Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress. Transcribed and Annotated by the Lincoln Studies Center, Knox College. Galesburg, Illinois.

From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln

May 16, 1862

Washington, May 16. 1862.

My dear Sir,

Obliged to go to Philadelphia this afternoon I cannot confer with you as I wish in relation to the Military order of Maj. Gen. Hunter expanding the laws in his Department1

1 David Hunter, the commander of the Department of the South, issued General Orders No. 11 on May 9, 1862 that freed all the slaves in Georgia, Florida and South Carolina. On May 19 Lincoln issued a proclamation that revoked Hunter's emancipation order. A draft of Lincoln's proclamation is in this collection.

Of course I do not assume to judge of the Military necessity: but it seems to me of the highest importance, whether our relations at home or abroad be considered, that this order be not revoked. It has been made as a military measure to meet a military exigency, and should, in my judgment be suffered to stand upon the responsibility of the Commanding General who made it.

It will be cordially approved, I assume, by more than nine tenths of the people on whom you must rely for support of your Administration.

Pardon this brief & hurried note & believe

Most Cordially & respectfully Yours

S P Chase

From Reverdy Johnson to Abraham Lincoln

May 16, 1862

New York

16 May '62

My Dear Sir

Genl. Hunters proclamation, declaring all the slaves in Georgia, Florida & S. Carolina free, I have just seen.1 For Heavens sake, at once, repudiate it, & recall the officer. The reason he assigns to it is as absurd, as the inexpediancy, is glaring. Unless promptly corrected, it will serve the rebels, nicer than a dozen victories Devoted, as I hope you know, to the Union, I look on the policy thus inaugurated, if to be followed, as fatal to all our hopes. As far as I am able to collect opinion here, there is but one sentiment — disapprobation — & all, are looking with confident hope, to your arresting the treason at once—

A line from you, in confidence, to me at Albany, where I shall be all of next week, would be most thankfully recd —

Sincerely yr

Friend

Reverdy Johnson

From Hiram Ketchum to Abraham Lincoln

May 16, 1862

New York May 16. 1862

Sir. I have been a careful observer of your course as president of the United States; it has met my approbation, and received my hearty support. I am aware of your numerous and pressing engagements, and would not, therefore, inconsiderately intrude for a single moment upon your time, but in the exercise of my right and duty, as an American Citizen, I now address you.

I have read with deep regret the proclamation of Major Genl Hunter under date of May 9. 1862, in which he declares that the persons in the States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina heretofore held as Slaves are forever declared free.1 I will not attempt to reason on the subject of such a declaration but in my judgment this officer who made it should be instantly stripped of his command; there is no other way of making proper atonement to outraged law.

When this rebellion broke out the first and most imperative duty devolving upon the Government was its own preservation, that must be done — that was done. The acts which the Government have seen proper to adopt, in good faith, for its own preservation will undoubtedly be sustained by the American people. But when the rebellion is mastered, and there no longer exists a necessity for summary measures to support and preserve the Government, then the Constitution and laws, according to their letter and spirit, must be maintained. For it is too late to deny that obedience to law is absolutely essential to the preservation of liberty. It may well be that recent experience has shown that amendments of the fundamental law are necessary, but let these amendments be made in a constitutional way before they are acted upon

I Am Very Respectfully & truly

Yr. obt Servt & fellow Citizen

Hiram Ketchum

From Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln

May 16, 1862

C.12

Philadelphia, May 16. 1862.

Dear Sir,

When taking leave of you I forgot to state the address under which your farther orders will find me. It is care of Dr. Tiedemann 445 North 5th Str. Philadelphia.

Yesterdays papers brought the news of Gen. Hunters proclamation freeing the slaves in his Department.1 I am convinced it must and will come to this all over the Cotton states during the summer, and a month or two hence a proclamation like Hunters would be looked upon as the most rational thing in the world. At the present moment it is perhaps a little premature. The thing might have been practically done without being ostensibly proclaimed. At the same time I am persuaded, the people will readily acquiesce if you see fit to sustain Hunter in his act; and then the Administration must take its position with firmness and determination. Your personal influence upon public opinion is immense; you are perhaps not aware of the whole extent of your moral power. Thus, if you should see fit to justify and sustain the act as one commanded by local military necessity, there will not be a murmur against it a fortnight hence.

But if you should feel obliged to modify Hunters proclamation, I would entreat you to consider this: As our armies proceed farther South the force of circumstances will drive us into measures which were not in the original programme, but which necessity will oblige you to adopt. It seems to me of the greatest importance that the government make no public declarations of policy which might be likely to embarrass it in the future. In fact you can hardly tell at the present moment how far you will have to go six weeks hence. The best policy would be to avoid public declarations altogether. The arming of negroes and the liberation of those slaves who offer us aid and assistance are things which must and will inevitably be done; in fact they are being done, and it would perhaps be best boldly to tell the whole truth and to acknowledge the necessity — all of which is respectfully submitted.

In regard to my own affairs permit me to repeat what I said at our last interview; I shall receive with gratitude your orders whatever they may be, especially if you should find it possible to end this suspense without much farther loss of time.

Believe me, dear Sir, ever faithfully yours

C. Schurz

P. S. To-day I have heard Hunters proclamation quite extensively discussed and find that men who are not engaged in party-politics but wish to get done with the war in the shortest possible time receive it quite favorably.

C. S.

From John E. Wool to Edwin M. Stanton

May 16, 1862

Recd 230 PM

In cipher

Washington DC

May 16 62

Ft Monroe

I am here in command of the two 2 most important positions in the possession of the Federal Government If any disaster should befal Genl McClellan I am wholly unable with the force I have to defend these two 2 positions The calls made upon me by Genl McClellan to take care of his sick, wounded, and prisoners of every description take from me a considerable number of men. I have sent to Norfolk about eight thousand men and will send over another thousand making in all about nine thousand rank and file — with this force I have ten 10 pieces of light artillery. This force would be wholly inadequate to defend Norfolk in case Genl McClellan should be defeated. At the same time Newport News and Ft Monroe would be exposed to capture by a victorious Army — they having but three thousand men effective to defend both places— I want ten 10 Regiments and three hundred 300 horses to put myself in a condition to resist the force that might be brought against me in case of Gen McClellans defeat. It is said he intends to entrench his army some ten miles from the position occupied by the rebels ten miles in front of Richmond The horses I want are requisite for three 3 light or field Batteries

Jno E Wool

Maj Genl

From Thomas Corwin to A. C. Allen1

May 18, 1862

1 Allen was the U.S. consul at Minatitla, Mexico.

Copy Private

Mexico May 18th 1862

Dear Sir

Two days ago Plumb2 reached here with the two treaties ratified, and a dispatch saying the “President could suggest no plan by which aid could be given to Mexico. In the mean time my treaty of the 5th of April is by this time, before him, with the reasons which you carried with you. Since that events have transpired which make it conclusive, that if this treaty is not ratified, England & France will absorb Mexico, and we shall have less to do with it, than we have with the African Kingdom of Dahomy. A treaty with England has been celebrated here, giving one fourth of the eleven millions promised by us to secure British claims amounting now, under treaties, to about sixty seven millions. It is provided, that if our treaty is not ratified, that all the public lands and church property is given to England to be administered as in our treaty, by a board of two Englishmen and three Mexicans, so that England, having a mortgage on the commerce of all the Ports, and the entire internal resources of Mexico, owns it—

2 Edward L. Plumb was the former American minister to Mexico.

Who is so stupid as not to see what is to result to us of the United States, our trade from the time this takes place, will not be worth annually half a million— Tehuantepec will be given to England or France, Doblado told me yesterday that a French company had for several years wanted it, and he (in case our treaty is rejected) held it in reserve for England or France. If our treaty is ratified, we have a hold in the future of Mexico, by settling all her immense vacant lands with our people, and room enough in the tierra Caliente for two millions of free negroes, who could live in peace and honor with the only people of the white race known to us, who do, as you know, treat the black man and woman on a footing of perfect equality. Shufeldt3 is here, and has presented a plan for colonizing free blacks on the vacant lands on Tehuantepec. But this Government cannot contract now for any such purpose. She has mortgaged her vacant lands to the United States by our treaty, and if that is not ratified, then by her late treaty with England, these lands — all of them, are mortgaged to England. Now if our treaty is ratified, we save our foothold on Mexico, and her enduring friendship, and we secure a home for all the free negroes in the United States for twenty years to come— If not, we lose forever the friendship and commerce of Mexico, and we lose also the best chance ever presented of colonizing the free negroes, which if not sent somewhere will be a lasting plague to us. But with our hold on the public lands here, this great end can be attained with less expense by four to one, than effort made anywhere else, and then by losing Tehuantepec, we lose forever the control of the commerce of the east.

3 Robert W. Shufeldt, a career naval officer, was appointed consul general to Cuba in 1861.

It is possible that our government cannot see that this eleven millions, will be four times over expended, if we do indeed enter earnestly upon the very popular plan now proposed of colonizing our free blacks.— If England gets this mortgage, she must (by treaty already made) — if ours is rejected — she will make any territory we get of her or through her, cost us five times, as the price at which we could obtain it from the board under our treaty, and then, after all, Mexico is Europeanized, and not Americanized, — we shall have a powerful and ambitious, and envious neighbor on our frontier, which will lead to wars, costing in time to come, untold millions of treasure, and thousand upon thousand of lives. Surely this eleven millions which (if the treaty be ratified) will be raised quite as soon as we have to pay it, should not scare us away from the immense advantages this treaty gives us.

I shall see Shuffeldt in the morning, and know more about his arrangement (if any is attempted) in the way of Colonization.

Shufeldt has presented his petition to colonize the blacks in the Isthmus; it is refused by Doblado.

His reply is founded on the fact, that by treaty with us, all public lands are ours, and if our treaty is not ratified, then he is bound to give them in the same terms to England. In either event it is for the United States or the board of Commissioners, to say how these lands shall be disposed of, so that if our treaty is rejected, and we wish to colonize, twenty or one hundred thousand negroes, we must go to a board composed of two Englishmen and three Mexicans, the latter three, from our cutting off all friendship with Mexico, will be Englishmen to all intents and purposes, our commerce gone for fifty years, and the control of the trade of Asia forever under the control of England or France, for Tehuantepec goes too— Shufeldt has his eyes now open and declares he will go to Washington and urge the ratification of the treaty. If he comes you will not fail to confer with, and aid him.

Plumb came here against the treaty. If he continues so at Washington, you will know what the influence is and where it comes from.

My fixed opinion is that Sir Charles wishes our treaty to be rejected, if it is, England is Mexico— She will then gird us round by Canada on the North, and Mexico on the South, our commerce on this continent will not then be worth a Steam-boat.

I am amazed at the blindness of our people. Eleven millions of Dollars is all they seem to see, and this is regarded as a mere donation to Mexico, for which we get nothing. Well, I have done my duty, and the event will shew where the fatal error lies4

4 Lincoln submitted both treaties to the Senate on June 23, but they were not ratified. See Collected Works, V, 281-82.

Yours faithfully

Thos. Corwin

From James S. Wadsworth to Ward H. Lamon1

May 18, 1862

1 The following correspondence pertains to the difficulties that arose between Lamon and Wadsworth over the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law. As U. S. Marshal for the District of Columbia, Lamon tried to enforce the law and return fugitives to their owners. Wadsworth, an abolitionist, was appointed military governor of Washington in March 1862 and tried to aid fugitives by granting them military orders of protection. This conflict between the civil and military authorities was not resolved to the satisfaction of either of the two contending parties. In September 1862 Wadsworth was transferred to another command and his successor was instructed by Attorney General Bates to not interfere with the administration of the civil law.

Copy

Headquarters Military District of Washington

Washington DC

May 18. 1862

Sir.

I find you have in your custody three colored men viz: Samuel Anderson, Alfred Smith and Charles Davis, to whom we have given military protection, as we suppose for good reasons. Please retain these persons until their case can be properly investigated at these Head Quarters.

Respectfully,

Your ob Servt

Jas. S. Wadsworth.

Brig. Genl. & Mil Gov. D Ca.

J. E. Ellsworth

Capt. & A D. C.

(Copy)

Head Quarters Military District Washington D. C.

May 17th 1862.

Mr W. H. Scott and Mr Alfred Cridge will visit the district Jail, and ascertain whether there are any persons of Color, there confined who have been placed under military protection, if any such are found they will order them to be retained untill their cases can be properly investigated at these Head Quarters—

Jas S. Wadsworth

Brig: Genl & Military

Gvr D. C.

To the Jailer

In accordance with the above you will retain Samuel Anderson, and Charles Davis, and Alfred Smith.

Alfred Cridge

W H. Scott—

(True copies)

J. H. B.

Abraham Lincoln, Proclamation [Draft]1

May 19, 1862

1 The proclamation that Lincoln is drafting here was prompted by another proclamation, that of General David Hunter, which purported to free the slaves of Florida, Georgia and South Carolina. Lincoln felt that he had no choice but to publicly declare Hunter's proclamation void. Indeed he made this point clear in a note to Treasury Secretary Salmon Chase on May 17. Chase had urged that Lincoln not revoke Hunter's proclamation, but Lincoln responded that “No commanding general shall do such a thing, upon my responsibility, without consulting me.” See Chase to Lincoln, May 16, 1862, Collected Works, V, 219.

At the same time, Lincoln makes it clear here that emancipation, as a presidential prerogative, is very much on his mind, as he reminds the citizens of loyal slaveholding border states, and further, that the progress of the war insures that the end of slavery is probably inevitable. And later he expressed some regret for having repudiated Hunter, a man he considered a friend. “I valued him none the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men everywhere, could be free.” See Abraham Lincoln, Address to Border State Representatives, July 12, 1862.

By the President of the United States of America.

A Proclamation.2

2 This two-line heading is in an unknown secretarial hand; the remainder of the manuscript text before the deleted signature and date, is by Lincoln.

Whereas there appears in the public prints, what purports to be a proclamation, of Major General Hunter, in the words and figures following, towit:3

3 The proclamation, which follows, is from a newspaper clipping that has been pasted on the sheet.

[Attached Clipping:]

Headquarters Department of the South,

Hilton Head, S.C., May 9, 1862.

General Orders No. 11 —The three States of Georgia, Florida and South Carolina, comprising the military department of the south, having deliberately declared themselves no longer under the protection of the United States of America, and having taken up arms against the said United States, it becomes a military necessity to declare them under martial law. This was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862. Slavery and martial law in a free country are altogether incompatible; the persons in these three States — Georgia, Florida and South Carolina — heretofore held as slaves, are therefore declared forever free.DAVID HUNTER (Official)

Major General Commanding.

ED. W. SMITH, Acting Adjutant General4

4 Text of the newspaper clipping ends here.

And whereas the same is producing some excitement, and misunderstanding: therefore

I, Abraham Lincoln, president of the United States, proclaim and declare, that the government of the United States, had no knowledge, information, or belief, of an intention on the part of General Hunter to issue such a proclamation; nor has it yet, any authentic information that the document is genuine— And further, that neither General Hunter, nor any other commander, or person, has been expressly, or implicitly authorized by the Government of the United States, to make proclamations declaring the slaves of any State free; and that the supposed proclamation, now in question, whethether whether genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such declaration.

I further make known that whether it be competent for me, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the Slaves of any state or states, free, and whether at any time, in any case, it shall have become a necessity indispensable to the maintainance of the government, to exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I will permit to be decided for me by neither any, nor all of my military subordinates. can not feel justified in leaving to the decision of Commanders in the field. These are totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies and camps.

On the sixth day of March last, by a special message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution to be substantially as follows:5

5 The text of the proposed resolution that follows is from a newspaper clipping that has been pasted onto the sheet.

[Attached Clipping:]

Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system.6

6 Text of newspaper clipping ends here.

The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people most immediately interested in the subject matter. To the people of those states I now earnestly appeal— I do not argue. I beseech you to make the arguments for yourselves— The strong tendency to a total disruption of society in the South; is apparent— You can stay it; without your aid, possibly I can not. You can stay it without harming a hair of white or black.7 You can not if you would, be blind to the signs of the times— I beg of you on a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partizan politics— This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproach upon any— It plays acts not the pharisee. The change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything— Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it is now your high previlege to do— May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it.

7 The next two sentences are on a separate slip, intended for insertion in lieu of the stricken material.

Abraham Lincoln

May 19, 18628

8 The stricken signature and date are by Lincoln. What follows is in another hand.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

(Done at the City of Washington this nineteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-sixth

Abraham Lincoln.

By the President:

William H. Seward,

Secretary of State

From Anna Ella Carroll to Abraham Lincoln1

May 19, 1862

1 ID: Anna Ella Carroll was a native of Maryland who advised Lincoln on a wide variety of subjects, including military strategy and wrote pamphlets that defended the conduct of the Lincoln Administration. After the war, Carroll tried unsuccessfully to obtain financial compensation for the aid she rendered the government during the war.

May 19th, 1862

Mr President:

I am informed by the Hon Secretary of the Interior, that he has laid the proposals, for colonizing the free people of color, before you, for final decision.

I am not advised, what propositions have been made in addition to Mr Burns, but I presume, the claims of Liberia and Hayti, have been represented by their several advocates.

I have ever desired the prosperity of Liberia, but in my humble judgment; there are two reasons why it would not be advantageous to adopt it, as a government policy. The first, is, the expense of transportation, which is too great to be borne by our government, and not likely to be reduced within bounds, by the growth of the Colony.

The next, is, that experience has demonstrated the opposition of the negroes to leave this country for Africa; and this is so strong, that it is not probable, a large number could ever be induced to go there, without, compulsion.

To the selection of Hayti, there is, I think, two unsuperable objections.

First, the territory of that island, is too contracted, for the American element or material, out of which a mighty empire may be founded. Second — it has an arbitrary government, under European influences, hostile to the United States, and to free institutions; and will ever remain so.

In a limited emigration, to Hayti, a few shrewd, enterprising negroes would undoubtedly succeed, but this, they could only do, by sinking their Americanism, and becoming thoroughly European in their caste; while the majority of the emigrants, would be held only as laborers or producers, and not estimated, at all in the government or civilization of that island.

In other words, they would have no more chance for elevating their social and political position, than they now have, in the United States.

Tropical America, is free from the objections, to which, I have alluded. There, the territory is vast enough to found an empire for many millions, and the governments and people, interpose no barrier to the settlement and growth, of the negroes of this country.

It is the most advantageous, too, in point of economy, and the cost of transportation, now, so inconsiderable, will, from the increasing commerce of that country, necessarily, become more so.

No matter where a colony may be initiated in that country, the free colored population of the United States, will become the predominant and governing element in the future.

But, so low is the scale of civilization and so feeble are the governments, in that country, that, except, in British Honduras, there is no security, for life, liberty, and property; and hence it is, that I have in my previous communication, suggested that especial locality, for the founding of the infant colony.

There, the laws of colonization, and the perfect security of person and property, are such, that, our government would be subjected to no further expense in establishing a colony, than would be incurred, by a simple agency.

Whereas, in any other part of Tropical America, it would be necessary to afford civil and military protection to the emigrants, until the colony was fully established. This would not only involve a large cost to the government; but it might also, be questionable, whether our international relations, would permit us, to afford such protection, in a foreign country.

But, without it, the colony would fail, and the emigrants would resolve into anarchy, and relapse into semi-barbarism, just as the Jamaica negroes, now are, on the Isthmus of Panama, in New-Granada.

With high respect &c

Anna Ella Carroll.

From Hamilton R. Gamble to Abraham Lincoln

May 19, 1862

St Louis May 19th 1862.

Sir

You know that I have staked my all upon the maintenance of the authority of the Federal Government within the State of Missouri and the quiet submission of the State to the laws of the Union.

I think I have a right to expect that you will not allow me to be embarrassed in my endeavours to accomplish this result, by any hindrance which you can remove. You know that some years since a hostile feeling arose between the border inhabitants of Missouri & Kansas. Since the commencement of our present troubles this feeling has displayed itself on the part of troops raised in Kansas (ostensibly from the purpose of sustaining the General Government) by incursions into Missouri under the leadership of such brutes as Jennison;1 and by the perpetration of the most diabolical outrages. I have used all the influence I possessed to prevent any retaliation which might involve the friends of the Union in active hostility to those who carried the flag of my country however much they dishonored that flag.

1 Charles R. Jennison, a veteran of the bloody conflict between pro-slavery and anti-slavery forces in Kansas during the 1850s, was colonel of a Kansas cavalry regiment during the Civil War. Jennison and his men committed depredations in Missouri that made them hated throughout the state.

Recently I have received information that a man from Kansas was arrested in Missouri by several of our citizens upon an accusation of crime, and was taken before a civil magistrate for examination, and after examination was discharged by the magistrate and returned home. The next day a military force from Kansas came into Missouri, seized upon the citizens who had arrested the man and carried them off to Kansas.

Now Mr President you know that I cannot submit to any such invasion of the rights of the State Government without impairing very materially my power to control the disturbed and excitable population. The State Government as now organized is yet but an experiment, and it must be felt by the people to possess power to protect them before they will yield to it their confidence.

Gradually the popular mind is becoming calm, and throughout the largest portion of the State Courts of justice are regularly opened and the law is administered. Still there is a wide-spread feeling of disaffection which must have no encouragement given to it that can possibly be avoided. We are about to try the experiment of a general election in August and if we can pass through it successfully and without having to employ strong measures all will thereafter go well as we hope.

There is hazzard in the experiment, but it must be encountered at some time. It is the fact that we are to have an election that makes me the more anxious about border troubles.

Now Mr President I ask that you have strict orders given that no military force raised in Kansas great or small shall enter the State of Missouri without being expressly requested so to do by the General in Command in Missouri, and in order that the prohibition may appear to be impartial, I am perfectly willing that Missouri troops shall be prohibited from entering Kansas without like request.

It is in your power Sir to help us greatly in our attempt to pacify this State and as you have manifested your willingness to do so by giving us the material of war, I ask now that you aid us with moral influence.

Soldiers generally think that beating on the head is the best persuasive to peace. You and I know that it is often best to employ gentle means when the power to conquer is manifestly possessed.

I have the honor to be

Your Obt Servt

H. R. Gamble

From John G. Nicolay to John F. Lee

May 19, 1862

Washington, May 19, 1862.

Dear Sir

I learn that Capt. R. B. Hatch,1 Asst Q. M. Vols. who was released and ordered to duty by Gen. Halleck, has been again placed under arrest by Gen. Thomas, of the Western Dept. Will you be so kind as to furnish me a copy of the charges against him for this second arrest? Your obt Servt

1 Reuben B. Hatch, the brother of Ozias M. Hatch, was appointed a captain and assistant quartermaster of volunteers in August 1861. Despite charges of corruption, Hatch remained in the service until the end of the war.

Jno. G. Nicolay

Recd June 10/62

Mr. Nicolay

Dear Sir.

I know nothing of it, except what is here shown.

The report of the St. Louis commission charges Capt. Hatch with frauds & peculations. Genl. Meigs sent the report to me, & desired me to draw the charges on the matters referred to in the report. I could not, for want of the vouchers & necessary specifications. The report in effect, and expressly (I do not remember the terms) warns the Department to suspect fraud in any account presented by Capt Hatch. The It specifies however, I think, only two transactions of his.

This is all I have heard of the case, since my report to the President, on the very strong testimonials in favor of Capt Hatch from the State authorities of Illinois.

Very respectfully

J. F. Lee

J. Adv.

Genl Meigs

Have you the information? I know nothing, except the lumber matter at Chicago & the report you sent me of the examining commission at St. Louis.

J. F. Lee

Dr Sir.

I have seen no new charges— The secretary of War on hearing that Capt Hatch had been ordered on duty directed the Adjutant General to order his rearrest

M C Meigs

Qmr

From Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln

May 19, 1862

Philadelphia, May 19. 1862.

Dear Sir,

Your proclamation repudiating Gen. Hunters emancipation-manifesto, appeared in the papers of this city this morning and was of course quite generally discussed.1 Although nobody had a right to be disappointed, yet many seemed to be so, and among the more advanced members of our party there was again much talk about hesitation, pusillanimity etc. etc. Many others who would have been glad to see Hunter sustained were well pleased with the rest of the proclamation opening a prospect of future action in the same direction.

Permit me to give you my own humble opinion about the general situation which your proclamation has placed you in. Looking upon Hunters manifesto as premature and uncalled for especially as your message of the 6th of March2 had clearly indicated the policy you meant to follow, I was fully prepared for the step you have taken, and although you know well what way my sympathies run, I do not see how you could have acted otherwise, at least at the present moment; and I am especially glad that you have given no additional declaration of policy but reserved to yourself the use of your constitutional powers and prerogatives. At the same time there is one thing to be considered. You told me a week ago in the course of our confidential conversation, that you expected to be left without support at the next congressional elections by the Republican party as well as the democratic; by the latter, because you were too radical and by the former, because you were not radical enough It is indeed true, that misunderstandings between yourself and the Republicans may possibly arise. After you had explained your policy to me the other day I left you perfectly happy and contented, fully convinced that, in spite of appearances to the contrary, you were determined to use all your constitutional power to deliver this country of the great curse, and so I would receive all your acts and manifestations with the utmost confidence. But there are many who do not understand your policy as I do, or rather, there are probably few who do. The majority want to be confirmed in their faith from time to time, and for this purpose every declaration of a so called “conservative” policy on your part ought to have its offset in other manifestations which demonstrate that the principles in which the Republican party originated, are safe in your hands.

2 Lincoln had presented a proposal for gradual, compensated emancipation to Congress on March 6.

You remember what you told me about the answer you intended to give to the Maryland delegation if they should call upon you concerning the rendition of fugitive slaves. That answer given with emphatic firmness and made public would set the apprehensions of Republicans at rest.— Above all the arming of negroes in the Southern Department ought not to be stopped. In my opinion the policy of our commanding General there ought to be this: Let him declare that he knows but two classes of people there, loyal men and rebels; that the services of loyal men, if they are offered will be accepted according to the necessity of the case; that if the white men are hostile to us and the black men friendly, the services of the loyal black men will be employed, and that those, who have thus served the Government of the U. S. in fighting the rebels, cannot be reenslaved.— This would be right, it would be unobjectionable and at the same time effect all that is necessary.

Let me entreat you, not to recall Hunter; or if you think you cannot trust yourselves to his discretion, do not put a man of adverse opinions in his place. It would make a bad impression, and, I have no doubt, you can find military commanders with antislavery sentiments and more wisdom. I think we have every reason to spare the feelings of our friends just as much as those of our opponents.— I have been invited to deliver a speech here on political subjects, and I am inclined to do it. Have you anything particular that you want to have said to our friends? Knowing your policy I wish to serve you the best I can.— —

Is it not about time to relieve Eastern Tennessee? If you could give me 6000 men Infantry, 500 Cavalry and 2 or 3 batteries I would take Parson Brownlow3 along and sweep that country in a very short time. I am very, very anxious to be usefully employed, and a task like this which would require some boldness and rapid movements would be just the thing for me.

3 William G. Brownlow

Let me hope to hear from you soon.

Ever faithfully yours

C. Schurz

From John Taylor to Abraham Lincoln

May 19, 1862

Sir,

Your Proposition to buy up and enfranchise the Slaves of the Southern States, is creditable to your Humanity & honourable to your Policy. But there is no need to incur this enormous Expense. The Bible mentions all that is necessary to be done, in order to put an end to the Evils of Slavery.

Deut. 23, 16. “Thou shalt not deliver unto his Master the Servant which is escaped from his Master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee, ever among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates, were it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him.”— I may remark, that there is no word in the Bible for Slave distinct from Servant

The above passage is sufficient to put an End to all the Evils of Slavery. For if a Slave does not feel himself so much aggrieved as to make him desire to escape from his Master, he cannot be much injured— Many slaves are not dissatisfied with their Lot.— Leave them alone. But if any one is desirous of escaping from his Master, let him be assisted, according to the Word of God, in obtaining his Safety; — & provide for him a place to dwell in, “where it liketh him best.”—

As no Scripture is of any private (or peculiar) Interpretation, so the above passage is confirmed by another: 1 Sam. 30, 11-15— But in this instance it is the Master who has left his Slave to perish for want of Food. In no Case however is it right that the Slave should perish, or that he should be delivered up into the Hands of his master

I am, Sir,

your most obedt Servant

John Taylor

7 Leonard Place

Kensington, London

May 19, 1862

From Francis S. Corkran to Montgomery Blair

May 20, 1862

Baltimore, 5th Mo 19 20th. 1862

Esteemed friend,

I remarked to a friend this morning in my office, that I had learned more during the past twelve months, than I had in my whole previous lifetime; I had heard the sentiment advanced that a man could not be a politician and be honest — that deception, hypocrisy and a total disregard of the virtue which in any apprehension make the “true man” are allowable in the man of politics,— How differently men see things. I will take the case of our worthy President, the world accord to him an honest heart — his political friends, know that this judgement is correct and in addition to that, know him to be a “true man” now strip him of these acknowledged traits of character, and let him come under the ban of the political demagogue, and there would be many an aching heart in this community at this time — we feel safe because of the honest, upright, heart that throbs in his bosom. These reflections pass before my mind when I view the shifting shuffling course persued by men whom I could name in the confidence of the Govt — who are not worthy of it; and one of the lessons I have learned is this— Although I know this to be true I ought never to give unasked advice without some kind of assurance, that I enjoy the confidence of those I attempt to advise; When I visited the President some weeks since in reference to the complaints, constantly made by the Union men here, as to the “lenity” esteemed to the Rebels in our own midst by our Military Authorities; I had no sinister purpose to accomplish, no revenge to gratify, I reflected the opinions of the firm friends of the Govt; Men — upon whose shoulders rests the responsibility of pushing through the reccommendation of President Lincoln in regard to Emancipation in this state. Now on how on earth can this be done? How can such a gigantic work be accomplished in the face of such an opposition as we have arrayed against us here? The government is assisting, in frustrating its own plans, by keeping in position here, men who differ with it as to its policy— Millions of money are expended in this City in purchasing supplies for the army &c: — and I have done my best, to throw this patronage into the hands of Union men, and succeeded admirably — untill the President signed the “District Emancipation Bill”1 — followed by a recccommendation, to assist the “Border Slave States.” I venture to assert that there is not a single exception, but that every official I have reference to, pronounces the man an “Abolitionist” who dare second, the proposition of the President - their association being almost entirely “Secession” they are made to understand that Maryland sentiment is Southern; and has app no sympathy with Emancipation; consequently those who go in for Emancipation are “Abolitionist” and not worthy of the confidence of any gentleman — here thee sees the true friends of the Administration are ignored, and ignored because they wish to push forward the policy of the Administration.

1 On April 16, 1862, Lincoln signed a bill that provided for compensated emancipation in the District of Columbia.

I see no other chance than to act the “Philosopher” and take things as I find them; and though it forces me into rather a negative position — and of all the things in the world, take me away from a negative man — a man that is afraid to speak; afraid to act and thus allow his true position to be made known, is neither fit, for “King nor Country”

From present appearances, I think the convention to be held tomorrow night will be all right; In conversation with one of the leading spirits, P. G. Sauerwein — who was in my office this morning, I learn from him that everything looks well, towards taking a bold stand, for Emancipation — the quicker, the better, because in my opinion, nothing was ever wanting but a free discussion in this state, to secure its success; this has always been denied us — and as long as it is denied us, we will have up hill busness of it but when the masses are willing to hear, and reason, for themselves, the result cannot be doubtful, and when this event shall have taken place, when all who tread upon Maryland Soil, shall be freemen (and I would prefer, that they be white men) I think that I shall be willing, to utter the sentiment of good old Simeon “Now Lord lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes, have seen they salvation.”I see that I have got into the “Bible” therefore I had better stop.

thy friend

F S Corkran

From Francis P. Kenrick to Abraham Lincoln1

May 20, 1862

1 Kenrick was a Catholic bishop in Baltimore who supported the Union during the Civil War.

Sir

I have been informed that an order has been issued by Major General Fremont for the arrest of Right Revd. Richard Vincent Whelan, Bishop of Wheeling, on a charge of having spoken publicly and privately against the authority of the Government. Being intimately persuaded of the devoted attachment of this prelate to the General Constitution, and Government, I venture to address your Excellency, that no further action may be taken in the matter, until an opportunity be afforded him to explain any expressions which may have given occasion to so serious a charge. I have been assured that a statement originally published in a Richmond paper concerning an address by him to a mob demanding the erection of the U. S. flag on the Church, is purely fictitious. I trust, therefore, that he will be able to satisfy your Excellency of his loyalty, and be ready to qualify or retract any expressions which may appear rash or open to misinterpretation.2

2 On May 21, Lincoln instructed Stanton to suspend the order to arrest Bishop Whelan. See Official Records, Series II, Volume 3, 560.

I have the honor to remain,

Your Excellency's

Obedient Servant

Francis Patrick Kenrick

A. B.

Baltimore — May 20. 1862.

From John A. Dix to Abraham Lincoln

May 21, 1862

Baltimore, Md., 21. May 1862.

Sir: —

I have carefully examined and considered the paper, which you sent me.1 It has some truth, and a good deal of error. Prince George's County in this State has never been under my command. That it abounds in secessionists is well known. But it is impossible that any large number of Southerners should come into that County or any other in the State and remain concealed. I may say with some confidence that there are no depots of arms in the State, and that there are not in any one house or any one place in Baltimore or Maryland “5000 rifles” secreted — nor do I think there are 500.

1 Lincoln forwarded a letter to Dix on May 19 that alleged the existence of a secret organization of secessionists in Baltimore.

I do not think the hostility of the Secessionists proper is at all diminished by our recent successes. But they constitute a small minority in the State & City. I have heard rumors of meetings for treasonable purposes for a month past, but I have not been able to obtain any evidence that such meetings have been held. I do not believe in any concerted scheme here to rise up against the government. The secessionists, though secretly bitter in their animosity, have neither arms, organization nor courage. At the same time there is no doubt that any great success on the part of the insurgents or the appearance of a Confederate army on the Potomac would produce a very unpleasant state of things here by encouraging those, who sympathize with them, and by disheartening the Union men, some of whom I fear are loyal in proportion to their confidence in the strength of the government. But I believe I do them no more than justice when I say that a majority of the inhabitants of this City, and I think of the state are devoted to the Union and ready to stand by the government in all emergencies.

I will only add that no effort will be spared on my part to detect the supposed plot, and that I have taken measures to arrest one of the parties named in the paper you sent me. I have sent a detective, with secession papers, to board a few days in his neighborhood and watch him until I think it proper to take him into custody.—

I am, very respectfully,

Your obt. servt.

John A Dix

Maj. Genl.

From Alexander T. Stewart to Abraham Lincoln1

May 21, 1862

1 Stewart was a New York drygoods merchant who opened the largest retail store in the world in 1862. On her numerous shopping excursions to New York, Mrs. Lincoln purchased thousands of dollars in merchandise from Stewart.

Broadway & Chambers

May 21st 1862

My dear Sir.

I am impelled by a strong sense of duty to express my great satisfaction with your proclamation declaring void Genl. Hunter's supposed declaration as to the slaves of Georgia, Florida and South Carolina.2

2 David Hunter, the commander of the Department of the South, issued General Orders No. 11 on May 9, 1862 that freed all the slaves in Georgia, Florida and South Carolina. On May 19 Lincoln issued a proclamation that revoked Hunter's emancipation order. A draft of Lincoln's proclamation is in this collection.

Continue I pray you in your policy of maintaining the Constitution. It is our only rock of safety. A grateful Country will in return give you its approval, and its encreased confidence and love.

Most truly and sincerely

Your friend.

Alexander T. Stewart

From Edward Bates to Abraham Lincoln

May 22, 1862

A. G's Office

May 22d 1862

Sir,

Enclosed herewith, I send, for your information, two letters addressed to me by Generals Halleck & Sherman,1 respectively, in regard to a subject about which I have, perhaps already, too much troubled you — i.e. the extension by government of the S. W. branch of the Pacific Railroad, in Mo—

1 See Henry W. Halleck to Bates, May 8, 1862 and William T. Sherman to Bates, May 8, 1862.

In writing to Genl Halleck, I took the liberty to suggest my belief that, if he would ask it, as a proper military measure, it would be done; and I suppose that Mr Gibson2 suggested the same matter to him, orally. The General is a cautious & prudent man, and declined to take so great a responsibility, in a matter not strictly within his command— And, hence, you will see in his letter that he prefers to be rather the witness than the advocate of the measure.

2 Charles Gibson

If it were in my power, I would gladly take all the responsibility, confidently believing that the practical utility of the thing would make all men praise it, when once accomplished. As a military measure — and as such, it is not only necessary for the present, but must continue useful for years to come— I do not doubt that it is very economical, in the direct saving of time, labor & money, and that, without any hope of remuniration to the Government for its outlay. But there is good hope of full remuneration. I am confident that the R. R. Company will gladly consent to such terms as will ensure the government against the loss of a dollar of the money to be spent in building the road.3

3 On July 11, 1862, Lincoln signed an order to extend the railroad from Rolla to Springfield, but it was probably not issued. See Collected Works, V, 314-15.

Most respectfully

your obt servt

Edwd. Bates

From Carlton Chase to Abraham Lincoln

May 22, 1862

(Diocese of New Hampshire:)

Claremont, May 22. 1862.

Honored Sir,

I cannot longer restrain the expression of my grateful emotions as I contemplate the manner, in which you, under the divine providence, are shaping the destinies of this afflicted Country. God be praised, that such a man lives for us, — and that to our chief ruler in this momentous crisis are given such wisdom, and such moral and intellectual powers, as inpire us with confidence and hope. Of all men here, with scarcely an exception in any rank of life, you have now the perfect confidence. Thanksgiving for the good you are doing, and prayer for your health and safety enter into all the devotions of Christian people. Your Proclamation in relation to General Hunter's Order is regarded with unbounded satisfaction.1 Continue, honored Sir, to govern this nation as you have done, and history will not own a more glorious name than that, which, in a portion of our land, has been “the scorn of men and outcast of the people.”— And I remain, with most

profound respect, your obedient servant.

Carlton Chase, (Bishop of N. Hamp.)

From George W. Cullum to Abraham Lincoln

May 22, 1862

Camp before Corinth, Miss. May 22,. 1862

Dear Sir,

In a list of Brigadier Generals published in the newspapers, I find I am not included among those confirmed by the Senate. This very much surprises me, though I have wondered why I had not received my commission.

You are aware of my arduous services as the Aide-de-Camp of Lt. Gen. Scott, and that I continued faithfully to serve him till his retirement, though offered by the Sect'y of War a Brigadier Generallship long before. I preferred continuing on his staff believing I could, in that position, better serve the cause of our country than in any other way. Soon after, without any solicitation on my part, through your great kindness and high sense of justice, I was appointed a Brig. General and placed at the Head of Maj. Gen. Halleck's Staff, and made Chief Engineer of the Department under his command, in which double capacity I have since performed more laborious duties, far greater, more responsible, and of a much higher order than if I had commanded a Brigade or Division. During the eventful month of February and part of March, till my health was completely prostrated by over-work, I was commanding at Cairo, in Gen. Halleck's name, having to provide for the wants of the Army of Tennessee; to attend to the organization and subsistence of that sent to New Madrid; to guard, with feeble garrisons, Cairo and Paducah threatened by the rebels from Columbus; to provide for thousands of sick and wounded from Generals Grant and Pope's armies; to distribute the prisoners from Forts Henry & Donelson; to make, jointly with Flag Officer Foote,1 armed reconnaissances of Columbus, and finally to occupy the place; and to perform much other duty. Except a week, while engaged on the Mississippi in devising additional batteries and defenses at Cairo, Columbus, Island No. 10, New Madrid, &c, against the enemy's gun-boats which it was feared might ascend the river; I have been in the field with Gen. Halleck.

1 Andrew H. Foote

Why, with such a record, I should not promptly receive my confirmation is beyond my comprehension.— It has been suggested to me that it is because I am a Staff Officer. Certainly as such I have had most important duties to perform, while at the same time I have had command of the Volunteer Engineer Officers & Troops in General Halleck's Department.— Gen. Stoneman,2 Chief of Cavalry of the Army of the Potomac, Gen. Barry,3 of its Artillery and Gen. Barnard4 of its Engineers — all staff officers have been confirmed, as well as Gen. A. J. Smith,5 Chief of Cavalry, and Gen. Ketchum,6 Act'g Inspector General, of Gen. Halleck's staff.

Pardon my troubling you with this matter, but your uniform kindness emboldens me to take the liberty.

2 George Stoneman

3 William F. Barry

4 John G. Barnard

5 ID: Andrew J. Smith, a West Point graduate and career army officer, was appointed General Halleck's chief of cavalry in November 1861. Smith was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers in March 1862 and served in the Vicksburg and Red River campaigns. Smith was promoted to major general in May 1864 and saw action at Nashville and in the campaign at Mobile. Smith resigned his commission in 1869 and was reappointed to the army for one day in 1889 and retired with the rank of colonel.

6 ID: William S. Ketchum was a West Point graduate and career army officer who held a variety of administrative positions during the Civil War. Ketchum was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers in February 1862 and was made a colonel in the regular army in 1864. Ketchum retired from the army as a colonel in 1870.

Gen. Scott retired Nov. 1. 1861, when, as appears by the army register, I was “discharged from the service of the President of the United States”, as a Colonel and Aide-de-Camp, by which I was degraded from a Colonel to a Major, (the rank I held in the Corps of Engineers), till Nov. 12. 1861 when you made me a Brig. General. This loss of 12 days not only breaks my continuity of service, but caused me to lose rank, my junior Gen. Augur7 being placed above me. After your promises to Gen. Scott's staff, I feel that such could not have been your intention Could you not rectify it by nominating me to date from Nov. 1. 1861, when Gen. Scott retired, showing that it was for meritorious services on his staff, for which I should feel more than doubly honored

7 ID: Christopher C. Augur was a graduate of West Point and career army officer who spent the first few months of the Civil War as the commandant at West Point. Augur was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers in November 1861 and served under General Banks at Cedar Mountain and in the campaign against New Orleans. After the capture of Port Hudson in July 1863, Augur was given command of the 17th Corps and was commander of the Department of Washington until the end of the war. Augur retired from the army in 1885 as a brigadier general.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect

Your most Obdt. svt.

Geo. W. Cullum, Brig. Gen

Chief of Staff & Eng'rs

From George Montague Hicks to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1

May 22, 1862

1 This letter seems to have been a tactical error by Col. Hicks, for as Lincoln's endorsement makes clear, he found Hick's appeal very offensive.

Metropolitan Hotel Washington

22nd May 1862.

Sir.

On the 5th Inst. you granted an interview relative to my application for service in the Army of the Union. You were then pleased to write after reading General Wool's2 letter, in the presence and with the approval of the Secretary of State, the following order—

2 John E. Wool

“Re enquiry into this case I think it due to Lt. Colonel G. Montagu Hicks that he be appointed an Aide de Camp of General Wool with the rank of Colonel as upon his recommendation and assigned to General McDowell.3 Let it be done.”

3 Irvin McDowell

“A. Lincoln.

“May 5th 1862.”

This order the Secretary of War refuses to carry out, thus not only placing me in the position of inability to act on the instructions of the Commander in Chief, but also leaving the inference that the highest power in this country is not vested in its President.

Although gratefully impressed with your kind wishes to do me Justice, the interruption of the interview you granted me yesterday prevented my learning your decision— I therefore under the deep conviction that I have been grievously wronged respectfully ask what course I am to pursue in reference to the above named order, conscious that the Secretary of War can adduce nothing against my character, conduct or bearing, which should cause you to alter the views under which you have appointed me an Aide de Camp in the Union Army

I am Sir.

Your obedient Servant

Geo Montagu Hicks

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

This note, as Col. Hicks did verbally yesterday, attempts to excite me against the Secretary of War, and therein is offensive to me— My “order” as he is pleased to call it, is plainly no order at all.

A. Lincoln

May 22, 1862.

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Geo. Montagu Hicks.

From George B. McClellan to Abraham Lincoln

May 21, 1862

General

The telegram was recd here 5 A. m May 22d dated Head Quarters Army of Potomac May 21st 1862

Respectfully

A. E. H. Johnson

Time Received 5 AM

Hd Qrs A. P. 21

Your despatch of yesterday respecting our situation & the batteries at Fort Darling was recd while I was absent with the advance where I have also been all this day.1 I have communicated personally with Capt Goldsborough2 & by letter with Capt Smith. The vessels can do nothing without cooperation on land which I will not be in position to afford for several days. Circumstances must determine the propriety of a land attack. It rained again last night & rain on this soil soon makes the roads incredibly bad for army transportation I personally crossed the Chickahominy today at Bottoms bridge ford & went a mile beyond the enemy being about half a mile in front I have three regiments on the other bank guarding the rebuilding of the bridge Keyes3 corps is on the new Kent road near Bottoms Bridge, Heintzelman4 is on the same road within supporting distance Sumner5 is on the road connecting right with left. Stoneman with advanced guard is within one mile of New Bridge Franklin6 with two divisions is about two miles this side of Stonemans Porters7 division with the reserve of infantry & artillery is within supporting distance Hd Qrs will probably be at Coal Harbor tomorrow one mile this side of Franklins. All the bridges over the Chickahominy are destroyed. The enemy are in force on every road leading to Richmond within a mile or two west of the stream Their main is on the road from New Bridge encamped along it for four or five miles spreading over the open ground on both sides. Johnston's Hd Qrs are about two miles beyond the bridge all accounts report their numbers as greatly exceeding our own. The position of the Rebel forces the declarations of the Confederate authorities The resolutions of the Virginia legislature. The action of the City Govt The conduct of the citizens & all other sources of information assessable to me give positive assurance that our approach to Richmond involves a desperate battle between the opposing armies. All our divisions are moving towards the foe I shall advance steadily & carefully to attack them according to my best judgment & in such manner as to employ my greatest force. I regret the state of things as to Genl McDowells command we must beat the enemy in front of Richmond one division added to this army for that effort would do more to protect Washn than his whole force can possible do any where else in the field. The Rebels are concentrating from all points for the two battles at Richmond & Corinth. I would still most respectfully suggest the policy of our concentrating here by movements of water. I have heard nothing as to the probabilities of the contemplated junction of McDowells force with mine I have no idea when he can start what are his means of transportation or when he may be expected to reach this vicinity. I fear there is little hope that he can join me overland in time for the coming battle. Delays on my part will be dangerous I fear sickness and demoralization. This region is unhealthy for Northern men & unless kept moving I fear that our soldiers may become discouraged. At present our numbers are weakening from disease but the men remain in good heart. I regret also the configuration of the department of the Rappahannock it includes a portion even of the city of Richmond, I think that my own department should embrace the entire field of active military operations designed for the capture & occupation of that city. Again I agree with your Excellency that one bad Genl is better than two good ones I am not sure that I fully comprehend your orders of the 17th inst addressed to myself & Genl McDowell8 If a junction is effected before we occupy Richmond it must necessarily be east of the R R to Fredericksburg & within my department This fact my superior rank & the express language of the sixty second (62d) article of war will place his command under my orders unless it is otherwise specially directed by your Excellency & I consider that he will be under my command except that I am not to detach any portion of his forces or give any orders which can put him out of position to cover Washington. If I err in my construction I desire to be at once set right frankness compels me to say anxious as I am for an increase of force that the march of McDowells column upon Richmond by the shortest route will in my opinion uncover Washn as to any interposition by it as completely as its movement by water. The enemy cannot advance by Fredericksburg or Washington. Should they attempt a movement which to me seems entirely improbable their route would be by Gordonsville and Manassas. I desire that the extent of my authority over Genl McDowell may be clearly defined lest misunderstanding and conflictory views may produce some of those injurious results which a divided command has so often caused I would respectfully suggest that the danger can only be surely guarded against by explicitly placing Gen McDowell under my orders in the ordinary way & holding me strictly responsible for the closest observance of your instructions. I hope Mr President that it is not necessary for me to assure your that your directions would be observed in the utmost good faith & that I have no personal feelings which could influence me to disregard them in any particular I believe that there is a great struggle before this army but I am neither dismayed nor discouraged I wish to strengthen its force as much as I can but in any event I shall fight it with all the skill caution & determination that I possess & I trust that the result may either obtain for me the permanent confidence of my government or that it may close my career.9

1 For Lincoln's telegram to McClellan, see Collected Works, V, 224.

2 Louis M. Goldsborough

3 Erasmus D. Keyes

4 Samuel P. Heintzelman

5 Edwin V. Sumner

6 William B. Franklin

7 Fitz John Porter

8 For Lincoln's orders to McClellan and McDowell, see Collected Works, V, 219-220.

9 Lincoln replied that McClellan's understanding of the orders regarding General McDowell was correct. See Collected Works, V, 226.

Geo B. McClellan

From Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln

May 22, 1862

Philadelphia May 22.

1862.

Dear Sir,

I have now been waiting for your orders for over a week, and this delay shows me that it is difficult for you to arrive at a conclusion. I told you when we conversed about this matter that I did not want to embarrass you. I have received letters from Fremonts army which make me believe that my presence would be of great use there. I think it is best for you and me under existing circumstances that I should put an end to the difficulty by offering to join Fremont and to take my chance. The only favor I would ask is I should have permission to form my own staff and to have one or two most excellent foreign officers appointed as additional aids. You would, I trust, have the kindness to give me a letter to Gen. Fremont, recommending to him to form a division for me as soon as possible, and if you have any new regiments to spare you would perhaps give them to me, especially as the state of affairs in the Mountain Department is such as to demand reinforcements for Gen. Fremont. If you could give me charge of some expedition, for instance to Norfolk Knoxville, so much the better. But however this may be — consider myself at your service. If this meets your views just telegraph me two words and I shall report myself without delay, or have the kindness to write me a line. Pardon me, if in this matter I have ever caused any trouble to you. The embarrassments of your situation are such that in all personal questions your path ought to be smooth. All I covet is your friendship and confidence. I hope to be of some use to the cause and yourself.— Please do not let me wait too long. Yours as ever

C. Schurz

From George B. McClellan to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1

May 23, 1862

1 On May 9, 1862, Lincoln had written McClellan that with the latter's removal of General Charles S. Hamilton from command of one of his divisions, “you thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the Senate.” On May 21 Lincoln informed McClellan that he had received a petition asking for Hamilton's restoration from a number of senators and congressmen. “I wish to do this,” Lincoln wrote, “and yet I do not wish to be understood as rebuking you.” McClellan's answer follows. See Collected Works, V, 227.

United States Military Telegraph,

War Department,

Washington, D. C., May 23d 1862.

Coal Harbor May 22d

12.30 PM

Your dispatch just rec'd. The discipline of the army will not permit the restoration of General Hamilton to his Division. Since the matter is pressed as it is I feel obliged to state what I did not care to before, viz that Genl Hamilton is not fit to command a Division The task before me is too serious to permit me to hesitate when called upon to express an opinion. The Cause of his removal from this army was ample to justify me in the course pursued. You cannot do anything better calculated to injure my army and diminish the probabilities of success in the approaching Battle now imminent than to restore Gen Hamilton to his Division. I earnestly protest against any such action and I trust that after this statement you will not think of sending General Hamilton back to this Army.

G. B. McClellan

Maj. Genl. Com'dg

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Petition to have Gen. Hamilton restored to his command, and protest of Gen. McClellan against it.

A. L

From William M. McPherson to Montgomery Blair

May 23, 1862

St Louis May 23 1862

Dear Sir— During the latter part of the summer and early fall Gov Gamble1 granted papers to all who applied therefor to take their Negroes South. Genl Curtis2 & others respecting his passes. Genl Halleck soon after he came here put a stop to it for military reasons allege alledging that parties thus going through the lines would carry important information to the enemy

1 Hamilton R. Gamble

2 Samuel R. Curtis

Gov Gamble is of the opinion that if he had the authority to grant passes through the lines (which he would only use to pass parties who wished to take their slaves South) that hundreds if not thousands of slaves would leave the State going generally to Arkansas or Texas.

Now it appears to me that the military necessity has passed away and if by issuing such authority to Gov Gamble we can get rid of any Negroes so much the better for Missouri.

In a conversation yesterday I told the Governor I would write you on the subject and I believe it will be a good service for Missouri if you can get such an order. The exercise of the power can safely be confided to the Governors discretion. and if he had the power many would apply to him for permission that would not apply to a commanding officer

Give my compliments to the President and thank him for me for his late proclamation3 his qusi friends will begin to find he has all the backbone required to maintain the constitution their fears to the contrary not withstanding.

3 David Hunter, the commander of the Department of the South, issued General Orders No. 11 on May 9, 1862 that freed all the slaves in Georgia, Florida and South Carolina. On May 19 Lincoln issued a proclamation that revoked Hunter's emancipation order. A draft of Lincoln's proclamation is in this collection.

your friend

Wm M McPherson

From Joseph M. Wightman to Abraham Lincoln

May 23, 1862

Boston May 23 1862

Sir,

I am induced to write you from a sense of duty, for the purpose of repudiating in the most emphatic manner the idea that the Governor of Massachusetts is authorized to speak for the loyal citizens of the State in proposing any conditions in regard to the question of Slavery as affecting a further requisition by you for volunteers.

There may possibly be small sections or towns in the Commonwealth where the doctrine of emancipation and arming the slaves is regarded with favor and might be made an excuse for non-enlistment, but I assure your Excellency that in Boston, and I believe in a large majority of the cities and towns in the State the mingling of questions in relation to Slavery with the crushing out of the present rebellion, is viewed with the strongest feelings of disapprobation, while the efforts you have made to resist the interpolation of this discordant element, and to restore the Union on the basis of the Constitution as evinced by your appointments of Governors Johnson and Stanly, — your sustaining of General McClellan and your general conservatism in all the essential matter pertaining to the conduct of the War, has given hope and confidence to every Union loving heart in our State.

Notwithstanding the opinion of the Governor, I believe that Massachusetts may be relied upon for any call you may make upon her patriotism in the present emergency, and that her citizens generally have no sympathy with those who are agitating the question of emancipation at this time: and I am confident that if this subject was introduced, in conformity with the views of Governor Andrews, it would produce a serious if not an irreparable injury to the cause of enlistment.

I beg you therefore to make your requisition upon the State of Massachusetts with confidence in the loyalty and devotion of her citizens, and with the assurance that Boston will as cheerfully respond in the future as in the past to any demand of the government, trusting that you will continue to be firm and resolute in your endeavors for the restoration of our common Country to peace and happiness; and in ignoring all other issues which tend to prevent the accomplishment of this great object.

I have the honor to be Sir

with great respect

Your Obt Svt

Joseph M. Wightman

Mayor

From Charles F. Fletcher to Abraham Lincoln

May 24, 1862

Kalorama

Washington D. C.

May 24. 1862

Mr President

I submitted yesterday to your Secretary of the Interior two letters which I had addressed to the Gov. of Massachusetts containing a plan for settling this unnatural strife between the North & the South as the Southerners call, between the Constitutional government & a band of rebels in arms to overturn it as we call it.

I respectfully request that your excellency will take the time & the trouble to read those letters. The necessity is there set forth of bringing the women of the North into this Contest.

The women of the South have inaugurated this insurrection, they are much more bitter in their feelings than the men. The women are isolated to a small locality. They seldom travel, are very sectional in their feelings & think their little villages or plantation is the whole world. They rule their husbands and through them are trying to rule the country

These Southern women will never change their feelings & opinions as long as they live and they will be constantly inciting their husbands to insurrection demanding that the whole country should submit to Southern law

To cure this evil the women of the North must be brought into requisition. They have arms superior to the minnie rifle, arms superior to the rifled cannon! If the men of the North bring with them these arms of the women they will be invulnerable to all the power the South can bring against them. The ball sent from the minnie rifle or the rifled cannon is inert matter propelled by another substance it sinks into the earth & has no power to raise itself— The ball thrown from the arms which the women bring is living, moving intelligent substance, containing a soul within itself capable of appreciating & acting and in process of time it rises from the earth a strong man. A man is but half a man without his woman they must march in together & take possession of the land and occupy it as an inheritance for their children. In this land which has been a waste land & a wilderness we shall see the rose blossoming, around the cottages of the farmers, the school house near every cross road, the village church with it tall spire which mark the center of town, the Sunday school children, neatly clad wending their way to church where they learn obedience to law and reverance & homage to the Most High GOD.

Instead of sending to England for arms as I have read in the news papers some of the Northern people are about doing, I beseech your Exellency, use your influence to bring into this Southern Country those female arms I have here sketched— For each hundred thousand men let there be a hundred thousand women and then there will be no more secession.

Respectfully

your friend

Charles Fosdick Fletcher

From Gideon Welles to Abraham Lincoln

May 24, 1862

Navy Department

May 24, 1862

Sir,

I have the honor to submit, for your consideration, a complaint preferred to the Department against the Navy Agent at Philadelphia, and the explanation received from him in reply to the complaint.

The 20th section of the Act of August 6, 1846, commonly termed the “Subtreasury Act, provides that —

“No exchange of funds shall be made by any disbursing officers or agents of the government of any grade or denomination whatsoever, or connected with any branch of the public service, other than an exchange for gold and silver; and every such disbursing officer, when the means for his disbursements are furnished to him in gold and silver, shall make his payments in the money so furnished; or when those means are furnished to him in drafts, shall cause those drafts to be presented at their place of payment, and properly paid according to the law, and shall make his payments in the money so received for the drafts furnished, unless, in either case, he can exchange the means in his hands for gold and silver at par.”

And the 1st section of the Act of 3” March 1857, amendatory of the Subtreasury Act, provides that—

“each and every disbursing officer or agent of the United States, having any money of the United States entrusted to him for disbursement, shall be and he is hereby required to deposit the same with the treasurer of the United States, or with some one of the assistant treasurers or public depositories, and draw for the same only in favor of the persons to whom payment is to be made in pursuance of law and instructions; except when payments are to be made in sums under twenty dollars, in which cases such disbursing agent may check in his own name, stating that it is to pay small claims.”

The injunctions of these carefully framed and well known laws are clear and explicit, and the language of them affords no room or pretext for violation or evasion.

The Navy Agent at Philadelphia does not deny his open disregard of the law, but states that his object was “to accommodate the creditors” of the public; and that he is “at a loss to know how” he “could well get along with the business,” situated as he is.

It appears that the course pursued by him instead of being an accommodation, was a cause of dissatisfaction, to the creditors and that if he had complied with the injunction of the law, and made his drafts on the public depository, he might have escaped the complaint preferred against him and have got along very well with the business

As the explanation made by the Navy Agent is not satisfactory to the Department and it could not well place confidence in a disbursing officer who has undertaken, on his own responsibility to disregard the strictest requirements of law, I have suspended him from duty, and respectfully submit the case for your instructions.

With great respect,

Sir,

your obedient servant

Gideon Welles

From Abraham Lincoln to George B. McClellan [Draft]1

May 25, 1862

1 Following is an expression of Lincoln's anxiety that Washington would be left vulnerable to Confederate attack while General McClellan's main force was on the Peninsula moving toward Richmond. With relatively small numbers Confederate General Thomas Jonathan (Stonewall) Jackson had routed a Union force under Nathaniel Banks and drove it north of the Potomac. Thinking this a general movement, Lincoln had telegraphed McClellan earlier this same day that “I think the time is near when you must either attack Richmond or give up the job and come to the defence of Washington.” (Collected Works, V, 236.) See also Banks to Stanton, May 25, 1862.

(Send in Cypher).

War Department

Washington City. D. C.

May 25. 1862 8 1/2 P.M.

Major Gen. McClellan

Your despatch received—2 Banks3 was at Strausburg with about six-thousand men, Shields4 having been taken from him to swell a column for McDowell5 to aid you at Richmond, and the rest of his force scattered at various places— On the 24 23rd a rebel force of seven to ten thousand fell upon one regiment and two companies guarding the bridge at Front-Royal, destroying it entirely, crossed the Shenandoah, and on the 24th (yesterday) pushed to get North of Banks on the Road to Winchester. Banks ran a race w with them, beating them into Winchester yesterday evening— This morning a battle ensued between the two forces in which Banks was beaten back into full retreat towards Martinsburg, and probably is broken up into a total route— Geary,6 on the Manassas Gap R. R. just now reports that Jackson7 is now near Front Royal with ten thousand following up & supporting as I understand, the force now pursuing Banks— Also that another force of ten thousand is near Orleans following on in the same direction— Stripped Stripped bare, as we are here, it will be all we can do to prevent them crossing the Potomac at Harper's Ferry, or above— We have about twenty thousand of McDowell's force moving back to the vicinity of Front Royal; and Gen— Fremont, who was at Franklin, is moving to Harrisonburg, both these movements intended to get in the enemies rear— One more of McDowells Brigades is ordered through here to Harper's Ferry— The rest of his force remains, for the present, at Fredericksburg— We are sending such regiments and dribs from here and Baltimore, as we can spare, to Harper's Ferry, supplying their places, in some sort, by calling in militia from the adjacent States— We also have eighteen cannon on the road to Harper's Ferry of which arm, there is not a single one yet at that point. This is now our situation— If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach, we should now be utterly helpless— Apprehension of something like this, and no unwillingness to sustain you, has always been my reason for withholding McDowells force from you— Please understand this, and do the best you can with the force you have—

2 McClellan responded to Lincoln's earlier dispatch by allowing that “The object of Enemys movements is probably to prevent reinforcements being sent to me,” and that all his information agreed that the main Confederate force was still ready to defend Richmond. See McClellan to Lincoln, May 25, 1862.

3 Nathaniel P. Banks

4 James Shields

5 Irvin McDowell

6 John W. Geary

7 Confederate General Thomas Jonathan (Stonewall) Jackson

A Lincoln

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Draft of Tel. Despatch to Gen. McClellan.

May 25. 1862.

From Nathaniel P. Banks to Edwin M. Stanton1

May 25, 1862

1 The following is an account of the battle of Winchester.

(Copy)

Rec'd 1050 P. M.

Head Qrs. Martinsburg 2.40 P. M.

May 25 1862

The rebels attacked us this morning at daybreak in great force. Their number was estimated at 15000. consisting of Ewells & Jackson's2 divisions the fire of pickets began with light, was followed by the artillery until the lines were fully under fire on both sides. The left wing stood firmly, holding its ground well & right did the same for a time when two regiments broke the lines under the fire of the enemy. The right wing fell back, & was ordered to withdraw & the troops poured through the town in considerable confusion. They were quickly reformed on the other side, & continued their march in good (order) to Martinsburg where they arrived at 2.40 P. M. a distance of twenty-two miles. Our trains are in advance & will cross the river in safety. Our entire force engaged was less than 4000 consisting of Gordon's3 & Donnelly's4 brigades, with two reg'ts of Cavalry under Gen. Hatch5 & two batteries artillery. Our loss is considerable as was that of the enemy, but cannot now be stated. We were reinforced by 10th Maine which did good service, & a regt. of Cavalry

2 Confederate Generals Richard S. Ewell and Stonewall Jackson

3 George H. Gordon was a West Point graduate and Mexican War veteran who resigned from the army in 1854 to pursue a law career. At the outbreak of the Civil War Gordon became colonel of the 2nd Massachusetts. In 1862 Gordon served under General Banks and was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers in June.

4 Dudley Donnelly was colonel of the 28th New York.

5 ID: John R. Hatch was a West Point graduate and career army officer who had served with distinction in the Mexican War. In September 1861 Hatch was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers and was General Banks's cavalry commander in the Shenandoah Valley campaign of 1862. At the end of this campaign Hatch was given command of an infantry brigade under General Hooker and was seriously wounded at the battle of South Mountain in September 1862. After recovering from his wound Hatch spent the remainder of the war on administrative duty. Hatch retired from the army as a colonel in 1886 and was awarded the Medal of Honor in 1893 for his actions at South Mountain over thirty years before.

N. P. Banks.

From Alexander Hamilton to Abraham Lincoln

May 26, 1862

New York May 26. 62

My Dear Sir

In the present embarrassed situation of our affairs, I feel it to be a duty to make the following suggestions, with the remark, that what has occurred, in the Shenandoah Valley, has not come to me unanticipated, and, when, a full development shall be made of the movements of the enemy, you will find there exists more reason to apprehend an attack on the federal city, than you imagine—

That there has been the greatest mismanagement in the War Department, there can be no question, and none, more so, thatn was exhibited, in the subdivision of the command of General McClellan, whereby he lost all control and supervision of the important wing, the right of his operations, while the forces under McDowel were pushed to a position, worse than useless, from which they cannot retreat, without a positive demonstration of extreme weakness—

In the stupid ignorance, which has been shown, in withdrawing the main strength from Banks, himself a military failure, there would seem to be almost sufficient grounds for the suspicion of disloyalty somewhere, at all event, the mischief occasioned is irrepareable, a disgraceful route, paralyzing to our efforts and confidence every where.

It would appear, that your telegraphic communications have been so cut off, that you have no reliable information with regard to the onward progress of the enemies forces from Front Royal, either down the Shenandoah to Harpers Ferry, or to Leesburg, or by the Manassas Gap railroad, cutting off the supplies proceeding to our army on the Rappahanoc—

In this dilemma, and pregnant uncertainty, the course of the War Department should exercise no other discretion, than an instant call for an overwhelming militia army from the North, a few regiments in small detachments, or in any thing, but in army divisions, with pious boys play—

If Washington should be fall, the great object and aim of the present strategical movements of the South, the whole financial operations of the government would come to a deplorable stand still, carrying with the default, the most fatal consequences to all future movements of troops or supplies, every thing, every where, would be reduced to a state of complete abeyance—

I may speculate too far in supposing that you have no efficient military strength in front of Washington, still, I fear, the luck is sadly against any estimate of reliable security, especially, in the panic condition which surrounds you, seriously intensified, with the extraordinary imbecility which has recently brought into collision, the civil with the military authorities, the end of which, may open a vista, too serious to be portrayed, too dangerous to be contemplated, as the inevitable overthrow of our republican institutions, a revolution which may carry the government of Washington into precipitate retirement—

If the enemy should reach Harpers Ferry they will command the Canal and Railroad along the entire line of the Potomac, where they will not only cut off your supplies, but by a rapid movement, from the river to the interior of Maryland, the remnant of the fighting army of Banks may be caught, the distance to past, to effect that object, cannot exceed fifteen miles. It will open the whole route to Baltimore and Washington, by canal and railroad, the City of Frederick will of course be taken on the way, through a slight detour of about three miles, it is therefore all important, that a sufficient force should be dispatched from Baltimore to resist the torrent, and that instant measures be taken to prepare for the necessary obstructions on both lines of conveyance—

Within a few miles of the Frederick I ascertain, there is a heavy bridge structure crossing the Monocacy, the waters of which is entirely too deep to be forded, this ought to be looked to, so along the whole line [south?] of the road to the Riley House—

A short distance above Ellecotts Mills, there is a short and easy way to the rear of Baltimore, affording a most convenient opportunity for a surprise, especially, as along that approach, a strong secession force of sympathizers would be very likely to to congregate—

In the present distresses of the government I should be happy to lend any aid and counsel, and, as I have had military experience in the United States services, if the president will send me a commission as Brigadier General, I will lose no time in presenting myself at Washington

With great regard

Your Ob Sevt

A Hamilton.

From George B. McClellan to Abraham Lincoln

May 26, 1862

Cipher

Time Received 1130 PM

Washington, D. C., May 26 1862.

McClellans 26th

A Lincoln

President

I have lost three thousand men in the last ten days by sickness and casualties in addition to the guards I am obliged to leave behind me— In view of the fact that I have no childs play before me and that Gen Wool probably has no further active operations in contemplation I would request that he may be instructed to furnish at once one Regiment of Infantry to garrison Yorktown and Gloucester Five Companies of Infantry and four of Cavalry for Williamsburg One regiment and five 5 Companies of infantry to garrison White House and the Rail road— All of these points up to White House be in Wools Dept If in addition to this move infantry could be spared from the Dept of Virginia to cover my right it will prevent my breaking up Brigades and Divisions and give me so many more reliable men in the battle I would ask a speedy reply to this that I may arrange accordingly. It will be dangerous to leave troops idle in such an emergency as this. All goes quiet

G B McClellan

Maj Gen

From John C. Fremont to Abraham Lincoln [Copy in Lincoln's Hand]1

May 29, 1862

1 On May 24, 1862 Lincoln personally ordered General Fremont to move his force to Harrisonburg, Virginia, to relieve Nathaniel Banks. Fremont answered that he would comply, but two days later Lincoln wired Fremont again “I see you are at Moorfield. You were expressly ordered to march to Harrisonburg. What does this mean?” Fremont's response follows, which Lincoln copied out himself. See Collected Works, V, 230-31, 243.

Our advance occupies to-night the Brigade at Lost-River sixteen miles ahead. The scouting party of Indiana Cavalry sent out last evening under charge of Lieut. Col. Downey drove the enemies pickets through Wardensville this morning killing two— Col. Downey's horse was shot from under him— My command is not yet in marching order— It has been necessary to halt today — to bring up parts of regiments and to receive stragglers, hundreds of whom from Blencker's2 Division, strew the roads— You can conceive the condition of the command from the fact that the medical director this morning protested against its' further advance, the regiments being much reduced and force diminished accordingly. I could not venture to proceed with it in disorder, and can not, with safety, undertake to be at the place you designate earlier than five o,clock Saturday afternoon— At that hour I will be at it, or near to it, according to position of the enemy. Companies in the rear are marching night and day to bring up the entire force— Will be on the road early to-morrow morning, and couriers will be provided to bring on your orders, which please send to-night, and let me know if Gen. McDowell's3 force can be so controlled, as to make this combination—

2 Louis Blenker

3 Irvin McDowell

J. C. Fremont

May 29th 1862.

From Samuel Hoard to Abraham Lincoln

May 29, 1862

Washington May 29th 1862.

Sir

In Decr last, my brother recd an order, from the War Dept, to manufacture 50.000 Muskets.— It was given & accepted in good faith— In like faith he has expended and incurred liabilities exceeding $300000 in attempting to comply with it— By the report of the Commissioners this order is sought to be so modified, in disregard of his rights and without his consent, as to jeopard the earnings of a lifetime & threaten his utter ruin in consequence of placing faith in the Govt— I cannot ask you to investigate this matter for I know how impossible such a request would be — but I think it eminently right to ask you to say to the Secy of War — in substance “That the Govt must be administered with honor & integrity — the people justly expect their rights to be protected — and the Govt to sustain itself, must act in good faith— The contracts for arms were made under peculiar circumstances & emergencies and if, by the investigation you have made, it appears that the contract with Mr. Hoard, was entered upon in good faith, and has since been observed on his part in like faith — it must, in the same spirit, be executed by the Govt so that neither its good name or the rights of any citizen shall be destroyed”— Early in Feby last, Senator Simmons,1 at my brothers request, called upon you to ascertain whether he could safely proceed — and you told him to say to Mr Hoard, “That no contract made in good faith should be repudiated while I am in this house”— Relying upon this he has continued his efforts to fulfill his contract— He cannot accept the modification without ruin— Shall he be ruined?

1 James F. Simmons

I am, with high considerations of respect

Your Obt Servt

Saml Hoard

N. B Since I wrote the above, my brother has telegraphed me to do nothing more, having become satisfied of the intentional bad faith of the Govt— I have still confidence in you and therefore make this representation— S. H.

May 30', 1862

From Randolph B. Marcy to Abraham Lincoln

May 28, 1862

recd

12 Mid night

Washington DC

May 29 62

McClellans 28th

11 PM

Your despatch to Gen McClellan this moment received and despatched by special messenger to him1 In his absence directing operations in front I have the honor to state for your information that the troops under Gen F J Porter marched more than twenty (20) miles yesterday through rain and mud — fought six hours and were at the close of the action encumbered with some six hundred (600) killed and wounded including those of the enemy to be buried & cared for with five or six hundred prisoners to be guarded which prevented Genl Porter from pressing forward last night to cut the Fredericksburg and Richmond Rail Road This will be done tomorrow The prisoners that were taken yesterday and are here now say that they were ordered to reinforce Jackson via Hanover Junction and were ordered back to Richmond It is therefore presumed that this is the same force referred to by Genl King2

1 For Lincoln's message, see Collected Works, V, 244-45.

2 Rufus S. King

Very Respectfully

R B Marcy

Chf of Staff

The prisoners already taken number at least seven hundred I am credibly informed R B M

From Henry C. De Ahna to Abraham Lincoln1

May 30, 1862

1 De Ahna's appointment as a brigadier general was rejected by the Senate on April 25, 1862.

Sir:

This letter which I take the liberty of adressing to You is inspired and dictated by sentiments becoming an officer, honored by Your own confidence when nominating him a Brig. General, and inseparable from the laws by which a Gentleman's acts are governed.

I do not ask for a favor, not for any thing which is inconsistent with Your own dignity under the circumstances, but for an act of simple and plain justice.

A man with whom I have never had official nor private relations, who lived in California when I fought in Europe for a glorious cause and therefore knows nothing of me except that I am a German and have never been a Westpoint student but only a Lieut. Colonel in a European army, has thought proper to accuse me in a dispatch to Senator Latham2 of California of treasonable intentions and has calumniated me in a most atrocious and unwarrantable manner, with the object of preventing my confirmation as a General.

2 Milton S. Latham was a Democratic member of the U. S. Senate (1860-63) from California.

This man who has wronged and injured me has acted from motives which are exactly of the same nature as were those which made him hate and intrigue against Franz Sigel—

General Halleck is at the head of an army and his position has given him the power to successfully break me down and he has had his will and desire fulfilled in seeing my name disgraced in the eyes of America and Europe by a rejection of the United States Senate.

If you were not President of the United States and Commander in Chief I would consider it a folly to ask that justice should be done to an officer when a Major General commanding an army is the accused party. But I do truly believe that the President's position as well as his well known principles lift him high above the laws of mere expediency and up to the sphere of impartial justice to be dealt out equally to the weak and to the powerful I herewith call to witness Him who sees into men's hearts and solemnly accuse before You our President General Halleck of an act unbecoming an officer and a gentleman because maliciously and wilfully without cause or reason he has assailed my honor as an officer and slandered my character as a gentleman and more: has been guilty of the mean act of backing out of the difficulty, when adressed by the War Department on the subject, and by stating: that he had not telegraphed to the Military Committee, when he knew that his dispatch had been adressed to Senator Latham privately and had already caused all the harm he intended it for.

Genl Karl Schurtz will have the goodness to tell you all the details, and I do solemnly appeal to You and beg that without consideration of person and position You will order Genl Halleck to give a declaration: whether or not he has adressed that dispatch which accused me of the intention of taking bribes from the ennemy to Senator Latham, together with other calumnious statements which have enabled Senator Wilson to defeat my nomination as a Brig. General — to order Genl Halleck to declare on what grounds he has acted, and then when the whole truth has been sifted and brought to daylight, that You will order that strict and plain justice shall be done to me, if guilty of any fault: condemnation — if innocent and infamously persecuted and maliciously injured. righted You will kindly right me before the world and take the part of the weaker but who has not been found in the wrong.

Most respectfully

Your obed. serv.

Henry Chas. De Ahna

Washington

May 30 1862.

From Irwin McDowell to Abraham Lincoln

May 30, 1862

Time Received 12.30 PM

Washington, D. C., May 30 1862.

Manasses 30th

I am pushing forward every thing to the utmost as I telegraphed the Secy of War last night—1 Major General Shields2 did not think he could make Front Royal before tonight— I sent him Your telegraph and asked what could be done by extraordinary exertions towards accomplishing Your wishes that the advance of my Force should be at Front Royal by twelve o,clock noon today I informed him of the position of affairs and how necessary it was to forward he fully appreciated the course and said he would3 carry themselves and would place to4 at Front Royal by noon and two other Brigades within five miles of Front Royal by the same time — it will require driving to accomplish this and the day is hot— I am urging Genl Ord5 forward with all the phisiacal power of the Rail Road & of the moral power of a strong representation of the urgency of the cause— he may be beyond Rectortown tonight— Genl Shields has ten thousand nine hundred 10900 men & sent Ord nine thousand about 20000 between them Bayards6 cavalry brigade will amount to about two thousand 2000 Gearys7 will amount to about fifteen hundred (1500)— All this will give me about twenty one thousand 21000 men for offensive purposes — the others being required to guard Bridges and Rail Road in the rear— I have had to leave a regiment of Ords division to guard Catletts station & shall be obliged to leave the place weakly Guarded and have Gaurds at all the bridges in rear— Kings8 Division will be at Catletts tomorrow— And I will try have it forwarded to this place and I will by rail it will not be in time for the battle but may be found very usefull in this quarter— May I ask the Force which Maj Genl Fremont will have with him at Strasburg & what division he will have will Blenkers form part I am about moving my head quarters to Rectortown — to which point we have the telegraph— Can any of the Force coming to Washington be sent to Guard the road and free the men belonging to the advance Divisions — they should if possible be not weakened

1 Lincoln had telegraphed McDowell earlier in the day and urged him to push forward as quickly as possible. See Collected Works, V, 251.

2 James Shields

3 Here a portion of the message was omitted by the telegraph operator. The missing fragment between “would” and “carry” is, “go without supplies except what the men could.” See Official Records, Series I, Volume 12, 289-290.

4 Again a portion of the message was omitted by the telegraph operator. Instead of “to,” the message should read “two Brigades.”

5 Edward O. C. Ord

6 ID: George D. Bayard was a West Point graduate who became colonel of the 1st Pennsylvania cavalry at the outbreak of the Civil War. Bayard commanded a cavalry brigade in the 1862 Shenandoah Valley campaign and was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers in April. From June to September 1862 Bayard commanded the cavalry in the 3rd Corps. While commanding a brigade at the battle of Fredericksburg, Bayard was mortally wounded. He died on December 14, 1862.

7 ID: John W. Geary was a native of Pennsylvania who pursued a variety of endeavors before he served with distinction in the Mexican War. President Polk authorized Geary to organize the postal system in California and his involvement in California affairs resulted in his election as the first mayor of San Francisco. President Pierce appointed Geary the governor of Kansas Territory in 1856 and Geary found himself in the midst of a chaotic political crisis. Geary tended to support the anti-slavery forces in Kansas but he resigned in March 1857 and retired to a farm in Pennsylvania. At the outbreak of the Civil War Geary became colonel of the 28th Pennsylvania and served under General Banks. Geary was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers in April 1862 and was severely wounded at Cedar Mountain. After recovering from his wounds Geary returned to action and commanded a division of the 12th Corps at Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. Geary was sent West after Gettysburg where he commanded a division of the 20th Corps during Sherman's “March to the Sea.” After the war Geary served two terms as governor of Pennsylvania.

8 Rufus King

Irvin McDowell

Maj Genl Cmdg

From George A. McCall to Abraham Lincoln

May 31, 1862

Time Received 745 PM

Washington, D. C., May 31st 1862

Hd Qrs opposite

Fredericksburg 31st

Despatch received1 I am not about to withdraw from Fredericksburg but I have received the following orders from Genl McDowell

1 Lincoln had telegraphed a few hours earlier and inquired whether McCall was evacuating Fredericksburg. See Collected Works, V, 254.

“Draw in your force moving them on the left bank of the River — holding yourself on the defensive Keeping Fredericksburg Guard the bridges to Aquia Creek by completing the Block Houses near them.”

I have in obedience to these orders withdrawn all my forces except a sufficient guard for the City police and the out pickets from the right bank of the River and have made such disposition of my command as seems to me best calculated to resist an attack from any quarter I have no idea of withdrawing from this position without orders I have scouts out in the direction of Spotsylvania Court House and and the forks of the Rappahannock and will report the result of their observations on their return

Geo. A McCall

Br Gen Comdg

From James H. Van Alen to Abraham Lincoln1

[March 1861]

1 This undated letter was probably written during the first weeks of Lincoln's presidency when he was besieged by office seekers. Van Alen spent the first two years of the war in the army, so his pledge of loyalty to Lincoln and the Republican party also seems to date the letter prior to the firing on Fort Sumter.

Willards Friday AM.

My dear sir.

I cannot leave town without taking this method to let you know how deeply and how favorably I was impressed by the kind and confidential conversation which you did me the honor to hold with me last evening.

I sympathize so keenly with your embarrassments and difficulties in relation to appointments that I pray you by no means to permit my present disappointment to cause you a moments annoyance.

I shall return to my home, loyal — thoroughly loyal — to you, and through you — to your Admn. Ever since Republicanism was a party movement or even a public thought, I have been true to it upon conviction, and earnest in it by character and temperment. To these motives will now be added a strong personal interest in yourself and in your present and future services as its Chief.

In this feeling and purpose I shall continue to labor and to watch. Hoping sincerely that your arduous labors may not break your health, and that no difficulties however trying, may come upon you with force enough to shake your equanimity or seriously disturb your happiness, I remain,

With the highest & most cordial respect and esteem, always truly your friend.

James H. Van Alen

From Elihu Burritt to Abraham Lincoln1

June 2, 1862

1 ID: Elihu Burritt, a native of Connecticut, was a blacksmith, newspaper editor and reformer. During the 1840s Burritt was active in promoting a world peace organization. Burritt was also an opponent of slavery and in the 1850s he traveled the country and spoke in favor of compensated emancipation. As a pacifist, Burritt opposed the Civil War but he did accept a consular appointment to Great Britain in 1863.

New Britain, Conn. June 2 1862

Honored & Dear Sir:— I have ventured to believe that I might possibly get access to your mind for a few thoughts, from a humble individual in private life, on one particular aspect of this solemn and eventful crisis.

The great world that lies beyond the gulf stream of these mighty emotions, looks to you personally to helm the American Republic through these perilous breakers, with a strong and steady hand, and a calm faith in your own free judgment, and in the blessing of the Almighty. There are thousands and tens of thousands, scattered through the Free States, who are looking to you, at this crisis, with a confidence which they never reposed in any of your illustrious predecessors. They are not extreme men, nor given to much talk on the thrilling topics of the hour; but are men of deep and silent feeling, not mingling in heated discussions at the corners of the streets, but kneeling in secret places in your behalf; — praying that the God of wisdom and grace will strengthen and guide you, and uplift you above the fiery currents of indignation which are sweeping away so many eminent and influential men in and out of Congress; that you may be enabled to stand firmly against those impulsive acts of legislation calculated to widen and perpetuate the breach between the North and South, and to stimulate a malignant animosity against us, which shall be but a little better than open rebellion.

The whole civilized world is honoring you with its sincere homage, as the first of all the list of American Presidents that ever had the moral courage to propose a plan for the extinction of Slavery,2 so just, generous and noble as to be hailed with admiration in both hemispheres. No earthly potentate ought to aspire to a higher glory than that which this magnanimous overture will forever attach to your name.

2 A reference to Lincoln's plan for gradual, compensated emancipation that he had presented to Congress in March.

And now, dear & honored sir, my prayer is, that, in the great prerogative you are empowered to wield for the salvation of the Republic, you will not suffer that sun of hope you have turned toward the South to be eclipsed by the dark form of a Congressional Act, passed under the impetuous impulse of indignant emotions, and bearing on its face features of a family resemblance to the vindictiveness of European dynasties.3 I encourage my soul with the belief, that no human mind is gifted with a clearer vision than yours, to see such an act in the Confiscation Bill just passed in Congress; — a measure, which if put in force, must be a burning caustic upon the life-strings of the Union, producing irritations as annoying and repulsive to the North as they would be maddening to the South.

3 Lincoln signed the Second Confiscation Act into law on July 17, but he had reservations about doing so and submitted a draft of a veto message along with his approval. The original draft of the veto message is in this collection.

The five first clauses of this Bill of Attainder, confiscate all the real estate and personal property of all civil, military, naval and municipal officers and agents who shall continue in the service of the so-called Confederacy after the bill becomes a law. At the lowest estimate admissible, one hundred thousand of the most influential and wealthy persons in the Southern States will forfeit their estates under the operation of the act. The sixth Proviso puts in the same category all persons, rich or poor, young or old, who shall continue not cease to aid, countenance or abet the rebellion within sixty days after the proclamation of the President to that effect. Now, as the Southern journals in the interest of the rebellion could not be expected to publish such a proclamation, and as the Government has a very limited medium of communication with the people of the insurgent states, it would seem inevitable, that, at least, one third of the population of those states would come within the operation of the act. The bill seems to prescribe a formal judicial process for every individual case of confiscation; it must, therefore, to begin with, open up such civil war of vexatious lawsuits as the world never saw before. Then there must follow the eviction probably of every third man in the Gulf States, the turning out of his wife and innocent children from their home, the confiscation and sale of all his property, and the transfer of his house and land, through they be but a wayside cabin and a garden, to some occupant who should be willing to brave the danger of taking possession of them. The Government is not only to give clear titles to the new owners or occupants of these confiscated estates, but of course, will be expected to defend them against assault from their former proprietors and a high spirited and angry populace, making common cause against such a sweeping act of confiscation.

Your Excellency is familiar with the history of confiscations and evictions in Ireland and other countries; of the assassinations, house-burnings and heart-burnings, which the strongest governments have been unable to prevent, or even to punish. I would therefore, as an isolated individual, of no political influence, address an earnest petition to you, to interpose your high prerogative, and save our nation from this bitter European experience; — to let the despotisms of the Old World see, that, in putting down and punishing this great Rebellion, our Government is not constrained to copy or countenance their vindictive policies, or to reproduce, under our banner, a Poland, a Hungary, or even an Ireland.

With profound respect,

Your Obedient Servant

Elihu Burritt

From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln

June 2, 1862

Treasury Department, June 2, 1862

My dear Sir,

I have just received your note in relation to m appointment of Superintendent of the Mint at Denver, in Colorado Territory, together with the letter addressed to you by Messrs Lane and Wright, of Indiana, and General J. H. Lane of Kansas urging the appointment of a brother of General Lane residing in Indiana to that office.1

1 Lincoln wrote to Chase on June 2 and requested a nomination for George W. Lane as superintendent of the mint in Denver. Despite Chase's objections Lincoln made the appointment and it was confirmed by the Senate. See Collected Works, V, 256.

All these gentlemen, I think — the two last named certainly — have called on me separately in reference to this appointment; and I have explained to each the grounds on which I felt obliged to decline recommending the nomination.

It now seems that they have thought fit to ask you to direct the making of this nomination, without respect to my views as Head of this Department and responsible for its faithful administration.

Such I assume is not your intention. The right of making the appointment is unquestionably yours; but I am confident you will not direct it to be made without at least considering what I have to say in regard to it.

With very great respect

Yours truly

S P Chase

From Thomas Ewing to Abraham Lincoln

June 2, 1862

Lancaster Ohio June 2/62

Sir

It is the usual fortune of triumphant majorities to destroy themselves; and such is likely to be the fate of our Union Republican party— The Confiscation bill1 now pending in its mildest form is likely to produce that effect — as a general measure operating upon property, otherwise than as a consequence of the conviction of the person it is in my opinion & the opinion of nine tenths of the Bar clearly unconstitutional — the pretence of proceeding in rem against property which is not itself the debtor as a ship for wages & repairs — or the criminal as the smuggler, slave ship — or the carrier of contraband, is too absurd to impose upon a Negro— I am ashamed of them. our Congressional politicians—. Collamer & Browning,2 and a few others — thinking men of the party see the fallacy & the mischeif & wish to avert it, but they are likely to be overborne by votes but not by argument— We all duly appreciate your War power, and feel that you have been suficiently merciful & forbearing in its execution — but are not content that Congress should violate the Constitution, either with a view of saving the Union or of taking large vengeance The passage of the Bill would cause a decomposition & a recomposition of the Union party, casting out the extreme republican, & bringing in a larger portion of the Democratic element— Something of the kind appeared at the late elections in Chicago, but it cannot yet take place here unless Congress abuse their power, or assume power which the Constitution does not give them—

1 Lincoln signed the Second Confiscation Act into law on July 17, but he had reservations about doing so and submitted a draft of a veto message along with his approval. The original draft of the veto message is in this collection.

2 Jacob Collamer and Orville H. Browning

The measure were as impolitic & mischievous as unconstitutional— It would render the reorganization of society, already greatly disorganized, impossible— Men whose property is wrested from them, or placed at the mercy of informers, if numerous & influential will absolutely prevent such re-organization— Life is of no value to them — they will form predatory bands in every neighborhood & pluder & destroy — with thousands of Dick Turpins & Claude Devol's3 to keep the high ways in order— Pass that bill & the police of the Country will cost the US. $500.000,000. in the next ten years— General confiscation will never avail unless accompanied with General Massacre, of all the men, and all the boys as tall as their fathers swords— Or as the Hebrews expressed it “all that fits against the wall”, and making slaves & concubines of the women— Or transplanting them, men women & children to other lands— Which was the system of the Persians & Assyrians— This Cromwell adopted and carried to some extent into execution with the conquered Irish but not fully — it was adopted by the English and the Colonies in the case of Acadia— The case of Philip the Second & the Moors of Spain was a mitigated case of the same character — he did not confiscate but compelled them to dispose of their property and leave the Kingdom—

3 Dick Turpin and Claude Duval were famous English highwaymen.

This proposed confiscation cannot be carried into effect by law, but it will so unsettle property as to make it worthless — uproot the foundation of Society and make each individual man the enemy of the Human race— I hope you will avert it — if not otherwise I hope you will forbid it— See what the calm Historian says of a like attempt in the British Parliament against the Irish Rebels in 1600 — MacCauley — England Vol 3 pp 644-645

I am very truly

Yours

T. Ewing

From William H. Seward to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1

June 2, 1862

1 Lincoln's reaction to such a message at a time of great military tension and action very near Washington is expressed in his endorsement.

To The President.

The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the Telegram of the 17th ult. from the Governor of Washington Territory, William Pickering. Esqr. which represents that France will take and keep Acapulco and Western Mexico and which asks the President to prevent those transactions has the honor to report

That this government has already admitted that France has a sovereign right to make war against Mexico, and has an equal right to judge of the grounds of the war she may make. France, of course, has the same right, if she can, to capture Acapulco and Western Mexico.

Whether she will capture Acapulco and Western Mexico, is yet to be seen. If she does, then, and not before the question will arise, whether she will hold them. The proposition of the Governor of Washington Territory is therefore premature.

Respectfully submitted.

William H. Seward.

Department of State,

Washington, 2nd June, 1862.

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln: ]

Profoundly laid by.

From George Vickers to William Price1

June 3, 1862

1 Vickers was a general in the Maryland militia and Price was the U. S. District Attorney for Maryland.

Chester Town

June 3d 1862.

Dear Sir,

Although personally unknown to you, yet being co-supporters of a common Country, and a Union, we hoped to be indissoluble, I venture to address you on a subject, which must alike interest every advocate of Law & Order. The recent arrest, or manner of arrest of Judge Carmichael2 and the breaking up of the Circuit Court then in Session at Easton, may have been only partially made known to you.

2 In May 1862 Richard B. Carmichael, a judge on Maryland's Eastern Shore, was arrested by the military authorities and imprisoned for disloyalty. He was not released until December. For Lincoln's opinion on the case, see Collected Works, V, 285-86.

When the report reached me, I discredited it, not believing it possible, that any body of Police or Military, could be found in Maryland, so lost to every feeling of propriety and honor. I wrote to Col. Saml. Hambleton, a man of the strictest truth and highest sense of honor, for a narrative, of the proceeding. He sent me a copy of a statement he had prepared for Senator Pearce,3 and a duplicate of which, is inclosed to you.

3 James A. Pearce

The report of the Officers published in the American of Thursday last, admitted the essentials in part, and attempted a palliation, by alledging the Judges resistance and “kicking” of the Officer. I understand that Judge C. denies doing so: he was doubtless unconscious of it, if he did. Col. H. did not see it, but for a short period, the Judges person was concealed from his view by the Police. I have understood from R. Hyusar Esq. an Attorney and Unionist, here, that in a letter from Mr. Clarke, an Atty. & Unionist in Easton, (& who sustains Col. H. statement in all its essentials) he states, that after the Judge was seized, and held by the Police & after he was stricken upon his head & was bleeding, when approached by a Police Officer in front, he raised his feet, as if to kick. His hands being confined, such an effort was instinctive, as a means of self defence, and cannot extenuate the conduct of the Officer. Judge C. remained at the Hotel the previous night, where the Police were quartered. He called Court at 9. oclk. He had counselled his friends against any resistance, if an arrest was attempted, and in two hours the Court would have adjourned. They had 125 soldiers outside, & no arms were in the hands of the citizens. I learn that sundry Barroom visitors, & gaseous men of a certain order, had said, that the Judge should not be arrested, — but such idle bravado's should not have precipitated the action of the Police, nor prompted the barbarity, they practised.

To day Geo. S. Hollyday Esq. Chief Justice of our Orphan's Court, called upon me, & urged me to address you on the subject of this outrage, and say that he concurred with me in opinion as to the character of the proceedings & the nature & measure of redress. Mr. H. agrees with me, that the Judge should be at once released, on bail or parole, and the Officers dismissed from Service.

The community have been shocked, by the outrage; every good citizen, deems himself insulted, by the indignity offered to the Judge, and the desecration of the Temple of Justice. The majesty of the Law has been violated, and as we, who are really the friends of the Govt. & the Union, because it is a Constitutional Union & a Govt. of law, Mr. H. thinks, should make common cause, and wipe off the stain that may attach to the Union party.

The fact is, that if this offence shall be suffered to pass with impunity, the Union party may as well strike its flag at once. Judge C. should be released & the perpetrators punished, first by a deprivation of the Offices they have so flagrantly abused. The Judge has been confined with 19 Rowdies, mostly from the City for Riots, &c. His situation should be ameliorated & entirely changed; but his discharge under bail or parole, could not prejudice the public interest. Can you not effect something, in the premises? Independent of the flagitious character of the violence committed, it will furnish an element of immense power, in the elections unless redress be speedily afforded. Young Mr. Powel,4 the State's Atty, is a clever gentleman — I never heard of any treasonable sentiments or designs, & his release should no doubt be forthwith ordered. I have never heard any reason assigned for his arrest.

4 Isaac Powell, a Maryland state's attorney, was arrested when the military arrested Judge Richard Carmichael. Powell was released from prison when Carmichael was released.

Col. H. informs me that the case of Mr. Henry H. Goldsborough,5 was set down for Trial & would have been tried, subpoenas having been issued & returned. The Bills against the soldiers would probably have been tried also. The writs had been returned N. E. but when they made their appearances as witnesses for Mr. Goldsborough, the Clerk, without orders from Mr. Powel renewed the process making it returnable on a day during the Term. There was therefore no pretext for the conduct of the Officers, growing out of the pending crmnl. cases.

5 Goldsborough, the president of the Maryland Senate, and officers of a Delaware regiment were to be tried in Carmichael's court for their roles in a military arrest.

I have treated this matter, as I think it should be, independent of politics, and of the conduct of the accused parties arrested, or of any alledged misdemeanors on their part, as nothing in my opinion, can justify, or even mitigate, the assault upon a Judge, in his Official robes, and in the actual discharge of his duties.

I am with great respect

Yours &c

George Vickers

P. S. Senator Pearce is confined by indisposition at home. GV

From Andrew Johnson to Horace Maynard

June 4, 1862

Nashville June 4th 1862.

Washington, 5th 1862

I have just returned from Columbia had a good meeting at which Neal S. Brown1 came out in a long speech took strong ground for Union. Union sentiment is gaining ground and had it not been for impediments which you are perfectly familiar with everything would have been right in middle Tenn before this time— I want you to go to the President and ask him for me to nominate Wm B. Campbell2 for Brig. General it will exert a powerful influence in the military feeling of the whole state and especially right here you can give the President his character and state the importance of its being done what has become of the appointment of Post Master— Please answer immediately upon your interview with the President. Maynard have Campbell appointed at once

1 ID: Neal S. Brown, a Tennessee lawyer and politician, was a former Whig who had been governor of his state in the 1840s and had served as minister to Russia in the 1850s. Brown opposed secession but held an office in the Tennessee government after the state seceded. When the Union army occupied Nashville in 1862, Brown was captured and imprisoned briefly. Upon his release from prison Brown was not very active in politics and concentrated on his law practice.

2 ID: William B. Campbell, a Tennessee attorney, judge, politician and soldier, had fought in the Mexican War and was a Whig member of Congress for three terms (1837-43). Campbell was the last Whig governor of Tennessee (1851-53) and he supported John Bell in the 1860 presidential election. Campbell remained loyal to the Union after Tennessee seceded and Lincoln appointed him a brigadier general in June 1862. Ill health forced Campbell to resign his commission in January 1863. In 1863, a group of former Whigs and conservatives, who opposed the policies of Military Governor Andrew Johnson, nominated Campbell for governor. Campbell received a few thousand votes in counties where he appeared on the ballot, but Lincoln refused to recognize the legitimacy of the election. After the war Campbell returned to Congress (1866-67) and was a firm supporter of Andrew Johnson's reconstruction policies.

Andrew Johnson

From John Fitzgerald Lee to John G. Nicolay

June 4, 1862

Copy.

War Department

Judge Advocate Office

June 1862

Sir.

In the several cases, which recently, by the Presidents order, you have referred to me, of appeals to him from the sentences of Courts Martial, I have followed this view of the law; viz:

1.. That proceedings not void on the record, but regular and legal, after sentence confirmed and executed, are not voidable.

2.. That no appeal, on the merits, lies to the President where the

military commander duly authorized by law, has confirmed and executed the sentence.

3.. That the pardoning power does not reach a sentence that has been duly executed.

4.. That, therefore, the restoration of an officer, dismissed by sentence of a Court Martial duly executed, can only be effected by a new appointment emanating from the appointing power.

5.. That such appointment, in case of an officer of the Army is by the President with advice and consent of the Senate.

6.. But, in case of a regimental officer of Volunteers, is with the Governor of the State.

This view of the law I submitted to the President in the first case that arose. He approved it, and I have since acted on it.

To day, I have received the Presidents order of yesterday in Captain Cothrans case, “vacating the sentence and returning him to duty as Captain of New York Artillery”.1 He had been dismissed March 6th by General McClellan's order, in execution of the sentence of a Court Martial.

1 This order has not been located. George W. Cothran was a captain in the 1st New York Light Artillery and participated at Antietam.

This decision establishes a rule applicable to the other cases now before the President; on which I reported adversely under the review of the law heretofore stated. They also are applications to have proceedings and sentences vacated.

I submit a report in Griffins case.2 The President may of course pardon him, and release the remaining term of his confinement. I have thought confinement during the War a fit penalty for desertion

2 Lincoln's order to Lee concerning the case of William Griffin has not been located, but there is a June 26 note from Lincoln to Bates regarding the case. See Collected Works, V, 285.

Very respectfully

(Signed) J. F. Lee

Judge Advocate

P. S.

My report in Cothrans case is not among the papers returned. If it is in your office please return it for file.

[Endorsed by John G. Nicolay:]

Executive Mansion

June 4th 1862.

Dear Sir.

The President directs me to say that the rules of law stated in your within letter, are correct, and approved by him, and that he desires them to be followed. The order in Capt. Cothrans case, mentioned in your letter, was evidently an oversight, and is not to be regarded as a precedent.

Yours Truly

John G. Nicolay

Private Sec.

From Irvin McDowell to Edwin M. Stanton

June 4, 1862

Recd 12.30 PM

Front Royal 4th

In view of the present position of the troops in this Quarter & of the supposed position of the enemys forces and of the offensive and defensive operations to be carried on I trust it may not be considered improper if from my present point of view I make the following suggestions.

First. Extend the limits of the Mountain Department Eastward to the road running from Williamsport to Martinsburg Winchester Strasburg to the South— Second — Extend the Dept of the Shenandoah Eastward to the take from the Dept of the Rappahannock what is known as the Piedmont District which comprises the country between the Blue Ridge and the lesser Ridges to the East known as the Bull Run Mountain Carters Mountain &c

Let Gen Fremont continue to occupy and operate in force on the line he is now upon up the West bank of the north Shenandoah having a strong place at or near Mount Jackson or New Market — Completing at the same time the work commenced by Gen Banks at Strasburg The troops on this line can be supplied over an excellent road running directly to the rear or by the Rail Road coming from Alexandria to Strasburg—

Let Gen Banks with the Divisions of Williams and Gen Sigel occupy in force the line up the East Bank of the South Shenandoah Establishing a strong place near Luray with his Depot at Front Royal This will effectually guard against another raid such as has been committed by Jackson Will at the same time aid in effectually covering Washington and will free the forces of the Dept of the Rappahannock to act either in conjunction with those under McClellan against Richmond as was arranged or if not needed there to go offensively on the line of the Orange and Alexandria Rail road towards Gordonsville Charlottsville &c— Irvin McDowell

PS—

note June 5th

The above was intended to be sent to Washington by Gen Van Renssalaer yesterday but he being prevented from going forward by the destruction of a bridge it is sent by Telegraph

I. McD

From Edwin M. Stanton to Abraham Lincoln

June 4, 1862

Washington, D. C., June 4 1862.

Sir

I have the In answer to Resolution of the House of Representatives the 2d of June in relation to the power conferred on the Military Governor of California North Carolina I have the honor to state

1. That a copy of the letter of appointment and instructions to Governor Stanley1 are hereto annexed

1 Edward Stanly

2 That this Department has no official information respecting Governor Stanley has not been instructed by the Government to prevent the education of children white or black in the State of North Carolina2

2 Congress had requested information regarding the instructions to Stanly because he had allegedly prevented the education of black children.

3. That this Department has no official information that Governor Stanley has interfered to prevent the education of white or black children in said State but that a copy of the Resolution of the House has been transmitted to him for report upon his action on the subject which when received will be communicated to you.3

3 Lincoln submitted Stanton's report to Congress of June 4. See Collected Works, V, 259.

Your Obedt Servt

E M S

From James Gordon Bennett to Abraham Lincoln

June 6, 1862

Private

Herald Office

New York 6th June 1862

My Dear Sir

I duly received your kind note,1 and would have answered it sooner but I have been unwell for several days— I availed myself at the earliest moment of the hints you gave me relative to the Secretary of War a gentleman and a patriot of whom I have a high opinion although I have never known him personally— Be assured it has been my constant desire ever since this unhappy war broke out to aid and assist your government in all its wise and important measures— Your success in the terrible crisis has been wonderful, and I have no doubt now of a successful and brilliant termination to the struggle— On many occasions I have found myself groping in the dark in endeavoring to sustain your administration, but generally try to come out right With the capture of Richmond which must be done at all hazards, the war ends and the work of restoration begins— From what I know of human nature and human action, I fear you will have more trouble with the politicians in the coming restoration of the rebel states, than you have had with the generals and the armies in the recent conflict. In order to be able to aid and assist you in the work yet to be done, I have a great mind to pay you a short visit in Washington in order to have a full and confidential conversation with yourself— Do you think my Dear Sir, it would do? Present my best respects to Mrs Lincoln I deeply sympathized with Mrs L and yourself when I heard of the loss of your fine boy—2 I lost just such a boy myself a couple of years ago—

1 Lincoln had written to Bennett on May 21 in response to an editorial which speculated that Secretary Stanton was in favor of David Hunter's emancipation proclamation. Lincoln informed Bennett that he and Stanton had drafted the proclamation that revoked Hunter's action. See Collected Works, V, 225.

2 Willie Lincoln had died on February 20.

I am Dear Sir

Yours Trly

James G. Bennett

From Theodore Canisius to Abraham Lincoln

June 7, 1862

At Vienna

June 7th 1862

Sir:

I take the liberty to send to you to day a box, containing specimens of paper, yarn and cloth, made out of corn-shucks and the upper part of the corn-stalks. This great discovery has been made recently by Dr. Alois Chevalier Auer von Welsbach, Superintendent of the imperial Printing establishment of Vienna. I had this Box extra made up for You, so as to direct your attention to it well. The cloth, which you will find in the box, is the first ever made of maize-fibres. I think, it will bring about a great revolution in a national economical view. I have taken a great interest in this matter and I believe that I will be able to introduce it into our country before it will be introduced into any other. The U. S. is the only country where corn is cultivated in very large quantities, we will therefor be able, as I hope, to export Paper and maize-linen to Europe. Dr. Auer has placed the matter into my hands, as far as our country is concerned, and as soon as the Patent will arrive, I shall lose no time to take the necessary steps to effect the introduction of the invention, so that the new crop can be used yet. Inside of the box You will find a short history of the invention, which I have translated into English.

If Your time should allow it, I would thank you very much, if You could address to me a few lines, relative to Your opinion about this new invention.

We wait now with great anxiety for the next news from Richmond and Corinth. May God shield our brave men once more at those places!

You have no idea, how You have risen in the estimation of all noble and good men of Germany, since You have taken steps to get rid of Slavery. I hope, God will give You strength enough, for the herculean task you have to perform.

Yours very truly

T. Canisius

From Religious Society of Progressive Friends to Abraham Lincoln.

June 7, 1862

Memorial

of the

Religious Society of Progressive Friends,

Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States.

The Religious Society of Progressive Friends, in Yearly Meeting assembled, at Longwood, Chester County, Pennsylvania, from the 5th to the 7th of Sixth month, 1862, under a solemn sense of the perils besetting the country, & of the duty devolving upon them to exert whatever influence they possess to rescue it from impending destruction, beg leave respectfully but earnestly to set forth for the consideration of President Lincoln—

That they fully share in the general grief and reprobation felt at the seditious course pursued in opposition to the General Government by the so-called “Confederate States;” regarding it as marked by all the revolting features of high-handed robbery, cruel treachery, & murderous violence, & therefor utterly to be abhorred & condemned by every lover of his country & every friend of the human race.

That, nevertheless, this sanguinary rebellion finds its cause, purpose, & combustible materials, in that most unchristian & barbarous system of Slavery which prevails in that section of the country, & in the guilt of which the whole nation has long been deeply involved by general complicity; so that it is to be contritely recognized as the penalty due to such persistent & flagrant transgressions, & as the inevitable operation of the law of eternal justice.

That thus heavily visited for its grinding oppression of an unfortunate race, “peeled, meted out; & trodden under foot,” whose wrongs have so long cried unto Heaven for redress, — and thus solemnly warned of the infatuation as well as exceeding wickedness of endeavoring to secure peace, prosperity, and unity while leaving millions to clank their chains in the house of bondage, — the nation, in its official organization, should lose no time in proclaiming immediate and universal emancipation; so that the present frightful effusion of blood may cease, liberty be established, & a permanent reconciliation effected by the removal of the sole cause of these divisions.

That in his speech delivered at Springfield, before his election to the office of Chief Magistrate, the President expressly declared — “A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave & half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.”

That this Society, therefore, earnestly unites with a wide-spread and constantly increasing sentiment, in beseeching the President, as the head of the nation, clothed with the constitutional power in such a fearful emergency to suppress the rebellion effectually by the removal of its cause, not to allow the present golden opportunity to pass without decreeing the entire abolition of slavery throughout the land, as a measure imperatively demanded by a due regard for the unity of the country, the safety and happiness of the people, the preservation of free institutions, & by every consideration of justice, mercy, & peace. Otherwise, we have fearful reason to apprehend that blood will continue to flow, and fierce dissensions to abound, & calamities to increase, & fiery judgements to be poured out, until the work of national destruction is consummated beyond hope of recovery.

The above Memorial, after thorough deliberation and discussion, was unanimously adopted by the Society; & Thomas Garrett, of Wilmington, Del;, Alice Eliza Humbleton, of Chester Co:, Pa., and Oliver Johnson, of New York, were appointed Delegates to bear the same to Washington & present it to the President of the United States. It was also agreed that any other members of the Society, wishing to do so, might join these delegates in the discharge of their duty.1

1 Lincoln met with the delegation of Progressive Friends on June 20. For his remarks at the occasion, see Collected Works, V, 278-79.

Signed by direction and on behalf of the Religious Society of Progressive Friends.

Oliver Johnson,

Jennie K. Smith

Clerks.

From Gustave P. Koerner to Abraham Lincoln

June 7, 1862

Belleville. June 7. 1862.

Dear Sir.

The papers have just informed me that You have nominated me for the Mission to Spain. Should the Senate confirm the nomination, I believe I will accept the appointment.—

Whether confirmed or not my obligations to You for Your kindness and confidence will be precisely the same.

I believe I have suggested to You on former occasions, that I could make myself more useful to the country by representing it either at Vienna or Berlin. With Your permission I would offer an exchange to either Mr. Motley1 or Judd.2 Mr. Motley for the last ten years has been and still is engaged in writing the history of the Spanish Netherlands, and their war of independence from Spain. Most of his authorities are Spanish works, and he appears to be an excellent Spanish scholar. Nothing would suit him better than a residence at Madrid. If he was willing you could appoint him to Spain by removing me and fill the vacancy in Austria by appointing me.

1 John L. Motley

2 Norman Judd

Should I receive notice of my appointment and confirmation, I will be then ready to leave in six weeks.— For that length of time however I would have to beg leave of absence.

Expressing to You again my feelings of deep obligation for Your favor

I remain Yours most sincerely

Gustavus Koerner.

From George B. McClellan to Edwin M. Stanton

June 7, 1862

Cipher

June 8.th

Recd 1230 AM

McClellans

June 7th 4.40 PM

In reply to your dispatch of two PM today1 I have the honor to state that the Chickahominy River has risen so as to flood the entire bottoms to the depth of three & four feet I am pushing forward the bridges in spite of this and the men are working night and day up to their waists in water to complete them The whole face of the country is a perfect bog entirely impassable for Artillery or even Cavalry except directly in the narrow roads which renders any general movement either of this or the rebel Army utterly out the question at present until we have more favorable weather I am glad to learn that you are pressing forward reinforcements so vigorously I shall be in perfect readiness to move forward & take Richmond the moment that McCall2 reaches here & the ground will admit the passage of Artillery I have advanced my pickets about a mile today driving off the rebel pickets and securing a very advantageous position The Rebels have several batteries established commanding the debouches from two of our bridges & fire upon our working parties continually but as yet they have killed but very few of our men

1 Stanton had telegraphed McClellan that reinforcements were being sent to him.

2 George A. McCall

G B McClellan

From Richard M. Corwine to Edwin M. Stanton1

June 9, 1862

1 Corwine, a Cincinnati attorney and politician, was commissioned a major and additional aide-de-camp during the Civil War.

Cincinnati June 9th 1862

Sir—

By General order No 25, from the Major General commanding the Mountain department, I was appointed Chief Provost Marshal, for the part of Kentucky covered by that department. Before I undertook to discharge any functions under the appointment, I sought the counsel of the leading unconditional Union men of Kentucky in and out of the Department. By invitation I met the Military Boards, General Boyle2 & General Finnell3 at Frankfort on the 5th, and after full consultation, it was agreed that appointments of Marshals should be made in certain localities, by authority of General Fremont and General Boyle, and the selection of the men was left to General Finnell and myself. We came to Covington together, and after full interchange of views, with the leading men from Eastern and South Eastern Kentucky we made the selections indicated in the paper herewith enclosed. Altho' a native of Mason County Kentucky and pretty well acquainted with the people in all the country around about there, I was unwilling, being at present a citizen of Ohio, to exercise the authority of appointing Officers for those localities, without instructions, but determined to leave the matter to the people in every instance immediately interested. Genl Fremont had been informed that there was great disturbance in many parts of the State East of the line of the Covington & Lexington RR and I had often been called on as his representative in Ohio, to afford the people some protection against the bad men who were destroying and stealing property, without in that section of the State. Whereupon he said, I have not the force to send there to put these men down, but I am willing to organize Provost Marshal guards for them, if the people will raise the force necessary to carry out the order of the Marshals; and for that purpose, and to have the organizations made, he designated me to work the matter out, relying upon my knowledge of the people, and my personal acquaintance with the leading men of Kentucky, and believing that I would act discreetly for the Government and the service. The people were willing to constitute the force, and for that purpose would organize local companies (already having arms) to assist the marshal at all times. This was to be without pay. I add that the leading men deemed such appointments necessary and believed that they would work great good in the preservation of the peace. The men selected as Marshals are dis-creet, sound, prudent men, and will not abuse the authority given them. In Covington & Newport, the marshals have selected, wise and judicious men, of age and experience, to counsel and advise them, who were named, in some instances, by General Finnell, and in others by gentlemen in whom I have the most implicit confidence.

2 Jeremiah T. Boyle

3 John W. Finnell was the adjutant general of Kentucky.

It is proper I should add, that I do not understand that General Fremont expects me to do any thing more than to organize this force. I do not, therefore, expect to exercise any further authority in this respect. I respectfully ask you and Genl Fremont the President to approve my proceedings, and for that purpose send a copy of this to the Secretary of War and General Fremont and the President.

Very Respectfully

R. M. Corwine

Maj. & ADC

From Albert Church to Abraham Lincoln

June 9, 1862

Honored Sir

The following resolutions were adopted by the East Maine Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church at its session at Cherryfield Me, May 1862 and a copy ordered to forwarded to the President of the United States.

Resolved. First. We have the utmost confidence in the integrity of the Chief Magistrate of the nation and believe that God has raised him up for such a time as this: We admire his firmness in the time of danger, his determined love of liberty and law, his impartial and just interpretation, and firm support of the Constitution of the United States; and our daily prayer shall be that God may preserve his life; direct in the measures of the government and give success to his exertions to save the whole Country

— Second. We greatly rejoice to see in the emancipation acts an advance toward the only basis on which we can hope for a permanent adjustment of our National affairs, believing as we do that peace and prosperity can never become permanent untill Slavery is destroyed, and that this contest ought not to cease until this great evil is so circumscribed and confined as no longer to have the power of injury.

— Third We would return our thanks to Almighty God for the victories he has given the National Armies, and will ever pray that Heaven may bless those brave and worthy men who have periled thier lives for the welfare of our common Country

Availing myself of the occasion to express my high personal consideration

Respectfully Albert Church Secretary

Dover Me. June 9. 1862.

From Richard M. Corwine to Abraham Lincoln1

June 10, 1862

1 Corwine, a Cincinnati attorney and politician, was commissioned a major and additional aide-de-camp during the Civil War.

Cincinnati June 10th 1862

I received at ten O'Clock AM to day from the Secretary of War, the despatch of which the following is a copy. “Washington June 6th 1862 forwarded from Lexington Ky to Cincinnati June 10th To R M Corwine Information having reached the President, that you are about assuming jurisdiction of some description in Ky including Lexington as Provost Marshal under General Fremont, the Presidt directs that you abstain from the exercise of any authority or jurisdiction whatever the State of Kentucky.

Edwin M Stanton

Secy of War

I instantly despatched him as follows— “Hon E M Stanton Secy of War— Your despatch of the 6th just recd. By authority of Genl Fremont and of Brig Genl Boyle,2 & after full consultation with the Military Board & Adjt Genl Finnell,3 & at the request of the unconditional Union men immediately interested, & on their express nominations, Provost Marshals have been appointed in several disturbed localities in the Mountain Department — with power to suppress guerilla bands & preserve the peace, but none have been appointed at Lexington & it was not proposed to appoint any. Before your despatch was reced, I mailed to you & the Presidt a communication on this subject,4 & now forward by mail all the papers & the list of the appointments. I respectfully ask you & the Presdt to consider them. In the mean time I will most cheerfully obey the Presdt. & will abstain from the further exercise of authority or jurisdiction in Ky

2 Jeremiah T. Boyle

3 John W. Finnell was the adjutant general of Kentucky.

4 See Corwine to Edwin M. Stanton, June 9, 1862.

Having written you yesterday very fully, reporting all the circumstances, which led to my being designated to organize the Provost Marshal force, and what I did under the sanction and advice, of Genl. Boyle, General Finnell &ca, I have nothing to add on that subject; but I do wish to say, most respectfully, that I hope you will approve of what I have done. I humbly submit that I have exercised sound discretion and have done nought that was not entirely acceptable to the loyal men of my native State. General Fremonts purpose and mine as his agent, was to serve the people and restore peace to Kentucky, and I submit that what has been done is well calculated to do both. The part of Kentucky in which I assisted in organizing this force, is as well if not better known to me, than any part of Ohio, away from Cincinnati, and I am well known to the people. I do not propose to do any thing more there without your express sanction, for I understand the order above to be imperative, but I take leave to request, most respectfully, your concurrence in what I have done.

Before the order came, I had set on foot active measures, to arrest the men who were concerned in spiking the Government 24 pounders, just back of Newport, and destroying Government property, and to day I have a despatch from General Boyle on that subject, a copy of which I append — “To Major R M Corwine Louisville June 9 — 1862 Prosecute search for the rascals and if arrested send them to Camp Chase— J T Boyle Brig-Genl — Commandg—

Shall I pursue them? General Boyle's Head Quarters, are so far removed from the part of Kentucky covered by my order, it is rendered almost impossible for him to exercise that sort of military vigilance over these matters, that is necessary to protect property and life, now so universally imperiled every hour

Very Respectfully

R. M. Corwine

Maj & ADC

From William A. Darling to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1

June 11, 1862

1 William A. Darling was president of the Third Avenue Rail Road Company in New York. It is not known if General Wadsworth was able to find employment for Bertram.

New York June 11th 1862.

Dear Sir

Charles J. Bertram formerly employed by this company, was a member of the 78th Regiment “Highland Guard” and as such participated in the battle of Bull Run, whereby he became as he informs me disabled from longer service in the Army since which event he has been engaged in various pursuits in Washington, latterly occupying a small open space with an air gun target, which was giving him a living, he has been removed by the Chief of Police & desires me to ask your interference if consistently, in his behalf.

It is certainly an insignificant matter with which to claim your attention, but this man was an active, energetic republican at the Prest Election in my district, and promptly answered the call, to sustain the government, and although it is with great reluctance I am induced to trouble you with his request, still feeling you would serve the meanest as well as the greatest loyal citizens & soldiers, I respectfully submit the matter for such action as your own judgement prompts.

With the highest considerations

of respect I am

Truly Yr Obt Servt

William. A. Darling

[Endorsed by Anthony J. Blucker:]

I am personally acquainted with Mr Bertram, who was an active & zealous Republican when I led the “Forlorn Hope” for Mayor of N. Y in 1856— He was then a worthy citizen & I believe him to be such now— The recommendation of Mr Darling Presidential Elector of '60 satisfies me that he has not deteriorated since Anthony J Blucker

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

I would be glad if Gen. Wadsworth could give this man employment—

A. Lincoln

June 30, 1862.

From Alexander Hamilton to Abraham Lincoln

June 11, 1862

N York June 11. 1862

My Dear Sir

I hope you will excuse the propensity of a descendant of a feudal stock to dabble in public matters, especially, when the motive, proceeds from a desire to render [some?] [illegible], at a period so momentous and [illegible]

In every section of the country the greatest anxiety prevails with regard to the movement of General McClellan, and with almost one accord, there exists an impression, that he does not act up to the occasion. If, I may venture to express an opinion, this judgement of the public, is the result, of a most unfortunate ignorance of what the general is doing, and what he has to do, unconscious of the fact, that should he precipitate an attack, he could not fail to do so, without the greatest hazzard of defeat. The situation he holds is perfectly tenable, he cannot be driven from it, nor can the enemy make any flank efforts to disturb the successful progress of his [illegible] military works, through, which, he is [illegible] making his approaches to repel the enemy from their entrenchments, whereby they will be forced to retire, or at great odds, attempt to assail our lines of defence— The general has selected his position masterly judgment, on his left the James River is his security, and, on his right the Chickahominy affords him protection, against any outflanking operations— Thus, you can easily perceive, that his army is so condensed, and beyond doubt, well fortified, that nothing but an overwhelming power could give him any disturbance, and, which favor of this independence, no obstructions can be offered to his gradual approaches, for the purpose of placeing his artillery and mortars where they will not fail to be felt, with ruinous effect, on the City of Richmond

It will not be long, before you will find that such has been the progress of McClellans movements, and, that, his great security and power has been the result of his skillful combinations, which have given him sufficient time to take his measures cautiously and deliberately

In the spring of 1812, I visited the camp of the Duke of Willington, on the left bank of the Gaudiana, opposite Badajos, the army of the Duke amounting to 25000, while that of the garrison did not exceed 3500; and, yet, notwithstanding, this great disparity of force, the siege lasted from the 17 March to the 6th of April, terminating in an assault in which the assailants lost, in killed and wounded exceeded 5000—

I make this statement to show, how necessary it is that McClellan should not be pressed and that we ought to rest with some confidence on his discretion, and the full conviction, that he has a bold and reliable army under his charge who do not doubt his final success

It affords me great satisfaction that Banks, Fremont and McDowal are ought of his way, they are not generals, and permit me to say, that Fremonts last affair with Jackson was a miserable concern, bearing more marks of defeat, than a victory— That Banks has proved a miserable failure, there can be no doubt, and had he and Genl Stone been under charge of Napolean the Great, the latter would have been shot, and the former disgraced. Can you make a Major General of Shields?

I omitted to state that at the capture of Badajos, “Beauty and Bounty” were the watch words and as scene more disgraceful never sullied the name of every civilized nation; high and low, gentle and common, without distinction, females of every degree were the subjects of brutal violence.

With much regard

I remain Your Ob Svt

Alex: Hamilton

During my stay in the army I was a guest of Brig General Dixon, afterwards Baron Dixon to whom I was indebted for an opportunity for of being omni present, hearing and seeing every thing—