the last hope of popular freedom, and for all wrongs which may have been committed or evils which may exist, will seek redress under the Constitution and within the Union by the peaceful but powerful agency of the suffrages of a free people
6th That we will earnestly support every constitutional measure tending to preserve the Union of the States— No men have a greater interest in its preservation than we have — none desire it more; there are none who will make greater sacrifices or endure more than we will to accomplish that end. We are as we ever have been, the devoted friends of the Constitution and the Union, and we have no sympathy with the enemies of either—
7th That the arrest, imprisonment, pretended trial, and actual banishment of Clement L Vallandigham, a citizen of the State of Ohio not belonging to the land or naval forces of the United States, nor to the Militia in actual service, by allged military authority, for no other pretendd crime than that of uttering words of legitimate criticism upon the conduct of the Administration in power, and of appealing to the ballot box for a change of policy (said arrest and military trial taking place where the courts of law are open and unobstructed, and for no act done within the sphere of active military operations in carrying on the war), we regard as a palpable violation of the following provisions of the Constitution of the United States:
1st “Congress shall make no law x x x abridging the freedom of speech or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances”
2d The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seisures shall not be violated; and no warrant shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized”
3d. “No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”
4th In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed which district shall have been previously ascertained by law.”
And we furthermore denounce said arrest, trial and banishment as a direct insult offered to the Sovereignty of the people of Ohio, by whose organic law it is declared that “no person shall be transported out of the State for any offense committed within the Same”
8th That Clement L Vallandigham was at the time of his arrest, and banishment, a prominent candidate for nomination by the Democratic Party of Ohio for the office of Governor of the State; that the Democratic party was fully competent to decide whether he was a fit man for that nomination; and that the attempt to deprive them of that right by his arrest and banishment was an unmerited imputation upon their intelligence and loyalty, as well as a violation of the Constitution
9th That we respectfully and most earnestly call upon the President of the United States to restore Clement L Vallandigham to his home in Ohio — and that a Committee of one from each Congressional district of the State to be selected by the presiding officer of this Convention is hereby appointed to present this application to the President
The undersigned in the discharge of the duty assigned them do not think it necessary to reiterate the facts connected with the arrest trial and banishment of Mr Vallandigham, they are well known to the President, and are of public history — nor to enlarge upon the positions taken by the Convention, — Nor to recapitulate the Constitutional provisions which it is believed have been contravened— They have been stated at length and with clearness in the resolutions which have been recited— The undersigned Content themselves with brief reference to other suggestions pertinent to the subject—
They do not call upon your Excellency as Suppliants praying the revocation of the order banishing Mr Vallandigham as a favor, but by the authority of a Convention representing a majority of the Citizens of the State of Ohio— They respectfully ask it as a right due to an American Citizen in whose personal injury, the Sovereignty and dignity of the people of Ohio as a free State have been offended— And this duty they perform the more cordially from the consideration that at a time of great National Emergency pregnant with danger to our federal Union, it is all important that the true friends of the Constitution and the Union, however they may differ as to the mode of administering the Government, and the measures most likely to be successful in the maintainance of the Constitution, and the restoration of the Union, should not be thrown into conflict with each other— The arrest, unusual trial, and banishment of Mr Vallandigham have created wide spread and alarming disaffection among the people of the State, — not only endangering the harmony of the friends of the Constitution and the Union and tending to disturb the peace and tranquility of the State; but also impairing that confidence in the fidelity of your Administration to the great landmarks of free Government essential to a peaceful and successful enforcement of the laws in Ohio.
You are reported to have used in a public communication on this subject, the following language “It gave me pain when I learned that Mr Vallandigham had been arrested — that is I was pained that there should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting him, and that it will afford me great pleasure to discharge him so soon as I can by any means beleive the public safety will not suffer by it—
Collected Works, VI: 260ff. A draft of the letter is in this collection.
The Undersigned assure your Excellency from our personal knowledge of the feelings of the people of Ohio, that the public safety will be far more endangered by continuing Mr Vallandigham in exile than by releasing him— It may be true that persons differing from him in political views may be found in Ohio, and elsewhere who will express a different opinion: But they are certainly mistaken. Mr Vallandigham may differ with the President and even some of his own political party as to the true & most effectual means of maintaining the Constitution and restoring the Union; but this difference of opinion does not prove him to be unfaithful to his duties as an American Citizen.
If a man devotedly attached to the Constitution and the Union, conscientiously beleives that from the inherent nature of the federal Compact, the war in the present condition of things in this Country cannot be used as a means of restoring the Union; or that a war to subjugate a part of the States; — or a war to revolutionize the social system in a part of the States, could not restore, — but would inevitably result in the final distruction of both the Constitution and the Union, is he not to be allowed the right of an American Citizen to appeal to the judgment of the people, for a change of policy, by the Constitutional remedy of the ballot box?
During the war with Mexico many of the political opponents of the Administration, then in power, thought it their duty to denounce and oppose the war to urge before the people of the Country, that it was unjust & prosecuted for unholy purposes, with equal reason it might have been said of them, that their discussions before the people were calculated to discourage enlistments, to prevent the raising of troops & to induce desertions from the army & leave the Government without an adequate Military force to carry on the war. If the freedom of speech and of the press, are to be suspended in time of war, then the essential elements of popular government to effect a change of policy in the Constitutional mode, is at an end—
The freedom of speech and of the press are indispensable & necessarily incident to the nature of popular government itself,
If any inconvenience or evils arise from their exercise, they are unavoidable.
On this subject you are reported to have said further — “It is asserted in substance that Mr Vallandigham was by a Military Commander, seized and tried for no other reason than words — In answer to this addressed to a public meeting in criticism of the Course of the Administration and in Condemnation of the Military orders of the General”— Now if there be no mistake about this; if this assertion be is the truth, and the whole truth; if there was no other reason for the arrest, then I concede that the arrest was wrong. But the arrest, I understand, was made for a very different reason — Mr Vallandigham avows his hostility to the war on the part of the Union; and his arrest was made because he was laboring with some effect to prevent, the raising of troops, to encourage desertions from the army, and to leave the rebellion without an adequate Military force to suppress it. He was not arrested because he was damaging the political prospects of the Administration or the personal interests of the Commanding General, but because he was damaging the army, upon the existence and vigor of which the Nation life of the nation depends. He was warring upon the Military and this gave the Military Constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr Vallandigham was not damaging the Military power of the Country, then his arrest was made on mistake of fact, which I would be glad to correct, on reasonably satisfactory evidence
In answer to this permit us to say first that neither the charge nor the specifications in support of the charge on which Mr Vallandigham was tried, impute to him; the act of either laboring to prevent the raising of troops or to encourage desertions from the army—
Secondly, no evidence on the trial was offered with a view to support, or even tended to support any such charge—
In what instance and by what act, did he either discourage enlistments or encourage desertions in the Army? Who is the man who was discouraged from enlisting & who encouraged to desert by any act of Mr Vallandigham?
If it be assumed that perchance, some person might have been discouraged from enlisting or that some person might have been encouraged to desert on account of hearing of Mr V's views as to the policy of the war as a means of restoring the Union, would that have laid the foundation for his conviction & banishment?
If so upon the same grounds every political opponent of the Mexican War might have been convicted & banished from the Country— When Gentlemen of high standing & extensive influence including your Excellency opposed, in discussions before the people, the policy of the Mexican War, were they “warring upon the Military” & did “this give the Military Constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands upon them”—?
And finally the charge in the specifications upon which Mr V. was tried entitled him to a trial before the Civil tribunals according to the express provisions of the late acts of Congress approved by yourself July 17th ‘62 and March 3d ‘63, which were manifestly designed to supercede all necessity or pretexts for arbitrary Military arrests See United States Statutes
The undersigned are unable to agree with you in the opinion you have expressed that the Constitution is different in time of insurrection or invasion from what it is, in time of peace & public security— The Constitution provides for no limitations upon, or exceptions to the guaranties of personal liberty, except as to the writ of habeas Corpus— Has the President at the time of invasion or insurrection the right to engraft limitations or exceptions upon these Constitutional guaranties whenever in his judgment the public safety requires it— True it is, the article of the Constitution which defines the various powers delegated to Congress, declares that “the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus, shall not be suspended unless, when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it”— But this qualification or limitation upon this restriction upon the powers of Congress has no reference to, or Connection with the other Constitutional guaranties of personal liberty— Expunge from the Constitution this limitation upon the power of the Congress to suspend the writ of habeas Corpus and yet the other guaranties of personal liberty would remain unchanged. Although a man might not have a Constitutional right to have an immediate investigation made as to the legality of his arrest upon the habeas Corpus, yet his right to a speedy & public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been Committed will not be altered; neither will his right to the exemption from “Cruel and unusual punishments”, — nor his right to be secure in his person, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable seizures and searches; nor his right not to be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of of law; nor his right not to be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous offence, unless on presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, be in any wise changed. And certainly restriction upon the power of Congress to suspend the writ of habeas Corpus in time of insurrection or invasion, could not affect the guaranty that the freedom of speech and of the press, shall not be abridged— It is sometimes urged that the proceedings in the Civil tribunals of are too tardy, and ineffective for cases arising in times of insurrection or invasion— It is a full reply to this, to say, that arrests by Civil process may be equally as expeditious and effective as arrests by military orders— True a summary trial and punishment, is not allowed in Civil Courts— But if the offender be under arrest & imprisoned, and not entitled to a discharge on writ of habeas Corpus before trial, what more can be required for the purposes of the Government. The idea that all the Constitutional guaranties of personal liberty are suspended throughout the Country at a time of insurrection or invasion in any part of it, places us upon a sea of uncertainty; and subjects the life liberty & property of every Citizen to the mere will of a Military Commander or what he may say that he considers the public safety requires— Does your Excellency wish to have it understood that you hold, that the rights of every man throughout this vast Country are subject to be annulled whenever you may say that you consider the public safety requires it, in time of insurrection or invasion?
You are further reported as having said that the Constitutional guaranties of personal liberty have “no application to the present case we have in hand, because the arrests complained of were not made for treason — that is not for the treason defined in the Constitution, and upon the Conviction of which the punishment is death; nor yet were they made to hold persons to answer for any Capital or otherwise infamous Crime; nor were the proceedings following, in any Constitutional or legal sense, Criminal prosecutions” The arrests were made on totally different grounds, and the proceedings following accorded with the grounds of the arrests” &c.
The Conclusion to be drawn from this position of your Excellency is that where a man is liable to a “Criminal prosecution”, or is charged with a crime known to the laws of the land he is clothed with all the Constitutional guaranties for his — safety and security from wrong, and injustice; but that, where he is not liable to a “Criminal prosecution” or charged with any crime known to the laws, if the President or any Military Commander shall say that he considers that the public safety requires it, this man may be put outside of the pale of guaranties of the Constitutional guaranties, and arrested without charge of crime, — imprisoned without knowing what for; and any length of time; or be tried before a Court Martial and sentenced to any kind of punishment, unknown to the laws of the land, which the President or the Military Commander may see proper to impose— Did the Constitution intend to throw the shield of its securities around the man liable to be charged with treason as defined by it, and yet leave the man not liable to any such charge unprotected by the safeguards of personal liberty and personal security? Can a man not in the Military or naval service, nor within the field of the operations of the army be arrested, and imprisoned without any law of the land to authorize it? Can a man thus in Civil life?, be punished without any law defining the offence and prescribing the punishment? If the President or a Court Martial may prescribe one kind of punishment unauthorized by law — Why not any other kind?
Banishment is an unusual punishment and unknown to the our laws— If the President has the right to prescribe the punishment of banishment, — Why not that of death and Confiscation of property? If the President had the right to change the punishment prescribed by the Court Martial, from imprisonment to banishment — Why not from imprisonment to torture upon the rack, or execution upon the gibbet? If an indefinable kind of constructive treason is to be introduced and engrafted upon the Constitution unknown to the laws of the land, and subject to the will of the President, whenever an insurrection or invasion may shall occur in any part of this vast Country, what safety or security will be left for the liberties of the people— The Constructive treason that gave the friends of freedom so many years of toil and trouble in England were nothing inconsiderable compared to this— The precedents which you make, will become a part of the Constitution for your Sucessors if Sanctioned and acquiesced in by the people now
The people of this Country Ohio, are willing to Co-operate zealously with you in every effort warranted by the Constitution to restore the Union of the States, but they cannot consent to abandon those fundamental principles of Civil liberty, which are essential to their existence as a free people— In their name we ask, — that by a revocation of the order of his banishment, Mr Vallandigham, may be restored to the enjoyment of those rights of which they beleive, he has been unconstitutionally deprived,
We have the honor to be respectfully Yours &c,
M. Birchard. Chairman — 19. Dist
David A. Houk, Secy., 3d Dist.
Geo. Bliss 14th Dist.
T. W. Bartley 8th Dist.
W J Gordon, 18th Dist.
Jno. O'Neill 13th Dist.
C. A. White 6th Dist.
W. E. Finck. 12th Disct
Alexander Long — 2d Dist
J. W. White 16th Dist.
Geo. H. Pendleton 1st Dist
Geo. L. Converse. 7th dist.
Warren P. Noble 9th Dist
Jas R. Morris 15th Dist
W. A. Hutchins 11th Dist
Abner L. Backus 10th Dist
J. F. McKinney. 4th Dist.
F. C. Le Blond 5th Dist.
Louis Schaefer. 17th Dist.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Vallandigham Committee
[Endorsed on Envelope by John G. Nicolay:]
Also Answer to Corning Letter
From Joseph Hooker to Henry W. Halleck, June 27, 1863
Received at 3. PM—
In Cipher—
Sandy Hook
June 27, 1863—
My original instructions require me to cover Harper's Ferry and Washington. I have now imposed upon me, in addition, an enemy in my front of more than my number. I beg to be understood, respectfully but firmly, that I am unable to comply with this condition with the means at my disposal, and Earnestly request that I may at once be relieved from the position I occupy—
Official Records, Series I, Volume 27, Part I, 55-61.
Joseph Hooker
Maj. Genl.
From Joseph Hooker to Henry W. Halleck, June 27, 1863
In Cipher
Recd 9 AM June 27.
Head Qrs A of P.
Poolesville Md
June 27. 1863.
Copy for President—
That there may be no misunderstanding as to my force I would respectfully state, that including the portions of Genl. Heintzelman's command & Genl. Schenck's
Of Gen Abercrombie's
I state these facts that there may not be Expected of me, more than I have material to do with.
Official Records, Series I, Volume 27, Part I, 55-61.
My Head Quarters at Frederick tonight.
Three Corps' at Middletown — one corps at Knoxville, two at Frederick & the remaining Infantry Corps' very near there, tonight—
Jos Hooker
Maj. Genl.
From Edwin M. Stanton to Abraham Lincoln, June 27, 1863
Washington City,
June 17 1863
Mr President
This morning before Cameron & Curtin's messages were received,the Governor of Pennsylvania. Notice has also been given to that effect to Generals Brooks & Couch
Official Records, Series I, Volume 27, Part III, 347 and 363-65.
Yours truly
Edwin M Stanton
From David Tod to Edwin M. Stanton [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 27, 1863
[Newspaper Clipping:]
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GOVERNOR TOD AND THE SECRETARY OF WAR AS TO THE PAY OF COLORED TROOPS.
The State of Ohio, Executive Department,
Columbus, June 27th, 1863.
For the Press.
To correct a misapprehension in the public mind as to the pay and allowance to be made colored troops, I ask you to publish the following telegraphic correspondence with the Secretary of War, viz:
Columbus, O., June 26, 1863.
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.:
The colored regiment is progressing handsomely. The men are expecting the usual pay and bounty allowed white soldiers — will they get it?
DAVID TOD, Governor.
[Answer.]
Washington, June 26, 1863.
Governor Tod:
A careful examination of the acts of Congress by the Solicitor of the War Department had led him to the conclusion that the Government can pay to colored troops only ten ($10) dollars per month and no bounty; a month's advanced pay will be authorized; colored troops must trust to State contributions and the justice of Congress at the next session. Upon this basis the organizations have been made elsewhere.
E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.
The friends of the policy of raising colored regiments have already made an appeal to the people of Ohio for voluntary contributions for the support of the families of colored men who may volunteer. This decision of the War Department renders it necessary to raise an additional sum, if the colored soldiers should have the same pay as the white. Upon this point, it is hoped there will be no difference of opinion. The colored soldier fills the place of a white man — his risks are as great, if not greater. He is credited to the State upon its quota, thus reducing the draft upon white men. He has proved himself to be a good soldier. Put him then upon an equality so far as dollars and cents are concerned.
Circular letters, with forms of subscription, have been sent to the several County Military Committees, thus affording a general opportunity for all to contribute to the fund.
The high character of Messrs. Dennison, Dorsey, Wright and Burr, (the committee selected to disburse the fund), for integrity and capacity, is a sure guarantee that not one dollar will be misappropriated. Remittances should be made directly to Dr. G. Volney Dorsey, State Treasurer. A full statement of the amounts received, from whom received, and how disbursed, shall be published to the world.
It can hardly be necessary to make any further appeal to the patriotic people of Ohio.
To enable me to speak with confidence to those inclined to volunteer, prompt action is indispensably necessary.
DAVID TOD,
Governor.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Proclamation / Gov. Tod
From Darius N. Couch to Abraham Lincoln, June 28, 1863
In Cipher
Recd 740 Pm
June 28. 1863.
Harrisburg Pa.
June 28. 1863.
They have not up to this time made any show of attack in force.
Collected Works, VI, 299.
D. N. Couch
Maj Genl.
From James Dixon to Abraham Lincoln, June 28, 1863
To the President,
If a true freind to the Country & to yourself, may venture to give an opinion, at this critical moment, I beg leave to do so.
With deference to your better judgment, I think the recall of Gen. McLellan
You believe him to be the ablest theoretical General in the Army. This I heard from your own lips after his final removal from the command. The Army has the utmost confidence in his ability, and would fight with renewed courage & ardor under his command. Recent events have done much to restore and strengthen the confidence of the Country in his generalship. His prudence & caution are now shown to have been necessary. The time has come for you to act with decision & energy. It is not even now too late to redeem the errors of the past. You know, and I know that those who have been most active & urgent in the work of destroying the confidence of the people in Gen. McLellan, had [reference?], in the beginning, not to his capacities but to his opinions. They abused him as bitterly when he had only been in command three months as now. They protested against his appointment in the first instance because he was not a Republican. This I have heard from the mouth of Senator Wade
The effort to destroy him has since that time been persistent & unceasing. But while it has in part succeeded, the people still confide trust him, & he is the idol of the Army.
I confide in your judgment. I may be wholly wrong — but with deference I say that in my judgment opinion General McLellan should at once be restored to the command of the Army of the Potomac.
In saying this I perform my duty.
I am Sir
With the highest respect,
Your friend,
James Dixon
Hartford Ct.
June 28. 1863
From George G. Meade to Henry W. Halleck, June 28, 1863
Received 10. A. M.
Frederick Md.
June 28, 1863
The order, placing me in Command of this army is received—
George G. Meade
Maj Gen—
From Robert H. Milroy to John P. Usher, June 28, 1863
Baltimore, June 28th 1863
My Dear Sir,
The enclosed communication will explain itself.
I have promptly obeyed every order & disobeyed none, Hallock & Hooker are guilty of the grossest blunder, negligence or incompetence in permitting Lee to withdraw his armey cross the Blue Ridge, be gone five days without notifying me of it or giving me any warning, & because I was not able to with our 6000 to whip 60.000 I am to be made the scape goat & sacrificed. No volunteer Genl. can have any justice with Hallock. You know how Sigel & Wallace
My friend I pray you again, help me speedily & if I live I will repay you some way.— My recent command is seperated Regts. & fragments of Regts. at Harpers Ferry & Regts. & fragments of Regts. at Bloody Run Bedford Co. Pa. where I left them day before yesterday evening. I ought to be alowed to unite them & lead them They will follow me & fight to the death but disheartened & scattered as they are under strange leaders in whom they have no confidence I fear they will not fight.— Quick help your friend till death
R. H. Milroy
M. G.
From Robert H. Milroy to Abraham Lincoln, June 28, 1863
Eutaw House
Baltimore Md June 28th 1863
Dear Sir
Privately and unofficially, & impelled by a deep sense of duty to my Country at this trying crisis; I appeal to you whom I know to be above prejudice & filled with the purest patriotism.
I had no order to evacuate Winchester, I was told to get ready — send off all surplus stores, & await further orders, which I did, myself and brother officers felt sure that Hooker would occupy the whole of Lee's army, & I felt entirely able for all the Rebel forces in the Valley, under Jenkins and Imboden.
The enemy being in resistless numbers in hearing, we dared not move a cannon or a wagon, but left quietly at 1 o'clock A. M. of the 17th inst. for Harpers Ferry or Heaven. Four miles out, I encountered a force 12000 strong with two batteries, strongly posted, After an hours desperate fighting, I cut my way through, but being hard pressed by overwhelming numbers, my forces got seperated, near two thousand went in with me to Harpers Ferry, & over three thousand went north west & crossed over into Pennsylvania, ballance not killed were captured. Such is a brief statement of facts.
I love my country & the Union dearer than life, and God knows that every faculty of my soul & body, has been devoted to its salvation since the beginning of the rebellion. I have never asked a leave of absence & have not been absent from my command a single day or night since the beginning of the war, until two days ago, I was suspended from command and placed in arrest by order of General Halleck, like a common fellon.
I may have erred in judgment in remaining too long at Winchester, under the supposition that Hooker would hold Lee or inform me if he came towards me, but without disobeying any order, or being guilty of any crime, I am deprived of command & made a prisoner. The crisis of my country's destiny is at hand and I am tied hand and foot, & not permitted to help her.
An Examination would clear me, & I would court & demand it, but there is no time for that now while the Enemy are sweeping north. Halleck hates me without cause as he does Sigel, with the blind unreasoning hatred of an Indian, & I can ask or expect nothing but injustice from him, and I respectfully ask you sir, as a friend of our country, to suspend my arrest if only temporarily, during the present terrible crisis, and give me something to do, if it is only the command of a company in active service, If permitted I would freely resign my present commission, & take any command, or go into the ranks as a private, rather than remain idle at this critical period.
After the crisis is passed, & my country is saved, Halleck may have me tried to his hearts content and hang me if he can
I am with great respect
Very truly Yours &c
From Robert C. Schenk to Abraham Lincoln, June 28, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 8.10 A. M. June 28th 1863,
From Head Qrs. Baltimore 8 A. M.
Dated, June 28th 1863.
I am very sorry that I can get no reply to my application for an appointment at large at the Naval Academy for the Son of my deceased Brother Lieut. Schenck who died in the service.—
Collected Works, VI, 299.
Robt. C. Schenck
Maj. Genl.
From John E. Thomson to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 28, 1863
Philadelphia June 28th 1863
Sir— The large pecuniary interest I represent will be my apology for troubling you with a few remarks upon a subject which I think worthy of your earnest and prompt consideration— It is the extraordinary apathy that pervades the public mind in relation to the Advance of Lees Army into Pennsylvania. This apathy cannot be explained by any want of appreciation of the mortification and sacrifices of honor that must ensue to its citizens, and the desolation that will follow the occupation of the State by the Rebels. These seem to have been duly considered— It is thought however that it arises from a decided impression among the reasoning portion of the masses, that nothing but disaster will attend the movements of the new troops, if they are to go into the field under any other Commander than McClellan. General Hooker may be the abler commander of the two, but the almost uninterupted disasters that have attended the movements of the Army of the Potomac, since Genl McClellan left it, has caused a conviction to the Contrary, too deep rooted to be easily overcome.
A Series of brilliant Victories under its present Commander would doubtless remove this feeling but these, if they are obtained, — and I trust they still will be, — would come too late for the present Emergency—
If the forces now defending the Susquehanna at Harrisburg, should prove inadequate to the task, I see no means of resisting the Onward March of the Rebels to this city; except through the agency of the Talismanic name of a Pennsylvania General, who has the undoubted confidence of her people, in his Military capacity— General Dana
Your Obedient Servant,
J. Edgar Thomson
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
John Edgar Thompson.
From Cornelius A. Walborn to Edwin M. Stanton 1, June 28, 1863
Received 1.20 P. M. June 28
Philadelphia
June 28, 1863.
While I was present at the outer depot of the Penna Rail Road a few moments since J. Edgar Thompson David Solomons a noted rebel sympathiser J. Haskins Dupuy Prest. Catawissa R. R & a Mr Davis were making arrangements to send Mr Davis to New York by the first train to request Majr. Gen. McClellan to resign his position and come to Phila and take military charge of things generally.
C. A. Walborn
P. M.
Awaiting a reply and send orders to Genl. Dana
From Abraham Lincoln to Matthew Birchard et al. [Draft] 1, June 29, 1863
Washington, D. C. June 28. 1863
Messrs M. Birchard
David A Houk
Geo. Bliss
T. W. Bartley
W. J. Gordon
Jno. O'Neill
C. A. White
W. E. Finck
Alexander Long
J. W White
Geo H. Pendleton
Geo L. Converse
Warren P. Noble
Jas. R. Morris
W. A Hutchins
Abner L. Backus
J. F. McKinney
F. C. Le Blond
Louis Schaefer
Gentlemen:
The resolutions of the Ohio Democratic Convention which you present me, together with your introductory and closing remarks, being in position and argument, mainly the same as the resolutions of the Democratic meeting at Albany, New-York, I refer you to my response to the latter, as meeting most of the points in the former.only desire no more than that it be used with accuracy— In a single reading of your remarks I only detected discovered one inaccuracy in matter which I suppose you took from that paper. It is when you say “The undersigned are unable to agree with you in the opinion you have expressed that the constitution is different in times of insurrection or invasion from what it is in time of peace & public security.” A recurence to the paper will show you that I have not expressed the opinion you suppose— I expressed the opinion that the constitution is different, in its application in cases of Rebellion or Invasion, involving the Public Safety, from what it is in times of profound peace and public security; and this opinion I adhere to, simply because, by the Constitution itself, things may be done in the one case which may not done in the other.
I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point; but I must respectfully assure you that you will find yourselves at fault should you ever seek for evidence to prove your assumption that I “opposed, in discussions before the people, the policy of the Mexican war”.
Collected Works, III, 16-17).
You say “Expunge from the constitution this limitation upon the power of Congress to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus, and yet the other guarranties of personal liberty would remain the same” unchanged” Doubless if this clause of the constitution, improperly called, as I think, a limitation upon the power of Congress, were expunged, the other guarranties would remain the same; but the question is, not how those guaranties would stand, with that clause out of the Constitution, but how they stand with that clause remaining in it, — in cases of Rebellion or Invasion, involving the public Safety— If the liberty could be indulged, of expunging that clause letter & spirit, I really think the Constitutional argument would be with you— My general view on this question was stated in the Albany response, and hence I do not state it now. I only add that, as seems to me, the benefit of the writ of Habeas Corpus, is the great means through which the guarranties of personal liberty are conserved, and made available in the last resort; and coroborative of this view, is the fact that Mr. V. in the very case in question, under the advice of able lawyers, saw not where else to go but to the Habeas Corpus— But by the Constitution the benefit of the writ of Habeas Corpus itself may be suspended when in cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.
You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that I may over-ride all the guarrantied rights of individuals, on the plea of conserving the public safety — when I may choose to say the public safety requires it— This question, divested of the phraseology calculated to represent me as struggling for an arbitrary personal prerogative, is either simply a question who shall decide, or an affirmation that nobody shall decide, what the public safety does require, in cases of Rebellion or Invasion— The constitution contemplates the question as likely to occur for decision, but it does not expressly declare who is to decide it. By necessary implication, when Rebellion or Invasion comes, the decision is to be made, from time to time; and I think the man whom, for the time, the people have, under the Constitution, made the Commander-in-Chief, of their Army and Navy, is the man who holds the power, and bears the responsibility of making it—. If he uses the power justly, the same people will probably justify him; if he uses it u abuses it, he is in their hands, to be dealt with by all the modes they have reserved to themselves in the Constitution—
The apparent earnestness with which you insist that persons can only, in times of rebellion, be lawfully dealt with, in accordance with the rules for criminal trials and punishments in times of peace, induces me to add a word to what I said on that point, in the Albany response. You claim that men may, if they choose, embarrass those whose duty it is, to combat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt with in turn, only as if there was no rebellion. The constitution itself rejects this view. The military arrests and detentions, which have been made, including those of Mr. V. which is are not different in principle from the others, have been for prevention, and not for punishment — as injunctions to stay injury, as proceedings to keep the peace — and hence, like proceedings in such cases, and for like reasons, they have not been accompanied with indictments, or trials by juries, nor, in a single case by any punishment whatever, beyond what is purely incidental to the prevention. The original sentence of imprisonment in Mr. V.'s case, was to prevent injury to the military service only, and the modification of it was made as a less disagle disagreeable mode to him, of securing the same prevention—
I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio in the case of Mr. V. Quite surely nothing of the sort was or is intended. I was wholly unaware that Mr. V. was a candidate for the democratic nomination of for Governor at the time of his arrest until informed by yourselves yesterday by reading the resolutions of the convention.
You claim, as I understand, that according to my own position in the Albany response, Mr. V. should be released; and this because, as you claim, he has not damaged the military service, by discouraging Enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise; and that if he had, he should have been turned over to the civil authorities under recent acts of congress. I certainly do not know that Mr. V. has specifically, and by direct language, advised against Enlistments, and in favor of desertion, and resistance to drafting; We all know that combinations, armed in some instances, to resist the arrest of deserters, began several months ago; and that more recently the like has appeared in resistance to the enrolment preparatory to a draft; and that quite a number of arrests assassinations have occurred from the same animus. These had to be met by military force, and this again has led to bloodshed and death. And now under a sense of responsibility more weighty and enduring than any which is merely official, I solemnly declare my belief that this military hindrance, of the military, including maiming and murder, is due to the course in which Mr. V. has been engaged, in a greater degree than to any other cause; and is due to him personally, in a greater degree than to to any other one man. These things have been notorious, known to all, and of course known to Mr. V. Perhaps I would not be wrong to say they originated with his special friends and admirers.hereants. With perfect knowledge of them, he has frequently, if not constantly made speeches, in Congress, and before popular assemblies; and if it can be shown that, with these things staring him, in the face, he has ever uttered a word of rebuke, or counsel against them, it will be a fact greatly in his favor with me, and one of which, as yet I am totally ignorant. When it is known that that the whole burthen of his speeches has been to stir up men against the prossecution of the war, and that in the midst of resistance to it, he has not been known, in any instance, to counsel against such resistance, it is next to impossible to repel the inference that he has counselled directly in favor of it— With all this before their eyes the convention you represented have nominated Mr. V. for Governor of Ohio; and both they and you, have declared the purpose to sustain the national Union by all constitutional means. But, of course, they and you, in common, reserve to yourselves to decide what are constitutional means; and, unlike the Albany meeting, you omit to state, or intimate, that in your opinion, an army is a constitutional means of saving the Union against a rebellion: or even to intimate that you have any knowledge that there is are conscious of an existing rebellion progressing being in progress with the avowed object of destroying that very Union. At the same time your nominee for Governor, and in whose behalf you appeal, is known to you, and to the world, to declare against the use of an army to suppress the rebellion. Your own attitude, therefore, encourages desertion, resistance to the draft and the like, because it teaches those who incline to desert, and to escape the draft, to believe it is your purpose to protect them, and to hope that you will become strong enough to do so. After a short personal intercourse with you gentlemen of the Committee, I can not say I think you desire this effect to follow your attitude; but I assure you that both friends and enemies of the Union look upon it in this light. It is a substantial hope, and by consequence, a real strength to the enemy— If it is a false hope, and one which you would willingly dispel, I will make the way exceedingly easy— I send you duplicates of this letter, in order that you, or a majority of you, may if you choose, indorse your names upon one of them, and return it thus indorsed to me, with the understanding that you those signing, are thereby committed to the following propositions, and to nothing else.
1 That there is now a rebellion in the United States, the object and tendency of which is to destroy the national Union; and that in your opinion, an army is a and navy are Constitutional means for suppressing that rebellion—
2. That no one of you will do any thing which in his own judgment, will tend to hinder the increase, or favor the decrease, or lessen the efficiency of the army or navy, while engaged in the effort to suppress that rebellion; and,
3. That each of you will, in his sphere, do all he can to have the officers, soldiers, and seamen of the army and navy, while engaged in the effort to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, clad, and otherwise well provided and supported—
And with the further understanding that upon receiving the letter and names thus indorsed, I will cause them to be published, which publication shall be ipso facto within itself, a revocation of the order banishing in relation to Mr. V.
It will not escape observation that I consent to the release of Mr. V. upon terms, not embracing any pledge from him, or from others as to what he will, or will not do. I do this because he is not present to speak for himself, or to authorize others to speak for him; and because I should expect that on his returning, he would not put himself practically in antagonism with the position of his friends— But I do it chiefly because I thereby secure preval on other influential gentlemen of Ohio to so define their position, as to be worth many thousands of men of immense value to the Army — thus more than compensating for the consequences of any mistake of in allowing Mr. V. to return; and so that, on the whole, the public safety will not have suffered by it. Still, in regard to Mr. V. and all others, I must hereafter as heretofore, do so much as the public safety may seem to require—-
From Abraham Lincoln to William Kellogg [Copy] 1, June 29, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 294.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, June 29, 1863.
My dear Sir:
I have received, and read, your pencil note. I think you do not know how embarrassing your request is— Few things are so troublesome to the government as the fierceness with which the profits of trading in cotten are sought— The temptation is so great that nearly every body wishes to be in it; and when in, the question of profit controls all, regardless of whether the cotten seller is loyal or rebel, or whether he is paid in corn-meal or gun-powder— The officers of the army, in numerous intances, are believed to connive and share the profits, and thus the army itself is diverted from fighting the rebels to speculating in cotten; and steam-boats and wagons in the pay of the government, are set to gathering and carrying cotten, and the soldiers to loading cotten-trains and guarding them— The matter deeply affects the Treasury and War Departments, and has been discussed again and again in the Cabinet— What can, and what can not be done, has, for the time been settled,
Collected Works, VI, 157, 159-60.
Yours as ever
A. Lincoln
From Abraham Lincoln to Robert H. Milroy [In John G. Nicolay's Hand] 1, June 29, 1863
Private
Executive Mansion
Washington June 29, 1863.
My Dear Sir:
Your letters to Mr Blairprima facie, the fault is upon you; and while that remains unchanged, for me to put you in command again, is to justly subject me to the charge of having put you there on purpose to have you lose another. If I knew facts sufficient to satisfy me that you were not in fault, or error, the case would be different, but the facts I do know, while they are not at all conclusive, and I hope they may never prove so, tend the other way.
Collected Works, VI, 309n.
First, I have scarcely seen anything from you at any time, that did not contain imputations against your superiors, and a chafing against acting the part they had assigned you. You have constantly urged the idea that you were persecuted because you did not come from West Point, and you repeat it in these letters. This, my dear General is I fear, the rock on which you have split.
In the Winchester case you were under General Schenck
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
To Gen. Milroy—
June 29. 1863.
From Francis P. Blair Jr. to Montgomery Blair [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, June 29, 1863
Dear Judge
This is to introduce Genl. Chas E Hovey of Illinois who formerly held an commission appointment as Brig Genl from the President but was not confirmed by the Senate. The ground upon which he was rejected was his alledged speculations in cotton. Some vile calumnies were published against him at the instigation of old Curtis
I have felt great mortification & regret that an officer distinguished for courage, gentlemanly bearing and his thorough devotion to the country & the administration should have been stricken down by such a contemptible old intriguer as Curtis and I hope that if you can be of service to him you will see every effort to obtain his reappointment from the President,
Genl. Hovey will tell you frankly that at a time when such a course appeared to be authorized by the Govt he purchased a small amount of cotton but that in fact he acted under the orders of Curtis in these particular transactions which have been made to bear hardest upon him and that he was in no measure or form interested in the cotton which he seized & which was actually turned over & sold for the benefit of the U S. Govmt.
Hovey will give you all the news from Vicksburg & will tell you that I very fat, smug & confident of results & that I believe in everything except the Army of the Potomac
Yours affec
Frank P Blair Jr
Walnut Hills
June 29. ‘63
P. S. Steelewinter spring on behalf of Hovey which unfortunately he has lost. Sherman is about on the Big Black and Hovey cannot see him to procure another letter, but I know that he regards Hovey as a most valuable officer and will do anything he can to assist him— I have heard him express himself most explicitly on this point & I can vouch for the warmth of his support of Hovey
Genl. Steele will write you a letter about Hovey— He has known & served with him longer than I have & during the very period when these transactions are said to have occurred. I do not believe there is an officer in this army who is acquainted with Hovey who would not feel gratified at his reappointment
Yours
Frank P. Blair Jr
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Hovey, peculiar.
From Simon Cameron to Abraham Lincoln, June 29, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 840 PM. June 29th 1863,
From Harrisburg
Dated, June 29 1863.
We have reliable and undoubted information from three distinct sources that General Lee now has nearly if not quite one hundred thousand (100000) men between Chambersburg on the Upper side of South Mountain and Gettysburg on the East side of the Mountain and the Susquehanna River— His columns at present extend from Shippensburg to near Harrisburg & from Gettysburg to near Columbia— They have over two hundred fifty (250) pieces of Artillery by actual count— Within the next forty eight 48 hours Lee will cross the Susquehanna River unless Genl Meade strikes his columns tomorrow & compels him to concentrate his forces west of the Susquehanna for a General Battle— Let me impress on you the absolute necessity of action by Meade tomorrow even if attended with great risk because if Lee gets his Army across the Susquehanna and puts our armies on the defensive at that time you will readily comprehend the disastrous results that must follow to the Country
Simon Cameron
From William Kellogg to Abraham Lincoln, [June 29, 1863]
Mr President
Sir
The reply of Mr Chase to me on reading your notewrong in this— I do think the administration should grant me thus much.
Collected Works, VI, 294.
I do not know of any consideration that would induce me again to ask a favour of Mr Chase— If I can not get this of the Commander in Chief — of the Armies — I can not get it at all I dislike to trouble you but will ask you to consider the matter
Your Obt Sevt
W Kellogg
If this can not be done, will the Govt permit certain persons loyal men who have raised and own Cotton who may be named to ship themselves their Cotton to St Louis or other points— This would answer my purpose
yrs truly &c
Kellogg
Can I call — or will you
From William Kellogg to Abraham Lincoln, [June 29, 1863]
Mr Prest
I wrote you a note by Mr Nicolay
Wm Kellogg
From William H. Ludlow to Edwin M. Stanton 1, June 29, 1863
Received 8.30 P. M. June 29
Fort Monroe
June 29, 1863
I am making every effort for release of Richardson & Browne.
Tribune who had been captured near Vicksburg. As of December 1864, Browne and Richardson were still imprisoned at Richmond. For Lincoln's letter to Ludlow, see Collected Works, VI, 241.
My first application was refused peremptorily— I have made another, The result of which I shall know & report on the return of the flag of truce boat from City Point on Thursday. They are held in retaliation for citizens arrested & held by us. This is the assigned reason the real reason I believe to be that they are connected with the Tribune and are held to annoy.
Wm. H. Ludlow
From Joel Parker to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 29, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 555 PM. June 29 1863,
From Trenton Ex Chamber
Dated June 29 1863.
The people of New Jersey are apprehensive that the invasion of the enemy may extend to her soil We think that the enemy should be driven from Penna. There is now certainly great apathy under such fearful circumstances that apathy should be removed the people of New Jersey want McClellan at the head of the Army of the Potomac If that cannot be done then we ask that he may be put at the head of the New Jersey New York & Penna troops now in Penna defending these middle states from invasion If either appointment be made the people will rise enmasse I feel it my duty respectfully to communicate this state of feeling to you
Collected Works, VI, 311-12.
Joel Parker
From Montgomery Blair to Abraham Lincoln, June 30, 1863
Dear Sir
I had been under the impression that the force under Dixsaid can not withhold from you the expression of my convictions to that effect— Richmond at this moment is no scarcely of more importance than Alexandria— If Seperated from the Rebel army which has [only] alone constitutes the power of the Confederacy & our efforts should be devoted exclusively to capture & destroy that Army— Richmond & all the rest of the Confederacy will be at our disposal if we accomplished this— It is probably attainable with the force now under Meade,
M Blair
Washington June 30. 63
From Darius N. Couch to Abraham Lincoln, June 30, 1863
Recd in cipher
12 Midnight
Harrisburg PA
June 30 1863
9 PM
The rebel Infantry force left Carlisle early this morning on the Baltimore pike—
Collected Works, VI, 310.
D N Couch
M Genl
From William C. Goodloe to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 30, 1863
Lexington Ky June 30th 1863
Sir
It is known to you that the disloyal portion of the citizens of Ky have organized a provisional Government, had the state admitted into the Southern Confederacy, have a full representation in the Confederate Congress, and an army in the field maintaining their position and have had military possession of more or less of the State for the past two years The loyal portion of the State will attempt to hold their regular Election for the selection of Govenor & members of Congress and members of the State Legislature in August next. We are divided in opinion as to your policy in the conduct of the War The one party of which the Hon Chas A Wickliffe is the head favors the withholding of men or money for the prosecution of the War untill that policy is changed The other party of which Thos E [Bramlette?] is the head are for furnishing men and money untill the rebellion is crushed and then settling differences of policies. Shall these Rebels interfere in the domestic controversy amongst Union men I have asked Gen Burnsides
Very Respectfully
W C Goodloe
From David Hunter to Abraham Lincoln, June 30, 1863
Girard House,
Philadelphia,
June 30. 1863.
Dear Sir: I have been deeply mortified at your implied censure, in relieving me from the command of the Depart. of the South. I feel confident I have done my whole duty, and that your Excellency has been deceived with regard to my course. This is no time for recriminations, and I beg you will at once give me a command, where I can prove myself not unworthy of your confidence, or order a Court to investigate my whole conduct.
I have the honor to be,
Very Respecty
Your mo. ob. serv.
D: Hunter
Major Gen.
From William D. Kelley to Abraham Lincoln, June 30, 1863
Washington
June 30th 1863
My dear Sir
I have heard, since I saw you this morning, that an effort is making to induce you to put Genl McClellan at the head of affairs in Penna., and cannot leave without saying a word against such action
Who urges this measure, if a man of knowledge and discernment, is influenced by a sinister motive.
It would distress and dispirit the patriotic people upon whom you must rely — while it would not add one man beside the Genl and his Staff to your force.
His friends are peace men and would stay at home to make political capital by triumphing over the humiliation of your friends.
As a Pennsylvanian I beg you to resist this unwise and embarrassing suggestion let it be made by what ambitious man it may
Your sometimes troublesome but always
devoted friend
Wm D Kelley
From Joseph C. G. Kennedy to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 30, 1863
380 H St Washington.
June 30 1863.
Will the President permit me to suggest, inasmuch as it does not appear but that there seem to be possible contingencies rendering it at least doubtful whether he may with entire safety occupy at night his usual resting place, that my house is at the service of the President.
It is not to be presumed that he would be sought for at the residence of so humble an individual, in any case of emergency; and his Excellency may be assured of a cordial welcome where he may enjoy quiet and all immunity from intrusion.
I have the honor to be,
with unaffected respect
his Excellencys humble and
Obedient Servant.
Jos. C. G. Kennedy
From Joseph C. G. Kennedy to John G. Nicolay 1, June 30, 1863
380 H St bet 13 & 14 — June 30/63
My dear Mr Nicolay—
It seems to me that it might not be difficult for a few desperate rebels to land from a boat enter the White House & carry off the President or do him bodily harm, nor more precarious to attempt taking him from the Soldrs home—
Very truly your friend
Jos C G Kennedy