John Zubly's Diary

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SEPTEMBER 9, 1775

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[September 9, 1775] Saturday, 9. This being the last day for Exportation every body extremely busy. Of the many favorable Reports so much I hope is true that we may expect a favorable Turn of Affairs. Waited on Mr. Hancock who expressed himself very Kindly on the joining of Georgia & has great hopes of a favorable Issue. MS (GHi)

Silas Deane to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr.

Dear Sir Trenton 10th Sepr. 1775 I was informed by Mr. Vandervoort on the road that You proposed to quit the office of Depy. paymaster General,(1) & had wrote my Brother as he had been Nominated, on the Subject, conclude if this be your Determination that you will write the Congress on the Subject in Season, as Your Successor must have some little Time, to prepare to leave his Business; I wish if You write the Congress You would let me know it by letter at the same Time. I am with Esteem Dr Sir Yours Silas Deane P.S. Tho. my Brother was Nominated his Name is not on the Journal of the Congress so that an Appointment must be made before he can Succeed . RC (CtHi). 1 Jonathan Trumbull, Jr,, continued to serve as paymaster general in the northern department until July 29, 1778. JCC, 11:727.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 11, 1775] 11 th. Mr. President & Mr. Cushing, S Ward, the Connecti [cu] t Delegs, Mr. Crane of the Jerseys, several Pensylvania, Lower County, Mary[lan]d, Virginia & So. Carolina & Georgia delegates met & adjourned to the next Day. MS (RHi).

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SEPTEMBER 11, 1775

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John Zubly's Diary

[September 11-12, 1775] Monday, 11. Tuesday, 12. Attended Congress but could not make a board. MS (GHi).

Benjamin Franklin to David Hartley

Dear Sir, Philada. Sept. 12. 1775 I have this Day received your Favours per Capt. Falconer, of which more in my next. With this I send you a number of Newspapers and Pamphlets, by which you will see Things are become serious here. Your Nation must stop short, & change its Measures, or she will lose the Colonies forever. The Burning of Towns, and firing from Men of War on defenceless Cities and Villages filled with Women & Children; The exciting the Indians to fall on our innocent Back Settlers; and our Slaves to murder their Masters; are by no means Acts of a legitimate Government. They are of barbarous Tyranny and dissolve all Allegiance. The Insolence of your Captains of Men of War is intolerable But we suppose they know whom they are to please. I shall endeavour to procure the Petitions so that you may have them against Winter: they cannot be collected suddenly. With the highest Esteem, I am Yours most affectionately. [P.S.] Pray present my Respects to Mr Burke, to whom, & to you I shall write fully by the first safe hand. RC (DLC) . In Franklin's hand, though not signed. Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Jr. Dear Jonathan, Philada. Sept. 12. 1775 I this Day receiv'd yours per Capt. Falconer, and am vastly oblig'd by your Industry in Packing and Dispatching my Things.(1)Their Arrival makes me very happy, tho' they are not yet come onshore. I have not before written to you, imagining you would hardly be found there, but now I find by Mr Alexr's Letter (to whom my best Respects) that he advises you to stay, (2) for the Chance of something turning up to your Advantage. I have lately heard from your Father. He has made a temporary Exchange of Houses & Furniture with a Mr Putnam of Worcester, who now resides at your House in Boston,

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SEPTEMBER 12, 1775

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and your Family at his House in Worcester, where they were all well about two Weeks since. My Sister is at Warwick with Mrs Greene. She left her House lock'd up with the Furniture in it, but knows not whether she shall ever see it again. I like your Conduct with Respect to the Jersey Petition. The first Copy had indeed been presented before; by Mr Lee, but that you could not know. If you determine to stay in England, I shall do what I can to throw Business in your Way. But whether America is ever again to have any Connection with Britain either Commercial or Political is at present uncertain. All depends upon that Nation's coming to its Senses. Here we are preparing and determined to run all Risques rather than comply with her mad Demands. Mr Fergusson, who will deliver this, is a Gentleman of amiable Character in this Country, who visits England on Some Business of his own. If you can do him any Service you will oblige me by it. I recommend him warmly to your Civilities: and likewise Mr Stockton who goes over with him intending to study Law in the Temple. I desire to be affectionately & respectfully remembred to Mrs Hewson, Miss Dolly Blunt, Mrs Falconer, Mrs. Barwell and all our other Female Friends. I am hurried & can now only add that I am ever Your affectionate Friend & Uncle B Franklin [P.S.] I shall write to you fully, and to Mr Alexander by next Opportunity. Deliver the inclos'd yourself.(3) I have given you a little Recommendation to the good Bishop. RC (CtY). 1 Jonathan Williams, Jr. (1750 1815), Franklin's grandnephew, had been under his uncle's tutelage in London since 1770 and had remained behind when Franklin returned to America. When Franklin became United States commissioner at Paris in December 1776, Williams went to France and became United States commercial agent at Nantes. DAB. 2 Apparently William Alexander (1729-1819), whose daughter, Mariamne, Williams married in 1779. 3 See Franklin to Jonathan Shipley, September 13, 1775.

Richard Smith's Diary

Tuesday 12 September 1775 I attended at Congress for the first Time since the Adjornment. Mr. Hancock having a Touch of the Gout there was no President in the Chair. The Colonies of New Hampshire and N Carolina absent as also sundry Members from other Colonies. Dr. Franklin read several Letters recieved today by Capt. Falkner from London and informed the Members that he had some Bales of Household Goods on

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SEPTEMBER 12, 1775

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Board of Falkner, desiring the Congress's Leave to land them. No Objection to it only Willing and John Rutledge thought it irregular to do Business without a President and it was referred.(1) Mr. Gadsden and others moved for an Adjornment to 10 Tomorrow which was complyed with. 3 of the Georgia Delegates were present with Mr. Peyton Randolph and the new Delegates from Virginia, their Credentials not yet delivered and little Business hitherto done this Session. MS (DLC) . This diary, as indicated by certain comments in later entries, is based upon an earlier set of notes, since lost, which Smith made during his service in Congress from September 12, 1775, to March 30, 1776. Smith made this copy no earlier than April 1776, but apart from the presence of some easily identifiable retrospective comments, there is little reason to assume that his diary does not accurately reflect his more contemporary notes. See Smith's Diary, September 15, 30, and December 13, 1775. 1 Congress approved the unloading and the delivery of Franklin's goods on September 13. JCC, 2:247.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 12, 1775] 12th. Members from the above Col [onie] s met, (1) were joined by Messrs. Adams. For want of Quorum did no Business, adjourned. Mr. Hopkins came into the City. MS (RHi). 1 See Ward's Diary, September 11, 1775.

Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley

My dear Friend Philada. Sept. 13. 1775. I write but seldom to you, because at this time the most innocent Correspondence with me may be suspected, and attended with Inconvenience to yourself. Our united Wishes for a Reconciliation of the two Countries, are not I fear soon to be accomplished; for I hear your Ministry are determin'd to persevere in their mad Measures, and here I find the firmest Determination to resist at all Hazards. The Event may be doubtful, but it is clear to me that if the Contest is only to be ended by our Submission, it will not be a short one. We have given up our Commerce; our last Ships, 34 Sail, left this Port the 9th Instant. And in our Minds we give up our Sea Coast (tho' Part may be a little disputed) to the barbarous Ravages of your Ships of War; but the internal Country we shall defend. It is a good one and fruitful. It is with our Liberties, worth defending, and it will

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SEPTEMBER 13, 1775

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itself by its Fertility enable us to defend it. Agriculture is the great Source of Wealth & Plenty. By cutting off our Trade you have thrown us to the Earth, whence like Antaeus we shall rise yearly with fresh Strength and Vigour. This will be delivered to you by Mr Jonathan Williams, a Nephew of mine, whom I left in my Lodgings. Any thing you think fit to send me, may be safely trusted to his Care and Discretion. He is a valuable young Man, having, with great Industry & excellent Talents for Business, a very honest and good Heart. If he should stay in London, I beg leave to recommend him to a little of your Notice. I am here immers'd in so much Business that I have scarce time to eat or sleep. The Winter I promise myself will bring with it some Relaxation. This Bustle is unsuitable to Age. How happy I was in the Sweet Retirement of Twyford, where my only Business was a little Scribbling in the Garden Study, and my Pleasure your Conversation, and that of your amiable Family! With sincere and great Esteem & Respect, I am ever, my dear Friend, Your affectionate & most obedt huml Servant B Franklin [P.S.] The Perfidy of General Gage in breaking his Capitulation with Boston & detaining their Effects. The Firing of Broadsides from Men of War into defenceless Towns & Villages filled with Women and Children. The Burning of Charlestown wantonly without the least Reason or Provocation. The encouraging our Blacks to rise and murder their Masters. But above all, The Exciting the Savages to fall upon our innocent Outsettlers, Farmers, (who have no Concern in, and from their Situation can scarce have any Knowledge of this Dispute) especially when it is considered that the Indian Manner of making War, is by surprizing Families in the Night, and killing all, without Distinction of Age or Sex!(1) What would be thought of it, if the Congress should hire an Italian Bravo to break into the House of one of your Ministers, and murder him in his Bed? All his Friends would open in full Cry against us as Assassins, Murderers & Villains, and the Walls of your Parliament House would resound with their Execrations! Of these two damnable Crimes which is the greatest? These Proceedings of Officers of the Crown, who it is presumed either act by instruction, or know they shall please by such Conduct, give People here a horrid Idea of the Spirit of your Government. RC (CtY). 1 Franklin wrote the remainder of this paragraph at the foot of the page and designated its continuation with an asterisk.

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SEPTEMBER 13, 1775

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Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney

Sir, Philadelphia Sepr. 13th 1775. I have had no letter from you Since you Returned Home, Expected one by Robert the Post but am dispointted. I am very little if any better than when I wrote you last. Yet able to Attend the Congress (1) and in hopes of getting better before long. Wheat is now Selling tho verry Slowly at 3/6 per buss[he]ll. Much more offerred to Sale than bought as none buy Except a few who want for their own Use. Corn is I /6 the highest-so soon were the Markets Cut up. Mr. McGarmant will tell you about Loockermans Money-and the Colours will be down by the next Post. Get the ballance of the Bill for the Colours from Loockerman. He paid me ten pounds which you will deduct out of it. I have had private Conversation with Nat. Fortner who is just from London. He tells me he is Convinced that our differences will be Soon Settled, on our own Terms, And Says it is more than two to one that there is before this day an intire Change in the Ministry. I am Yrs. &c. Caesar Rodney RC (PHC). 1 Caesar Rodney had apparently gone directly from Newcastle to Philadelphia on September 4. "I Intended when I left Dover to have Returned before I went to the Congress. But the Assembly's Continuing to Set so much longer than I Expected has put it out of my power-Monday being the day to which the Congress is adjourned.... I shall (tomorrow) proceed to Philadelphia." Rodney to Elizabeth Rodney, September 3, 1775, PHC.

Richard Smith's Diary

[September 13, 1775] Wednesday 13th. Mr. President (Hancock) in the Chair. The Credentials of the Georgia, Virginia and Maryland Delegates were read and accepted without any Objection. The Marylanders were the same as at the last Session. An Order was made that the Pennsa. Delegates shall send off to Gen. Washington under a proper Guard, the remainder of his Money amounting in the whole to 700,000 Dollars, and they were at the same Time to send the Cloathing for Two Regiments lately seized at Philada.(1) Duane & Rob. R. Livingston came today from the Indian Treaty at Albany. Another Treaty is about to be held at Pittsburg.(2) Dr. Franklins Goods allowed to be landed. A great Number of Letters and Papers were read, some from Gen. Washington (3) giving a particular State of his Army, they want Powder and Money-some from Gen. Schuyler (4) stating his Situation

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SEPTEMBER 13, 1775

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Picture of Pennsylvania State House

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SEPTEMBER 13, 1775

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-others from Col. Lewis Morris & Jas. Wilson (5) Dated at Fort Pitt recommending an Expedition agt. Detroit to be conducted by Col. Arthur St. Glair-others from Gov. Trumbull and sundry more. MS (DLC). 1 Although Congress this day ordered the Pennsylvania delegates to send Washington $527,480, not until the following day did it instruct them to forward clothing to him. JCC, 2:245, 248. 2 Commissioners from Congress and from Virginia concluded a treaty of friendship with various Western Indian tribes at Pittsburgh in October 1775. See Richard Henry Lee to Washington, November 13, 1775; and Reuben Gold Thwaites and Louise Phelps Kellogg, eds., The Revolution on the Upper Ohio, 1775-1777 (Madison: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1908), pp. 25-127. 3 Washington's letters to the president of Congress of August 4 and 31, together with accompanying enclosures, are in PCC, item 152, 1:51-106; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:26-36, 243-55, where, however, the latter letter is incorrectly dated August 23. 4 Schuyler's letter to Hancock of July 16 is in PCC, item 153, 1:47; those to Hancock of July 21 and August 2 are printed in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1702-4 and 3:11-12; and that to the Indian commissioners for the northern department of August 31 is in ibid., 3:493 94. 5 Not found.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 13, 1775] 13th. Met. The President took the Chair the first Time. Letters from Genls Washington (two from G. Washn. to Genl Gage & one from Gage), Schuyler, &c, read.(1) Leave granted to Dr. Franklin to receive his Books Papers &c, just arrived. Leave granted to two Virginia Men to reload & export a Cargo which was shiped timely on Board a Vessel cast away.(2) Mr. Hopkins was with us untill One. MS (RHi). 1 Ward inserted the parenthetical comment between the lines of his diary, marking the point of insertion following Schuyler's name, but obviously intended to add it after Washington's. 2 On this point, see JCC, 2:246 47.

John Zubly's Diary

[September 13, 1775] Wednesday, 13. Took Seat at the Congress. Preachd for Mr. Weinbery. Act 16:31.4, & agreed D[eo] V[olante] to preach every Wednesday. MS (GHi)

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SEPTEMBER 14, 1775

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RICHARD SMITH'S DIARY

Thursday 14 Septr. [1775] Letters read from Gen. Schuyler and others.(1) Col. Francis sent the Journal of the late Indian Treaty at Albany to the Congress which was read.(2) Several Members from Virginia, Maryland, Jersey, N York & Connecticut added to the Pennsa. Delegates appointed last Session to settle Accounts. The Georgia Delegates laid the Proceedings of their Provincial Convention before Us Cont'g a Petition to the King, another to certain Resolves and other Matters,(3) and motioned for Leave to sell the Cargoes of Two Ships which were shipped without Knowledge of their Agreement of Non Importn. and motioned also for Exportation of certain Articles under certain Limitations. These Motions were opposed by Chase and J. Adams and supported by Nelson, Houstoun & Dr. Zubley, the latter out of Humor with Chase. The Consideration of it was put off till Tomorrow. The proposed Expedition to Detroit canvassed and disagreed to & various other Matters. MS (DLC). 1 Schuyler's letters to Hancock of July 26, 27, 28 and August 6, together with accompanying enclosures, are in PCC, item 153, 1:63-86, 102-7; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1729-31, 1734-35, 1745-47, and 3:4849. 2 On this point, see ibid. 3:473-95 3 On the proceedings of the Georgia Provincial Congress, held in Savannah July 4-17, 1775, see ibid. 2:154-68.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 14, 1775] 14th. Met, a Number of Letters from Genl. Schuyler &c, read. Dr. Stringer appoin[te]d chief Physician & Surgeon to Genl. Schuylers Army to be pd. for his Medicines & supplies the same Pay as the other chief Phy[sician].(1) The Motion from Georgia considt[ere]d & referred. (Mr. Hopkins until one.) The Address of that Provincial Con[vention] to the King read & their resolves. Treaty with the Six Nations read, a Plan for taking Fort Detroit proposed by Mr. Willson & Colo. Morris rejected. Colo. Morris appointed a Commissr. at the Indian Treaty for the middle Department. MS (RHi). 1 Samuel Stringer (1734-1817), Albany doctor and sometime chairman of the Albany Committee of Correspondence in 1775, was Gen. Philip Schuyler's personal physician before being appointed this day as director of the hospital and chief physician and surgeon for the army in the northern department. Joel Munsell, The Annals of Albany, 10 vols. (Albany: J. Munsell, 1850-59), 6:124; Don R. Gerlach,

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SEPTEMBER 15, 1775

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Philip Schuyler and the American Revolution in New York, 1733-1777 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964), p. 285; and JCC, 2:249-50.

John Adams' Diary

1775. Septr. 15. Fryday. Archibald Bullock and John Houstoun Esquires, and the Revd. Dr. Zubly, appear as Delegates from Georgia.(1) Dr. Zubly is a Native of Switzerland, and a Clergyman of the Independent Perswasion, settled in a Parish in Georgia. He speaks, as it is reported, Several Languages, English, Dutch, French, Latin &c. -is reported to be a learned Man. He is a Man of a warm and zealous Spirit. It is said that he possesses considerable Property. Houstoun is a young Gentleman, by Profession a Lawyer, educated under a Gentleman of Eminence in South Carolina. He seems to be sensible and spirited, but rather inexperienced. Bullock is cloathed in American Manufacture. Thomas Nelson Esquire, George Wythe Esqr., and Francis Lightfoot Lee Esq. appeared as Delegates from Virginia. Nelson is a fat Man, like the late Coll. Lee of Marblehead. He is a Speaker, and alert and lively, for his Weight. Wythe is a Lawyer, it is said of the first Eminence. Lee is a Brother of Dr. Arthur, the late Sheriff of London,(2) and our old Friend Richard Henry, sensible, and patriotic, as the rest of the Family. Deane says, that two Persons, of the Name of De Witt of Dutch Extraction, one in Norwich the other in Windham, have made Salt Petre with Success-and propose to make a great deal. That there is a Mine of Lead at Middletown, which will afford a great Quantity. That Works are preparing to smelt and refine it, which will go in a fortnigllt. There is a Mine at Northampton, which Mr. W. Bowdoin spent much Money in working, with much Effect, tho little Profit. Langdon and Bartlett came in this Evening, from Portsmouth.(3) 400 Men are building a Fort on Pierce's Island to defend the Town vs. Ships of War. Upon recollecting the Debates of this Day in Congress, there appears to me a remarkable Want of Judgment in some of our Members. Chace is violent and boisterous, asking his Pardon. He is tedious upon frivolous Points. So is E. Rutledge. Much precious Time is indiscreetly expended. Points of little Consequence are started, and debated [with] warmth. Rutledge is a very uncouth, and ungracefull Speaker. He shruggs his Shoulders, distorts his Body, nods and wriggles with his Head, and looks about with his Eyes, from side to side, and Speaks thro his~Nose, as the Yankees Sing. His Brother John

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SEPTEMBER 15, 1775

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dodges his Head too, rather disagreably, and both of them Spout out their Language in a rough and rapid Torrent, but without much Force or Effect. Dyer is long winded and roundabout-obscure and cloudy. Very talkative and very tedious, yet an honest, worthy Man, means and judges well. Sherman's Air is the Reverse of Grace. There cannot be a more striking Contrast to beautifull Action, than the Motions of his Hands. Generally, he stands upright with his Hands before him. The fingers of his left Hand clenched into a Fist, and the Wrist of it, grasped with his right. But he has a clear Head and sound Judgment. But when he moves a Hand, in any thing like Action, Hogarths Genuis could not have invented a Motion more opposite to grace. It is Stiffness, and Aukwardness itself. Rigid as Starched Linen or Buckram. Aukward as a junior Batchelor, or a Sophomore. Mr. Dickinsons Air, Gate, and Action are not much more elegant. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:172-73. 1 This entry is apparently retrospective, since the credentials of the Georgia delegates were entered into the journals on September 13. JCC, 2:240 42. 2 That is, William Lee. 3 For the arrival of the New Hampshire delegates, see Josiah Bartlett to Mary Bartlett, September 16, 1775.

Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane

My Dear Philadelphia Septr 15th 1775 I wrote you from Trenton, last Sunday,(1) but miss'd a Conveyance untill on Tuesday, by the Stage, to Care of Mr. Hazard. Hope You received it. I think I promised you a long Letter in it as soon as I arrived here, which shall disappoint you of, tho' this by Brown is sure of coming safe to hand for which want of Spirits occasioned by a sever cold must be my excuse. I have been casting in my Mind how to procure you a passage to this place. Suppose Mr. Webb who wants to come, at least as farr as N. York could contrive to put his light Horse, with Two others, into Browns Stage and so come on, to New York, where I would meet you, with my Carriage. Think of this and write me by the first post after the Receipt of this. Tell my Brother Simeon, that Monsieur Tetard is gone Chaplain to the New York Forces, so that his views of studying with him are over, for the present. The Congress have hardly begun Business, New Hampshire, & N. Carolina being absent.(2) This City is still busy in military parade, & preparation It is well they are for something is Necessary to keep them employed, and to divert their Attention from the Melancholy

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SEPTEMBER 15, 1775

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appearance of their River destitute of Navigation. No less than Sixty Sail left this place, on the day the Nonexportation took place, & None have arrived since except one Shipp from London. There is Nothing New worth sending you thus farr. Pray forward me a Lettr. from your Father, as soon as received. I am my Dear yours S Deane RC (CtHi). 1 Deane's letter to his wife of September 10 briefly described his journey southward and reported that: "Govr. Ward joined Us at New Haven, & Mr. Cushing, so that We have had just Company eno. to be agreeable. Col. Dyer has been unwell, but not so as to delay Us." CtHi. 2 Although the New Hampshire delegates arrived this day, the first mention of the arrival of any of the North Carolina delegates is contained in Secretary Thomson's October 12 entry in the journals recording John Penn's appearance. JCC, 2:252, 3:290. Robert Treat Paine, the last of the Massachusetts delegates to take his seat at this session of Congress, attended for the first time this day, having arrived in Philadelphia the preceding evening. Robert Treat Paine's Diary, September 14 and 15,1775. MHi.

Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull

Dear Sir Philadelphia Septr 15th 1775 I recievd yours with a Continuando to the 5th Instant in which you mention the Article of flower you proposed to get from this place &c. The Generalls letter is laid before the Congress (1) & they have taken the matter up but not yet determined Upon but they at present seem rather Averse to Water carriage for 2 reasons. The one the fear of loss the other the fear of Gain to the Enemy. There is now Rower enough att York. It has fallen there 3 or 4/ per hund the last Week as I am Informed by their delegates. It has fallen much here I believe to about 12/6 (ie) the midling sort. I can only say at this time you must depend upon Connecticutt for the present but a few days will determine what the Congress will do & shall give you the earliest Intelligence. As to Cash there will be a Supply for the Military Chest immediately sent forword but if they conclude to send Flower from here or York no doubt orders may be given on the Treasurer to the amount. As to the article of pork I have no doubt but the Method you propose of having the hogs drove down on the foot & salted there will be agreable as it must Save a great expence but what Army or how many will be kept up thro the Winter is Impossible to determine. The Congress will soon take that matter under Consideration. I hope there may be some way found out whereby the best officers & those most Wortlay may he appointed. By the last accounts from England it appears the K---g is Obstinately bent to prosecute the Warr against the Americans as appears

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SEPTEMBER 15, 1775

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by the K--- s answer to the London Petition.(2) But it rather seems there will be no reinforcement to Genll Gage this fall. I hope a good account may be given of those here in due time. Let me hear wether my son is with you & how he does. Due regards to all Friends & am yours Elipht Dyer [P.S.] Since my last we have recievd from Doctr Church an Invoice for a large quantity of Druggs.(3) As I had sent my son a large quantity of Rhubarb and it is now Scarce here I have engaged to Supply him with that Article I believe Cheaper than can be got here. I have shewd a Sample to the best appothecary here who say it is Cheap at 3 doll[ar]s per lb by 50 wt togeather. I have ordered my son Benjn to send forword to you about 56 lb the quantity Doctr Church sent for, at that price tho it is low, which you will be so kind as to deliver to him as soon as it comes to hand. The other articles we shall procure as soon as may be & forword. Your E D RC (CtHi). 1 Probably Washington's September 7 letter to Congress, endorsed "No. 6," and enclosing Commissary Trumbull's proposals for purchasing flour and pork economically. PCC, item 152, 1:109-14; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3 662-63. Congress continued consideration of this letter on September 16 and on the 21st appointed a committee to consider means of provisioning the army. JCC, 2:253, 3:257-58. 2 On July 14, 1775, the lord mayor, aldermen, and Commons of the City of London petitioned the king, urging him to desist from the use of force against America. The king replied that he must continue to use force as long as there was any resistance. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1602-3. 3 On the previous day Congress had appointed Dyer to a committee "to devise ways and means for supplying the continental army with Medicines." JCC, 2:250.

John Hancock to Lewis Morris and James Wilson

Gentlemen, Congress Chamber Septr. 15th. 1775. Your Letter of the 6th Inst.(1) was duely recd. and communicated to the Congress, who immediately took into Consideration the proposed Expedition against Detroit: and as the Season is so far advanced, and the Congress have not sufficient Light to direct their Judgment, they can not undertake to give their Countenance to the proposed Enterprize; more especially as an Enterprize is now on Foot, which, if successful, will necessarily draw that Place after it. Inclosed you have two Resolves passed in Congress, relative to the Appointment of Col. Morris and Doctr. Walker, (2) as Commissioners for Indian Affairs. If Doctr. Walker should not be present when this reaches you, it may be proper to dispatch an Express to him, and notify him of his Appointment.

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LB (DNA: PCC, item 12A) . 1 On this letter, now lost, see also Richard Smith's Diary, September 13, 1775. 2 Thomas Walker (1715-94), a Virginia physician and explorer deeply involved in western land speculation, and Lewis Morris, a delegate from New York, were appointed commissioners for Indian affairs in the middle department on September 14.-15, for the express purpose of concluding a treaty of friendship with the Ohio Indians at Pittsburgh. JCC, 2:251; and DAB.

John Jay to Stephen Rapalje

Sir Philad. 15 Septr. 1775 We are informd that a considerable Quantity of Drugs & Medicines are in yr. Possession belonging to a Gent. in England or Ireland. The Congress are desirous of purchasing such of them as may be of use to the army, & I am desired to apply to you for that Purpose. Be so kind therefore as to inform me by the first opportunity whether you will dispose of them. Be assured that yr. Compliance will be very agreable to the Congress.(1) I am Sir yr. very hble Servt. J. Jay FC (NNC). 1 On September 23 Congress ordered the committee on supplying the army to "buy a parcel of Drugs in the hands of Mr. Rapalje, which he offers at the prime cost." JCC, 3:261.

George Ross to James Wilson

Dear Sir Phida. 15th Septr. 1775 The Affair of Detroit has been considered in Congress and the result you will have in a Letter from the President.(1) It was thought too late in the Season. The Intelligence was not clear enough. That Cannon might me [be] Necessary. That as the Treaty at Albany has been very happily Concluded The Indians might take Offence. That perhaps the Indians in your department might take it amiss and Lastly that Should Genl. Shuyler Suceed as has Embarged 15 days Detroit would Fall of Course. I say those Reasons determined the Congress unanimously to delay the Expedition at this time. We have little to do. All waiting with Anxiety to hear from Schuyler. All is Quiet at Boston. The Best Intelligence from England shews we must depend on our own Steady measures. I have heard From Jammy, he is well. I have not lately heard from Mr. Biddle, by the last accounts he was better. My Complymts. to Col. Morris Mr. Lawrence & all Friends. Coll. Thompson is well & greatly Esteemed. There is another Brigadier Wanting For the Army. I hope to have

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SEPTEMBER 15, 1775

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Col. Armstrong appointed. I am with great affection Your Sincere Friend & Hble Servt. Geo. Ross RC (MeHi). 1 For Congress' negative response to a proposed expedition against Detroit recommended in Morris and Wilson's letter of September 6, see John Hancock to Lewis Morris and James Wilson, September 15, 1775, and JCC, 2:251.

Richard Smith's Diary

Friday 15 Septr. [1775] Debates upon Indian Commissioners for the Middle Department. Henry and Franklin being unable to attend at Pittsburg, Col. Lewis Morris & Dr. Thomas Walker appointed to attend there Hac Vice.(1) Then the Affair of the Two Cargoes at Georgia referred from Yesterday, was largely agitated & in the End a Resolution drawn by Jay took place importing that the cargoes should be sold and the Proffits if any put into the Hands of the Georgia Convention or Comee. of Safety to be applied in Defence of the Province. An incidental Matter took up some Time viz, Whether Mr. Nelson should vote for Virginia he being the only Delegate present (2) & whether any lesser Number than the Quorum shall represent any Colony. Mr. Nelson waved his Question & the other went off without a Determination. (Since that Time no Colony votes without the Quorum present as limited by their Colony. Some authorize 3, some 2, some one Delegate to give a Vote.) Two of the Georgia Delegates are possessed of Homespun Suits of Cloaths, an Adornment few other Members can boast of, besides my Bror. Crane and myself. MS (DLC). 1 Although Dr. Walker was appointed commissioner of Indian affairs this day, Morris' appointment had been made on September 14. JCC, 2:251. 2 Francis Lightfoot Lee and George Wythe were in Philadelphia but had been inoculated for small pox and were in seclusion, and Peyton Randolph was ill. See Samuel Ward to George Washington, September 17, 1775. According to his later account with Virginia, Thomas Nelson had been in attendance for a few days. His claim for expenses as a delegate included the following entries: "To Travelling to Phila 300 Miles @ 1/-Mile £15. To Attendance in Congress from Sepr 10th till Feby 22d is 165 days @ 45/-£371-5- NN.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 15, 1775] 15th. Met, Dr. Walker of Virginia appointed a Commissioner in the Room of Mr. Henry. Goods arrived in Georgia before 6th Augst.

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last to be sold or reshiped at the option of the Proprietors; if sold, first Cost & Charges to be reimbursed the Owners, the Profits to be applied by the provincial Congress for the Defence of the Colony. (Mr. Hopkins until 1/2 past one.) MS (RHi).

John Adams' Diary

1775 Sept. 16. Saturday. Walking to the Statehouse this Morning, I met Mr. Dickinson, on Foot in Chesnut Street. We met, and passed near enough to touch Elbows. He passed without moving his Hat, or Head or Hand. I bowed and pulled off my Hat. He passed hautily by. The Cause of his Offence, is the Letter no doubt which Gage has printed in Drapers Paper.(1) I shall for the future pass him, in the same manner. But I was determined to make my Bow, that I might know his Temper. We are not to be upon speaking Terms, nor bowing Terms, for the time to come. This Evening had Conversation with Mr. Bullock of Georgia. I asked him, whether Georgia had a Charter? What was the Extent of the Province? What was their Constitution? How Justice was administered? Who was Chancellor, who Ordinary? and who Judges? He says they have County Courts for the Tryal of civil Causes under £8-and a C[hief] Justice, appointed from Home and 3 other Judges appointed by the Governor, for the decision of all other Causes civil and criminal, at Savanna. That the Governor alone is both Chancellor and Ordinary. Parson Gordon of Roxbury, spent the Evening here.(2) I fear his indiscreet Prate will do harm in this City. He is an eternal Talker, and somewhat vain, and not accurate nor judicious. Very zealous in the Cause, and a well meaning Man, but incautious, and not sufficiently tender of the Character of our Province, upon which at this Time much depends. Fond of being thought a Man of Influence, at Head Quarters, and with our Council and House, and with the general Officers of the Army, and also with Gentlemen in this City, and other Colonies. He is a good Man, but wants a Guide. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) . 2:173-75. 1 That is, Adams' letter to James Warren, July 24, 1775. For another personal evaluation of the letter's impact, see Adams to Abigail Adams, October 2, 1775. 2 William Gordon (1728/29-1807). a dissenting clergyman from England, became pastor of a Roxbury, Mass., parish in 1772. Gordon, a correspondent of Lord Dartmouth and an outspoken Whig by 1775, was made chaplain of the Massachu-

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setts Provincial congress in May of that year. He also wrote widely for the newspapers and spent much of his time during the war collecting material for a history of the conflict, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment, of the Independence of the United States, 4 vols. (London: Printed for the author, 1788) . Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 13:60 85.

Josiah Bartlett to Mary Bartlett

My Dear Philadelphia Saturday Septembr 16th [1775] I arrived yesterday at this place about noon, after a pretty agreable Jorney having had no rain Since the Day I Set out till a Small Shower last thursday. After we Got in yesterday it rained most of the afternoon. I hope & trust that you & my family are well as nothing will Give me So much Uneasiness as to hear any of you are Dangerously Sick in my absence But I hope & trust kind Providence will bring us all togather again in Safety. I am well Except Something of a Cough as is usual after a Great Cold that I took on my Jorney. The Small Pox is in the City. Some of the members of the Congress are now under Innoculation & Some have taken [. . .] as hitherto to Escape it. Which I Shall Do I am not fully Determined, altho all agree there is no Danger in Innoculation, yet it will hinder me at least a fortnight from my Duty at Congress. I have nothing new to inform you of Except that the Storm [that] we had the Sabbath before I Set out from home [was] very Severe in New York, New Jersey & Pensylvania [doin]g Great Damage tearing Down trees &c &c [the] accont of which you will probably See in the Publick Prints. [I] wrote you from Woborn [and] from Windsor in Connecticut both of which I hope you have Received. Remember my Love to my Children and to all Enquiring Friends, Particularly to Lieut. Pearson & Capt. Calef and their families. I Shall frequently write to you and want to hear from you & my family, hope you will not neglect to write now I am here and you know where they will find me. I am yours &c Josiah Bartlett RC (NhHi).

John Hancock to the New York Provincial Congress

Sir Philadelphia, Septem. 16th, 1775. Herewith I transmit you a Commission for Mr. Flemming, Deputy Adjutant General with the rank of Colonell agreeable to the recom-

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mendation of your Congress, which I have dated the Day of his Appointment.(1) I also forward you four Hundred Commissions for the officers of your Forces under the Command of General Schuyler, which you will please to have regularly fill'd up with the Names of those Gentlemen who were Appointed by your Congress, & Transmit them to General Schuyler to be Deliver'd them. You will observe they are not Dated. You will please to Supply the Dates according to the Time of the Appointment of each, as their pay should Commence from that time, and as I was not furnish'd with a List of the names nor the Time, was Oblig'd to give you the trouble of completing the commissions. You will please to acknowledge the Receipt of them. I have nothing in Charge from Congress to Communicate. When I have, you shall be early Acquainted therewith. I have the honour to be with much esteem, Sir, Your most Obedt hum Servt. John Hancock Presidt. RC (N). Journals of the N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:4. Addressed: "Honl. P.V.B. Livingston Esqr. &c." RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr. 1 On September 14 Congress had confirmed the New York Provincial Congress' appointment of Edward Flemming as deputy adjutant-general with the rank of colonel in the army of the northern department. JCC, 2:249; and Am Archives, 4th ser. 3:564. The Provincial Congress' letter of September 9 to the New York delegates recommending Flemming is in PCC, item 67, 1:37.

Richard Smith's Diary

Saturday 16 Sepr. [ 1775] The greater Part of the Time lost in considering Whether One Officer in our Army may be allowed to hold Two Commissions. It was postponed, this was On read'g. Gen Washingtons Letters,(1) other Parts of his Letters gone into & some small Matters settled. MS (DLC). 1 See Samuel Ward to Washington, September 17, and Washington's letters to Hancock of August 4 and 31, 1775, Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 3:390-99.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 16, 1775] 16th. Entered upon Genl. Washingtons Letters referred to Monday. Next Tuesday assigned for Consideration of the Trade of the

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Colonies.(1) A Motion that no Provisions Hides or Leather Sheepskins Flaxseed be exported postponed.(2) (Mr. Hopkins until one.) MS (RHi) 1 Congress chose Wednesday, September 20, not Tuesday, September 19, to consider the state of American commerce. JCC, 2:253. 2 See JCC, 3 268-69.

John Zubly's Diary

[September 16, 1775] Saturday. I made a point of it in every Company to contradict & oppose every hint of a desire of Independency or of breaking our Conexion with Great Britain.(1) [....] Went home with Mr. Schlatter. MS (GHi). 1 Zubly had more fully stated his views on America's connection with Britain in his long letter to Lord Dartmouth, September 3, 1775: "The question, my Lord, which now agitates Great Britain and America, and in which your Lordship has taken such an active part, is, whether the Parliament of Great Britain has a right to lay taxes on the Americans, who are not and and cannot there be represented; and whether the Parliament has a right to bind the Americans in all cases whatsoever? . . . Let a declaratory bill be passed that, any law and usage to the contrary notwithstanding. America is entitled to all the common rights of mankind, and all the blessings of the British Constitution, that the sword shall never be drawn to abridge, but to confirm her birthright, and the storm instantly becomes a calm, and every American thinks himself happy to contribute to the necessites, defence, and glory of Great Britain, to the utmost of his strength and power.... The people in England are made to believe that the Americans want to separate from them, or are unwilling to bear their part of the common burden. No representation can be more false; but, my Lord, a Nation cannot be misled always, and when once the good people of Great Britain get truer notions of the matter, they will naturally wreak their resentment on those by whom they have been grossly misinformed or wretchedly deceived.... The Americans have always shown an affectionate regard to the King, and they are truly sensible of the necessity and advantage of a perpetual union with the Parent State; but undeserved severities cannot be productive of any pleasing returns.... To restore peace and harmony, nothing is necessary than to secure to America the known blessings of the British Constitution. This may be done in a moment, and without any disgrace or risk. Let the Americans enjoy, as hitherto, the privilege to give and grant by their own representatives, and they will give and grant liberally; but their liberty they will never part with but with their lives." Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:634-39, (From Zubly's pamphlet The Law of Liberty; see illustration.)

John Adams' Diary

1775 Septr. 17th. Sunday. Mr. Smith, Mr. Imlay and Mr. Hanson, breakfasted with us. Smith is an Englishman, Imlay and Hanson N. Yorkers.

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The Law of Liberty by John Joachim Zubly

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Heard Sprout [Sproat], on 3 Tit. 5. Not by Works of Righteousness, which We have done, but according to his Mercy he saved us, through the Washing of Regeneration and the Renewing of the holy Ghost. There is a great deal of Simplicity and Innocence in this worthy Man, but very little Elegance or Ingenuity. In Prayer, he hangs his Head in an Angle of 45° over his right Shoulder. In Sermon, which is delivered without Notes, he throws himself into a Variety of indecent Postures. Bends his Body, Points his Fingers, and throws about his Arms, without any Rule or Meaning at all. He is totally destitute of the Genius and Eloquence of Duffil [Duffield], has no Imagination, No Passions, no Wit, no Taste and very little Learning, but a great deal of Goodness of Heart. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:175-76.

John Adams to Abigail Adams

My Dear Philadelphia Septr. 17. 1775 This is the first Time, that I have attempted to write, since I left you. I arrived here in good Health, after an agreable Journey, last Wednesday; There had not been Members enough to make a House, several Colonies being absent, so that I was just in Time. The next day, an adequate No. appeared, and Congress has sat ever since. Georgia is now fully represented, and united to the other Twelve. Their Delegates are Dr. Zubly, a Clergyman of the independant Perswasion who has a Parish in that Colony and a good deal of Property. He is a Native of Switzerland, is a Man of Learning and Ingenuity. It is said he is Master of several Languages, Greek, Latin, French, Dutch and English. In the latter it is said, he writes tolerably. He is a Man of Zeal and Spirit, as We have already seen upon several occasions. However, as he is the first Gentleman of the Cloth who has appeared in Congress, I can not but wish he may be the last. Mixing the sacred Character, with that of the Statesman, as it is quite unnecessary at this Time of day, in these Colonies, is not attended with any good Effects. The Clergy are universally too little acquainted with the World, and the Modes of Business, to engage in civil affairs with any Advantage. Besides those of them, who are really Men of Learning, have conversed with Books so much more than Men, as to be too much loaded with Vanity, to be good Politicians. Mr. Bullock is another of the Georgian Delegates, a sensible Man, a Planter I suppose. Mr. Houstoun is the third, a young Lawyer of Modesty as well as sense and Spirit which you will say is uncommon

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Mr. Jones and Dr. Hall are not yet arrived. Mr. Henry is made a General in Virginia, and therefore could not come. Mr. Pendleton and Coll. Bland excused them selves on Account of Age and ill Health. Messrs. Nelson, Wythe, and Lee, are chosen and are here in the Stead of the other three. Wythe and Lee are inoculated. You shall hear more about them. Altho they come in the Room of very good Men, We have lost nothing by the Change I believe. Remember me in the tenderest Language, to all our little Folks. I am yours. RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 1:280 81.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr Sir Philadelphia Septr. 17.1775 I have nothing in particular to write. Our most gracious K--- given a fresh Proof of his Clemency, in his answer to the City. But no more of Politicks, at present. If this Scratch of a Pen should fall into the Hands of the wiseacre Gage, as long as I confine myself, to Matrimony, and Horsemanship, there will be no Danger. Be it known to you then that two of the most unlikely Things, within the whole Congress of Possibility, have really, and actually happened. The first is the Suden Marriage of our President, whose agreable Lady honours us with her Presence and contributes much to our good Humour, as well as to the Happiness of the President. So much for that. The next Thing is more wonderfull Still. You know the aversion, which your Secretary (1) has ever entertained to riding, on Horseback. He never would be perswaded to mount a Horse. The last time we were here, I often laboured to perswade him, for the Sake of his Health, but in vain. Soon after We Sat out, on the last Journey, I reflected that Some Degree of Skill and Dexterity in Horsemanship, was necessary to the Character of a Statesman. It would take more Time and Paper than I have to Spare, to shew the Utility of Horsemanship to a Politician; So I shall take this for granted. But I pointed out the particulars to him, and likewise shewed him that Sociability would be greatly promoted, by his mounting one of my Horses. On Saturday the second day of September 1775, in the Town of Grafton He was prevailed on to put my Servant with his, into Harrisons Chaise and to mount upon my Horse, a very genteel, and easy little Creature. We were all disappointed and Surprised. Instead of the Taylor riding to Brentford We beheld, an easy, genteel Figure,

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upon the Horse, and a good deal of Spirit and facility, in the Management of the Horse, insomuch that We soon found our Servants were making Some disagreable Comparisons, and Since our arrival here I am told that Fessenden (impudent Scoundrel!) reports that the Secretary rides fifty per Cent better than your Correspondent. In this manner, We rode to Woodstock, where we put up for the Sabbath. It was Soon observed that the Secretary, could not Sit So erect in his Chair as he had Sat upon his Horse, but Seemed to be neither sensible of the Disease or the Remedy. I Soon perceived and apprised him of both. On Sunday Evening, at Mr Dexters, where we drank Coffee & Spent an agreable Evening I perswaded him to purchase two yards of flannell which we carried to our Landlady, who with the assistance of a Tayler Woman in the House, made up a Pair of Drawers, which the next Morning were put on, and not only defended the Secretary from any further Injury, but entirely healed the little Breach which had been begun. Still an Imperfection remained. Our Secretary had not yet learned to mount and dismount. Two Servants were necessary to attend upon these Occasions, one to hold the Bridle and Stirrup, the other to boost the Secretary. This was rather a ridiculous Circumstance Still. At last, I undertook to instruct him the necessary Art of mounting. I had my Education to this Art, under Bates, the celebrated Equerry, and therefore might be Supposed to be a Master of it. I taught him to grasp the Bridle, with his Right Hand over the Pummell of his Saddle, to place his left Foot firm in the Stirrup; to twist his left Hand into the Horses Main, about half Way between his Ears and his Shoulders, and then a vigorous Exertion of his Strength would carry him very gracefully into the Seat, without the least Danger of falling over on [the] other Side. The Experiment was tryed and Succeeded to Admiration. Thus equipped and instructed, our Horseman rode all the Way from Woodstock to Philadelphia, Sometimes upon one of my Horses, Sometimes on the other-and acquired fresh Strength, Courage, Activity and Spirit every day. His Health is much improved by it, and I value myself, very much upon the Merit of having probably added Several Years, to a Life So important to his Country, by the little Pains I took to perswade him to mount and teach him to ride. Sully and Cecil were both Horsemen, and you know I would not have our Americans inferiour to them in the Smallest Accomplishment. Pray Mrs Warren to write to me. I would to her, if I had half so much Time. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 Samuel Adams.

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Silas Deane to Joseph Trumbull

Dear Sir Philadelphia Sepr. 17th. 1775 I write, because I owe You a Lettr. & wish for another, not That I have anything to send you private or public deserving Notice since Our Arrival. The Congress is well nigh full, little Business has as yet been done, but This Week it will be seriously entered upon, and I wish in Vain, that Mr. Mifflin was here. Mr. Biddle continues dangerously ill, Mr. Willson at Fort Pitt on an Indian Treaty, & Mr Willing a Constant attendant on Congress, will give Mr. Mifflin a proper Idea of the representation of this Colony, to whom present my sincerest respects. Hope Mrs. Mifflin arrived in safety, had the pleasure, of seeing her on the Road. Whenever you have Leisure you will oblige Me by a Lettr. Let it be ever so short, but the longer the better. I am Dear Sir Your much obliged & Very hum. Sevt Silas Deane RC (CtHi).

Samuel Ward to George Washington

Dear Sir Philadelphia 17th Sepr. 1775 Having nothing of immediate Consequence to communicate & determining to sett out for this City in a few Days after the Receipt of yr. favor, I deferred acknowledging it until my arrival here. I am greatly obliged to you for the very kind notice which you was pleased to take of my Son & the favorable Light in which you view him.The Advantages of travelling he wants but those of a liberal Education he enjoys; he has seen some of the best Company in our Colony and from his moral & political Principles I flatter myself his Conduct will make him not unworthy of your future Regard every Instance of which I shall most gratefully acknowledge. With Pleasure I observe that you have lately received some Powder & expect some Lead & Arms from our Colony. I hope the Measures taken by Congress and by the Colonies will furnish you with such Quantities as will allow the freest Scope to your military Plans & Operations. That Part of your Letter relative to removing the Stock from the Islands & Sea Coasts I laid before our Genl. Assembly. I shewed the necessity of immediately doing it in the most forcible Terms & such Measures were immediately adopted as have I imagine secured all our Cattle from the Enemy by this Time. The innumerable Difficulties which you must have encountered in the Command of an Army under different Establishments in Want of Arms Ammunition, regular Supplies of Provisions, a military Chest,

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experienced officers a due Organization & a hundred other Things I have some tho' not an adequate Conception of but from the Accts. which I have the Pleasure to receive from my Friends in Camp I doubt not but your wise & steady Attention to the Service will surmount all obstacles & that by the opening of next Campaign you will have the finest Army under Your Commd. which ever was formed in America. I am too sensible of the Multiplicity of Business in which you are engaged to flatter Myself with a regular Correspondence but whenever you shall communicate any thing necessary for the public Good to Me you may rely upon my best & constant Endeavours both in our own Colony & in Congress to promote the Service. I most chearfully entered into a solemn Engagement upon your Appointment to support you with my Life & Fortune and shall most religiously & with the highest Pleasure endeavour to discharge that duty. The Congress began to do Business Last Wednesday but many Members are still absent; Colo. Lee, Colo. Harrison & Mr. Jefferson & the No. Carolina Delegates & some others are not arrived. Mr. Randolph has been confined with a fever two or three Days. Messrs. Wythe & Lee are under Enoculation so that Colo. Nelson alone attends from your Colony. We entered into the Consideration of your Letters yesterday, for Want of a thorough Knowledge of military affairs it was not so well understood how an officers having several Appointments could make any Difference in Rank for instance how a Genl. officers having a Regiment or Company or a Feild officers having a Compy. could alter his Rank. It seemed to be the general Opinion that all officers should receive Pay only for one Commission & that for their highest & that when the Army was reformed no Person should sustain more than one office but some seemed to apprehend that if a Genl. officer appointed by his Colony as Colonel of a particular Regiment or a Field officer as Captain of a Company were refused by the Congress Commissions as such that the Colonies would appoint other Colonels & Captains in their Places that this increase of officers would augment the Difficulties attending the Reduction of the Troops if such a Measure should be adopted. Upon the whole the matter was referred & as soon as your several Letters are considered you will be acquainted with the Sentiments of the Congress. (We have no News here from England later than 18th July. By the Kings Answer to the Petition of the Lord Mayor Aldermen & Commons of the City of London it appears He is determined to pursue and enforce his Measures.(1) God be thanked that however severe the Contest may prove We are now in such a happy Way that the End must be the Establishment of American Liberty.) FC (RHi). 1 See Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, September 15, 1775, note 2.

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John Adams' Diary 1775 Septr. 18. Monday. This Morning John McPherson Esq. came to my Lodging, and requested to speak with me in Private. He is the Owner of a very handsome Country Seat, about five Miles out of this City: is the Father of Mr. McPherson, an Aid de Camp to General Schuyler. He has been a Captain of a Privateer, and made a Fortune in that Way the last War. Is reputed to be well skilled in naval Affairs. He proposes great Things. Is sanguine, confident, positive, that he can take or burn every Man of War, in America. It is a Secret he says. But he will communicate it to any one Member of Congress upon Condition, that it be not divulged during his Life at all, nor after his Death but for the Service of this Country. He says it is as certain as that he shall die, that he can burn any Ship.(1) In the afternoon Mr. S.A. and I made visit at Mrs. Bedfords to the Maryland Gentlemen. We found Paca and Chase and a polite Reception from them. Chase is ever social and talkative. He seems in better Humour, than he was before the Adjournment. His Colony have acted with Spirit in Support of the Cause. They have formed themselves into a System and enjoyned an Association, if that is not an Absurdity. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:176. 1 John Macpherson (1726-92). Philadelphia privateer-merchant, was one of several persons to propose plans for using an explosive torpedo to destroy ships at anchor. Congress endorsed Macpherson's scheme on October 19, 1775, and he subsequently went to Boston to implement it. JCC, 3:296, 300, 301; James Warren to John Adams, November 5, 1775, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:177; "Mount Pleasant and the Macphersons," in Thomas A. Glenn, Some Colonial Mansions and Those Who Live in Them, 2d ser. (Philadelphia: Henry T. Coates & Co., 1900), pp. 445-72. George Ross to the Lancaster County

Committee of Correspondence

Gent Philada. 18th Septr. 1775 I embrace with pleasure the Earliest opportunity to express the Deep sense of Gratitude I entertain of the Honourable Testimony the County of Lancaster have given of my Publick Conduct in the Arduous task I have been entrusted with. Being Heartily & Conscientiously engaged in this best of Causes The support of the just rights & Libertys of my Country, I shall ever Esteem it the most Honourable & happy period of my Life that

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the small mite I have cast in for the Service of the Common Cause meets with the Approbation of my Worthy Constituents. Rest Assured I shall persevere in the line of Conduct you have been pleased to approve untill Peace & Happiness shall be restored to this much Injured & distressed Country. I am with the Greatest respect Your much Obliged & Obedt. Hble Servt. Geo. Ross [P.S.] A Map of the Seat of Warr in Massachusetts Bay Accompanys this which I beg the Committee will be pleased to accept from their obliged Servt. G.R. RC (DLC).

Richard Smith's Diary

[September 18, 1775] Monday 18. Motion to appoint a Comee. to procure 500 Ton of Gunpowder, from abroad, together with 10,000 Stand of Arms 20,000 Gun Locks &c with power to draw on the Continental Treasury for the Amount, was carried by Vote,(1) the Payment in Produce was opposed & the further Consideration postponed. Comee. on the Accounts asked Direction how to settle them & the Matter left unsettled.(2) Motion by E. Rutledge to enlarge Col. Fenton a Prisoner in Connectt. from New Hampshire, opposed by Langdon and deferred. Letter from Gen. Schuyler giving an Account of his being at Isle aux Noix & postponing the Attack on Carlton at St. Johns till he sounds the Canadians, after having a small Skirmish.(3) MS (DLC). 1 On this point, see JCC, 2:253 54. 2 According to the journals, this day Congress agreed that the committee of accounts should pay 55,303, continental currency, for the expenses incurred by Pennsylvania in raising eight companies of riflemen under congressional resolves of June 14 and 22, although the method of payment was not specified. JCC, 2:89, 104, 237, 248n, 250, 254. 3 Schuyler's letter to Hancock of September 8, together with accompanying enclosures, including a September 5 Address to the Inhabitants of Canada, are in PCC, item 153, 1:125-37; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:669-72.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 18, 1775] 18th. Agreed that proper Persons be appointed to a Commee. to procure 500 Tons Powder & if not so much to be had Salt petre to make up that quantity. 40 brass field Pieces, 20000 double bridled

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Gunlocks, 10000 stands of Arms flints. Recd. an Express from Genl. Schuyler, he made his landing good, repulsed the Party that attacked him & returned to Isle of Noix. (Mr. Hopkins till 1/2 past one.) MS (RHi).

John Adams to James Warren

Dear Sir Philadelphia Septr. 19. 1775 I have but a Moments Time to write and nothing of Importance to Say. Mr Randolph, our former President is here, and Sits very humbly in his Seat, while our new one continues in the Chair, without Seeming to feel the Impropriety.(1) Coll Nelson, a Planter, Mr Wythe, a Lawyer, and Mr Francis Lightfoot Lee, a Planter, are here from Virginia, instead of Henry, Pendleton and Bland. Henry is General of Virginia the other two are old and infirm. I am well pleased that Virginia has Set the Example of changing Members, and I hope that Massachusetts will follow it, and all the other Colonies. I Should be glad upon a new Election to be relieved from this Service. This Climate does not agree with my Constitution, So well as our own: and I am not very well fortified you know against the Inclemencies of any. This Congress, I assure you, feels the Spirit of War, more intimately than they did before the Adjournment. They set about Preparations for it, with Seriousness and in Earnest. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 A reference to John Hancock's continuation in the presidency, which many delegates apparently assumed would be resumed by Randolph upon his return to Congress.

Silas Deane's Diary

[September 19, 1775] Monday [i.e. Tuesday] l9th. At Congress. On Committee for Settling Accts.(1) On do. for answering Genl. Schuyler.(2) On do. for contracting for Powder &c.(3) MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 July 1964): 96. 1 Deane was one of five delegates added September 14 to the committee of accounts, which Congress reorganized September 25 to include one delegate from each colony. JCC, 2:250, 3:262. 2 A committee of four, appointed September 19 to draft a reply to General Schuyler's September 8 letter, reported a letter the following day, which was then approved for the president's signature. JCC, 2:255-56. See John Hancock to Philip Chiller, September 20,1775.

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3 This day Congress also appointed Deane to a nine-member secret committee initially charged with contracting for importation of gunpowder and arms. JCC, 2:253-55.

John Hancock to George Washington

Sir, Congress Chamber 19 Septr 1775 The Congress have sent to you by Major William Coates, & Captain Joseph Copperthwait five hundred twenty seven thousand four hundred and eighty dollars continental Money to be delivered to the paymaster & subject to your Order for the use of the Army under your Command.(1) I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most Obedt & huml servt. John Hancock President [P.S.] The Cloathing is on the way.(2) Your Letters are now under the Consideration of Congress, & you will soon hear from us. Pray forward your plans for Winter &c as soon as possible. RC (DLC). 1 See JCC, 2:245. 2 See JCC, 2:248.

Richard Smith's Diary

Tuesday 19 Septr. [ 1775] Arguments on Gen Schuylers Letter Whether he shall make a Post at Isle aux Noix and what is best to be done in his Situation, a Comee of Three named By Ballot to report their Opinion.(1) A Committee of 9 chosen by Ballot for procuring Arms & Ammunition. Agreed to banish John Fenton to England at his own Request after considerable Debate. Dr Franklin the PostMaster General desired the Delegates of New Jersey to nominate Deputy PostMasters throughout that Colony which we did accordingly. MS (DLC) . 1 See Silas Deane's Diary this date, note 2.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 19, 1775] 19th. Took into consideration Gen Schuyler's Letters; appointed a Comee. to answer them. Gave Colo. Fenton leave to go to Engd. or Irland, he not to take up arms against us. Appointed Mr. Willing, Dr. Franklin, Mr. P. Livingston, Mr. Alsop, Mr. Dean, Mr. Dickin-

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son Mr. Langdon, Mr. McKean & Mr. Ward a Comee. for purchas- [ing] Powder &c. Mr. Honk[in] s as usual. MS (RHi)

John Adams' Diary

1775. Septr. 20. Wednesday. Took a Walk in Company with Govr. Ward, Mr. Gadsden and his Son, and Mr. S. Adams, to a little Box in the Country, belonging to old Mr. Marshall, the father of three Sons who live in the City.(1) A fine facetious old Gentleman, an excellent Whigg. There We drank Coffee. A fine Garden. A little Box of one Room. Very chearfull and good humoured. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:176-77. 1 Christopher Marshall (1709-97), retired Philadelphia pharmacist and Quaker patriot, who kept an informative diary during the war. DAB; and Christopher Marshall, Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, Kept in Philadelphia and Lancaster during the American Revolution, 1774-1781, ed. William Duane (Albany: Joel Munsell, 1877), p. 43. John Hancock to the New York Provincial Congress Gentlemen Philadelphia, Sept. 20th, 1775. As General Schuyler is engaged in an Expedition of immense consequence to the United Colonies, and it being of the last importance that he be properly supported, in order to insure success, or at least prevent a Repulse, I am directed by the Congress to write to you and direct you immediately to send forward the whole of the Troops, order'd to be Raised in your Colony, properly equipped, in order to Join General Schuyler as soon as possible. I am Gentlemen Your most Obedt hum Servt John Hancock President RC (N). LB (DNA: PCC, item 12A). RC damaged; missing words supplied from LB.

John Hancock to Philip Schuyler

Sir, Septr. 20th. 1775. Your Letter of the 8th. Inst was recd. yesterday, and laid before the Congress. I am directed to express their Approbation of your

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Conduct, as stated in your Letter. Your taking Possession of the Isle au Noix, and the proposed Measures for preventing the Enemies Vessels from entering the Lake, appear to them highly expedient and necessary.(1) The Congress have such a Sense of the Importance of that Post, as to wish it may not be abandoned without the most mature Consideration, or the most pressing Necessity. They view the Expedition entrusted to your Care as of the greatest Consequence to the general Cause; and as they clearly foresee, that its Influence whether successful, or otherwise, will be great and extensive, They are desirous that Nothing necessary to give it a fortunate Issue, may be omitted. They have ordered all the Forces raised in New York, immediately to join you; and those under Genl. Worster to march immediately to Albany, from whence if you should think such Reinforcement necessary, you will be pleased to order them. Should you stand in Need of farther Reinforcement, the Congress desire you will apply to Genl. Washington. The Congress repose the highest Confidence in the Abilities, the Zeal, and the Alacrity of the Officers, and Forces employed on this Expedition. They are determined to spare neither Men, nor Money; and should the Canadians remain neuter, flatter themselves, that the Enterprize will be crowned with Success, notwithstanding the great and various Difficulties, to which it has been, and still is exposed. It is with great Concern that the Congress hear of your Indisposition. They desire me to assure you of their warmest Wishes for your Recovery; and to request, that in discharging the Duties of your Station, you will not omit the Attention due to the Re-establishment of your Health. By Order of the Congress, I am &c John Hancock, Prest. LB (DNA: PCC, item 12A). On the authorship of this letter, see Silas Dean's Diary, September 19, 1775, note 2. 1 See Richard Smith's Diary of this date for an indication that Congress was far from unanimous in its approval of Schuyler's withdrawal from St. Johns to the Isle aux Noix.

John Hancock to David Wooster

Sir, Philada. Sept. 20th. 1775. The Necessity of supporting Genl. Schuyler in the important Enterprize he is now engage(l in, has induced the Congress to direct you, immediately on Receipt of this, to march with the Troops under your Command to Albany, there to wait the Orders of Genl. Schuy-

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ler in Case he should want your Assistance; and you will please without Loss of Time to proceed. By Order of the Congress. John Hancock President LB (DNA: PCC, item 12A). Addressed: "To David Worster Esqr. Brigadr. Genl. in the Army of the united Colonies, and Commander of the Connecticut Forces, at Harlem."

Benjamin Harrison to William Palfrey

Dear Sir Phida Sepr. 20th. 1775 I Recd. your acceptable Favour last Night, and Mr Byrds going for Camp gives me an opportunity of answering it, tho' not so fully as I could wish, having been but one Day here and much Business of this sort to do, you may assure yourself on this and every other Occasion my best Endeavours shall be used to Serve you. I think what you propose is just and I make no doubt but the Congress will think as I do when the matter comes before them.(1) I am truily affected with your Situation, and that of many other worthy Familys now suffering under the Hand of Tyrany, but I hope we shall soon see better Days. Gage and his associates may Rejoice as much as they please at the possession of my Letter but the Publication of it reflects more Dishonour on him than the writing it dos on me.(2) I knew him a Slave, lost to all Sense of Honour, but suppos'd he would endeavour to keep up the appearance of the Gentleman. I am mistaken, and he is a R Compleat. I hope it will be no prejudice to your worthy General, if not I am content, as there is no mortal that such a thing will set easier on than myself. I shall be glad to hear from you now & then if you can spare the time. I fear the Foxes will keep themselves close and not give you an oppy. to hunt them down, which I make no Doubt you are able & willing to do, if they should take it in their Heads to come out. Pray present my Compliments to Genl Lee I shall be glad to hear from him if he has Leasure. I am Dr Sir Your affect Servt Benja Harrison RC (MH) 1 See John Hancock to Palfrey, September 25, 1775. Although Palfrey was apparently interested in obtaining a different position in the army, he remained aide-de-camp to General Lee until March 6, 1776, when he briefly served as aide-de-camp to Washington before being appointed paymaster-general on April 27, 1776. Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 4:369: and JCC, 4:315. 2 Undoubtedly a reference to Harrison's letter to Washington of July 21, 1775.

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Robert R. Livingston, Jr., to John Stevens

Dr. Sir 20th Sepr 1775 Philadelphia I enclose you £90.1.0 of the £150 received agreeable to your order from Willing & Morris the remainder I retain in my hands. I could not receive it time enough to remit it by the last post or you should have had it sooner. I do not know of any thing here worth relating but what is contained in the paper to wit the King's answer to the City of London & the little Skirmish of Schuylers. Their does not seem to be any great appearance of relaxation in the answer, I am much afraid that his majesty plays too carelessly, considering the greatness of the stake. Mr. Watts has been listned to with some attention by the ministry,(1) & has advised that they can not expect a reconciliation, but through the medium of the Congress. God knows what they may determine but prudence bids us prepare for the worst. I suppose you have heard that Mrs. Browne is gone & taken Sally with her? If you havnt, it will be a peace of news for her sisters. I beg leave to present my respects to our friends at the Valley & remain Your Most Aff. Hum. Servt. Robt R Livingston Junr RC (NjHi). 1 John Watts (1715-89), New York merchant and provincial councillor, had fled to England in May 1775 following accusations that he had requested the dispatch of British troops to New York to curb local revolutionary leaders. NYHS Collections 61 (1928): ix-xiv; and Roger J. Champagne, "New York's Radicals and the Coming of Independence," Journal of American History 51 June 1964): 23.

Thomas Lynch to Philip Schuyler

Dear Sir Phila Sepr. 20 1775 I[t] gives me great Concern to find your Health so much injured. Don't you know that it is the Duty of a General to take the utmost Care to bring his Army into the Field in good Health. If so, how much care is to be taken of the Head. You must spare your Body, & not expect it can possibly keep pace with such a Spirit if you push it too far, or it will leave you & us, in the Lurch, in short you will kill our General. I see the Difficulties with which you are Surrounded. These can only add glory to the Success of your Enterprize. The Congress are awake at last & feel the importance of your Expedition, that every thing depends on its Success, and I think you may depend on every Support that is consistent with the Delay that attends popular Assemblies.

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There will arise a Difficulty (and God knows you need no additional ones) about the old Genl. of Connecticut,(1) perhaps it may be of Use to have a General to Command at Fort George & receive the Supplies, or is Ticonderoga a better Station for that purpose. We who know the officers commanding our Northern Army, have no doubt that every thing [is] done that Man can do. Cant you get Winter Quarters in Canada even shoud you not get Montreal, we hear the 2500 Highlanders are raising (tis thought) for Canada, and the Papers mention Cloathing being intended for 3000 Men to be raised in Canada is ordered from London. You being there can prevent all this even if St. Johns stands as it does, & is it not possible to interpose your Forces between that Post & Supplies so as to starve them. (A pretty Fellow to be taking Canada in the Comee Room at Philad. say you.) I knock under. Colo. Arnold is on his Way to Canada by way the Genl mentioned to y[ou] and will I hope make a powerful diversion in Your Favour. I beg my best Comp [lime] nts to Genl Montgomery, Colo. Campbell &c. I am Sir your most Obedt. Th Lynch RC (NN) 1 David Wooster, who apparently resented the fact that he was outranked by Schuyler. The two men subsequently quarreled once they joined forces in northern New York. Benson J. Lossing, The Life and Times of Philip Schuyler, 2 vols. (New York: Sheldon & Co. 1860-73), 1:433 42; and DAB. 2 To facilitate Schuyler's advance on Montreal, Washington had ordered a detachment under the command of Benedict Arnold to strike at Quebec by way of the Kennebec River. Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 3:43S39, 491-96.

to the New York Committee of Safety

Philadelphia, September 20, 1775. In response to a letter from the New York committee, Thomas Johnson, Samuel Chase, and William Paca return a noncommittal reply pertaining to the character of Dr. George Nicholson, who "came a stranger into Annapolis, in Maryland, about two years ago . . . and has uniformly as far as we have ever understood, expressed himself friendly to the cause of American liberty.''(1) MS not found; abstracted from Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 1:155. 1 Am Archives, 4th ser. 3:907. The New York Committee of Safety's letter of September 15, inquiring about Nicholson's character in order to evaluate intelligence he had recently provided them, is in ibid,, p.897.

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New Hampshire Delegates to Matthew Thornton

Dear Sir Philadelphia Septembr 20th 1775 Yesterday it was moved in Congress to Discharge Col Fenton from his confinement.(1) It Seems that he living at Hartford had opportunity to See Several of the members as they passed to & from the army & by his politeness & address and by telling how much he had suffered had prejudiced some of them that he had been hardly Dealt with by us. The Copy of a letter from General Putnam was also Produced wherein he Says "that the Populace had Siezed him and Carried him before the Congress of N Hampshire and that after a full hearing they could not find that he had Done any thing against the Liberties of America in Word or Deed" but for fear that he might, had "ordered him to be Confined." But as we knew the whole of that affair we Convinced the Congress that our Convention had Done right.(2) The Congress then Passed a Resolve to this Effect "that whereas the Convention of the Colony of New Hampshire had prudently & justly ordered Col John Fenton to be Confined and that he being now Desirous to Remove to Great Brittain or Ireland therefore Resolved that General Washington be Directed to allow Col Fenton to Repair forthwith to New York and from thence to Great Brittain or Ireland on his Giving his Parole not to take up arms against America" which order your Delegates Consented to thinking it better than Keeping him Confined at the publick Expence. As to Publick news you will See it in the Publick prints and we have no other that we can at present Communicate. We should be glad to Receive from you all possible Intelligence of our affairs and shall think it our Duty to write you often Even tho it were only to tell you we have nothing new to inform you of. We are your Most Obedient Humble Servants Josiah Bartlett John Langdon RC (Nh-Ar) . Written by Bartlett and signed by Bartlett and Langdon. Addressed: ''Mathew Thornton Esqr. Chairman of the Committee of Safety, N. Hampshire, to be Communicated." 1 See Richard Smith's Diary, September 19, 1775; and JCC, 2:255. 2 The New Hampshire Provincial Congress on June 29 voted that "Colo. John Fenton is not a friend to this country." The next day his papers were seized, and he was ordered confined "till further orders from this Congress." He was subsequently sent to army headquarters in Cambridge. N. H. Provincial Papers, 7:543-45. For New Hampshire's official explanation of this event, see New Hampshire Committee of Safety to their Delegates in the Continental Congress, July 8, 1775, ibid., pp. 559 60.

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to the New York Committee of Safety

Gentlemen Philad. 20th Septem. 1775 We have the Honour of your favour of the 9th Instant which we instantly communicated to the Congress.(1) Deputy Adjutant Flemming's Commission, with the Rank of Colonel, and a number of blanks, which you request have already been forwarded; and you may be assured that we shall be attentive to your want of powder, and embrace every Opportunity to supply it. The Article of Tea gives us real Anxiety. We sincerely wish to relieve our suffering Fellow Citizens by Enabling them to dispose of what, so much to their Misfortune lies useless and perishing upon their Hands. You can not be insensible of the Delicacy of this Subject, and how many difficulties we have to struggle with to accomplish your humane Request. Whether we shall succeed or not it is out of our Power to determine. We are not without Hopes: but whatever may be the Event, you may rely upon our utmost Exertions to obtain the Permission which you solicit. We have the Honour to be Gentn. Your most Obedt. humble Servants Jas. Duane John Jay John Alsop Robt. R. Livingston, Junr. Frans. Lewis RC (N) . Written by Duane and signed by Alsop, Duane, Jay, Lewis, and Livingston. Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:17-18. RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr. 1 For the Committee of Safety's letter to the New York delegates of September 9, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:680 81.

Richard Smith's Diary

[September 20, 1775] Wednesday 20. An Expedition is on Foot against the Kings Forces in Canada via Kennebec under Col. Arnold from Washingtons Camp at Cambridge. Comee. brought in the Draught of a Letter from our President to Gen Schuyler. Large Controversy on some Parts of it & particularly how far we shall express Approbation of his late Proceedings in retreating to Nut Island (1) &c. Gen. Wooster with a considerable Detachment ordered to join Schuyler. This Morning a Letter in French was delivered to the President directed for Gen. Washington said to be from the Governor of Hispaniola.(2) Whether the Letter shall be opened and whether by a select Comee. or by the

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President, were made Questions. The general Opinion seemed to be that the President should open it & the Secretary (Charles Thomson) translate it and if of a public Nature that it should be laid before Congress but it was dropt. Major Robert Rogers was at the State House today; he is just come from England & is upon the Kings Halfpay.(3) MS (DLC) . 1 That is, Isle aux Noix. 2 Not found. 3 Robert Rogers (1731-95), commander during the French and Indian War of the celebrated "Rogers' Rangers," had recently returned to America from England as a major on half-pay, after an extended term in debtors prison. III-informed about the dispute between Britain and the colonies, he was ostensibly neutral but was regarded with suspicion by both sides. Arrested but soon released by the Americans in September 1775, he continued to be suspected and was again arrested in July 1776, shortly after which he escaped and fled to the British lines, where he returned to active duty as commander of the Queen's Rangers in the British provincial service. John R. Cuneo, Robert Rogers of the Rangers (New York Oxford University Press, 1959), chap. 23; and JCC, 3:259.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 20, 1775] 20th. Finished Letter to Genl. Schuyler, Copy to be sent Genl. Washington. Genl. Washingtons Letter resumed.(1) Mr. Gridly to have a Com[missio]n as Colo. State of Trade referred. Mr Hopk[ins] as usual.(2) MS (RHi). 1 See Washington's letter to Hancock of August 4. Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 3:390-99. 2 John Zubly wrote in his diary for this date: "Thro Mercy recovering, attended Congress & preach[ed] for Mr. Weyberg. Act 16 31.6." GHi.

John Adams' Diary

1775. Septr. 21. Thursday. The famous Partisan Major Rogers came to our Lodgings to make Us a Visit.(1) He has been in Prison discharged by some insolvent or bankrupt Act. He thinks We shall have hot Work, next Spring. He told me an old half Pay Officer, such as himself, would sell well next Spring And when he went away, he said to S.A. and me, if you want me, next Spring for any Service, you know where I am, send for me. I am to be sold. He says the Scotch Men at home, say d n that Ad-

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ams and Cushing. We must have their Heads, &c. Bernard used to d-n that Adams-every dip of his Pen stung like an horned Snake, &c. Paxton made his Will in favour of Ld. Townsend, and by that Maneuvre got himself made a Commissioner. There was a great deal of Beauty in that Stroke of Policy. We must laugh at such sublime Strokes of Politicks, &c. &c. &c. In the Evening Mr. Jona. Dickinson Sergeant of Prince Town, made a Visit to the Sec.(2) and me. He says he is no Idolater of his Name Sake. That he was disappointed when he first saw him. Fame had given him an exalted Idea: but he came to N. Jersey upon a particular Cause, and made such a flimsy, effeminate, Piece of Work of it, that he sunk at once in his Opinion. Serjeant is sorry to find a falling off in this City-not a third of the Battalion Men muster, who mustered at first. D[ickinson] he says sinks here in the public opinion. That many Gentlemen chime in with a spirited Publication in the Paper of Wednesday, which blames the conduct of several Gentlemen of Fortune, D., Cad[walader], R[hoads], and J. Allen &c.(3) MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:177. 1 See Richard Smith's Diary, September 20, 1775, note 3. In a letter of October 10, 1775, to Lord Dartmouth, Governor Tryon of New York enclosed a manuscript captioned "Private Intelligence, Sep 1775," and endorsed "The above are the sentiments on an Eastern Delegate of the Continental Congress. (Received) Communicated by Mjr --- R --." It is quite possible that the "Eastern Delegate" referred to was John, or more likely, Samuel Adams, whose "sentiments" were communicated to Rogers during the meeting described in this entry of Adams' diary. The complete text of the document reads: "They dont wish for independency but will not be Taxed at the Requisition of Parliament, but on Representation of the Minister they will Contribute, but at theyr own discretion and their own mode of Raising the Money. They have sent Home their last Proposal and are waiting for an answer, and if not settled this winter, they will open the Ports to all Europe. "Other Powers will espouse their Cause when apply'd to with their Ships. "That they are Confident they will be in possession of Montreal and Quebec this Year. "If no settlement this winter, all the Ports in the interior Country will be seized and Privateers fitted out at such Ports that men of War cannot enter, and will seize the Homeward bound, West India Men or any others they can Master. "They have laid Plans for plenty of ammunition this Winter. "If Russians or [foreign] auxiliary's are sent over they will set up an Independency. "If the Ice freezes over Boston Harbour this Winter they will burn the Ships of War and the Town. If affairs are settled an Act of Indemnity and free Pardon will be required for all the officers and all concern'd. "No Regular Troops to be allowed to Remain in America as they have People enough to defend themselves, and assist his Majesty with Men against other Powers. Requisition in Money will be required for the burning of Charlestown and other Damages of the like Nature &cc &c." PRO: C.O. 5, 1106:565-70. 2 That is, Samuel Adams. 3 An article defending an attack on two Philadelphia loyalists September 6 and

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criticizing the protection of them by several "men of fortune" appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal; and the Weekly Advertiser, September 20, 1775. A description of the attack is in Christopher Marshall, Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, Kept in Philadelphia and Lancaster, during the American Revolution, 1774-1781, ed. William Duane (Albany: Joel Munsell, 1877), pp. 41-42.

Silas Deane's Diary

[September 21, 1775] Thursday 21st. At Congress. Appd. on Comme. for purchasing Goods &c.(1) MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964): 96. 1 The committee to consider the proposals of Commissary General Joseph Trumbull for provisioning the army, which submitted a report on October 19. JCC, 3:257-58, 299.

to the New York Committee of Safety

Gentlemen Philad. 21st Septemr. 1775 Be pleased by the first Opportunity to favour us with a particular Account of the Number of Men raised in our Colony in pursuance of the Orders of the Congress when the several Detachments marched; where they are at present; whether they are armed, and what Steps were taken for that purpose! We also wish to know the progress made in erecting the works in the highlands, whether the materials are purchased or what proportion, and when they may probably be compleated? Inform us also of the exact Quantity of powder our Colony has, at their own Expence, forwarded to either Army, that it may be replaced out of the continental Stock as soon as it can be afforded. We are Gentlemen Your most Obedient humble Servants Phil. Livingston John Jay Jas. Duane Robt. R. Livingston, Junr. John Alsop Wm. Floyd Frans. Lewis P.S. Acquaint us likewise of the prices you gave for the different sort of Cloath for Tents, & the making.(1) RC (N). Written by Duane and signed by Alsop, Duane, Floyd, Jay, Lewis, Philip Livingston and Robert R. Livingston. journals of N. Y Prov. Cong., 2:83-84. RC damaged missing words supplied from Tr.

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1 For the New York Provincial Congress' response to these queries, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1268-69. Richard Smith's Diary Thursday 21 Septr. [1775] On a Question Whether Col. Armstrong or Col. Fry shall be Brig. Gen. in the Room of Pomeroy retired, the Colonies were divided 6 against 6, North Cara. being absent, consequently there was no Appointment. A Comee. of 5 was raised to consider of the best Method to convey 10 or 15000 Barrels of Flour and other Provisions to Gen. Washn. Much said about the Accounts of Col. Thompsons Riflemen, this Gent. had 5000 Dollars advanced to Him but his Accots. are yet unpaid & one demands Interest. The Judge Advocate (Tudor's) wages were raised at his Request from 20 Dollars to 50 Dollars per Month.(1) MS (DLC) 1 In response to William Tudor's letter to General Washington of August 23, which is in PCC, item 152,1:99 101; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:245.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 21, 1775] 21st. Sund[r]y Accts preferred & postpd. Appointment of a brigd. Genl. deferred until the Army is new modelled. Gen. Washington to commission as Brigade Majors Box, Sam. Brewer & Scammal [Scamell]. Gen. Schuyler to appoint a Brigade Major. Judge Advocates Pay for himself & clerk 50 Doll[ar]s per Month. A Comee. appointed to consider of the best Means of supplying our Army, their Names Mr. Dean Mr. Ward Mr. Cushing Mr. P. Livingston Mr. Willing. An Acct. for Duck &c of James Millikin [Milligan] Jr. allowd. Comee. of Berks county's Accts £2038.7.1 for rifle Men under Colo. Thompson referred to the Comee. Colo. Thomp[son] to send an Acct. how he disposed of the M[one]y 5000 Dollars. Mr. Hopkins as usual. MS (RHi)

Samuel Ward to Henry Ward

Dear Brother Philadelphia 21st. Sepr. 1775 The merchant who has a good Customer who he knows will pay

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all Accts. well does not stop shiping him Goods although a remitance may not be made so soon as he wishes, upon this principle exclusive of the Pleasure which I take in communicating any thing which I think will be acceptable to You I might write by this Post 'though I have not the Pleasure of a Letter from you. The Check which Genl. Schuyler has recieved near St. Johns youl have an Acct. of in the Papers. The Loss is very trifling & such Measures are taken as I believe will inable him to proceed and crown the Expedition with Success; I feel much for him. He was so ill when he wrote Us that he was not able to hold a Pen. The Colonies of Connecticut & New York were to supply him with Men & Money &c; the first readily obeyed every Order of Congress, the last (their Delegates plead want of money &c) have never supplied him properly & I believe mere fatigue & Chagrine at the Disappointments he has recd. have made him sick. We have the Honor of the Deputy Governors Letter & should jointly have acknowledged it but I was so engaged yesterday & last Evening that I could not draught an Answer & should I wait to find Mr. Hopkins this Morning the Post would be out. We made Mr. Redwood so much Trouble that We had agreed before I left the City last to remove upon our Return. I dont know the House in which he lodges but he tells Me the Family is very clever; be kind enough to let his Family know that they are both very well. Present my most respectful Regards to Govr. Cooke. We had his Letter (1) read in Congress and it was very acceptable; the Intelligence of the Marching of Arnold with his Detachment was the first Acct. recd. here of it, happily the important Object recommended by him hath been taken into Consideration. Supplies full as large as he would wish are agreed upon & I doubt not will be most seasonably procured. And it is with the greatest Pleasure that I can assure You that the Congress is not only very unanimous but very spirited. Every Measure for the Defence of the Country & pushing our Enemies to a Submission is chearfully come into and at the same Time that Attention is paid to the Principles of Oeconomy We are determined to spare neither Men nor Money in securing our just Rights & Liberties. I have inclosed you a Copy of the Petition of the Province of Georgia to the King.(2) That Spirit of Freedom that Vein of Piety that good sense that manly Firmness & Decency void of all that low submissive creeping Address usually contained in Performances of that Sort do great Honor to the Province & particularly to the Gentleman who drew it (Dr. Zubly). You will communicate it to the Depy. Govr. & other Gentlemen but by no Means suffer it to go out of your Hands (unless to his Honor) or a Copy to be taken for I would not have it get abroad through Me upon any Acct. I have no other Accts. from our Colony than what my Daughter

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gives Me & the Papers contain. I must desire you to write Me very particularly what the State of the Town of Newport is, what the Men of War (if such Wretches as attack & plunder the innocent & defenceless deserve that Character) are about & in Short every thing of consequence as well from home as the Army &c. I must conclude or my Letter will be left. I am Yours most affectionately Sam Ward RC (RHi) 1 Not found and not mentioned in the journals. 2 See Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1556-57.

Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane

My Dear Phila. 22d Sepr. 1775. This by Mr. Bird, of Virginia, is my fourth Lettr. since I left home, but have not had the pleasure of receiving one Line save from my Brother Bars [Barnabas] (1). I wish to know, whither You propose to keep Your Word, & see Philadelphia. If so, in what readiness are you, and how do you propose to set out? I sent a peice of Linnen by Capt Champlin, which cost Six Shillings this Currancy per Yd-which hope You have received. The Congress begin to Talk out Doors of adjourning Eastward as farr as Albany or Hartford, therefore judge it best, for You, to set out as early, as the first of October for this place. Have Nothing New worth sending You. Compts. To all Freinds. Love to the Family. Am in my old usual Way Committeeing it away, & busy. As Usual, am Your Affectionate Husband (2) Silas Deane RC (CtHi). 1 Deane also wrote a letter to his stepson Samuel Webb on September 16 complaining that Webb owed him a letter. Webb, Correspondence (Ford), 1:106. 2 For the continuation of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 24, 1775.

Richard Smith's Diary

[September 22, 1775] Friday 22. Andrew MacNair Doorkeeper's Accot. ordered to be paid. A Letter from John Haring Chairman of the Comee. of Safety in New York and a Letter from Lewis Morris & James Wilson at Fort Pitt read.(1) Major Rogers ordered to be discharged if Nothing appears agt. Him but being a Half Pay Officer, he was arrested by the Comee.

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of Safety of Pennsylvania. A Committee of 7 appointed by Ballot to consider the State of Trade in America. Wm. Shads Accot. as Messenger ordered to be paid. MS (DLC). 1 Haring's two letters to Congress of September 19, together with accompanying enclosures, are in PCC, item 67, 1:41-62, 71; and Am. Archives, 4th ser 3:732-37. Morris and Wilson's letter of September 14 has nol been found, but for an indication of its contents see Smith's Diary, September 25, note. Samuel Ward's Diary [September 22, 1775] 22nd. Letters from provincial Congress of New York estimate & Plan of fortifications on the highlands referred to tomorrow. Letters from Mr. Morris & Mr. Wilson relative to disturbances between Virginians & Pennsylvanians near Pittburgh referred to the morrow.(1) Doorkeepers Accts. allowed. Upon Majr. Rogers being taken into Custody ordered that if nothing but his being on half pay be found against him that he be discharged on Parole. Dr. Franklin, Mr. J. Rutledge, Mr. Jay, Mr. Randolp, Mr. Johnston, Mr. Dean & Mr. Willing appoind. a Comee. to take into Consideration State of the Trade of the Colonies. A Missengers Accts. allowed. Mr. Hopkins as usual. MS (RHi) 1 On this point, see JCC, 3:262, 283.

John Adams' Diary

1775. Saturday. Septr. 23. Mr. Gordon came and told us News, opened his Budget. Ethan Allen with 500 green mountain Boys, were entrenched half Way between St. Johns and Montreal, and had cutt off all Communication with Carlton, and was kindly treated by the French. A Council of War had been held, and it was their opinion that it was practicable to take Boston and Charlestown: but as it would cost many Lives, and expose the Inhabitants of Boston to destruction it was thought best to postpone it for the present. Major Rogers came here too this Morning. Said he had a Hand and an Heart: tho he did not choose by offering himself to expose himself to Destruction. I walked, a long Time this Morning, backward and forward, in the Statehouse Yard with Paca, McKean and Johnson. McKean has no

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Idea of any Right or Authority in Parliament. Paca contends for an Authority and Right to regulate Trade, &c. Dyer and Serjeant of Princetown, spent the Evening here. S. says that the Irish Interest in this City has been the Support of Liberty. Maes [Mease] &c. are leaders in it. The Irish and the Presbyterian Interest coalesce. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:178.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

1775. Saturday. Sept. 22d [i.e. 23d].(1) S [amuel] A [dams] moved, upon Mifflins Letter, that a Sum be advanced from the Treasury for Mifflin and Barrell.(2) Mr. E. Rutledge wished the Money might be advanced upon the Credit of the Qr. Mr. General. Wished that an Enquiry might be made whether Goods had been advanced. If so, it was against the association. Lynch wish'd the Letter read. S. Adams read it. Jay. Seconded the Motion of E. Rutledge that a Committee be appointed to enquire if Goods are raised vs. the association. Gadsden wished the Mo [tion] put off. We had other Matters of more importance. Willing. Thought that Goods might be purchased upon four Months Credit. We should not intermix our Accounts. Paine. We have not agreed to cloath the Soldiers, and the Qr. Mr. Genl. has no Right to keep a Slop Shop any more than any Body else. It is a private Matter. Very indigested Applications are made here for Money. Deane. The Army must be cloathed, or perish. No preaching vs. a Snow Storm. We ought to look out, that they be kept warm and that the Means of doing it be secured Lynch. We must see that the Army be provided with Cloathing. I intended to have moved this very day that a Committee be appointed to purchase woolen Goods in this City and N. York, for the use of the Army. E. Rutledge. I have no objection to the Committee. I meant only that the poor Soldiers should be supplied with Goods and Cloathing as cheap as possible. Lewis. Brown of Boston bought Goods at N. York and sent em up the North River, to be conveyed by Land to Cambridge. Dyer. Wanted to know whether the Soldiers would be obliged to take these Goods. Goods cheaper in York than here. Sherman. The Sutlers, last War, sold to the Soldiers who were not

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obliged to take any Thing. Many will be supplied by Families with their own Manufacture. The Qr. Mr. General did not apply to Congress, but to his own private Correspondents. Deane. The Soldiers were imposed on by Sutlers last War. The Soldiers had no Pay to receive. Lynch. A Soldier without Cloathing is not fit for Service, but he ought to be cloathed, as well as armed, and we ought to provide as well as it can be done, that he may be cloathed. Nelson. Moved that 5000£ st. be advanced to the Qr. Mr. Genl. to be laid out in Cloathing for the Army. Langdon. Hoped a Committee would be appointed. Sherman liked Nelsons motion with an Addition that every Soldier should be at Liberty to supply himself in any other Way. Reed. Understood that Mass. Committee of Supplies had a large Store that was very full. Sherman. For a Committee to enquire what Goods would be wanted for the Army, and at what Prices they may be had and report. Gadsden. Liked that best. Johnson. Moved that the Sum might be limit [ed] to 5000£ st. We dont know what has been supplied by Mass., what from Rhode Island, what from N. York, and what from Connecticutt. S. Adams. Liked Nelson's Motion. Ward. Objected to it, and preferred the Motion for a Committee. Nelson. The Qr. Mr. is ordered by the General to supply the Soldiers, &c. Paine. It is the Duty of this Congress to see that the Army be supplied with Cloathing at a reasonable Rate. I am for a Committee. Qr. Mr. has his Hands full. Zubly. Would it not be best to publish Proposals in the Papers for any Man who was Willing to supply the Army with Cloathing, to make his offers. Harrison. The Money ought to be advanced, in all events. Content with a Committee. R. R. Livingston. Willing. Proposed that We should desire the Committee of this City, to enquire after these Goods and this will lead them to an Enquiry, that will be beneficial to America. Chase. The City of Philadelphia has broke the association by raising the Price of Goods 50 per Cent. It would not be proper to purchase Goods here. The Breach of the association here is general, in the Price of Goods, as it is in N. York with Respect to Tea. If We lay out 5000£ here we shall give a Sanction to the Breaches of the association. The Breach is too general to be punished. Willing. If the Association is broke in this City, dont let us put the Burden of Examining into it upon a few, but the whole Committee.

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N. York have broke it, entirely. 99 in 100 drink Tea. I am not for screening the People of Philadelphia. Sherman. I am not an Importer, but have bought of N. York Merchants for 20 years, at a certain Advance on the sterling Cost. R. R. Livingston. Thought We ought to buy the Goods where they were dearest, because if We bought em at N. York where they were cheapest, N. York would soon be obliged to purchase in Phil. where they are dearest and then the loss would fall upon N. York. Whereas in the other Way the Loss would be general. Jay. We had best desire the Committee of this City to purchase the Quantity of Goods at the Price stated by the Association and see if they were to be had here at that Price. This Debate terminated in a Manner that I did not foresee. A Committee was appointed to purchase 5000£ st.s worth of Goods, to be sent to the Qr. Mr. and by him be sold to the Soldiers at first Cost and Charges. Qr. Mr. to be allowed 5 Pr. Cent for his Trouble. Mr. Lynch, and Coll. Nelson and Coll. Harrison indulged their Complaisance and private Friendship for Mifflin and Washington so far as to carry this. It is almost impossile to move any Thing but you instantly see private Friendships and Enmities, and provincial Views and Prejudices, intermingle in the Consulation. These are degrees of Corruption. They are Deviations from the public Interest, and from Rectitude By this Vote however, perhaps the poor Soldiers may be benefited, which was all I wished, the Interest of Mr. Mifflin being nothing to me. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:178-81. 1 The diary entries of Richard Smith and Samuel Ward make it clear that this debate occurred on September 23. For the official action on the appointment of a committee "to purchase a quantity of woolen goods for the use of the army," see JCC, 3:260. 2 Although this letter has not been found, it was probably that of Thomas Mifflin to William Barrell, September 11, 1775. In his letter of September 21, Barrell acknowledges the receipt of Mifflin's letters of September 6 and 11 but says he is unable to obtain credit to fill the quartermaster general's request for coarse woolens. "I have concluded to make an application to some of the Delegates," Barrell wrote, "and if they approve lay your last Letter before the Congress to Induce them to advance a part of the Money." William Barrell to Thomas Mifflin, September 21, 1775, DLC. The following debate is the result of Barrell's actions.

Richard Smith's Diary

Saturday 23 Septr. [1775] A Letter from Thos. Mifflin Quarter Master to the Army directed to Wm. Barrell Mercht. was read, desiring Him to forward Cloathing

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for the Army, the Congress took that Subject into Consideration & appointed by Ballot a Comee. of 5 to supply the Two Armies with Cloathing to the Amount of £5000 sterl [in] g, and allowed each Quarter Master 5 per Cent for selling out to the Soldiers. MS (DLC)

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 23, 1775] 23rd. Upon reading a Letter from the Qr. master Genl. relative coarse Goods for cloathing the Soldiers ordered that Mr. Lewis, Mr. Willing, Mr. Deane, Mr. Alsop, Mr. Langdon be a Comee. to purchase £5000 worth coarse woolen Goods for the use of the conti[nental] Army to be placed in the hands of the quarter master Genl. for the soldiers at prime cost & charges, the qr. master to have 5 per Cent for his trouble. Some Accts allowed.(1) The Letters from Morris & Willson referred to Monday. (Mr. Hopkins as usual.) A parcel [of] medicines for the hospital ordered to be bought. MS (RHi) 1 See JCC, 3:260.

John Adams' Diary

1775. Septr. 24. Sunday. Dyer is very sanguine that the 2 De Witts, one of Windham, the other of Norwich, will make Salt Petre in large Quantities. He produces a Sample, which is very good. Harrison is confident that Virginia alone will do great Things from Tobacco Houses. But my faith is not strong, as yet. Ld. North is at his old Work again. Sending over his Anodynes to America-deceiving one credulous American after another, into a Belief that he means Conciliation, when in Truth he means nothing but Revenge. He rocks the cradle, and sings Lullaby, and the innocent Children go to Sleep, while he prepares the Birch to whip the poor Babes. One Letter after another comes that the People are uneasy and the Ministry are sick of their Systems. But nothing can be more fallacious. Next Spring We shall be jockied by Negociation, or have hot Work in War. Besides I expect a Reinforcement to Gage and to Carlton, this fall or Winter. Heard Mr. Smith of Pequay [Pequea], at about 40 Miles towards Lancaster, a Scotch Clergyman, of great Piety as Coll. Roberdeau

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says: The Text was Luke 14:18. And they all with one Consent began to make excuse. This was at Duffills Meeting. In the afternoon, heard our Mr. Gordon, in Arch Street. The Lord is nigh unto all that call upon him. Call'd upon Stephen Collins who has just returned.(1) Stephen has a Thousand Things to say to Us, he says. A Thousand observations to make. One Thing he told me, for my Wife, who will be peeping here, sometime or other, and come across it. He says when he call'd at my House, an English Gentleman was with him, a Man of Penetration, tho of few Words. And this silent, penetrating Gentleman was pleased with Mrs. Adams, and thought her, the most accomplished Lady he had seen since he came out of England. Down Vanity, for you dont know who this Englishman is. Dr. Rush came in. He is an elegant, ingenious Body. Sprightly, pretty fehow. He is a Republican. He has been much in London. Acquainted with Sawbridge, McCaulay, Burgh, and others of that Stamp. Dilly sends him Books and Pamphletts, and Sawbridge and McCaulay correspond with him. He complains of D[ickinson]. Says the Committee of Safety are not the Representatives of the People, and therefore not their Legislators; yet they have been making Laws, a whole Code for a Navy. This Committee was chosen by the House, but half of them are not Members and therefore not the Choice of the People. All this is just. He mentions many Particular Instances, in which Dickenson has blundered. He thinks him warped by the Quaker Interest and the Church Interest too. Thinks his Reputation past the Meridian, and that Avarice is growing upon him. Says that Henry and Mifflin both complained to him very much about him. But Rush I think, is too much of a Talker to be a deep Thinker. Elegant not great. In the Evening Mr. Bullock and Mr. Houstoun, two Gentlemen from Georgia, came into our Room and smoked and chatted, the whole Evening. Houstoun and Adams disputed the whole Time in good Humour. They are both Dabbs at Disputation I think. H. a Lawyer by Trade is one of Course, and Adams is not a Whit less addicted to it than the Lawyers. The Q. was whether all America was not in a State of War, and whether We ought to confine ourselves to act upon the defensive only. He was for acting offensively next Spring or this fall if the Petition was rejected or neglected. If it was not answered, and favourably answered, he would be for acting vs. Britain and Britains as in open War vs. French and frenchmen. Fit Privateers and take their Ships, any where. These Gentlemen give a melancholly Account of the State of Georgia and S. Carolina. They say that if 1000 regular Troops should land in Georgia and their commander be provided with Arms

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and Cloaths enough, and proclaim Freedom to all the Negroes who would join his Camp, 20,000 Negroes would join it from the two Provinces in a fortnight. The Negroes have a wonderfull Art of communicating Intelligence among themselves. It will run severall hundreds of Miles in a Week or Fortnight. They say, their only Security is this, that all the Kings Friends and Tools of Government have large Plantations and Property in Negroes. So that the Slaves of the Tories would be lost as well as those of the Whiggs. I had nearly forgot a Conversation with Dr. Coombe concerning assassination, Henry 4., Sully, Buckingham &c. &c. Coombe has read Sullys Memoirs with great Attention. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:181-83. 1 Collins had been to Massachusetts. See John Adams to Abigail Adams, July 4, 1775, note.

Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane

Sunday Sepr. [24, 1775] This was to have gone by Mr Bird of Virginia but he set out without my knowledge of the Time. The Weather is very cool here for this Season, therefore if you determine on coming down the Time fixed above will be a good one though by the Way I see no End to Our Business, & it is as extensive as endless. How ran Elections? Though personally I do not feel myself Interested however agreeable to one of my Sensibility the suffrages of ones Countrymen are, yet one great Object swallows up like Aarons Rod all the Lesser. Liberty, or Death is before Us, & I can conceive of No Alternative, if the former it will take a long Time to obtain, & afterwards settle it, on a permanent Basis. If the Latter (as I trust no American patriot will so desert himself as to prefer a short existence in Slavery to it) why then, it will but Shorten a Life of Care and Anxiety. We expect intelligence from G Brittain every hour. I am impatient for it, not that I think it will alter our Measures, for I am very confident as to the Complexion of it before it arrives but that the least & every Shadow of an excuse, for not pursuing the most vigorous Measures may be removed from the really Timid, & those pretendedly so. You must not expect Long Letters from Me, as I am more taken up, than when here last Summer and among other Things, the Settlement of Our Continental Expences & Charges of the Warr has fell to the Lot of a Comme. Of which I am one. I have therefore No Time of my own. If I had it Should be yours & my Freinds, so excuse Me to Mr. Hosmer &c. Adieu. [P.S.] Have You heard anything of Your missing Lettr?

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I dined Yesterday with Mr. Rutledge & Lady. She inquired after You, and says You promised her to come down with Me. RC (CtHi) . A continuation of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 22, 1775.

John Adams' Diary

1775. Septr. 25. Monday Rode out of Town and dined with Mr. Macpherson. He has the most elegant Seat in Pensilvania, a clever Scotch Wife and two pretty daughters. His Seat is on the Banks of Schuylkih. He has been Nine Times wounded in Battle. An old Sea Commander, made a Fortune by Privateering. An Arm twice shot off, shot thro the Leg. &c. He renews his Proposals of taking or burning Ships. Spent the Evening with Lynch at the City Tavern. He thinks the Row Gallies and Vesseau de Frize inadequate to the Expence.(1) MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:183. 1 Members of Congress later went for a ride on the row galleys, built by the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety for the defense of Philadelphia on the Deleware River. See the diaries of John Adams, Richard Smith, and John Zubly, September 28, 1775.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

1775 Monday. Sept. 24 [i.e. 25] An Uneasiness, among some of the Members concerning a Contract with Willing & Morris, for Powder, by which the House, without any Risque at all will make a clear Profit of 12,000£ at least.(1) Dyer and Deane spoke in public, Lewis to me in private about it. All think it exorbitant. S. Adams desired that the Resolve of Congress, upon which the Contract was founded might be read: he did not recollect it. De Hart. One of the Contractors, Willing, declared to this Congress that he looked upon the Contract to be that the first Cost should be insured to them, not the 14£ a Barrell for the Powder. R. R. Livingston. I never will vote to ratify the Contract in the sense that Morris understands it. Willing. I am as a Member of the House, a Party to that Contract, but was not privy to the Bargain. I never saw the Contract, untill I saw it in Dr. Franklins Hand. I think it ensures only the first Cost.

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My Partner thinks it ensures the whole. He says that Mr. Rutledge said at the Time, that Congress should have nothing to do with Sea risque. The Committee of this City offered 19£- I would wish to have nothing to do with the Contract: but to leave it to my Partner, who is a Man of Reason and Generosity, to explain the Contract with the Gentlemen who made it with him. J. Rutledge. Congress was to run no Risque only vs. Men of War and Customhouse officers. I was surprized this Morning to hear that Mr. Morris understood it otherwise. If he wont execute a Bond, such as We shall draw, I shall not be at a loss what to do. Johnson. An hundred Ton of Powder was wanted. Ross. In Case of its Arrival Congress was to pay £14. If Men of War, or Custom house officers, should get it, Congress was to pay first Cost only as I understood it. Zubly. We are highly favoured. 14£ We are to give if We get the Powder: and 14£ if We dont get it. I understand Persons enough will contract to supply Powder at 15£ and run all risques. Willing. Sorry any Gentleman should be severe. Mr. Morris's Character is such that he cannot deserve it. Lynch. If Morris will execute the Bond, well, if not the Committee will report. Deane. It is very well that this matter has been moved and that so much has been said upon it. Dyer. There are not Ten Men in the Colony I come from, who are worth so much Money as will be made clear by this Contract. Ross. What has this Matter to the present debate, whether Connecticutt Men are worth much or no. It proves there are no Men there whose Capital or Credit are equal to such Contracts. That is all. Harrison. The Contract is made and the Money paid. How can We get it back? Johnson. Let us consider the Prudence of this Contract. If it had not been made Morris would have got 19£, and not have set forward a second Adventure. Gadsden. Understands the Contract as Morris does, and yet thinks it a prudent one, because Morris would have got 19£. J. Adams.----&c. &c. &c. Cushing. I move that We take into Consideration a Method of keeping up an Army in the Winter. Gadsden. Seconds the Motion and desires that a Motion made in Writing some clays ago, and postponed may be read as it was. As also Passages of G. Washingtons Letter. S. Adams. The General has promised another Letter in which We shall have his Sentiments. We shall have it tomorrow perhaps. Lynch. If We have, We shall only loose the Writing of a Letter.

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J. Adams moved that the Generals Advice should be asked concerning Barracks &c. and that a Committee be appointed to draught a Letter. Lynch seconded the Motion. A Committee was appointed. Lynch, J. Adams, and Coll. Lee the Men.(2) Sherman moved that a Committee be appointed of one Member from each Colony, to receive, and examine all Accounts. S. Adams seconded the Motion. Harrison asked is this the Way of giving Thanks? S. Adams. Was decent to the Committee for Rifle Mens Accounts, meant no Reflections upon them, was sorry that the worthy Gentleman from Virginia, conceived that any was intended. He was sure there was no foundation for it. Paine. Thought that Justice and Honour required that We should carefully examine all Accounts, and see to the Expenditure of all public Monies. That the Minister would find out our Weakness, and would foment divisions among our People. He was sorry that Gentlemen could not hear Methods proposed, to settle and pay Accounts in a manner that would give Satisfaction to the People, without seeming to resent them. Harrison. Now the Gentlemen have explained themselves he had no Objection, but when it was proposed to appoint a new Committee in the Place of the former one, it implied a Reflection. Deane.--------. Willing. These Accounts are for Tents, Arms, Cloathing, &c. as well as Expences of the Riflemen, &c. Nelson moved that 20,000 dollars be voted into the Hands of the other Committee to settle the Accounts. S. Adams. Seconded the Motion, but still hoped that some time or other, a Committee would be appointed of one Member from each Colony, to examine all Accounts because he thought it reasonable.(3) MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:183 86. 1 This contract was entered into by the secret committee appointed on September 18 by Congress "to contract and agree for the importation and delivery of any quantities of gunpowder, not exceeding, in the whole five hundred tons." JCC, 2:253. There is no mention of this debate in the journals, JCC, 3:261-62, but see Secret Committee Minutes of Proceedings, September 27,1775. 2 This committee, which was appointed to answer Washington's letters to Hancock of August 4 and 31, brought in a draft letter the following day, which Congress then approved and sent to Washington over Hancock's signature. See JCC, 3:261-63; and John Hancock to George Washington, September 26,1775. 3 This day Congress appointed a committee of claims, consisting of one delegate from each colony. JCC, 3:262. John Zubly's diary entry for September 25 reads: "Attended Congress. Put on the Committee to examine accounts." GHi.

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Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull

Sr Philadelphia Septr 25th 1775 I recievd yours of the 14th Instant and am Very glad that Scoundrel of an Avery is disappointed in his Vain expectations & wish every other rascall may share the same fate. Am glad to hear of my sons Arrival at the Camp and if he may be on good Terms with the officers & Company over which he is Appointed am not so much Concerned about the Others especially if he can have the good Will of Genll Putnam & some Other principal officers to Support him. As to Wales & Bingham there was but Very few thot them fitt for the least Command when they Obtained it. As to Wales he is a Sour disaffected fehow wherever he is, and has been specially Piqued against me for some years. Bingham I know not so much about. He has rather appeared to be a still quiet fehow & of but little Influence, but hope Capt Thos with the Assistance of his friends will be Able to make his way good. The Money Ordered by Congress was forworded soon after our Arrival and were Surprised to find that Nothing had been done by the delegates of this Province, Who were especially entrusted to Send forward the Money as also a Number of Tents & other Necessaries for the Army but when we came here found Nothing had been done in our recess. For ought I can See at present you must depend principally upon Connecticutt for the Provision Supplys for the Army the bread kind as well as Others. I wish our Soldiery would be Content with Rye & Indian [corn] two or 3 times a week. Believe then our Colony could easily furnish the whole. You must set the farmers in Connecticutt Immediately to thresh out their Wheet &c. Perhaps You may get some flower from York & from the Western part of our Colony as far as Norwich by Water till that river is froze up. The Congress in generall seem Averse to Venture it by Water from this place at present tho a Comtee is appointed to Consult that Affair as well as some Others Who Still have the matter under Consideration.(1) It may be decided in two or 3 days but I cannot Advise you to slack your hand as to any other way or Method of Providing you think prudent. For the present it is as yet quite undetermined What force will be Necessary to be kept up thro the Winter. I know your Trouble & expences is great and your present allowance but small but believe the Congress will be disposed to make you a proper allowance. It will be best for you to keep a good account of your expenses, Clerks, Store keepers &c as it is not expected their pay will come out of your small pittance and it would be well for you to be prepared to make a proper representation to the Congress of the State of your business Contracts Number of persons you are oblidgd to employe & to Transact with, the quantitys you Supply, the Vast sums that goe

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thro your hands & the Numbers you have to pay out to, to which it will be Well to have the Generalls (at least) & the other Generall officers recommendation for further Allowance. I should think a small Commission might be best as the Amount would not be so Obvious to every Vulgar eye to make their Invidious reflections upon, but as all is uncertain, you must take good and prudent care to guard your self against loss. Tell my son I wrote to him a few days agoe & put him in mind to write to me for he is Very Slack about letter writing, but hope you will favor me with your observations from time to time, how he makes out &c. The time of his joining the Army I know may occasion the uneasiness if any. Remember me to all Friends & am Sincerely yours. Elipht Dyer RC (CtHi). 1 The committee appointed on September 21 to recommend means of provisioning the army reported to Congress on October 19. JCC, 3:257, 299.

Benjamin Franklin to Ebenezer Hazard

Sir Philad. Sept. 25. 1775 It seems the more necessary to establish Speedily a Post to Albany, as we have an Army on your Frontiers. I hope you have found a Rider Willing to go on more reasonable Terms than those mention'd in yours of the 6th appear to be, compar'd with what is given to the New London Riders. But if there are Reasons why he should have more, of which you can best judge, agree with him & let him proceed as soon as possible. Mr Goddard is expected in a few Days from the Southward, where he went to settle those Offices. As soon as he returns we shall open the Office here, and proceed regularly Northward. By him I shall send your Commission & Instructions. I am Sir, Your most huml Servt B Franklin [P.S.] I request your Care of the Enclos'd, & a Packet with the same Direction. RC (PPAmP).

John Hancock to William Palfrey

Dear Palfrey, Philadelphia 25th Septr. 1775 Your Letter from Marblo. [Marlborough] of 3d Inst. is now before me, the first part of it has been very sufficiently Answer'd in the

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Publick Papers. I am much obliged to you for your good wishes on that Event, and I shall be exceedingly happy when I find myself quietly Settled in Boston. I Note what you Say respecting your present Scituation in the Army, & your Desire of acting in a different Department. I could wish you had pointed out particularly what Vacancies there were distinct from the Army, or whether there was a prospect of any New Alterations, or Additions of offices propos'd to be Recommended by the General to Congress. Of this give me the earliest Notice, or as it is, write me as soon as possible your inclination. I am the rather urgent that you be speedy in this, as in a few days we shall likely Take up a total Reform of the Army, & make effectual provision in all Departments for the Winter, of course in all the Supplies new offices must be Establish'd &c. Say nothing, but to particular friends. Give me your mind freely. I shall then talk with Coll Harrison who is a good Man. I must get a place for my Brother, if you See him Talk with him, if not, do write him & get his mind & write me in your next, don't fail, if you Send to him on purpose. I want to assist Docr Perkins. I must Close, as I am Call'd on in my departmt. Remem[ber] me to all Friends. I am Your Real Friend John Hancock [P.S.] Colo. Harrison has wrote you.(1) I have been sadly Afflicted with the gout, but am abroad. Mrs. Hancock's Complimts. She is not very well. Pray make a point of Seeing Coll. Orne, & by all means beg him to Send my Salt Fish by one of the Return Waggons to Philada. I have wrote him. RC (MH) . Addressed: "To William Palfrey Esqr. Aid de Camp to General Lee at Cambridge." 1 See Benjamin Harrison to William Palfrey, September 20, 1715.

Richard Smith's Diary

[September 25, 1775] Monday 25. A Comee. of 3 named to draw an Answer to Gen Washingtons Letters. An Order passed for Payment of Accots. amounting to near 2000 Dollars. A Committee of 13, one from each Colony (myself for N Jersey) was named for Settling what Accounts may come this Session. De Hart moved to restrict all Conventions & Assemblies from issuing any more Paper Money and to recall what they have done without Permission from hence, he was not seconded. On reading Wilson & Morris's Letters and other Papers Willing moved that the Congress would interfere in settling a temporary Line between Virginia & Pennsylvania. A Letter was read from the Dele-

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gates of those Two Colonies to the Inhabitants recomm'g. Peace &c.(1) Several Orders of the King in Council Dated in June last relative to this Line were read. MS (DLC). 1 see Virginia and Pennsylvania Delegates to the Inhabitants west of Laurel Hill, July 25.1775. At the same time Wilson and Morris wrote to congress, Wilson also dispatched a letter to John Montgomery from Pittsburgh discussing the topic of the Pennsylvania-Virginia dispute."It is surely a very extraordinary step in the Virginians to take Possession of Fort Pitt with an hundred Men after the Recommendation addressed to the Inhabitants to the Westward of the Laurel Hill by the Delegates of both Provinces. Our Part Of it was, 'That all bodies of armed Men kept up under either Province be dismissed.' We could not be deemed so stupid and inconsistent as to think it would not be equally hurtful to send new Bodies, as to retain the old ones. "This Manoevre of the Virginians has occasioned the Application which Col. Morris and I have sent, in behalf of the People, to the congress, by the Express who delivers you this Letter. Certainly something ought to be done for the distressed and impoverished People who settled here while the Jurisdiction of Pennsylvania was peaceably acquiesced under. Your Heart would bleed for them if you knew all they have suffered, and all they are likely to suffer. "As the Indians have not yet come in to the Treaty, it is impossible for me now to give you any satisfactory Answer, whether their Humour may render it proper that Troops should be ordered to the Frontiers of this Province, but I will not fail to give you one, so soon as it shall be in my Power." James Wilson to John Montgomery, " at the Indian Queen, Philadelphia," September 14,1775. PHi. Samuel Ward's Diary [September 25, 1775] 25th. The Comee. appoind. to audit the Rifle Accts. &c authorized to draw for a Sum not exceeding 2000 Doll[ar]s. Colo. Lee, Mr. J Adams & Mr. Lynch a Comee. to take Genl. Washingtons Letter into Consideration & report. A Comee. for auditing all Accts. appointed, Mr. Langdon, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Ward, Mr. Dean, Mr. Lewis, Mr. Smith, Mr. Willing, Mr. Rodney, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Nelson, Mr. Gadsden, Dr. Zubly. Letters from Coll. Morris & Mr. Willson taken into Cons[ideratio]n & referred. (Mr. Hopkins as usual; shall not ment[ion] it again unless he sitts all Day.) MS (RHi)

John Adams to Abigail Adams

My Dear Philadelphia Septr. 26. 1775 I have not written the usual Compliment of Letters since I left Braintree; nor have I received one Scratch of a Pen from any Body,

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till the last Evening, when the Post brought me a Line from Mrs. Warren, in which she informs me that you had been ill, but was better. I shall be unhappy till I hear farther from you, tho I hope for the best. I have enjoyed better Health, this session than the last, and have suffered less from certain Fidgets, Pidlings, and Irritabilities which have become so famous. A more serious Spirit prevails than heretofore. We shall soon be in Earnest. I begin to think We are so. Our Injunctions of Secrecy are so much insisted on, that I must be excused from disclosing one Iota of any Thing that comes to my Knowledge as a Member of the Congress. Our Journal of the last session however, I conjecture will be speedily printed and then I will inclose it to you. I want to be informed from Hour to Hour, of any Thing which passes in Boston--whether our Friends come out--what Property they bring?-how they fare in Town? How the Tories subsist &c. &c. &c. Whether the Troops are healthy or sickly? I also want to know every Thing which passes in our Army. The Feats and Exploits of our little Naval Armaments would be very agreable. Tudor is made easy. He must keep a Clerk, or there will be Jealousies. Indeed it is his Duty for it is impossible he can do the Business himself, and if that is not done, Injustice to the public will be done.(1) I have seen the Utility of Geometry, Geography, and the Art of drawing so much of late, that I must intreat you, my dear, to teach the Elements of those Sciences to my little Girl and Boys. It is as pretty an Amusement, as Dancing or Skaiting, or Fencing, after they have once acquired a Taste for them. No doubt you are well qualified for a school Mistress in these Studies, for Stephen Collins tells me the English Gentleman, in Company with him, when he visited Braintree, pronounced you the most accomplished Lady, he had seen since he left England. You see a Quaker can flatter, but dont you be proud. My best Wishes and most fervent Prayers attend our little Family. I have been banished from them, the greatest Part of the last Eighteen Months but I hope to be with them more, in Time to come. I hope to be excused from attending at Philadelphia, after the Expiration of the Year. I hope that Dr. Winthrop, Mr. Sever, Mr. Greenleaf, Coll. Warren, Mr. Hawley, Mr. Gerry, some or all of them will take their Turns, in the States (2)-and suffer me, at least to share with my Family, a little more than I have done, the Pleasures and Pains of this Life, and that I may attend a little more to my private Affairs that I may not be involved in total Ruin, unless my Country should be so and then I should choose to share its Fate.

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RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 1:285-86. 1 On September 21. congress had voted to pay William Tudor, as judge advocate general, "for himself and clerk. fifty dollars per month." JCC, 3:257. 2 That is, congress.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr Sir Philadelphia Septr. 26. 1775 This Afternoon, and not before I received a Line from the excellent Marcia, which [is] the first and only Letter I have received from the Family to which She belongs Since I left Watertown. Be pleased to thank her for this Favour, and to let her know that She must certainly have misinterpretted Some Passage in my Letter Since I never thought either Politicks or War, or any other Art or Science beyond the Line of her Sex:(1) on the contrary I have ever been convinced that Politicks and War have in every Age, been influenced, and in many, guided and controuled by her Sex. Sometimes it is to be feared by the unworthy Part of it: but at others, it must be confessed by the amiable and the good. But, if I were of opinion that it was best for a general Rule that the fair should be excused from the arduous Cares of War and State; I should certainly think that Marcia and Portia ought to be Exceptions,(2) because I have ever ascribed to those Ladies, a Share and no small one neither, in the Conduct of our American Affairs. I have nothing new to communicate. Every Thing has been done, and is now doing, to procure the Unum Necessarium. I wish I could give you a more agreable account of the Salt Petre Works in this City. I fear they have chosen injudiciously a Place for their Vatts, Vaults and Buildings, a low marshy Place which was lately overflowed by the Storm. Still We have Sanguine Accounts of the Skill and Success of some operators. Coll Dyer produces a Sample of excellent Salt Petre, made by two De Witts, one of Norwich the other of Windham, and he is confident that they can and will make large Quantities. Coll Harrison of Virginia, whose Taste in Maderia, I know, and in Girls I believe, and in Salt Petre I hoe to be much Superiour to his Judgment in Men, is very confident that they are making large Quantities from Tobacco House Earth, in his Colony. We are hourly expecting Intelligence from Canada, as well as Massachusetts, and from London. My dear Sir, Let me intreat you to do every Thing in your Power to get ready the Accounts of all that our Province has done and expended in the Common Cause, for which they expect or hope to be

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reimbursed by the United Colonies.(3) It has ever appeared to me a Thing of much Importance, that We should be furnished with these Accounts as soon as possible. From present appearances, our session will not be long, and if We should not be furnished with the Necessary Papers, very soon, We shall not be able to obtain any Reimbursement this Fall; and the next Spring We may be involved in so many Dangers, as well as new Expences as to render our Chance for obtaining Justice, more precarious. You know that your Delegates have been here, almost the whole Time since the Commencement of Hostilities, and therefore can say nothing of their own knowledge concerning your Exertions or Expences, but must depend altogether upon Information from the General Court. This is really a Strong Reason for a Change in the Delegation. We have been absent so long from our native Country as to be a Kind of Aliens and Strangers there. If it is good Policy to reelect one of the old Delegates, because he is personally knowing to what has passed here, it is equally good Policy to elect some new ones, because they are Witnesses of what has passed with you. For my own Part, as my political Existence terminates with the Year, I Sincerely wish to be exempt in the next Election. I long to be a little with you in the General Court, that I may see and hear, and feel with my Countrymen, and I ardently wish to be a little with my Family, and to attend a little to my private Affairs. To be frank and candid to a Friend, I begin to feel for my Family. To leave all the Burthen of my private Cares, at a Time when my affairs are in so much Perplexity, to an excellent Partner, gives me Pain for her. To leave the Education of a young Family, entirely to her, altho I know not where it could be better lodged, gives me much Concern for her and them. I have very little Property, you very well know, which I have not earned myself, by an obstinate Industry, in opposition to the Malice of a very infirm Constitution, in Conjunction with the more pernicious Malice of Ministerial and gubernatorial Enemies. Of the little Acqisitions I have made, five hundred Pounds Sterling is sunk in Boston in a Real Estate, four hundred sterling more is compleatly annihilated in a Library that is now wholly useless to me and mine, and at least four hundred sterling more, is wholly lost to me, in Notes & Bonds not one farthing of the Principal or Interest of which, can I obtain, and the Signers are dying, breaking, flying every day. It is not compleatly two years since my Business has been totally ruined by the public Confusions. I might modestly estimate the Profits of my Business before this Period at three hundred sterling a Year, perhaps more. I think therefore I may fairly estimate myself a sufferer immediately, to the amount of two Thousand Pounds sterling. I have purchased Lands, which these Causes have prevented me from paying for, and the Interest is running on without a Possibility

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of my paying it, and I am obliged to hire Labour yearly upon my Farm to no Small amount. In the mean Time, all that has been granted me by the general Court for the sessions of this Congress last Fall and this Spring has not defrayed my necessary Expences, however Strange it may appear. The Conclusion from all this is, that I am rushing rapidly into Perplexities and Distresses in my private affairs from which I can never extricate myself. By retreating from public Life, in some Measure I might preserve myself and Family from a Ruin, which without it will be inevitable. I am Willing to sink with my Country, but it ought not to be insisted on that I Should Sink myself without any Prospect of contributing by that Means to make it Swim. I have taken my Trick at Helm, when it was not easy to get Navigators who would run the Risque of the Storm. At present the Course is plain whatever the Weather may be, and the prospect of that is much better than it was when I was called to assist in steering the ship. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 In a letter of September 4, 1775, Mercy Otis Warren had chided Adams for insinuating in his letter of August 26 that war and politics were "beyond the line of my sex." Warren-Adams Letters, 1:104-5, 106-7. 2 Portia was a pseudonym for Abigail Adams, as Marcia was for Mercy Otis Warren. 3 On December 4, 1775, Congress resolved that "the sum of 443,333 1/3 Dollars be paid to the Colony of Massachusetts" in partial payment of that province's account. JCC, 3:403.

John Adams to Mercy Warren

Madam Philadelphia Septr. 26. 1775 Your Favour, by my Friend Collins, never reached me till this Evening. At Newport, concluding to go by Water, he put it into the Post Office, least it Should meet with a Fate as unfortunate as Some others. I call them unfortunate after the manner of Men for, altho they went into Hands which were never thought of by the Writer, and notwithstanding all the unmeaning Noise that has been made about them, they have done a great deal of good. Providence intended them for Instruments to promote valuable Purposes, altho the Writer of them, thought so little of them that he never could have recollected one Word in them, if they had been lost. The most that I care about them, is the indecent Exposure of the Name of a Lady, who cannot be put to Pain, without giving me Uneasiness by Sympathy. I boasted, Madam, of my Happiness, in my last to you, because I know you could excuse the appearance of Vanity, and because I knew very well that the Person who So deservedly holds the first

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Place in your Heart, could Say by Experience, that an Happiness so perfect was not merely ideal. I am much obliged to you, for your kind Information concerning the Health of a Lady whom I esteem so highly. I presume her Indisposition has been the Cause why I have not heard from her before. I rejoice to hear she is better. I Hope my invariable Friend is better and that I shall receive a long Letter from him, Soon. My best Wishes attend him, as well as all His. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed.

Samuel Adams to Elbridge Gerry

My dear Sir Philada Sept 26 1775 I arrived in this City on the 12 Instant having rode full three hundred Miles on horseback, an Exercise which I have not used for many years past. I think it has contributed to the stablishment of my Health, for which I am obligd to my Friend Mr John Adams who kindly offered me one of his Horses the day after we set off from Watertown. I write you this Letter, principally to put you in Mind of the promise you made me to give me Intelligence of what is doing in our Assembly and the Camp. Believe me sir it is of great Importance that we should be informd of every Circumstance of our Affairs. The Eyes of Friends and Foes are attentively fixed on our Province, and if Jealousy or Envy can sully its Reputation, you may depend upon it they will not miss the opportunity. It behoves our Friends therefore to be very circumspect, and in all their publick Conduct to convince the World, that they are influenced not by partial or private Motives but altogether with a View of promoting the publick Welfare. Some of our Military Gentlemen have, I fear, disgracd us; It is then important that every Anecdote that concerns a Man of real Merit among them (and Such I know there are) be improvd, as far as decency will admit of it, to their Advantage and the Honor of a Colony which for its Zeal in the great Cause as well as its Sufferings, deserve so much of America. Until I visited head Quarters at Cambridge, I had never heard of the Valor of Prescot on Bunkers Hill, nor the Ingenuity of Knox and Waters in planing the celebrated Works at Roxbury. We were told here that there were none in our Camp who understood this Business of an Engineer, or any thing more than the manual Exercise of the Gun. This we had from great Authority, and for want of more certain Intelligence were obligd at least to be silent. There are many military Geniuses at present unemployd and overlookd, who I hope, when the

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Army is new modelld, will be sought after and invited into the Service of their Country. They must be sought after, for modest Merit declines pushing it self into publick View. I know your disinterested Zeal and therefore need add no more than to assure you that I am with cordial Esteem Your Friend Saml Adams RC (NjHi)

Silas Deane's Diary

[September 26, 1775] Tuesday 26th. At Congress.(1) Col. Williams, & Mr. Wales arrived. Spent for Physic for Horses-2/. Wrote to Govr. Trumbull, a Lettr. of Notice of sending forward the Money by Landman & Coit. MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) 96A. 1 John Zubly briefly recorded in his diary this date: "Attended Committee & Congress." GHi.

John Hancock to George Washington

Sir, Philadelphia Septemr. 26th. 1775 Upon considering your Letter of 4th August the following Points appear'd so exceedingly important, that I am Directed to Desire you will Consult such of your Officers as you think proper, upon the most prudent & effectual Methods of Accomplishing them. These are the Continuation of the Army, now under your Command, in the Service of the Continent after the terms of Enlistments shall have been Compleated. The Reducing the severall Corps of Provincials, which at present compose your Army, into one Body of Continental Forces, what Number will be necessary for the Winter Campaign, & what Rations should be Allow'd the Men, and what farther Regulations may be necessary for the Government of those Forces. Upon these Heads the Congress wish to be favour'd with the Result of your Deliberations as soon as possible, as the Time of Enlistment in Connecticutt draws to a Conclusion.(1) The Congress Desire you will Take the proper Steps to provide your Troops with necessary Cover and Fuel for the Winter, as it is highly probable, that the Service of the Army will be wanted during that whole Season at least; and that you lay before Congress an Estimate of the Expence, which may be necessary for these Services. As making any Alterations in the present Appointments of the Of-

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ficers of different Colonies, and the Reduction of those Regiments which cannot be Compleated to their full Establishments may Create great Jealousies and Uneasiness, the Congress are of Opinion that at present no Step should be taken therein, as the New Modelling the whole is so soon Expected, when those inconveniencies may be Remedied without Danger. The Congress desire you will give them your Opinion, whether the Pay of the Private Men, which is consider'd as very high, may not be Reduc'd, and how much. Agreeable to the order of Congress I inclose you Copy of a Letter from General Schuyler, with sundry papers Inclos'd.(2) Application having been made to Congress for the Discharge of Coll John Fenton, at present Confin'd at Hartford they pass'd a Resolution that he be allow'd to proceed to New York, and from thence to London upon his giving his Parole not to Take up Arms against the Continent during the present Contest.(3) It is Determin'd by Congress that you Issue a Commission to Mr Gridley as Colonell only, and to Suspend the appointment of a Brigadier General for the present. They Recommend to you to Grant Commissions to Messrs. Box, Scammell & Samuel Brewer as Brigade Majors.(4) The Memorial from Mr. Tudor the Judge Advocate was laid before Congress, and upon Consideration it was Resolved that he be allow'd & paid Fifty Dollars per Month for himself & Clerk from the Time of his Appointment, & I Transmitt him by this Express his Commission and the Resolution of Congress. Some Difficulty having arisen in the Settlement of the Accotts. of the severall Rifle Companies as to Supplies of Money &c particularly with Respect to Coll. Thompson, and the Congress having on the 29th July last Advanc'd to Colonell Thompson Five Thousand Dollars for the Service of his Battalion, I am directed to Desire you will order Coll Thompson to Exhibit to you an Accott. of the Expenditure of the said Five Thousand Dollars, which you will please to Transmitt to me to be laid before Congress, by which the severall Accotts. may easily be Accomodated. I have nothing further in Charge to Communicate. You will please to Return Fessenden as soon as you conveniently can. I have the honour to be with great Respect & Esteem, Sir Your most Obedt huml Servt. John Hancock President [P.S.] I have Sent you Eleven Bundles contg 550 Commissions. RC (DLC). On the authorship of this letter, see John Adams' Notes of Debates, September 25,1775, note 2. 1 Washington's responses to these inquiries are in his letters and enclosures to Hancock of October 5 and 12. PCC, item 152, 1:181-240; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:956 64, 1037-49.

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2 Hancock is referring here to Schuyler's letter to him of September 8 and accompanying enclosures. Ibid., pp. 669-72. 3 See JCC, 2:255. 4 See JCC, 2:256; and 3:257.

Richard Henry Lee to George Washington

Dear Sir Philadelphia 26th Septr. 1775 Two days ago I arrived here from Virginia, which the late short adjournment just allowed me time to visit and return from. I brought two letters from thence for you which come with this. Having some business with Colo. Mason, I travelled that road and having sent to your Lady to know if she had any commands this way, had the pleasure to learn that all were well at Mount Vernon. As I suppose it will be agreable to you to know what is passing in Virginia, I have inclosed you the proceedings of our last Convention, with two of Purdies Gazettes. I am greatly obliged to you for your favor of August the 29th,(1) and you may be assured I shall pay great attention to it. When I mentioned securing the entrance of the harbour of Boston, it was more in the way of wishing it could be done, than as conceiving it very practicable. However the reasons you assign are most conclusive against the attempt. I assure you, that so far as I can judge from the conversation of Men, instead of their being any who think you have not done enough, the wonder seems to be that you have done so much. I believe there is not a Man of common sense and who is void of prejudice, in the world, but greatly approves the discipline you have introduced into the Camp; since reason and experience join in proving, that without discipline Armies are fit only for the contempt and slaughter of their Enemies. Your labors are no doubt great both of mind and body, but if the praise of the present and future times can be any compensation you will have a plentiful portion of that. Of one thing you may certainly rest assured that the Congress will do every thing in their power to make your most weighty business easy to you. I think you could not possibly have appointed a better Man to his present Office than Mr. Mifflin. He is a singular Man, and you certainly will meet with the applause and support of all good men by promoting and countenancing real Merit and public virtue, in opposition to all private interests, and partial affection. You will see in the proceedings of our Convention, that they have agreed to raise the pay of our Rifle Officers & Men to the Virginia standard. It may perhaps encourage them to be told this. We have no late accounts from England, but from what we have had that can be relied on, it seems almost certain, that our Enemies there must shortly meet with a total over throw. The entire failure of

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all their schemes, and the rising spirit of the people strongly expressed by the remonstrance of the Livery of London to the King, clearly denote this. The Ministry had their sole reliance on the impossibility of the Americans finding money to support an army, on the great aid their cause would receive from Canada, and consequent triumph of their forces over the liberties and rights of America. The reverse of all this has happened, and very soon now, our Commercial resistance will begin sorely to distress the people at large. The Ministerial recruiting business in England has entirely failed them, the Ship builders in the royal yards have mutinied, and now they are driven as to their last resort to seek for Soldiers in the Highlands of Scotland. But it seems the greatest Willingness of the people there cannot supply more than one or two Thousand men, A number rather calculated to increase their disgrace, than to give success to their cause. I beg your pardon for engaging your attention so long, and assure you that I am with unfeigned esteem dear Sir Your affectionate friend and Countryman Richard Henry Lee RC (DLC). 1 See Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 3:450-54.

Richard Smith's Diary

[September 26, 1775] Tuesday 26 Septr. Comee brought in a Letter to Gen Washington,(1) in the Course of it E Rutledge moved that the Gen. shall discharge all the Negroes as well Slaves as Freemen in his Army. He (Rutledge) was strongly supported by many of the Southern Delegates but so powerfully opposed that he lost the Point.(2) The Question of the Lines between Penna. & Virginia agitated but Nothing determined.(3) The Letters between Washington & Gage ordered to be published,(4) then the Journal was read in Order for Publication and some Parts of it ordered not to be printed as improper for Public Inspection particularly all that was there about fortifying the Passes on Hudsons River & the Directions to the New Yorkers to arm themselves &c. MS (DLC). 1 See John Hancock's letter to Washington, this date. 2 Although small numbers of blacks had served in the provincial forces of all the New England colonies before the establishment of the Continental Army in June 1775, and although Congress had placed no racial restrictions on military service, as early as July 10, 1775, Adjutant-General Horatio Gates ordered continental officers not to enlist blacks. In spite of Congress' rejection of Rutledge's motion on

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Photo copy of Diary of Richard Smith

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Continuation of photo copy of Diary

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September 26, Gates' exclusionary recruitment policy was endorsed by a council of war, consisting of Washington and eight of his subordinates, on October 8, when the questions of accepting Negroes into the continental service and distinguishing between free blacks and slaves were decided in the negative. Later in the same month Washington reported to the "Committee of Conference" the council's opinion on these points, and the committee concurred in its recommendations. Washington thereupon issued general orders of October 31 and November 12, forbidding the enlistment of Negroes into the Continental Army, although on December 30 he modified these orders to permit the recruitment of free blacks, fearful that disgruntled protestors might otherwise join British units. When Washington informed Hancock of his decision and asked Congress to signify its opinion, Congress responded with a resolution of January 16, 1776, approving the enlistment of free blacks already in Washington's army but forbidding the acceptance of others. On this point, as well as on the more general subject of the employment of black soldiers in the War for Independence, see Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in the American Resolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1961), pp. 9-18, and chaps. 4 and 5 passim. See also JCC, 4:60; Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 4 7n.16, 57, 86, 194-95; Committee of Conference Minutes of Proceedings, October 23-24, 1775; and Richard Smith's Diary, January 16, 1776. 3 According to the journals, the Virginia and Pennsylvania delegates were absent this day, requiring Congress to postpone consideration of a letter from Lewis Morris and James Wilson about the boundary dispute between these two provinces. JCC, 3 262. On this point, Samuel Ward laconically noted in his diary this day: "Letters from Colo. Morris &c refd. Letter to G. Washington." RHi. 4 Between August 11 and 19 Washington and Gen. Thomas Gage exchanged letters accusing each other of mistreatment of prisoners of war. Washington's letter to Gage of the 11th, Gage's reply of the 13th, and Washington's rebuttal of the 19th were widely printed in American newspapers. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:245-47.

John Adams' Diary

1775. Septr. 27. Wednesday. Mr. Bullock and Mr. Houstoun, the Gentlemen from Georgia, invited S.A. and me to spend the Evening with them in their Chamber, which We did very agreably and socially. Mr. Langdon of N. Hampshire was with us. Mr. Bullock after Dinner invited me to take a ride with him in his Phaeton which I did. He is a solid, clever Man. He was President of their Convention. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:186.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

1775. Septr. 27. Willing in favour of Mt. Purveyances Petition.(1) Harrison vs. it. Willing thinks the Non Exportation sufficiently hard upon the

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Farmer, the Merchant and the Tradesman, but will not arraign the Propriety of the Measure. Nelson. If We give these Indulgences, I know not where they will end. Sees not why the Merchant should be indulged more than the Farmer. Harrison. It is the Merchant in England that is to suffer. Lynch. They meant gain and they ought to bear the Loss. Sherman. Another Reason. The Cargo is Provisions and will probably fall into the Hands of the Enemy. R. R. Livingston. There is no Resolve of Congress vs. exporting to foreign Ports. We shall not give Licence to deceit, by clearing out for England. Lynch. Moves that the Committee of this City, be desired to enquire whether Deans Vessel taken at Block Island and another at Cape Codd, were not sent on Purpose to supply the Enemy. Reed. The Committee of this City have enquired of the owners of one Vessell. The owners produc'd their Letter Books, and were ready to swear. The Conduct of the Captain is yet suspicious. Thinks the other Enquiry very proper. Lee. Thinks Lynches Motion proper. Thinks the conduct detestible Parricide-to supply those who have Arms in their Hands to deprive us of the best Rights of human Nature. The honest Seamen ought to be examined, and they may give Evidence vs. the guilty. Hancock. Deane belongs to Boston. He came from W. Ind [ies] and was seized here, and released. Loaded with flour and went out. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:186-87. 1 Congress tabled Samuel and Robert Purviance's petition, which requested permission to export a cargo of wheat after the nonexportation deadline of September 10. See JCC, 3:264.

Silas Deane's Diary

[September 27, 1775] Wednesday 27th. At Congress & on Com[mitte]es all Day.(1) Col. W [illia] ms & Mr. Wales Order for Money, had it Voted them. MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964): 96A 1 Deane apparently often added several diary entries together retrospectively and in the process sometimes confused the chronology of events. The following sentence actually appears on the next line of his manuscript diary after the words "Thursday 28th. at ditto," but it is clear from the journal of Congress and the diary of Richard Smith that the business of William Williams and Nathaniel Wales was considered by Congress the 27th. Williams and Wales applied to Congress on behalf of the Connecticut Coundl of Safety for reimbursement of

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£65,000 already advanced by Connecticut for the supply of the army. JCC, 3:263: and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:674.

Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney

Philadelphia Sepr. 27th 1775. Discusses the impending elections in Delaware and expresses particular apprehension over the divisions that may arise. "This gives me much Concern, more Especially when our public affairs require the greatest unanimity, for our union is our Strength." Is even more concerned, he cautions his brother, "that you intend to leave Mr. Barrett out of your ticket as Sheriff." RC (NN) . Rodney, Letters (Ryden), pp. 64-65.

Secret Committee Account

[September 27, 1775-August 26, 1776] Abstract of Monies Advanced to Sundry persons by the Secret Committee on Special Contracts.(1) Persons Dates Sums D[o]11[ar]s Willing, Morris, & Co. 27th Sepr. 1775 45,000 Ph. Livingston, Jo. Alsop & Frs. Lewis 9th Octr. 36,000 Alexander Gillon 27th Oct. 45,000 Nathl. Shaw 8th Novr. 21,000 John Langdon 8th Novr. 15,000 Ths. Mumford 28th Novr. 28,500 Saml. Mifflin & George Clymer 30th Novr. 7,500 J. & Peter Chevalier 5th Decembr. 11,500 Esek Hopkins 11th Decembr. 6,000 Willing Morris & Co. 14th Decembr. 14,000 Ths. Yorke 19 Decembr. 5,350 Blair Meclenachan 22d Decembr. 4,550 John Brown 25 Decembr. 20,000 Ths. Greene 26 Decembr. 10,000 Bayard, Jackson& Co. 26 Decembr. 15,000 Philip Livingston 8th Jany. 1776 20,000 John Langdon 8th Jany. 10,000 Deane, Silas & Barnabas l1th Jany. 30,000 Willing, Morris &Co. 5th Feby. 80,000 Nathl. Greene & Co. 6 Feby. 10,000 Nichls. &John Browne 6th Feby. 24,000

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HodgesBayard&Co. 13th Feby. 23,333.30 J. Alson, (2) F. Lewis, P. Livingston, S. Deane & Robert Morris 19th Feby. 200,000 Robert Morris &John Ross 1st March 90,000 Ths. Yorke l7th June 5,400 8th June 5,000 Josa. & Adam Babcock 7th March 20,000 Guinet Button 12 July 20,000 Hewes & Smith 26 Augt. 20,000 Total D[o]11[ar]s 841,633. MS (MH). In the hand of Richard Henry Lee. Lee was appointed to the committee in March 1776. JCC,4:215. 1 More information regarding the contracts listed in this account is available in the various entries of the Secret Committee Minutes of Proceedings, the majority of which are printed under the dates indicated in the middle column of this list. In seven instances the date on which advances were recorded varies slightly from that on which the corresponding contract was recorded in the Secret Committee Minutes of Proceedings, and the advance made to John Langdon on January 8, 1776, apparently does not pertain to any of the transactions discussed in the committee's proceedings. 2 That is, John Alsop. See Secret Committee Minutes of Proceedings, February 20,1776.

Secret Committee Minutes of Proceedings

Committee Chamber Sepr. 27th. 1775, Philadelphia. At the Meeting of the Committee of Secrecy appointed by the Honble continental Congress of the 13 U [nited] C[olonies] in N. A. present-Saml. Ward, John Langdon, Silas Deane, John Alsop, Philip Livingston, Benjamin Franklin, John Dickenson & Thos. McKean Esqrs-Members of the said Committee of Secrecy.(1) A Contract was enterd into by Thos. Willing & Robert Morris & Co.(2) of the City of Philadelphia in the Province of Pensylva., Merchts of the one part, with Samuel Ward, John Langdon, Silas Deane, John Alsop, Philip Livingston, Benjamin Franklin, John Dickenson & Thos. McKean the aforesaid Members of the other part as follows vizt.-That the sd. Thos. Willing, Robert Morris* & Co. shall & will, with the utmost speed & secrecy send a ship or vessel to some part of Europe & there purchase at the cheapest rate they can a thousand barrels of good powder, twelve good brass guns (six pounders), two thousand stand of good arms vizt. Soldiers muskets & bayonets & five thousand gunlocks double bridled, of a good quality, & in case the aforesaid quantity of powder cannot be procurd, that they

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shall & will purchase as much Saltpetre & sulphur if to be had as will make as much powder as shall be deficient. As by the sd. Contract copied into the Register of the Contracts of the sd. Committee of Secrecy p. 2 &C bearing date the day & year aforesaid, reference being thereunto had, more fully & at large appears. * N.B. Mr. Patterson Coll[ecto]r in the port of Philadelphia in the years 1773, 1774, says that in those years protested Bills returnd against Mr. R. Morris for about 50,000 ster. A. Lee had it from Mr. W. Livingston. MS (MH) . Extracted from a 138-page document in the Lee Family Papers consisting of the Secret Committee's minutes of meetings and extracts from the journals of Congress pertinent to the committee's work for the period September 18, 1775-September 10, 1777. Endorsed: "Copy, Journal of the Secret Committee, N. 2d"; and captioned: "The proceedings of the Committee of Secrecy appointed by the Honble Congress of the thirteen United Colonies, 1775." The copyist's final entry indicates that this document was made sometime after October 5, 1778, the day the committee met pursuant to a congressional resolve of September 4, 1778, and agreed to hire "a capable Clerk" to assist in settling the committee's accounts and preparing them for delivery to the Committee of Commerce. See JCC, 12:878-79. 1 Thomas Willing was also a member of this committee, which Congress appointed September 18 "to contract and agree for the importation and delivery of . . . gunpowder." Subsequently known as the Secret Committee, it was granted significant decision-making powers and ultimately became the manager of extensive exportation and importation operations crucial to the war effort. JCC, 2:253-55, 3:280, 336. 2 Although there was a heated discussion of the Willing, Morris & Co. contract in Congress on September 25, the contract was apparently not completed until the 27th, when the company was also advanced $45,000. See Secret Committee Account, September 27, 1775-August 26, 1776; and John Adams' Notes of Debates, September 25, 1775. See also Secret Committee Minutes of Proceedings, February 5, 1776.

Richard Smith's Diary

[September 27,1775] Wednesday 27. 160,000 Dollars ordered to be advanced to Connectt. in part of their Claim on the Congress. Willing from the Comee. on Accounts asked Whether a Charge should be allowed made by the Comee. of Northampton County in Pennsa. for their Time & Trouble in settling certain Accounts, Mr. Willing was directed not to allow it.(1) The Journal continued to be read & various Parts ordered not to be published, as the Instructions to Gen Washn., the Directions to the German Ministers &c. A Petition was read from Messrs. Purviance of Baltimore praying Leave to ship off a Cargo of Wheat which the late Storm prevented, refused & ordered to lie on the Table.(2)

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MS (DLC) 1 This day Congress did, however, approve the payment of more than $3,000 to the Northampton County committee for expenses incurred in raising rifle companies for the Continental Army. JCC, 3:264. 2 John Zubly briefly noted in his diary this day: "Attended Committee & Congress. Preached for Mr. Stillman. Math. 8:25." GHi.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 27,1775] 27th. Copy of Journal presented & partly read. Kettles, Kanteans &c allowed the soldiers. 160,000 Dollh[ar]s ordered to Com[mitte] on Acct. Several Accts., Rob Erwin &s allowd.(1) Journal read & ordered to be printed.(2) MS (RHi). 1 For the accounts approved by Congress this day, see JCC, 3:263 64. 2 Despite congressional authorization this day to print selections of its proceedings "of the last session," not until December 1775 was such a volume published. CC, 3:514.

Willing, Morris & Co. to

Messrs. Wm. Baynes & Co.

Philada Sepr. 27. 1775. "We (1) wrote you last on the 11th Instant, & since that Period all Exportation of this Country Produce has ceased, indeed there has not been any brought to Market for Sale, consequently no Prices can be quoted. The Act of Parliament leaves New York, the three lower Counties on Delaware, North Carolina & Georgia at Liberty to export to Foreign Countries & we expect they will avail of this exemption by & by, as they are not restrained by the Congress, but at present no Body dare move in the Export from those Places, as the People at large seem disposed to prevent Exportation totally, but their Folly will be their Punishment, & we shall not besurprised to see a different Disposition prevail in this Point in a short time.... We have not heard yet the Arrival of the Union, Capt. Steel, in the Mediterranean, but expect she will arrive to a good Market, indeed its very probable that all the Foreign Markets will be good, soon as they know of a certainty that the Exports from this Country will be stopped. Should the Exports from New York & the lower Counties take place by & by, we shall come in for a Share of them & by that means send some farther Supplies to Mr. Gorge, Messrs. Gregory & Guille, Messrs. Martins &c., as we judge that

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Business must be very valuable, so long as the other Colonies are shut up." Tr (PRO: C.O. 5, 134) . 1 Thomas Willing and Robert Morris, partners since 1754, utilized their positions as Philadelphia merchants and prominent political leaders to engage in many of the most lucrative commercial enterprises available to American merchants during the War for Independence. Successively members of Congress from May 1775 to October 1778, and throughout the war privy to nearly all the significant economic intelligence available to Congress, Willing and Morris maintained a commercial correspondence suggestive of the wide range of commercial opportunities open to advantageously placed merchants.

John Adams' Diary

1775. Sept. 28. Thursday. The Congress, and the Assembly of this Province were invited to make an Excursion upon Delaware River in the new Row Gallies built by the Committee of Safety of this Colony. About Ten in the Morning We all embarked.(1) The Names of the Gallies are the Washington, the Effingham, the Franklin, the Dickenson, the Otter, the Bull Dog, and one more, whose Name I have forgot. We passed down the River by Glocester where the Vesseau de Frize are. These a[re] Frames of Timber to be fill'd with Stones and sunk, in three Rowes, in the Channell. I went in the Bull Dog Captn. Alexander Commander. Mr. Hillegas, Mr. Owen Biddle, and Mr. Rittenhouse, and Capt. Faulkner [Falconer] were with me. Hillegas is one of our Continental Treasurers, is a great Musician-talks perpetually of the Forte and Piano, of Handell &c. and Songs and Tunes. He plays upon the Fiddle. Rittenhouse is a Mechannic, a Mathematician, a Philsosopher and an Astronomer. Biddle is said to be a great Mathematician. Both are Members of the American Philosophical Society. I mentioned Mr. Cranch to them for a Member. Our Intention was to have gone down to the Fort but the Winds and Tide being unfavourable We returned by the City and went up the River to Point no Point, a pretty Place. On our Return Dr. Rush, Dr. Zubly and Counciller Ross, Brother of George Ross, joined us. Ross is a Lawyer, of great Eloquence, and heretofore of extensive Practice. A great Tory, they say, but now begins to be converted. He said the Americans were making the noblest and firmest Resistance to Tyranny that ever was made by any People. The Acts were founded in Wrong, Injustice and Oppression. The great Town of Boston had been remarkably punished without being heard.

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Rittenhouse is a tall, slender Man, plain, soft, modest, no remarkable Depth. or thoughtfullness in his Face-yet cool, attentive, and clear. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:18748. 1 On the subject of this trip, see the diary entries of Robert Treat Paine, Richard Smith, and

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, this date, and John Jay to Sarah Jay, September 29, 1775. Silas Deane, who was also present on the cruise, erroneously dated his brief diary entry this day: "Friday 29th. In Committee in the Morning, thence went to take a Sail in the Gondola's-Col. Wms. with Us." CtHi.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr sir Philadelphia Septr. 28. 1775 I write at this Time, only to remind you that I have recd no Letters. Let me intreat the earliest Attention of our Houses, to the Accounts and Vouchers of our Province. Accounts must be exact and Vouchers genuine, or We shall suffer. The whole attention of every Member of both Houses, would be not improfitably employed upon this subject untill it is finished.(1) The Accounts, I mean, are of Ammunition, such as Powder, Ball, Cartridges-Artillery, Cannon, Field Pieces, Carriages-Camp Equipage, Cantins, Kettles, Spoons &c Tents, Canvas &c &c &c. Provisions, Bread, Meat, Meal, Peas, every Thing in short. In fine it is idle for me to enter [in] to detail-The Pay and Cloathing of the Troops &c &c. But I must entreat, to have these Accounts and Vouchers. I do beseech that it may be remembered that I was importunate, on this Head with Several Gentlemen, when I was with you. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 Adams was probably stimulated to raise this subject by Congress' appointment of a committee of claims on September 25. JCC, 3:262-64

Robert Treat Paine's Diary

[September 28, 1775] Fair. Fine day. The Congress Comttee of the City & Some of Assembly went down the River in the Row Gallies designing to dine at the Fort, but Wind & Tide being a head we went up to Point no Point, returned. MS (MHi).

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Richard Smith's Diary

Thursday 28 Septr. [1775] No Congress. The Members dined by Invitation on Board of the Row Gallies which sailed down to the Chevaux de Frize near Mud Island & up to Point no Point.(1) I amused myself all the Morning in M. du Simitiere's curious Museum. MS (DLC). 1 Samuel Ward noted in his diary this day: "Attended the Invitation of the City on board the Gallies." RHi.

John McKesson

Gentlemen. Philadelphia Sept. 28.1775 By the first safe opportunity I send you (1) the 32 articles of agreement for the due regulation and government of the associations in the colony of Pennsylvania.(2) I beg the favor of you to let me know as quick as possable whether the Saltpeter has arrived from Connecticut that your committee of safety informed me a few days ago when last in town. Also if any accounts from that which was expected another way. I want to send to the workman as quick as possible but dare not send him until I can get some Saltpeter at least a few hundred weight. I am gentlemen your ashured friend and Very Humble Servant, Henry Wisner RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:85. RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr. 1 John Haring and John McKesson were, respectively, chairman of the New York Committee of Safety and secretary to the New York Provincial Congress. 2 For Pennsylvania's articles of association, adopted by that province's Committee of Safety on August 19, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:502-4. John Zubly's Diary [September 28,1775] Thursday, 28. At the Invitation of the Committee of this City the Congress sailed in the Row Gallies to see the Preparations to Stop up the River, but Wind & tide being Contrary could not effect it. Sailed to Point no Point. The Galley on board which I was carried away her fore mast. It was observed that the Thermometer this summer had risen at Philada to 96. MS (GHi).

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John Jay to Sarah Jay

My dear Sally Ph. 29 Septr. 1775 My last to you was by Mr. Graham which I hope you have recd. It would give me Pleasure to have an opportunity of acknowledging the Receipt of one from you. I sometimes fear you are indisposed and that your Silence proceeds from a Desire of concealing it. Your Papa is hearty & well.(1) The Congress spent Yesterday in Festivity. The Com[mitte]e of Safety were so polite as to invite them to make a little voyage in their Gondolas as far as the Fort which is about 12 Miles from the City. Each Galley had its Company & each Company entertained with Variety of musick &c! &c! We proceeded six or Eight Miles down the River when the Tide being spent & the wind unfavorable We tacked about & with a fine Breese returned, passed the City & landed six miles above the Town at a pretty little Place called Paris Villa. It appears to have been the Property of a Gentleman of some Taste-a Garden, a close walk, a Summer House &c. much out of order & partly in Ruins. I wished you & a few select friends had been with me. This Idea tho amidst much noise and mirth, made me much alone. Adieu my beloved. I am most sincerely yours John Jay RC (NNC) 1 William Livingston.

Richard Smith's Diary

[September 29,1775] Friday 29. Letters from Gen. Washington with a Return of his Army, about 19,000 effective Men who are to be disbanded in Decr. by the Terms of Inlistment, he prays Directions how to keep or raise an Army. Expenses run very high, great Want of Powder & Money.(1) Chief Part of the Morn'g. was spent on a Motion to send a Comee. Of the Congress to the Army to take proper Measures for the Winter Campaign, it passed in the Affirmative. Some Powder said to be just arrived in Delaware, our Comee. were desired to purchase it. Above 80 of our Men have deserted to Gen. Gage in the Course of this Campaign accordg to Gen Washns. Dispatches. MS (DLC). 1 Washington's letter to Hancock of September 21, together with enclosures, is in PCC, item 152,1:119 44; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:760 71.

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Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 29, 1775] 29th. A letter from Gen Washington. Several Accts. all [owe] d. The powder Comee. to purch[ase] [. . .] said to be arrived. President to sign all Orders on the Treasury. Three Members appointed to go to the Camp to consult Genl. Washington, the Govs. Conn[ecticu]t & Rhode [Island], the president of the congress of New Hampshire, & the Council of the Massachusts upon the most effective Method of continuing supporting & regulating a continental Army.(1) MS (RHi). 1 Although this day Congress approved the formation of a committee to consult with Washington and New England officials on military matters, members of the committee were not actually appointed until the following day. JCC, 3:266. For a discussion of sentiment in Congress against appointing such a committee, see Ward to Henry Ward, September 30, 1775.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr sir Philadelphia Septr. 30. 1775 Mr Lynch, Coll Harrison, and Dr Franklyn are preparing for a Journey to Watertown and Cambridge, one of whom will do me the Favour of taking this Letter. Mr Lynch, you have seen before. He is an oppulent Planter of great Understanding and Integrity and the best affections to our Country and Cause. Coll Harrison is of Virginia, and the Friend and Correspondent of the General, but it seems by a certain Letter, under some degree of Prejudice against our dear New Englandmen. These Prejudices however, have arisen from Misrepresentation and may be easily removed. Dr Franklyn needs nothing to be said. There is no abler or better American, that I know of. I could wish a particular Attention and Respect to all Three. I know you will be pleased to be introduced to these Gentlemen, because it will give you an opportunity of serving your Country.(1) I am your Friend John Adams RC. (MHi) 1 Adams wrote a second letter this day to Warren containing substantially the same information about the delegates appointed to confer with General Washington and several New England leaders, who were to discuss "various Matters of importance-such as a Plan for continuing the Army this Winter, and another for raising one next Spring." He also added the query: "Will it not be excellent

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Politicks to make Dr. Franklin welcome by making him a grant of what is due him from the Province?" John Adams to James Warren, September 30, 1775, extract in Parke-Bernet Galleries Catalog, no. 251 January 22, 1941), part 2, p. 1. On October 23, the Massachusetts General Court ordered the payment of £1854 to Benjamin Franklin for his services as agent of the province. Proceedings of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, Am. Archives, 4th wr. 3:1472.

Silas Deane's Diary

[September 30, 1775] Saturday-Unwell-Mr. Jay went home.(1) Expences for paper and Sealing Wax-0.5.0, For Trimming horses-2.6, For Shoeing ditto-10.0. MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964): 96A 1 Jay returned to Congress by October 10, as indicated by the record of his remarks in John Adams' Notes of Debates for that date. Burnett, who did not have access to Deane's diary, was unable to include this absence in his otherwise comprehensive account of Jay's attendance in Congress from September 1774 to April 1776. Burnett, Letters, 1:liv.

John Hancock to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.

Sir, Philada. Sepr. 30th. 1775.(1) The Congress have recd. sundry Letters from General Washington Containing Matters of great Importance, touching the supporting and regulating the Continental Army. As the Congress are desirous of the fullest Light on these Subjects before they come to a final Determination, they have appointed three of their Members-viz Mr. Lynch, Doctor Franklyn, and Mr. Harrison to wait on the Genl. and confer with him, and with the Governors of Connecticut & Rhode Island, and with the Council of Massachusetts Bay, and the President of the Convention of New Hampshire.(2) The Committee will set out as soon as possible, and expect to be at the Camp by the 12th. of next Month. Of this I am desired to inform you, and to request you will meet the Committee on that Day. In Case the Business of your Colony will not admit of your personal Attendance, it is the Desire of the Congress that you appoint a proper Person or Persons to represent your Colony at the Conference with their Committee. I have the Honor to be Hond. Sir yr. &c J. Hancock Prest. LB (DNA: PCC, item 12A). 1 JCC, 3:265-66. Hancock sent similar letters this day to Rhode Island Deputy

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Governor Nicholas Cooke, the Massachusetts Council, and the New Hampshire Convention. PCC, item 12A, 1:6-7. 2 For the proceedings of the conference among Washington, the delegates from Congress, and representatives from the aforementioned New England provinces, which was held at Cambridge October 18-22, see Am. Archives, 4th ser, 3:1156-61. For the proceedings of the conference between Washington and the three delegates held the following two days, see Committee of Conference Minutes of Proceedings, October 23-24, 1775.

John Hancock to George Washington

Sir Philadelphia Septemr. 30th. 1775 Your Letters No 4, 5 and two other Letters not Numberd, with the Inclosures have been duly Receiv'd and laid before Congress.(1) As there are Sundry matters contain'd in your Letters which are of great importance, and on which the Congress, before they come to a final Determination, are Desirous to have the Advantage of your Experience and Knowledge, They have Appointed three of their Members, Vizt. Mr. Lynch, Doctor Franklin & Mr Harrison to wait on you, Confer with you and the Governors of Connecticutt & Rhode Island, the Council of Massachussets Bay, and the President of the Convention of New Hampshire, (to whom I have wrote on the Subject by order of Congress,) and such other Persons as to the said Committee shall seem proper, touching the most effectual Method of Continuing, Supporting and Regulating a Continental Army. The Committee will set out as soon as possible, and Expect to be with you by the 12th of next Month. I have the Honour to be with the greatest Esteem, Sir, Your most Obedt. huml Servt John Hancock President [P.S.] The Inclos'd Letter to the Council of Massachusetts you will please to order to be Deliver'd. And the Letter to the President of the Convention of New Hampshire you will please to forward by Express as soon as possible. RC (DLC) 1 For the response of Congress to these letters, the minutes of the conference at headquarters to discuss Washington's inquiries, and the recommendations resulting from those discussions, see Committee of Conference Minutes of Proceedings, October 23-24, 1775, note 1.

Richard Smith's Diary

Saturday 30 Septr. [1775] A Comee. of 3, viz Harrison, Franklin & Lynch was appointed by

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Ballot to proceed to the Camp at Cambridge. Harrison & Dyer had an equal Number of Votes, the Question was taken Whether the Comee. shall consist of 3 or 4. It was carried for 3. Then the Vote was passed for a 3d Committee Man when Harrison was chosen. A Comee. of 5 was chosen to draw up Instructions for those Gentlemen.(1) On Motion of Dr. Franklin the resolution that the Postage should be 20 per Cent less than the Kings Postage was suspended till further Order, he being fearful that the reduced Postage at this Time may not be sufficient to pay all Charges.(2) An Application was made from the Philada. Comee. to give a Regulation Whether or not the Trade Coastwise shall be continued, and a particular Vessel bound to Gloucester in Mass. Bay shall be permitted to proceed. After Debate the Matter was postponed. An Application was made to the Congress by Capt John MacPherson offering to destroy all the British Fleet at Boston if permitted-postponed. (I believe he was afterwards permitted to go & that he came back without effectg. any Thing.) (3) McKean & Willing moved for Us to interfere in the Dispute between Connecticut & Pennsa. for that there is immediate Danger of Hostilities between them on the Susquehannah-deferred till Monday. The Congress adjorned till Monday to meet at the Lodge in Lodge Alley because the Election is to be then held at the State House.(4) MS (DLC). 1 This committee reported to Congress October 2 a set of instructions for the delegates appointed to consult with Washington at Cambridge, which Congress approved the same day. JCC, 3:270-71. 2 Congress had originally approved on July 26, 1775, the resolution on postal rates it now suspended. JCC, 2:208. 3 For a discussion of Captain MacPherson and his proposal for destroying the British fleet, see John Adams' Diary, September 18, 1775, and the accompanying note. On October 20 Congress approved the payment of $300 to help MacPherson put his plan into effect, but Washington thought the whole scheme chimerical and nothing came of it. JCC, 3:301; and Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 4:71-72. 4 Smith went to Burlington October 1 to supervise the printing of a new emission of New Jersey paper money and to serve as clerk of the provincial assembly and did not return to Congress until December 13. See Smith's diary, October 1, December 12, 1775. DLC.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[September 30, 1775] 30th. Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lynch & Colo. Harrison the Comee; John Rutledge, Colo. Lee, R R Livingston, S. Adams & Mr. Johnston a Comee to draw Instructions for the above Comee. President to write to Genl. Washington to acquaint him with the Appoint. & the Govrs. Council & President desiring them to attend the Comee 12th Octr.

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next. Postage of Letters to be same as usual. Some Accts. allowed, a Complaint made by Delegates against the Conn[ecticu]t People at Susquehannah, a Reprt from the Comee. for considering of the Trade &c read. MS (RHi).

Samuel Ward to Henry Ward

Dear Brother Philadelphia 30th Sepr. 1775 I determined to have wrote You every Post but I am upon several Committees for very important Purposes which takes up My Time so that I was forced to omit writing to you by last Post; what can be the Reason that I have never recd. one Line from You I cannot conceive. I am willing to suppose a hundred Causes rather than Want of affection and so continue to write. In our Letter to the Depy. Govr.(1) the principal Things which you had at Heart are taken some Notice of. The Comee. to whom I designed to present his Honors Letter relative to Capt. Hopkins hath not yet met. I am one of them & design to get a Meeting on Monday next if possible. Business cannot be done here with the same Dispatch as in New England but I have this Satisfaction that I am never absent either from Comees. or Congress. A Letter from Genl. Washington relative to the forming a new Army, and that Paragraph of Govr. Cooke's Letter that only Capt. Ward amongst all the Rhode Island officers had received a continental Commission alarmed the Congress, or rather some Members of it. A Motion was made that a Comee. should be appointed to consult Genl. Washington, the Depy. Govr. of Rhode Island, the Govr. of Connecticut, the Council of the Massachusetts Bay & the President of the Congress of New Hampshire upon the best Method of continuing supporting & regulating a continental Army. Mr. Adams the Con[necticu] t Gentlemen & myself were against it & many others but least We should be supposed to think our Army would not bear Inspection We did not exert ourselves and suffered the Motion to be carried without calling the Colonies when a Major[it]y of them were against it. Letters to the Governors &c go by this Express that they may meet the Comee. 12th next Month at Cambridge. The Gentn. fond of the Motion wished a very different Comee. from that actually appointed. I saw their Aim and proposed to the New England Cols. a Plan for defeating them & succeeded saving that We failed in getting Colo. Dyer appointed with the other Gentn. The Comee. as it now stands is Dr. Franklin Mr. Lynch & Colo. Harrison, the two first You are well acquainted with the last is a Virginian a Friend of Liberty a Man of

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Sense & Spirit but not at all Times so wise & judicious as some from that glorious Colony.(2) A Comee. is appointed to draw Instructions for them I imagine they will sett out on Tuesday next. I wish You could accompany Govr. Cooke to Cambridge. Your Advice & Pen I think would do your Country most essential Service. It is agreed that an Army for the Winter must be formed out of that now in Service, the Southern Gentlemen wish to reduce the Wages of the privates and raise those of the Officers. With Regard to the last they are right for in the present Camp officers can't support themselves upon their present Pay, as to the first they are certainly wrong for no Man can live tolerably for less. They could hire they say good Men in the Southern Colonies for ten shillings per Month less but I believe they would not be so good by twenty. A Letter to General Washington would have superceded the necessity of any Comee. but as we have suffered one I would have the best made of it. Upon this Principle I ardently wish You to attend the Depy. Govr. & at the same time that you nobly sacrifice every other Consideration to the Good of America, I would have you take Care of the New England Colonies in general (the great Support of Liberty) & of our own little Colony in particular. Neither of the Gentn. save Dr. Franklin is equal to you in natural or acquired abilities. Some of the southern Gentn. seem to consider this matter as an affair between New England & the other Colonies & upon that Plan balloted for Gentn. only of the other Colonies. (Colo. Dyer & Colo. Harrison had equal Votes at first, upon a second Tryal another Southern Member came in & turned the Vote for Colo. Harrison). I believe he will do well. I wish our Troops to reinlist but wish the Terms may be good. An unhappy Dispute subsists between the Virginians & the Pennsylvanians & another between the latter & Connecticut both which are before the Congress & I hope such Measures will be adopted as may prevent the sad Mischiefs which they threaten us with. Mr. Goddard hath been to the southward and established Post offices & Riders quite to Georgia & Dr. Franklin as he comes to the north will establish proper offices that Way. No News from England since my last. The Gen[tleme]n of Georgia deserve the Character I gave you of them. They are some of the highest Sons of Liberty I have seen & are very sensible & clever. Mr. Wythe & Mr. Lee of Virginia have been under Enoculation ever since my last that I can say no more of them than I did then; saving that unhappy Jealousy of New England which some weak Minds are possessed with great Unanimity prevails in Congress. Our Measures are more Spirited and I believe We are now ready to go every Length to secure our Liberties. John Adams Letter(3) has silenced those who opposed every decisive Measure, but the moderate or as I consider them the Enemies of our Cause have caused Copies of it to be sent

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throughout the Province in Hopes by raising the Cry of Independence to throw the Friends of Liberty out of the new Assembly the Choice of which commences next Monday but I believe they will fail & that the House will be more decisive than ever. One Comfort We have that divine Wisdom & Goodness often bring Good out of ill; that the Issue of this severe Contest will be the Establishment of our Liberties I as firmly believe as I do my Existence for I never can think God brought us into the Wilderness to perish or what is worse to become Slaves but to make us a great & free People. If you have any kind of Intelligence from Quebec let Me have that & any thing else in your next. I am concerned for my Son least the severe Fatigues of the Expedition should overcome him. God bless you & yours my dear Bror. I am most affectionately your Sam Ward P.S. The Express being just going I have wrote as fast as I could & scarcely know what. Mr. Hopkins & Lady are very well. Make my most respectful Compliments to the Depy. Govr. & his Family. I thought the rude Sketch now given of the Sentiments of Congress &c would not be unacceptable & might let you into the Principles of the chief People. You'l observe I have wrote principally to You & communicate no Parts but such as are proper. RC (RHi) 1 Not found. 2 For an indication of why Harrison's reputation was temporarily under a cloud, see the intercepted letter of Harrison to George Washington, July 21, 1775, note 3. 3 A reference to John Adams' letter to James Warren of July 24, 1775, which was intercepted by the British and widely printed in English and American newspapers.

John McKesson

Gentlemen Philadelphia September 30th 1775 Enclosed I Send you the Military articles Delivered out by the Commitee of Safety, for the Coloney of Pennsylvania. After I had Wrote the inclosed Letter (1) I found that the associators generally Refused signing and that they had printed their Reasons for So Doing.(2) I then thought Best to wait till I could Send Both together Which I hope May Apologise for my not Sending Sooner. It is Some Matter of Doubt with me whether our people will Be prevaild on to Signe them-I rather think they will not. However you will Be Best Judges of that, and the propriaty of So Doing if it May Be Done. I Beg you to Send Me an answer to that part of the enclosed Letter

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that Relates to Saltpeter as quick as posable. Direct My Letters to the Care of William Will in the Corner of Second and Arch Streets. If You Deliver it to Henry Will, puteror [pewterer] in N York, he will Send it As he Very frequently Coresponds with his Brother. I am gentlemen your Humble Servant Henry Wisner RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:85. RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr. 1 See Henry Wisner to John Haring and John McKesson, September 28. 1775. 2 On September 27 the Pennsylvania Assembly received an address signed by privates from 30 provincial militia companies, which explained their refusal to accept the articles of association adopted by the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety. Am. Archives, 4th .ser. 3:821-22.

John Zubly's Diary

[September 30, 1775] Saturday, 30. Frost & very cold. Dispatched Packet to Mr. Tennent with Letters (1) to Committee at Savannah. MS (GHi). 1 Not found.

Virginia Delegate to Unknown

[September ? 1775] (1) We have hopes here of an accommodation with Great Britain, notwithstanding the unfavourable answer his majesty has given the city of London, and the order to governour Tryon for the men of war to beat down the towns if we are not quiet. The ministry themselves agree that it must be made up, and will, in all probability take hold of the offer made them by the congress in their petition. Orders are sent, it seems, to Boston, to treat the people with lenity, and to suffer them to remove with their effects. MS not found; reprinted from the Virginia Gazette (Pinkney), October 12, 1775. Printed under the heading: "Extract of a letter, to a gentleman in this city, from one of the delegates from this colony to the congress." 1 This letter was probably written after the delegates had learned in mid-September of the king's response to the petition of the city of London but before the beginning of October when they became more pessimistic over prospects for a peaceful accommodation with Britain as a result of accounts recently received from correspondents in London. See, for example, Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, September 15, and Samuel Adams to James Warren, October 3, 1775.

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John Adams to Abigail Adams

My Dear Philadelphia Octr. 1. 1775 This Morning, I received your two Letters of September 8th. and September 16th. What shall I say? The Intelligence they contain, came upon me by Surprize, as I never had the least Intimation before, that any of my Family was ill, excepting in a Card from Mrs. Warren received a few days ago, in which she informed me that Mrs. Adams had been unwell but was better.(1) You may easily conceive the State of Mind, in which I am at present. Uncertain and apprehensive, at first I suddenly thought of setting off, immediately, for Braintree, and I have not yet determined otherwise. Yet the State of public Affairs is so critical, that I am half afraid to leave my Station, Altho my Presence here is of no great Consequence. I feel-I tremble for You. Poor Tommy! I hope by this Time, however, he has recovered his plump Cheeks and his fine Bloom. By your Account of Patty I fear-but still I will hope she has been supported, and is upon the Recovery. I rejoice to learn that Nabby and her Brothers have hitherto escaped and pray God that his Goodness may be still continued to them. Your Description of the distressed State of the Neighborhood is affecting indeed. It is not uncommon for a Train of Calamities to come together. Fire, Sword, Pestilence, Famine, often keep Company, and visit a Country in a Flock. At this Distance I can do no good to you nor yours. I pray God to support you-I hope our Friends and Neighbours are kind as usual. I feel for them, in the general Calamity. I am so far from thinking you melancholy, that I am charmed with that Admirable Fortitude, and that divine Spirit of Resignation which appears in your Letters. I cannot express the Satisfaction it gives me, nor how much it contributes to support me. You have alarmed me however, by mentioning Anxieties which you do not think it prudent to mention to any one. I am wholly at a Loss to conjecture what they can be. If they arise from the Letters, (2) be assured that you may banish them forever. These Letters have reached Philadelphia, but have produced Effects very different from those which were expected from the Publication of them. These Effects I will explain to you sometime or other. As to the Versification of them, if there is Wit or Humor in it laugh-if ill Nature, sneer -if mere Dullness, why you may even yawn or nod. I have no Anger, at it, nay even scarcely contempt. It is impotent. As to Politicks, We have nothing to expect but the whole Wrath and Force of G. Britain. But your Words are as true as an oracle

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"God helps them, who help them selves, and if We obtain the divine Aid by our own Virtue, Fortitude and Perseverance, We may be sure of Relief." It may amuse you to hear a Story. A few days ago, in Company with Dr. Zubly, somebody said, there was nobody on our side but the Almighty. The Dr. who is a Native of Switzerland, and speaks but broken English, quickly replied "Date is enough. Date is enough," and turning to me, says he, it puts me in mind of a fellow who once said, The Catholics have on their side the Pope, and the K. of France and the K. of Spain, and the K. of Sardinia, and the K. of Poland and the Emperor of Germany &c. &c. &c. But as to them poor Devils the Protestants, they have nothing on their side but God Almighty. RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) ,1:289-91. 1 In her two letters Abigail had described the ravages of a "Distemper" that was sweeping through the Adams family and the neighborhood of Braintree. Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield),1:276-80. 2 A reference to the capture and publication of Adams' letters of July 24, 1775, to Abigail and James Warren, For other optimistic assessments of the effect of their publication, see Adams' letters to Abigail and to James Warren, October 2, 1775.

John Adams to William Tudor

Dr Sir Philadelphia Octr. 1. 1775 I have at last the Pleasure to mention to you what I Suppose Mr H [ancock] has informed you of before, vizt that the Pay of the Judge Advocate is raised to fifty dollars per Month for himself and his Clerk, and this is to be allowed from the day he entered upon the service.(1) There was an Expresion in your Representation to the General which alarmed me much, and put me to some Pain lest it should excite a Disgust.(2) It was this "The Congress as I have been informed were wholly unacquainted with the Duties of a Judge Advocate, especially in the continental Army." If this had been true, yet it was indecent to tell them of it, because they ought to be presumed to know all the Duties of this officer, but most especially in their own Army. The Construction that I put upon it, was that the Congress had never been made Acquainted with the orders of the General to the Judge to attend every general Court Martial, which made the Duty in the American Army, essentially greater than in any other. By this Interpretation, satisfaction seemed to be given and by the favourable Representation of the General, together with the friendly Notice of General Gates to Some Members who had been at the Camp, this Matter was at last well understood, and Justice was done. I am very Sorry to learn, that you have been Sick, but rejoice to

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hear you are better. I have this Morning received from my dear Mrs Adams, two Letters which have put all my Philosophy to the Proof. Never Since I had a Family was it in such Distress, altho it has often seen melancholy Scenes. I tremble for fear my Wifes Health should receive an irreparable Injury from the Anxieties, and Fatigues, which I know she will expose herself to, for the relief of her Family in their present Sick Condition. I fear too the Contagion of such an Hospital of an House. Whether to return I know not. We expect every Hour, momentous Intelligence from England, and from Schuyler and from Washington. And altho, my Presence here is not of any great Consequence, yet some of my Constituents may possibly think it of more than it is, and be uneasy, if I should be absent. At least, if I am here, and any thing goes differently from my Wishes, I shall have the Satisfaction to reflect that I have done all I could however little it might be. Yet if I Stay here, I shall not be happy, till I know more from Braintree. Perhaps I may receive another Letter in a day or two. My Respects to your Father and Mother, and all Friends. Pray write me if you are well enough. I am, sir, your Friend. John Adams RC (MHi). 1 Congress had taken this action on September 21. ,JCC, 3:257. 2 Tudor's letter to Washington, dated August 23, 1775, which Washington en closed in his August 31 letter to John Hancock, is in PCC, item 152, 1:99-101; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:245.

John Adams to James Warren

Dear sir Philadelphia Octr. 1. 1775 This Morning I received your kind Favours of the 11th and l9th Ult.-with the Inclosures. Drapers Paper is a great Curiosity and you will oblige me by sending it as often as possible. The foreign News you mention, is all a Delusion my Friend.(1) You may depend upon it, every Measure is preparing by the Ministry to destroy us if they can, and that a Sottish Nation is Supporting them. Heaven helps those who help themselves, and I am happy to find a Disposition so rapidly growing in America to exert itself. The Letters, by your Packett from my Family, have given me Serious Concern indeed. I am much at a Loss what Course to take. I have thoughts on returning home-I fear my dear Mrs - Adams's Health will sink under the Burthen of Care that is upon her. I might well enough be Spared from this Place, where my Presence is of no Consequence, and my Family might derive some Advantage from my being there, and I might have an opportunity of attending a Conference between a Comtee. of this Congress and the Council of Mass. where perhaps I might be of more Service than I can here. However

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I am not determined-My Friend, your secretary (2) is very much averse to my going. I dont know what to do. The Comtee, who are going to the Camp, are Dr Franklin Mr Lynch and Coll Harrison, who I hope will be received with Friendship and Politeness-by all our Friends. I assure you, Sir, there is a serious Spirit here-Such a Spirit as I have not known before. The Committee by whom this Letter will go are determined Americans. I fear that two of them, I mean Mr L. & H. may have received some unfavourable Impressions from Misrepresentations, concerning our Province, but these will be easily removed, by what they will see and hear, I hope. I wish that every Civility may be shewn them, which their Fortunes, Characters and Stations demand. Our News from England, is, Troops from England, Scotland, Ireland, and Hanover-Poor old Britania! I am, your Friend John Adams RC (MHi) 1 See Warren-Adams Letters, 1:108. 2 That is Samuel Adams.

Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane

My Dear [October 1, 1775] (1) Yours of the 24th Ulto. received yesterday. I thank you for welcoming Me to the Lovely City of Philadelphia, but I hardly know a place, but I should be happier in, save among my distressed sick Neighbors at Wethersfeild. The sight of the Eye affects even the hardest heart, mine is too easily affected, Sc public miseries are surely enough for one thinking feeling mind at a Time. Of these the prospect, the Apprehension is ever before Me, not only on my heart, but as I may say in my hand continually. My sincerest condolance awaits however, all the unfortunate, those in Wethersfeild in particular, whose remembrance of Me, so repeatedly in my absence, will ever render them dear to Me, while I have sense, or recollection left. Mr.May's loss must be a cutting one, as he is fond of his Children, & I think had great reason to be fond of this. But I often say to myself, Blessed are the Dead, if as Hamlet says, in that same Sleep of theirs, there were no Dream. You will think Me Melancholy, and you are not much out of the way. The Soul distressing Uncertainty in which We are, respecting Our Northern Friends, with the weight, and fatigue of Business, is almost Too much. I will shake it off for a more agreeable Subject your proposed Journey. The Col. proposed, for Brown, to bring you as farr as New York, where one of Us would

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meet You, on previous Notice. I do not like Browns Coa[ch and] made no bargain but directed him to shew it to Mr. Webb, & you, [for] your Opinion of that plan. The Season is advancing, and I am sure the Business of the Congress will not soon be compleated. By all the accts. from London the inveteracy of the Ministry is increasing, and nothing in their power, will be left unattempted to reduce Us to their humiliating Terms. The reduction of Montreal, & Quebeck would put a very good Face on Our Affairs, & give the Ministry a blow indeed. The most cool & moderate Men among Us, now sing the same song, which I rung in their Ears, last May & June, untill they almost call'd Me mad, and tell me plainly every day, We now wish we had followed Your advice in Season. This is some satisfaction, but the poorest in the World, to have Your Opponents own you were right, when too late to take advantage of it either for them or Ourselves. I will however hope the best. I was urged Week before last, on hearing of Genl. Schuylers illness to go in person to that Army, not so much to command as to advise, & assist. This was in a private Clubb, but I discouraged the proposal, and it went no farther. I have vanity enough to think myself a tolerable good contriver, & manager in such an assembly as this, but am not Vain eno. to think myself fit for a General officer. I have indeed tho't it my duty to stay here, otherwise should have gone Northward [on]a former Occasion. I am inlisted in the general Service & must take my post if possible where I have a Chance of doing most service. I think that the 10th of this Mo. will be late eno. for you to set out, if you can be ready by that Time. This comes by Col. Williams, & Mr. Wales, who have paid Us a Visit,(2) the former cool & stiff as you please, but I trust I have not been deficient in complaisance to him. I suppose Connecticut politicians have been busy, & that the Nomination will be varied, but I hope not very greatly, as I wish for the old steady plan of the Colony in preferance to every private View, either for myself, or Freinds. Am a little surprized that Col. Seymour miss'd his Election for Hartford, but duplicity and haughtiness are two the worst ingredients, in Nature, for a Connecticut Statesman. Adieu to this Subject. I suppose all Freinds are well, my Love to them. When is Sally to be married? I am my Dear your Affectionate Husband S. Deane RC (CtHi). 1 This letter to his wife is undoubtedly the one Deane mentioned in his diary entry for October I and which he forwarded by William Williams and Nathaniel Wales when they left Philadelphia on the second. CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964). 96A. 2 For details on the purpose of their visit to Philadelphia, see Deane's Diary, September 27, 1775, note.

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Eliphalet Dyer to Zebulon Butler

Sr Philadelphia Octobr 1st 1775 We are Again Alarmed with a report here that you have ordered three hundred Men over on the West branch all Armed & with tools of every kind to erect a fort there & to Molest the Inhabitants on the West branch. We should be glad of a True & just Information from you & some other principal Gentn of ours with respect to the Matters Alledged & the true state of the Affair.(1) The times you Know Now are Very Critical therefore require the Utmost prudence & tho many things may be lawfull yet not expedient it is better to make friends by every Concilliatory method than drive or Use force. Let the people on the West branch see & feel the benefit of being under Connecticutt. We ought to be Carefull not to make our selves enemies in this Colony. Principally on that Account I have before recommended the Confirmation of Esqr Paulings [Henry Pawling's] purchase from Chilliway not so much from the justice as the Policy & as he has purchased a right. I hope his son may be allowed to have it fixd in part or the whole on this purchase he made of Chilliway as Esqr Pauling is one of the Assembly and Considerable Influence in this County. Our Enemies are Indeavouring to make their Interest in the Pensylvania Assembly & if they should take up the matter it would give us much more Trouble than from any other quarter. I am therefore Indeavoring to make as many Friends here as possible. You will therefore from these reasons Indeavor to make our people easy with Esqr Paulings son setting on that right as it may make many friends here. I hope affairs may be Conducted with Temperance Prudence & moderation for the present and with sincere Regards to our Friends at Westmoreland am Yr Hle Servt Elipht Dyer P.S. Let me hear from you as soon as may be. Yours E D RC (PWbH). 1 William Judd's expedition, which was authorized by Butler and the Susquehannah Company to establish a Connecticut settlement at Warrior's Run on the west branch of the Susguehannah, was attacked on September 25 by the Pennsylvanians settled at Sunbury. Judd and other Connecticut men were sent to jail in Philadelphia, and the jurisdictional dispute between Pennsylvania and Connecticut was referred to Congress for solution. For other references to this dispute, see Dyer to William Judd, July 23. 1775, note.

John Adams to Abigail Adams

My Dear Philadelphia Octr. 2. 1775 Every Thing here is in as good a Way as I could wish, considering

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the Temper and Designs of Administration. I assure you, the Letters have had no such bad Effects, as the Tories intended, and as some of our shortsighted Whiggs apprehended: so far otherwise that I see and hear every day, fresh Proofs that every Body is coming fast into every political Sentiment contained in them. I assure you I could mention compliments passed upon them: and if a serious Decision could be had upon them, the public Voice would be found in their Favour. But I am distressed with Cares of another Kind. Your two Letters are never out of my Thoughts. I should have mounted my Horse this day for Braintree, if I had not hopes of hearing further from you in a Day or two. However, I will hope that your Prospects are more agreable than they were, and that the Children are all better as well as the rest of the Family and the Neighbours. If I should hear more disagreable Advices from you I shall certainly come home, for I cannot leave you, in such Affliction, without endeavouring to lessen it, unless there was an absolute Necessity of my staying here, to do a Duty to the Public, which I think there is not. I must beg to be excused my dear from hint[ing] any Thing for the future of public Persons or Things. Secrecy is so much exacted: But thus much I can say, that I never saw so serious and determined a Spirit. I must also beseech you to be cautious what you write to me and by whom you send. Letters sent to the Care of Coll. Warren will come Safe. My Regards with all proper Distinctions to my Relations and yours, my Friends and yours, my Acquaintances and yours. This will go by Major Bayard, a Gentleman of the Presbyterian Perswasion in this City, of excellent Character to whom I am indebted for a great many Civilities. RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 1:291-92

John Adams to William Sever

Dr sir Philadelphia Octr. 2. 1775 I do my self the Honour of writing to you (1) for the Sake of introducing to you Three Gentlemen, whose Characters and Embessy will render any private Introductions unnecessary. Dr Franklyn, Mr Lynch and Coll Harrison are a Committee from this Congress to consult the General and the Council of the Massachusetts, the Governors of Connecticutt and Rhode Island, and the President of the Congress of New Hampshire, upon Points of great Consequence, concerning the Army, which they will open to you.

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We are in Hopes of News, every Day, from Genl. Schuyler and from Cambridge. The last Advices from England are rather alarming. But We expected no better. If Powder can be imported or Petre made, We need not dread their Malice. I am sir, with great Respect and Esteem your very huml sert John Adams RC (MHi photostat) 1 William Sever (1729-1809), Kingston, Mass., merchant, served briefly as president of the Massachusetts Council in July 1775. Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 11 :575-78.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr sir Philadelphia Octr. 2. 1775 I believe you will have a surfeit of Letters from me, for they will be as inane, as they are numerous. The Bearer of this is Major Bayard a Gentleman of this City of the Presbyterian Persuasion of the best Character and the clearest affections for his Country. I have received so many Civilities from him, that I could not refuse myself the Pleasure of introducing him to you. Our obligations of Secrecy, are so braced up, that I must deny myself the Pleasure of Writing Particulars.(1) Not because some Letters have been intercepted, for notwithstanding the Versification of them, they have done good, tho they have made some People grin. This I can Say with Confidence, that the Propriety and Necessity of the Plan of Politicks so hastily delineated in them is every day, more and more confessed, even by those Gentlemen who disapproved it at the Time when they were written. Be assured, I never Saw, So Serious and determined a Spirit as I see now every day. The high Spirited Measures you call for will assuredly come. Languid and disas[trous] Campaigns are agreable to Nobody. Young Mr Lux desires his Compts to you and your Lady. He is vastly pleased with his Treatment both from you and her. Remember me to her. I have Shocking Letters from her Friend at Braintree,(2) Such as have put my Phylosophy to the Tryal. I wait only for another Letter to determine, whether I shall come home. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 It is not clear to what action Adams is referring. The journals record resolutions of secrecy adopted on May 11 and November 9, 1775. JCC, 2:22, 3:342-43. 2 That is, Abigail Adams.

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John Adams to John Winthrop

Dr sir Philadelphia Octr. 2.1775 I do myself the Honour of writing you a very few Lines, just for the Sake of introducing to you, the Gentlemen who compose a Committee of this Congress, who are to consult with your Hon. Board,(1) about a Plan for continuing the Army. I conjecture that the Reduction of the Pay of the private Soldiers, and the Introduction of Some Gentlemen from other Colonies, into the Service as officers will be principal objects. The Pay of the Privates is generally, if not universally thought to be too high,(2) especially in Winter: but whether a Reduction of it would not give Such a Disgust as to endanger the Service, I dont know. If the War should continue, and the Pay is not reduced this Fall this Congress will certainly reduce it next Spring, and in a Way that will perhaps be dangerous, at least attended with many Inconveniences. This Way will be by each Colony furnishing its Quota of Men as well as Money. The other Thing that is wished by many is not so reasonable. It is altogether absurd to Suppose, that the Council of Massachusetts should appoint Gentn. from the southern Colonies, when Connecticutt, Rhode Island and N. Hampshire do not. But it is idle to expect it of either. The Council, if they are Men of Honour cannot appoint Gentlemen whom they dont know, to command Regiments or Companies in their service. Nor can they pay a Regard to any Recommendation of Strangers, to the Exclusion of Persons whom they know. Besides it is certain that the Massachusetts has Numbers of Gentlemen, who have no Command in the Army at all, and who would now be glad to get in, who. are better qualified, with knowledge both of Theory and Practice than any who can be had upon the Continent. They have been more in War, and longer in the study of it. Besides can it be Supposed that the private Men will be easy to be commanded by Strangers to the Exclusion of Gentlemen, whom they know being their Neighbours. It is moreover a Reflection, and would be a Disgrace upon that Province to send abroad for Commanders of their own Men, it would suppose that it had not Men fit for officers than which nothing can be further from the Truth. But I must desist. We have heard nothing from the Comtee appointed to write to Us, as yet. Nor from that about Lead and Salt. I pray you Sir that We may have the accounts and Vouchers sent Us, that our poor suffering Province may obtain a Reimbursement. I am, with great Respect &c RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed.

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1 That is, the Massachusetts Council. 2 On July 29, 1775, Congress had approved a monthly salary for privates of 6 2/3 dollars. JCC, 2:220.

Josiah Bartlett to Mary Bartlett

My Dear wife & family Philadelphia October 2nd 1775 I Can now with pleasure inform you that I have been Inoculated for the Small Pox and am almost Got well of it. I had it very favorable not above 20 Pock or thereabout Tho I was Confined by the fever to the House 5 or 6 Days. It is 4 weeks this Day Since I left Kingstown and have not heard from you Since I Saw you. I want very much to hear from you. Tho I know you have the Same almighty preserver in my absence as when I was with you So I Endeavor to rest Satisfied knowing that my uneasiness will Do you no Good. This is the fourth Letter I have Sent you Since I Left home and hope within a few Days I Shall Receive one from you. When I Shall Return I Can Give no better account than when I left you but as Soon as I Can you may be Sure I Shall Return with great pleasure. The Living in so Grand a City without the pleasure of a free Country air is not very agreable to me. I have nothing of Publick news more than you will See Duyly in the Publick papers and private affairs I may not Communicate. Gideon George is well. Remember me to all my acquaintance. You need be under no fear of the Small Pox by this Letter tho it would be very safe to hold all my Letters over the Smoke a Little before you handle them much as the Small Pox is very frequent in the City. I am &c Josiah Bartlett RC (NhHi).

Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull

Sr Philadelphia Octobr 2nd 1775 I receivd yours of the 21st of Septembr & Immediately returned an Answer by Fessenden an express. I have sent you several letters before by the Common posts but it seems you had not receivd them when you wrote yours of the 21st Ultmo but most probable they came to hand soon after. I do not at present see any prospect of your getting flower from this place. What they have sent has been taken by the Enemys Ships of Warr which discourages the Congress' permitting any more being Shipd, from hence that believe you must depend

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on Connecticutt & New York. But of this you will be more particularly advised by the Gentn. Viz Doctr Franklin Mr Lynch & Coll Harrison who are appointed a Comtee to attend the Genll at Cambridge and other G[eneral] Officers he shall think proper on many Important Matters. Govr Trumbull & Depty Govr Cook & the president of New Hampshire Convention are desired to be with them in Consultation. The Matter of providing the Army no doubt will be part of their deliberations. By the last accounts from England there appears no prospect of Concilliatory measures-but every thing looks rather hostile. We ought therefore to do the best & prepare for the worst. I want to hear how matters are like to goe with respect to my son, you wrote me there was some grumbling.(1) Indeed in this day I am Sensible I can take no one Step but I must meet with some plague & Trouble. Sometimes I think I have rather more than my share but I'll Indeavor to put on patience and Solace my self with a Consciousness that I am steadily Indeavouring to serve my Country to the best of my power. I had a hint in a letter that he was about returning home. You will Advise him I dare say to what you think best, consulting other Friends. Respects to Genll Putnam &c &c & am yours Elipht Dyer [P.S.] Majr Bayard from this City a Gentn of an Amiable Carracter is on a Visit to the Army. Your Notice & Civilitys to him will be most agreable. He may know I mentiond him in my letter as I Informd him I had. RC (Ct). 1 By general order of October 7, General Washington recognized Thomas Dyer's Connecticut commission as captain in the Thirty-fourth Regiment of Foot. Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 4:20.

New Hampshire Delegates to Matthew Thornton

Sr. Philad 2d Octobr. 1775 Agreable to your desire, that we should write, as often as may be, have taken this early opportunitys tho' little or nothing to Communicate. Before this Comes to hand, doubtless, you'll Receive [a] letter from our President desire'g your Attendance at head Quarters, to Consult with a Committee from this Congress, Relative to the Army.(1) Doctr. Franklin, Mr. Lynch and Colonal Harrison are the Committee. We humbly beg leave here to Suggest whether it would not be [a] good oppertunity to mention the Convu[lse]d state of our Colony and the absolute Necessaty of Govermt. and also to forward by them

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a Petition from our Convention, to take government. We have Consulted many of the members on the Matter and as Soon as Colonal Bartlet is able to Attend the house (which will be in a few days, as he's almost well of the Small pox) shall Motion for leave to take the same government as Massachusetts Bay.(2) You'll also give us leave to urge the forwarding of our Acct. Against the Continent, immediately, otherwise, there may not be money in the Continential Treasury as great Sums are dayly Drawing from thence; the Consequence of which will be, shall be obliged to wait for another emition. There has nothing been Transacted in Congress as yet that we are at Liberty to Communicate. The Journals are not yet Printed, tho' ready for the press, but will be soon.(3) You'll give us leave to Repeat our Desire that our Convention, or Committee of Safety will forward a Petition for government, seting forth the absolute Necessaty of it, the impossability of Taxg. without which is a thing that must be done, as it would Ruine us to be emitting paper on every Occasion. You'll pardon us throwg out these hints. We are sr. your most [....] Josiah Bartlett John Langdon RC (Nh-Ar) . Written by Langdon and signed by Bartlett and Langdon. 1 John Hancock to the New Hampshire Convention, September 30,1775. 2 Bartlett and Langdon put this question before Congress on October 18, and Congress appointed a committee to consider the issue on October 26, leading to the adoption on November 3 of a resolve "that it be recommended to the provincial Convention of New Hampshire, to call a full and free representation of the people, and that the representatives, if they think it necessary, establish such a form of government, as, in their judgement, will best produce the happiness of the people, and most effectually secure peace and good order in the province, during the continuance of the present dispute between G[reat] Britain and the colonies." JCC, 3:298, 307, 317, 319. New Hampshire's subsequent action in establishing a government is discussed in Jere R. Daniell, Experiment in Republicanism, New Hampshire Politics and the American Revolution, 1741-1794 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970), pp. 108-12. 3 Congress had directed that the journals be printed by order of September 27, although they did not actually appear until December. JCC, 3:264, 514.

Robert Treat Paine's Diary

[ October 2, 1775] Fair. Warm. Congress Sett at Lodge Hall, the State House being taken up by the Elections.(1) MS (MHi).

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Portrait of Benjamin Harrison

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1 Provincial elections for county officials and representatives to the Pennsylvania Assembly were held this day. Pennsylvania Journal; and the Weekly Advertiser, October 4, 1775. Silas Deane also noted in his diary this day that Congress "met at the Lodge," as did John Zubly, who wrote, "Attended Congress at the Masons Lodge." CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964): 96A; and John Zubly's Diary, GHi.

Samuel Ward's Diary

Octr. 2d. [1775] The above report (1) read again & referred to a Comee. of the whole congress to Morrow Morning. Instructions to Genl. Washington. Soldiers to be pd. by callender Months. MS (RHi). 1 That is, the report of the committee on trade. See JCC, 3:268 69. Samuel Adams to Elbridge Gerry Philada Octob 3 1775. Introduces the bearers, Maj. John Bayard and Lt. John Henry of Philadelphia, who are going to the American camp at Cambridge.(1) Also urges Gerry to "hasten with all convenient Speed our Colonys Account of Expenses." RC (ViU). 1 This day John Hancock also wrote a letter of introduction for Bayard and Henry addressed to Moses Gill, John Pitts, Elbridge Gerry, and Azor Orne. Facsimile RC, Paul C. Richards Catalog, no. 54 (1970), item 138.

Samuel Adams to James Warren

My dear Sir Philada. Octob 3 1775 I take the Liberty of recommending to your Notice Mr Bayard a worthy Inhabitant of this City who with his Friend Mr Henry intends to make a Visit to the American Camp. They are both honest Whigs, and as such I am sure they will be duly regarded by you. This day Dr Franklin setts off for Cambridge, being deputed by the Congress in Conjunction with Mr Lynch of South Carolina and Coll Harrison of Virginia to consult with the General and some Gentlemen of the four New England Colonies concerning the most effectual Methods of continuing supporting and regulating the Continental Army. This Embassy I conjecture will be attended with great and good Consequences. The Intelligence receivd by the July Packett which arrivd at New

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York a few days ago, has convincd some, who could not be prevaild upon to believe it before, that it is folly to supplicate a Tyrant, and that under God, our own virtuous Efforts must save us. I hope, that our Troops will before long force their Way into Boston. If such a Design should be in Contemplation, I dare say you will encourage it to the utmost of your Power. Mr Lynch is a Man of Sense and Virtue. Coll Harrisons Character may be drawn from his Confidential Letter publishd not long ago in Madam Drapers Gazette.(1) I hope these Gentlemen will be treated with all the Respect which is due to the publick Character they sustain. I mentiond to my valueable friend Coll Lee (Brother of my trusty Correspondent Dr Lee of London) his going upon this Embassy. Indeed he could not have been well spared from the Congress, and therefore I was the more easily satisfied with his Objection, which was the Want of Health. You would have been exceedingly pleasd with him. In your Letter to Mr J A you promise to write to me. I shall be happy in receiving your Letters by every opportunity. If I am not much mistaken, a short time will afford you a delightful Subject to write upon. Our Army must not long remain inactive. They must improve the golden Season, before the Rebels can be reinforcd, which probably will be this fall. We are expecting every Moment important News from General Schuyler. May God prosper our Designs in that Quarter. I wish you would inform me, how Affairs are carried on in General Assembly. Adieu S A RC (MHi) 1 Harrison's intercepted letter to Washington of July 21, 1775, containing a spurious passage pertaining to a suggestive sexual incident, was printed in the Massachusetts Gazette; and the Boston Weekly News-Letter, August 17, 1775.

Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane

My Dear Philadelphia Octo. 3d 1775 I wrote You Yesterday, per Col. Williams, but Col Harrison sitting out This Day, with Doct. Franklin, and Mr Lynch, for the Camp, he promised just to call, & . tell You I was well.(1) I wish Your Father could see the Doctr., on his road or return, on Acct of the post Office, & other Matters which I think he well may, as these Gentlemen go to Lebanon. Suppose on the receipt of this, You sent a Lad to Your Father to meet them at that place, knowing first of them, when they will be There, which you may easily do. Pray let me know, when you propose to set out for This City, that I may be in readiness to meet You. I am my Dear your's Affectionately Silas Deane

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[P.S. The] inclosed you will peruse & forward or Not [. . .] the Gentlemen shall direct. RC (CtHi). l According to his diary, Deane spent October 3d "at the Lodge AfterNoon at Committee." CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964): 96A.

Benjamin Franklin to David Hartley?

Dear Sir, Philadelphia 3 October, 1775. I wish as ardently as you can do for peace, and should rejoice exceedingly in cooperating with you (1) to that end. But every ship from Britain brings some intelligence of new measures that tend more and more to exasperate; and it seems to me, that until you have found by dear experience the reducing us by force impracticable, you will think of nothing fair and reasonable. We have as yet resolved only on defensive measures. If you would recall your forces and stay at home, we should meditate nothing to injure you. A little time so given for cooling on both sides would have excellent effects. But you will goad and provoke us. You despise us too much; and you are insensible of the Italian adage, that there is no little enemy. I am persuaded that the body of the British people are our friends; but they are changeable, and by your lying gazettes may soon be made our enemies. Our respect for them will proportionably diminish, and I see clearly we are on the high road to mutual family hatred and detestation. A separation of course will be inevitable. It is a million of pities so fair a plan as we have hitherto been engaged in, for increasing strength and empire with public felicity, should be destroyed by the mangling hands of a few blundering ministers. It will not be destroyed; God will protect and prosper it, you will only exclude yourselves from any share in it. We hear, that more ships and troops are coming out. We know, that you may do us a great deal of mischief, and are determined to bear it patiently as long as we can. But, if you flatter yourselves with beating us into submission, you know neither the people nor the country. The Congress are still sitting, and will wait the result of their last petition. Yours, t' B. Franklin MS not found, reprinted from Benjamin Franklin, The Works of Benjamin Franklinl . . ., ed. Jared Sparks, 10 vols. (Boston: Hilliard, Gray, and Co., 1836-40), 8:161-62. 1 Sparks printed this letter under the caption "To a Friend in England," noting that it was probably to Hartley. Although William Temple Franklin conjectured that it was written to Richard Price, Franklin's mention of Dr. Price in his letter to Joseph Priestley of this date strongly suggests that he was not the recipient.

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Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Priestley

Dear Sir, Philadelphia, 3 October, 1775 I am to set out to-morrow for the camp,(1) and, having but just heard of this opportunity, can only write a line to say that I am well and hearty. Tell our dear good friend, Dr. Price, who sometimes has his doubts and despondencies about our firmness, that America is determined and unanimous; a very few Tories and placemen excepted, who will probably soon export themselves. Britain, at the expense of three millions, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankees this campaign, which is twenty thousand pounds a head; and at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile of ground, half of which she lost again by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During the same time sixty thousand children have been born in America. From these data his mathematical head will easily calculate the time and expense necessary to kill us all, and conquer our whole territory. My sincere respects to , and to the club of honest whigs at . Adieu. I am ever yours most affectionately. B. Franklin MS not found; reprinted from Benjamin Franklin, The Works of Benjamin Franklin. . ., ed. Jared Sparks, 10 vols. (Boston: Hilliard, Gray, and Co., 183640), 8:160 61. 1 On September 30, Franklin had been appointed to the committee to go to camp at Cambridge to confer with General Washington. JCC, 3:266.

Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan

Philadelphia, October 3.1775. Since my Arrival here I have received Four Letters from you, the last dated August 2, all filled with your Reasonings and Persuasions, and Arguments and Intimidations on the Dispute between Britain & America, which are very well written, and if you have shewn them to your Friends the Ministers, I dare say, they have done you Credit. In Answer I can only say that I am too fully engaged in actual Business to write much; and I know your Opinions are not easily changed. You wish me to come over with Proposals of Accommodation. Your Ministers have made that impracticable for me, by prosecuting me with a frivolous Chancery Suit in the Name of Whately, by which, as my Sollicitor writes me, I shall certainly be imprisoned if I appear again in England. Nevertheless, send us over hither fair Proposals of Peace, if you choose it, and no body shall be more ready than myself to promote their Acceptation: For I make it a Rule not to mix personal Resentments with Public Business. They have voted me here 1000 Dollars per annum as Postmaster General, and I have devoted

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the whole Sum to the Assistance of such as have been disabled in the Defence of their Country, that I might not have, or be suspected to have the least interested Motive for keeping the Breach open. My Love to Mrs. Strahan and Peggy. I am ever Dear Sir, your affectionate humble Servant B. Franklin. [P.S.] Present my respectful Compliments to my dear Friend Sir John Pringle; and to Mr. Cooper when you see him. I am to set out for the Camp tomorrow. Tr (PRO: C.O. 5, 134) .

John Hancock to George Washington

Sir Philadelphia Octor. 3d. 1775 The Congress have this Day order'd Three Hundred Thousand Dollars in Addition to the Seven Hundred Thousand to be Sent to the Paymaster for the use of the Army under your Command, which the Committee appointed to Confer with you have taken Charge of,(1) and of which I have inform'd the Pay Master General. By order of Congress I inclose you several Resolutions enter'd into by them;(2) with respect to the severall matters mention'd in your Letter I must Refer you to the Committee of Congress who are instructed to Confer with you on the particular Subjects. Should the Commissions Transmitted you by Fessenden not be sufficient, upon the first Notice I will forward the Number you Require. I have the honour to be, Sir Your most obedt servt. John Hancock Presidt. RC (DLC) 1 See JCC, 3:273. 2 The resolutions in question were adopted by Congress October 2 and 3 and concerned the pay of Continental soldiers, the salting of provisions for the Continental Army, and the additional remuneration for Washington's forces in the event of an assault on Boston. JCC, 3:272-74.

Samuel Ward's Diary

Octr. 3rd. [ 1775] Several Accts. allowed. Carbines Sc pistols sold to Comee of Safety.(1) The Genl. may give to the Army 1 M [onth] s pay upon taking

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[Boston?]. Commissy. Genl. to contract for such Quant. Beef & Pork as the Genl. thinks necessary & Salt it up at the Camp. 300000 Dollars to go by the Comee. to Paymaster Genl. Expences of the Comee to be paid by Conti[nen]t. The Comee. to confer with Mr. Rittenhouse. Presented our Instructions for carrying on the War effectually & building an American fleet.(2) MS (RHi). 1 This day Congress authorized the sale to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety of a number of alms which had been originally procured for the Hussar company whose formation Congress had approved in July and discountenanced in August 1775. JCC, 2:173, 238, 3:272-73. 2 Ward presented Congress with instructions from the Rhode Island Assembly calling upon Ward and Hopkins to persuade their fellow delegates to undertake the construction of a Continental navy. JCC, 3:274-75.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

Oct. 3 [i.e. 4,1775].(1) Johnson. I should be for the Resolutions about Imports and Exports, standing, till further order. I should be vs. giving up the Carriage. The Grower, the Farmer gets the same, let who will be the Exporter. But the Community does not. The Shipwright, Ropemaker, Hempgrower, all Shipbuilders, the Profits of the Merchant are all lost, if Foreigners are our sole Carriers, as well as Seamen, &c. I am for the Report standing, the Association standing. J. Rutledge. The Question is whether We shall shut our Ports entirely, or adhere to the Association. The Res[olutions] we come to, ought to be final. Lee. N. Carolina is absent. They are expected every Hour. We had better suspend a final Determination. I fear our determination to stop Trade will not be effectual. Willing. N.C. promised to put themselves in the same situation with other Colonies.(2) N. York have done the same. Our Gold is lok'd up, at present. We ought to be decisive. Interest is near and dear to Men. The Committee of Secrecy (3) find Difficulties. Merchants dare not trade. Deane. Sumptuary Laws, or a Non Imp[ortation] were necessary, if We had not been oppressed. A N[on] Export was attended with Difficulty. My Colony could do as well as others. We should have acquiesced in an immediate Non Export. or a partial one. Many voted for it as an Object in Terrorem. Merchants, Mechanicks, Farmers, all call for an Establishment.

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Whether We are to Trade with all Nations except B[ritain], Ireland and West Indies, or with one or two particular Nations, We cannot get ammunition without allowing some Exports, for The Merchant has neither Money nor Bills, and our Bills will not pass abroad. R. R. Livingston. We should go into a full Discussion of the Subject. Every Gentleman ought to express his Sentiments. The 1st Q. is how far we shall adhere to our Association-What advantages we gain, What Disadvantages we suffer by it. An immediate Stoppage last year would have had a great Effect: But at that time the Country could not bear it. We are now out of Debt, nearly. The high Price of Grain in B. will be an advantage to the Farmer. The Price of Labour is nearly equal in Europe. The Trade will be continued and G.B. will learn to look upon America as insignificant. If We export to B. and dont import, they must pay Us in Money. Of great Importance that We should import. We employ our Ships and Seamen. We have nothing to fear but Disunion among ourselves. What will disunite us, more than the Decay of all Business. The People will feel, and will say that Congress tax them and oppress them worse than Parliament. Ammunition cannot be had unless We open our Ports. I am for doing away our Non Exportation Agreement entirely. I see many Advantages in leaving open the Ports, none in shutting them up. I should think the best way would be to open all our Ports. Let us declare all those Bonds illegal and void. What is to become of our Merchants, Farmers, Seamen, Tradesmen? What an Accession of Strength should We throw into the Hands of our Enemies, if We drive all our Seamen to them. Lee. Is it proper that Non Export. Ag[reemen]t should continue. For the Interest of Americans to open our Ports to foreign Nations, that they should become our Carriers, and protect their own Vessells. Johnson. Never had an Idea that We should shut out Export. Agreement closer than it is at present. If We leave it as it is, We shall get Powder by Way of N. York, the lower Counties and N. Carolina. In Winter our Merchants will venture out to foreign Nations. If Parliament should order our Ships to be seized, We may begin a Force in Part to protect our own Vessells, and invite Foreigners to come here and protect their own Trade. J. Rutledge. We ought to postpone it, rather than not come to a decisive Resolution. Lee. We shall be prevented from exporting if B[ritish] Power can do it. We ought to stop our own Exports, and invite foreign Nations to come and export our Goods for Us. I am for opening our Exportations to foreigners farther than We have.

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Willing. The Gents. favorite Plan is to induce foreigners to come here. Shall We act like the Dog in the Manger, not suffer N.Y. and the lower Counties and N. Carolina to export because We cant. We may get Salt and Ammunition by those Ports. Cant be for inviting foreigners to become our Carriers. Carriage is an amazing Revenue. Holland and England have derived their maritime Power from their Carriage. The Circulation of our Paper will stop, and [lose?] its Credit without Trade. 7 Millions of Dollars have been struck by the Continent and by the separate Colonies. Lee. The End of Administration will be answered by the Gentns. Plan. Jealousies and Dissensions will arise and Disunion and Division. We shall become a Rope of Sand. Zubly. The Q. should be whether the Export should be kept or not. Chace. I am for adhering to the Association and think that We ought not to determine these Questions this day. Differ from R. Livingston, [who holds that] our Exports are to be relaxed except as to Tobacco and Lumber. This will produce a Disunion of the Colonies. The Advantage of cultivating Tobacco is very great. The Planters would complain. Their Negro females would be useless without raising tobacco. That Country must grow rich that Exports more than they import. There ought not to be a partial Export to Great Britain. We affect the Revenue and the Remittance, by stopping our Exports. We have given a deadly Blow to B. and Ireland, by our Non Export. Their People must murmur, must starve. The Nation must have become Bankrupt before this day if We had ceased Exports at first. I look upon B., I. and W.I. as our Enemies, and would not trade with them, while at War. We cant support the War and our Taxes, without Trade. Emissions of Paper cannot continue. I dread an Emission for another Campaign. We cant stand it without Trade. I cant agree that N.Y., the lower Counties and N. Carolina, should carry on Trade. Upon giving a Bond, and making Oath, they may export. I am vs. these Colonies trading according to the restraining Act. It will produce Division. A few Weeks will put us all on a footing. N. York &c. are now all in Rebellion as the Ministry call it, as much as Mass. Bay. We must trade with foreign Nations, at the Risque indeed. But We may export our Tobacco to France, Spain or any other foreign Nation. If We treat with foreign Nations, We should send to them as well as they to Us. What Nation or Countries shall We trade with. Shall We go to there Ports and pay duties, and let them come here and pay none. To say you will trade with all the World, deserves Consideration.

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I have not absolutely discarded every Glimpse of a Hope of Reconciliation. Our Prospect is gloomy. I cant agree, that We shall not export our own Produce. We must treat with foreign Nations upon Trade. They must protect and support Us with their Fleets. When you once offer your Trade to foreign Nations, away with all Hopes of Reconciliation. E. Rutledge. Differs with all who think the Non Exportation should be broke, or that any Trade at all should be carried on. When a Commodity is out of Port, the Master may carry it where he pleases. My Colony will receive your Determination upon a general Non Export. The People will not be restless. Proposes a general Non Export, untill next Congress. Our People will go into Manufactures, which is a Source of Riches to a Country. We can take our Men from Agriculture, and employ them in Manufactures. Agriculture and Manufactures cannot be lost. Trade is precarious. R. R. Livingston. Not convinced by any Argument. Thinks the exception of Tobacco and Lumber, would not produce Disunion. The Colonies affected can see the Principles, and their Virtue is such that they would not be disunited. The Americans are their own Carriers now, chiefly. A few British Ships will be out of Employ. I am vs. exporting Lumber. I grant that if We trade with other Nations, some of our Vessells will be seized and some taken. Carolina is cultivated by rich Planters-not so in the northern Colonies. The Planters can bear a Loss and see the Reason of it. The northern Colonies cant bear it. Not in our Power to draw People from the Plough to Manufacturers. We cant make Contracts for Powder, without opening our Ports. I am for exporting where B. will allow Us, to Britain itself. If We shut up our Ports, We drive our Sailors to Britain. The Army will be supplied, in all Events. Lee makes a Motion for 2 Resolutions. The Trade of Virginia and Maryland may be stopped by a very small naval Force. N. Carolina is badly off. The Northern Colonies are more fortunate. The Force of G.B. on the Water being exceedingly great, that of America, almost nothing-they may prevent allmost all our Trade, in our own Bottoms. G.B. may exert every Nerve next Year, to send 15, 20, or even 30,000 Men to come here. The Provisions of America are become necessary to several Nations. France is in Distress for them. Tumults and Attempts to destroy the Grain in the Year [Ear]. England has turned Arable into

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Grass-France into Vines. Grain cant be got from Poland, nor across the Mediterranean. The Dissentions in Poland continue. Spain is at War with the Algerians, and must have Provisions. It would be much safer for} them to carry our Provisions than for Us. We shall get necessary Manufacturers and Money and Powder. This is only a temporary Expedient, at the present Time, and for a short Duration-to End when the War ends. I agree We must sell our Produce. Foreigners must come in 3 or 4 Months. The Risque We must pay, in the Price of our Produce. The Insurance must be deducted. Insurance would not be high to foreigners on account of the Novelty. It is no new Thing. The B. Cruizers will be the Danger. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:188-92. 1 Adams apparently misdated this entry, which pertains to debates when Congress was convened as a committee of the whole "to take into consideration the state of trade of these Colonies.'- Congress first sat as a committee of the whole for that purpose on October 4 and continued to do so intermittently until at least November 21. JCC, 3:268, 275-76, 291-93, 301, 307-8, 312, 361. But see also JCC, 3:314-15, 362-64, 455. 2 Much of this debate concerned action to be taken with regard to allowing exports from the ports of New York, North Carolina, Georgia, and the Lower Counties (Delaware), which Parliament had not yet "closed" by the Restraining Aces of March-April, 1775. Merrill Jensen, The Founding of a Nation, a History of the American Revolution, 1763-1776 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 649-50. 3 The committee appointed September 18 "to contract and agree for the importation and delivery of . . . gunpowder." JCC, 2:253.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 4, 1775] 4th. Allowed a Vessel going to So. Carolina to carry certain Stores enumerated. Resolved into a Comee. upon the Trade of the Colonies. (Additional Instru [ctio] n to the Comee first Given.) (1) Only 189467 Doll [ar] s ready of the 300000 yest [erda] y ordered.(2) Some Accts allowed, then went into a Comee. of the whole &c. Mr. Ward reported that the Comee. had taken into their Consideration &c and desired Leave to sett again to Morrow to take into their further Consid [eratio] n &c which was accordingly resolved. MS (RHi). 1 The additional instructions in question became the seventh article of the instructions given to the committee to confer with Washington and is so designated in the text of these instructions copied into the Hancock letterbook in PCC, item 12A, 1:9. See also JCC, 3:271, 276. 2 See JCC, 3:275.

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John Adams' Notes of Debates

Octr. 5. [1775] Gadsden. I wish we may confine ourselves to one Point.(1) Let the Point be whether We shall shut up all our Ports, and be all on a footing. The Ministry will answer their End, if We let the Custom houses be open, in N.Y., N.C., the lower Counties and Georgia. They will divide us. One Colony will envy another, and be jealous. Mankind act by their feelings. Rice sold for £3-it wont sell now for 30s. We have rich and poor there as in other Colonies. We know that the excepted Colonies dont want to take Advantage of the others. Zubly. Q. whether the Custom houses be stopped, and the Trade opened to all the World. The object is so great that I would not discuss it, on Horse back, riding Post haste. It requires the debate of a Week. We are lifting up a Rod-if you dont repeal the Acts, We will open our Ports. Nations as well as Individuals are sometimes intoxicated. It is fair to give them Notice. If We give them Warning, they will take Warning. They will send Ships out. Whether they can stop our Trade, is the Question. N. England I leave out of the Question. N.Y. is stopped by one Ship. Philadelphia says her Trade is in the Power of the fleet. V[irginia] and Maryland, is within the Capes of Virginia. N. Carolina is accessible. Only one good Harbour, Cape Fear. In G[eorgia] We have several Harbours, but a small naval Force may oppose or destroy all the naval Force of Georgia. The Navy can stop our Harbours and distress our Trade. Therefore it is impracticable, to open our Ports. The Q. is whether we must have Trade or not. We cant do without Trade. We must have Trade. It is prudent not to put Virtue to too serious a Test. I would use American Virtue, as sparingly as possible lest We wear it out. Are We sure one Cano will come to trade? Has any Merchant received a Letter from Abroad, that they will come. Very doubtfull and precarious whether any French or Spanish Vessell would be cleared out to America. It is a Breach of the Treaty of Peace. The Spaniards may be too lazy to come to America. They may be supplied from Sicily. It is precarious, and dilatory-extreamly dangerous -and pernicious. I am clearly vs. any Proposition to open our Ports to all the World. It is not prudent to threaten. The People of England will take it we design to break off, to separate. We have Friends in Eng. who have taken this up, upon virtuous Principles. Lee. I will follow Mr. Gadsden and simplify the Proposition, and confine it to the Q. whether the Custom houses shall be shut? If they

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are open, the excepted Colonies may trade, others not, which will be unequal. The Consequence Jealousy, Division and Ruin. I would have all suffer equally. But We should have some Offices, set up, where Bond should be given that Supplies shall not go to our Enemies. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:192-94. 1 A continuation of the debate in the committee of the whole on "the state of the trade" of the colonies. JCC, 3:276

John Adams to William Heath

Sir Philadelphia Octr. 5th. 1775 I never had the Pleasure of a Correspondence or any particular Acquaintance with you,(1) which can justify the Freedom I have taken of giving you this Trouble. But as the good of our Country, which I know is your first Consideration, is my Motive, I presume you will think it a Sufficient Apology. In the present State of America, which is so novel and unexpected, and indeed unthought of by Numbers of Persons in every Colony, it is natural to expect Misapprehensions, Jealousies and Misrepresentations in Abundance: and it must be our Care to attend them, and if possible explain what is misunderstood and state truly what is misrepresented. It is represented in this City, by Some Persons, and it makes an unfriendly Impression upon Some Minds, that in the Massachusetts Regiments, there are great Numbers of Boys, Old Men, and Negroes, Such as are unsuitable for the service, and therefore that the Continent is paying for a much greater Number of Men, than are fit for Action or any Service. I have endeavoured to the Utmost of my Power to rectify these Mistakes as I take them to be, and I hope with Some success, but still the Impression is not quite removed. I would beg the favour of you therefore sir, to inform me whether there is any Truth at all in this Report, or not. It is natural to suppose there are some young Men and some old ones and some Negroes in the Service, but I should be glad to know if there are more of these in Proportion to the Massachusetts Regiments, than in those of Connecticutt Rhode Island and New Hampshire, or even among the Rifle Men. You may depend, Sir upon my Using the most prudent Caution in the Use of your Letter, and especially of your Name but I could certainly make a good Use of a Letter from you upon the Subject. Great Fault is likewise found in Several Parts of the Continent of the Massachusetts officers, whom I believe, taken on an average, and in Pro

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portion to Numbers to be equal at least if not Superiour to any other Colony. I must confess I had another View in giving you this Trouble which was to introduce to your Attention, Dr Franklin Mr Lynch and Coll Harrison, a Committee from this Congress to consult with the General and with the New England Colonies, concerning a Plan for future Armies. Mr Lynch is from S. Carolina, Coll Harrison from Virginia, both Gentn. of great Fortune, and respectable Characters, Men of Abilities and very Staunch Americans. Dr Franklyn needs no words of mine.(2) I am, sir, with great Respect, Your very humb servant John Adams RC (MHi). 1 William Heath (1737-1814), Roxbury, Mass., farmer, representative to the Massachusetts General Court and provincial congress, and a major general in the state militia, had been appointed a brigadier general of the Continental Army in June 1775, Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 2 John Adams wrote a similar letter this day to Gen. John Thomas. "I presume to give you the trouble of this letter, for the sake of asking your attention to three gentlemen, a Committee of this Congress, who will have a desire to visit you as well as an inclination to see your lines at Roxbury. These gentlemen are Dr. Franklyn, Mr. Lynch of S. Carolina and Coll. Harrison of Virginia.... From England we hear of nothing but ministerial ill-will, desperation. and preparations for revenge. With the blessing of heaven, however, upon our endeavours I humbly hope and trust we shall, resist them with success.... Certain prejudices are propagated here by a few ill-affected persons in the City, that the Massachusetts forces contain a great number of old men, boys and negroes, more in proportion than the troops of the other Colonies." Extract in Parhe-Bernet Galleries Catalog, no. 863 (April 21, 1947), pp. 1-2.

James Duane's Notes of Debates

[October 5? 1775] (1) Zubel's [Zubly's] argument. Custom Houses ought to be shut. Because it will put all the Colonies on a footing. Inconveniences. 1st. If shut up Man of War will be our Custom house officer. 2d. No ship can be entered. 3d. All must be subject to seizure and confiscation. 4th. What will be the state of trade between the present time and the period fixed by the Resolutions? 5th. Between the period fixed and time of foreigner's arrival will take further time. 6th. When they arrive they are subject to seizure. 7th. They will then sell dear and buy cheap.

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8. If we must trade with foreigners, it will be certain-nor quit costs-precarious pernicious. 9. It is in nature of a threat by which we have gained nothing hitherto. Lee for preparation. 1. If exempted Colonies Trade as usual-others will be discontented, jealous- Ruin-must all be in the same situation. 1st. Decisive offense by opening ports. 2d. If treaty fails no consequence. 3th. Agent could not have answered-not knows sense of Cong. 4th. Might obtain assistance by sea. 5th. Necessity of winter supply in Virginia. Tr (NN) 1 John Adams' Notes of Debates for October 5 indicate that the remarks recorded here by Duane were probably made by Zubly and Lee on this date.

John Hancock to Nicholas Cooke

Sir Philada. Octr. 5.1775. The Congress having received certain intelligence of the sailing of two north Country built Brigs of no force from England on the 11 of August last loaded with 6000 stand of Arms and a large quantity of powder & other stores for Quebec without a convoy: and it being of importance if possible to intercept them, I am directed by Congress to desire you (1) with all possible expedition to dispatch the armed vessels of the Colony of Rhode Island on this service that the vessels you dispatch be supplied with a sufficient number of men, stores &c and particularly with oars: That you give the commander or commanders such instructions as are necessary as also proper encouragement to the marines & seamen that shall be sent on this enterprize, which instructions &c are to be delivered to the commander or commanders sealed up with orders not to open the same until out of sight of land on account of secresy.(2) As there is also advice that a large quantity of Brass ordinance military stores & provisions are sending out to Boston, you are to give orders to seize all transports laden with ammunition cloathing or other stores for the use of the Ministerial Army or Navy in America; and, that the said vessels with their cargoes when taken be secured in the most convenient places for the use of the Continent. For the encouragement of the men employed in this service I am ordered to inform you that the Congress have resolved that the Master, Officers and Seamen shall be entitled to one half of the value of

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the prizes by them taken, the wages they receive from the Colony notwithstanding.(3) The ships or vessels of war are to be on the Continental risque & pay during their being thus employed. On this subject I have wrote to General Washington & desired him to dispatch one or more vessels from the Massachusetts Bay on this Service. I have the honour to be, Sir Your most Obedt Servt. John Hancock Presidt. RC (MH) . Written by Charles Thomson and signed by Hancock. 1 Nicholas Cooke (d. 1782), Providence merchant, was at this time deputy governor of Rhode Island. Upon the ouster from office of loyalist Governor Joseph Wanton by the Rhode Island Assembly in October 1775, Cooke was elected to succeed him and continued to serve in this capacity through 1777. Matt B. Jones, ed., "Revolutionary Correspondence of Governor Nicholas Cooke, 1775-1781," Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, new ser. 36 (1926): 231-32. 2 Cooke was unable to comply with Congress' request for assistance because one of the two armed vessels Rhode Island then had was on a return voyage to the province from Bermuda, while the other was unfit for sea duty. See Cooke's letters of October 10 to Washington and to the Rhode Island delegates. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1007; and Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg), pp. 98-99. Both British ships subsequently eluded American efforts to intercept them, and made their way safely to Quebec. Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 4:23, 33-34, 152. 3 See JCC, 3:279.

John Hancock to the Massachusetts Council

Gentlemen Philadelphia Octor. 5. 1775 It having been Represented to the Congress that you have in the Employ of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay Two Arm'd Vessells, and a particular Service being Recommended to General Washington, the Prosecution of which will require those Vessells, I am directed by the Congress to inform you that General Washington is Instructed to make application to you for those Vessells; and I am particularly Authorized to desire you will put said Vessells for this Service under the General's Command & Direction, and that you furnish him instantly with every Necessary in your power at the Expence of the Continent.(1) And in case those arm'd Vessells cannot be Employ'd in this Service, you are earnestly requested to afford your utmost assistance in every matter that the General may have Occasion to apply to you upon in the prosecution of the publick service. I have the Honour to be with Esteem Gentlemen Your most Obt. Hble Servt. John Hancock Prest.

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N.B. The Vessell's to be on the Continental Risque and pay, during their being Employed in this Service.(2) Tr (M-Ar). 1 Massachusetts, contrary to Hancock's understanding of the situation, had no armed vessels at its disposal at this time. Washington therefore was obliged to make use of two armed schooners, under the commands of Captains Nicolson Broughton and John Selsam, which he had already had outfitted to intercept British supply ships bound for Boston. Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 4:23-24, 33-34. For additional information about naval operations carried out under Washington's auspices, see William Bell Clark, George Washington's Navy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1960), passim. 2 This day Hancock sent a similar letter to Gov. Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut. Ct. Trumbull ordered a ship to go to the assistance of Washington, but before setting sail it was judged to be unseaworthy and thus was kept from embarking on this mission. See Trumbull to John Hancock, October 17, 1775. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3 1082.

John Hancock to William Palfrey

Dear Palfrey Philadelphia Octor. 5. 1775 This will be handed you by my Friend Coll Harrison of Virginia one of our Delegates, who with Docr Franklin & Mr Lynch are appointed a Committee by Congress to hold a Conference with General Washington, Govr Trumbull &c on Matters of importance. I Beg you would endeavour that they be Treated with the utmost Civility by our Provincial General officers, it will have a very good Effect, do promote this. I need not desire your particular Attention to Coll Harrison, many motives you have to induce you to that, now is your Oppory. to mention to him your Scituation,(1) I have Confer'd with him on the Subject, his Disposition is good, & if any opening he will Exert him self for you. I wrote you by Fessenden. I have this moment Rec'd your Letter by Mr. Tracey &c. I shall do every thing to gratify him & his Compa [ny] . Do write me often. I must Close, Refer you to Coll Harrison. I am Your Friend John Hancock [P.S.] Don't forget my Brother, mention him to Coll Harrison. I did not do it myself, but desire Harrison to mention him to the General. Don't forget. RC (MH) . Addressed: "To William Palfrey Esqr. Aid De Camp to General Lee at Cambridge." 1 On Palfrey's "Scituation," see Hancock to Palfrey, September 25, 1775. See also Benjamin Harrison to Palfrey, September 20, 1775, note 1.

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John Hancock to George Washington

Sir Philadelphia Octobr. 5th. 1775 The Congress having this day Rec'd certain Intelligence of the Sailing of Two North Country built Brigantines, of no Force, from England on the 11th. of August last, loaded with Six Thousand Stand of Arms, a large Quantity of Powder, & other Stores for Quebec, without Convoy, and as it is of great importance if possible to intercept them, I am order'd by the Congress to Give you this information, and to Desire you immediately to Apply to the Council of the Massachusetts Bay for the Two Arm'd Vessells in their Service, and Dispatch the same, with a sufficient Number of people, Stores &c particularly a Number of Oars in order if possible to intercept said Brigantines and their Cargoes, and secure the same for the Use of the Continent. It is also their Desire that you Give orders to the Commanders of the Vessells you Send on this Service to Seize and take any other Transports laden with Ammunition, Cloathing or other Stores for the Use of the Ministerial Army or Navy in America which they may meet with, & Secure them in the most convenient places for the use of the Continent. That you Give the Commander or Commanders such instructions as are necessary, and also proper incouragements to the Marines and Seamen that shall be Sent on this Enterprize. That the instructions you shall Give be Deliver'd to the Commander or Commanders Sealed up, with Orders not to Open the same untill out of Sight of Land on Accott. of Secrecy. If the Vessells in the Service of Massachusetts Bay can be Readily obtain'd you are to Employ them, and others if you shall think necessary to Effect the purposes aforesaid; if they cannot, then you will Employ such as can be soonest fitted out. At the same time I am directed to inform you that the Rhode Island and Connecticutt Vessells of Force, if possible, will be directly sent after to the Assistance of those you Send out, for which purpose I write by order of Congress to those Governmts. by this Conveyance. For the Encouragement of the Men employ'd in this Service, I am to inform you that the Congress have Determin'd that on this Occasion, the Master, Officers and Seamen shall be entitled to one half of the Value of the Prizes by them taken, the Wages they Receive from their respective Colonies notwithstanding. It is further Resolved that the Ships or Vessells of War employ'd in this Service are to be on the Continental Risque and pay during their being thus Employ'd. For further Intelligence I Refer you to the Inclos'd, which have not Time to Copy, as I am order'd to Dispatch the Express immediately.

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I have the honour to be, Sir Your most Obedt hum Sevt. John Hancock Presidt. [P.S.] The Inclos'd please to order to be Del[ivere]d to the Council of Massa [chu.set] ts Bay. RC (DLC).

John Hancock to George Washington

Sir, 5 0ctr. [l7]75 By a very intelligent person just arrived from London (1) we have certain intelligence that a large number of Brass cannon from 24 to 4 pounders are preparing at the tower and were to be sent to Boston immediately, that 400 of the train of artilery were to be sent with them; that transports were taken up by Government to carry several regiments from Ireland to New York, that 17 of the transports lay at Deptford when he left England; that he expected they would sail from Ireland by the last of Septr. The following is an extract from a person of credit in London (2) dated 31 July which came by the above gentleman. "The plan of operation they have at present in ajitation or which I might properly say, actually determined on and transmitted to Boston is as follows. "With the assistance of Govr. Tryon (who is much relied on for the purpose) to get immediate possession of New York & Albany- to fill both of these cities with very strong garrisons-to declare all Rebels who do not join the Kings forces-to command the Hudsons and East Rivers with a number of small men of war & cutters stationed in different parts of it, so as wholly to cut off all communication by water between New York and the provinces to the Northward of it & between New York & Albany except for the Kings Service and to prevent also all communication between the city of New York & the provinces of New Jersey, Pensylvania and those to the southward of them. By these means Administration & their friends fancy that they shall soon either starve out or retake the garrisons of Ticonderoga & Crown Point & open & maintain a safe intercourse & correspondence between Quebec Albany & New York & thereby afford the fairest opportunity to their Soldiery & the Canadians (In conjunction with the Indians to be procured by G.J.) (3)-to make continual irruptions into New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay & Connecticut and so distract & divide the provincial forces as to render it easy for the British army at Boston to defeat them: but the spirits of the Massachusetts people depopulate their country & compel an absolute

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subjection to Great Britain. Another good effect to be deduced from this extensive plan, as government apprehend, is that as New York will by this method be prevented from supplying the Massachusetts army near Boston with flour &c. as they heretofore have done through the medium of Connecticut, And the New Jersey and Pensylvania people will not be able to transport provisions across the country, & the colony of Connecticut does not raise corn sufficient for the supply of herself and the Massachusetts bay, The inhabitants & troops of this province must inevitably of course be in a short time destroyed by diseases and famine and to this train of facts let me add; that in consequence of General Gage's desire brought by Captn. Chadds one hundred flat bottomed boats are at present building at Deptford in order to be sent immediately to America-but for what particular purpose I have not yet been able to learn. Many American gentlemen have however been lately asked by a Lord high in the American department, what sized vessels can go loaded from hence to Albany-what is the depth of water at the Overslaw (I think that is the name of the shallowest place in the North River)-whether the ship belonging to Albany in the London trade is always obliged to unload part of her cargo before she can get to Albany and what proportion of it. Whether if batteries were erected at the highlands, they would not prevent vessels from going up & down the North River. And where would be the best places on that river to hinder the New Jersey people &c from sending flour &c in the winter through Connecticut to the Massachusetts bay. These are the proper operations to the northward. As to the southward-Commodore Shuldam is preparing with all expedition to go to Virginia at the earnest request of Lord Dunmore with a number of Frigates, Cutters &c which are to be employed in obstructing all communication by water inland between the Carolinas, Virginia, Maryland, Pensylvania & the northern Colonies and in order to keep the Virginians & Marylanders engaged at home and prevent their affording any assistance to New York or the Massachusetts Bay. Those frigates & cutters are to destroy the towns of Virginia & Maryland and spread devastation over the plantations bordering on the navigible rivers. Shuldam is also to detach some of his fleet to lie before Philada & Charles town S. C. and fire on these cities, if they afford the least assistance to the Massachusetts Bay." There are several other letters which confirm the above and farther intimate the resolutions of Administration to take into pay 20,000 Hessians & Hanoverians. But as this must have the sanction of parliament it is apprehended they will not be sent out this fall. The Gentlemen appointed to wait on you are to set out tomorrow Morning. I am Your most obedt sert John Hancock Prest.

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RC (DLC) . Written by Charles Thomson and signed by Hancock. 1 Capt, Thomas Read. See Samuel Ward's Diary this date, note 2. 2 This day Congress received intelligence of intended British military and naval operations in the form of three letters from a London correspondent, two of them dated July 31 and the third August 7. The author and recipient of these letters remain unknown, although Samuel Ward's letter this day to his brother Henry clearly states that they were written to Benjamin Franklin. It seems equally clear however, that the recipient was not a delegate, for Ward stated in his diary that the recipient asked to attend Congress. An ambiguous reference to the "Inclosures in Dr. Shippens letter," which Richard Henry Lee mentioned in a letter to Washington three days later, suggests that William Shippen, Jr., may also have had a hand in transmitting copies of these or similar documents to the general. The letters are in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1280-82. See Samuel Ward's Diary and Ward to Henry Ward, October 5; and Richard Henry Lee to George Washington, October 8, 1775. 3 Guy Johnson, superintendent of Indian affairs for the northern department.

Williamsburg Committee of Safety

Gentlemen Philadelphia 5th Octr. 1775 The inclosed extracts from London letters yesterday laid before the Congress will sufficiently explain to you without a comment what extensive and destructive mischief is projected against our Colony with some others.(1) We have deemed it an incumbent duty to give you the earliest intelligence of our danger, that every possible precaution may be used to render the pernicious design abortive. The most effectual method of doing this, your wisdom will best determine, but it would seem a very important concern to leave undone nothing that can render us more secure from the further machinations of our inveterate, unprincipled, and (with respect to the situation & circumstances of Virginia) our well informed enemy Lord Dunmore. His influence with a most abandoned Ministry, his ardent zeal for the ruin of our Country, and his extensive acquaintance with the Colony certainly renders him an Object deserving particular care. We apprehend that Batteries placed on particular heights on James, York, & Rap. Rivers might greatly circumscribe this ruinous rogue, and it may be worthy of enquiry, whether the Cannon at Hampton, York & Williamsburg may not be removed for this purpose. It is said that near the mouth of Currotoman some good Cannon lay [buried?] in the Sand, which may be raised and placed to advantage on that river. We hope, from an insertion in Purdies Gazette, that our Colony powder is arrived, which, if true, will serve to furnish these Batteries, and we suppose Ball may be obtained from the Furnaces. There is no powder here that can possibly be spared, and the

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wicked activity, and power on the Sea of our enemies, renders it so essential and indispensable a duty on our Colony in particular to push the making of Salt Petre with unremitting diligence, that we earnestly entreat you will move the whole Colony most strongly on this point. All N. Am. expects it, and the safety of the whole does absolutely demand it; without this internal and essential security, the liberty & rights of America rest on doubtful ground. Perhaps, if a proper System of Look outs was formed by Colonies along the Bay, & from the mouths of the Rivers upwards, such quick notice of the appearance of warlike Vessels might be given as to enable the Inhabitants to guard against the evil, and in many instances to repel it with proper chastisement. It must certainly tend much to the public security if the Country could be prevailed on to execute the Patrol Law with diligence and attention, yet in such a manner as not to alarm the Slaves by too sudden a change from the late general intermission of this salutary regulation. We hope to be pardoned for these hints, and that they will be attributed to zeal for our Countrys good, and anxiety for its impending evils. We have the honor to be with much esteem & regard Gentlemen: FC (MH) . Unsigned draft in the hand of Richard Henry Lee. 1 These reports of intended British military operations included plans for sending naval forces to destroy towns and plantations along the Virginia coast. See preceding letter of John Hancock to George Washington, this date.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 5, 1775] 5th. Congress accord. to the Order of the Day went into a Comee. of the whole &c, after some Debate a Member produced a Number of Letters from England (1) which were read & Capt. Read (2) just arrived & the Gentn. to whom the letters were wrote desired to attend the Congress.(3) Expresses sent to Genl. Washington, Govr. Cooke & Govr. Trumbull to send out several Vessels to intercept two Transports with Powder &c. Encouragement given to the Men &c, the Vessels to go on the Service to be at the Risque of the Continent. MS (RHi). 1 Benjamin Franklin. See Ward to Henry Ward, this date. 2 Thomas Read, captain of the Aurora, recently arrived from London, and brother of Delaware delegate George Read. Clark, Naval Documents, 2:314n. 3 See John Hancock to George Washington, October 5, 1775. 2d letter, note 2.

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Samuel Ward to Nicholas Cooke

Sir Philadelphia 5th. Octr. 1775 I laid that Part of your Honors Letter relative to the proposed Voyage and your first Letter upon the Same Subject before the Comee. of Secresy (1) & I am instructed to acquaint You That they approve of the Plan and in Behalf of the united Colonies agree to advance a sufficient Sum of continental Money to purchase sixty or eighty Tons of good Gun Powder as suits You best, to run the Risque of the Money & Powder the Persons intrusted behaving with Fidelity And to give the same Commissions & Freight which they give to other Persons for the like Service which you may rely upon to be a handsome Compensation for the Service. The Money shall be paid to your Order on Sight. The Committee make it a Rule when they advance Money (2) to take good Bonds for the faithful Performance of the Contract on the Part of those who receive it. Your Honor will be pleased to take such Bonds if you should advance the Money for the Voyage until we can replace it with continental Money; the Bonds must be made payable to Thomas Willing Benjamin Franklin Philip Livingston John Alsop Silas Dean John Dickinson John Langdon Thomas McKean & Samuel Ward Esqrs. in Trust for & to the Use of the thirteen united Colonies in North America. The Condition that the money shall be faithfully laid out in France for good Gunpowder upon the best Terms & delivered to the above Comee. for the use of the sd. united Colonies in some Part of the Colonies of Rhode Island or Connecticut the Danger of the Seas & Enemies excepted. If the whole Quantity of Gun Powder cannot be got the Comee. would have as much Salt Petre with a proportionate Quantity of Sulphur to manufacture with it purchased as will make up the proposed Quantity of Powder. The Bonds may specify that & also that if the Powder Salt Petre & Sulphur cannot be had as above directed that the Money shall be returned to the Comee. above sd. The Comee. would have waited for your particular Terms upon which the Voyage should have been undertaken but thought it would occasion a Delay of several Weeks & possibly frustrate the Voyage, they therefore directed Me to propose to your Honor if hard Money or good Bills of Exchange can be got, immediately to procure the same & dispatch the Vessel as soon as possible. It is expected that Provisions will be allowed to be exported to foreign Countries agreable to the non exportation Agreement, if so the Money may be laid out here in flour at a low Rate. If the Voyage cannot be undertaken without the Moneys being first sent from hence or if any other unforseen Event retards it let Capt. Hopkins come here immediately or acquaint us with it in any other Way & every thing reasonable on our Parts shall be done to ex-

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pedite the Voyage. I have the Honor to be in Behalf of the Committe of Secresy Sir Your most obedient humble Servant Sam Ward P.S. The Commee will if good firearms & Gunlocks are to be had at the Place proposed to go-to advance the Money for two thousand stands of good Arms & five thousand good double bridled Gunlocks. Nothing of this matter ought ¢o transpire save to the concerned if these last Articles are engaged for the Bonds must contain the Matter. RC (MH) 1 Neither of these letters from Cooke has been found, but they almost certainly relate to a plan for procuring gunpowder from Bayonne which he had proposed to Washington early in September, on which see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:682-83, 709-10. Whether the projected voyage to Bayonne was ever undertaken is uncertain. 2 To judge from one surviving record of the committee'S transactions, there is no indication that an advance was ever paid to Cooke for this proposed undertaking. See Secret Committee Account, September 27,1775-August 26, 1776.

Samuel Ward to Henry Ward

Dear Brother Philadelphia 5th Octr. 1775 I wrote you this Morning by Post. Since that Time I have seen a Number of Letters from Gentlemen of Character in England to Doctor Franklin. The Master of the Ship a sensible Man (Bro[the]r to one of the Delegates of the lower Counties) I have also seen,(1) and the general Tenor of all the Letters and the Captain's Information is that the Ministry is determined at all Events to conquer America. The Dr. being asked whether his Intelligince was from Gentn. who had frequently corresponded with him & whether their Advices generally were found true, he answered that it was generally good: being asked whether he thought they were a sufficient Foundation for America to proceed upon he answered He thought they were & that We ought to take all possible Care of ourselves. He observed that it was not certain; for that upon the Arrival of the Petition the Ministry might think best to relax a little but it was by no means to be trusted to. We ought to be prepared for the worst: I hope every measure will be taken to put the Town of Providence into a further State of Defence & every Part of the Colony which can be made tenable. Poor Newport You know I have long been concerned for I wish they would secure all their most valuable Effects in the Country indeed I wish the Friends of their Country would move out of Town but if not let all their most valuable Effects be secured. A Number of Men of War

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are coming over, Troops are to be sent to New York & Virginia to be under the Command of Govrs. Tryon & Dunmore, they propose to take Possession of Albany & keep up a Communication with Canada by the North River & to keep Frigates and Cutters in the East River and all along the Coast. I may write again possibly but must conclude for I am greatly fatigued having been writing ever since Light save while at Breakfast or in Congress. Once more my dear Bror. adieu. Yours most affecy. Sam Ward P.S. This News will have a more happy Effect for they will induce the most spirited Measures. I wish this Letter may be communicated saving Dr. Franklins Name and the Captains being Bror. &c which I would have communicated to no Person whatever. I wish the People of Newport may know my Sentiments but have not Time to write. RC (RHi) . Endorsed: "Nothing of this to be printed." 1 See Ward's Diary this date, note 2.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

Octr. 6. [1775] Chase. I dont think the Resolution goes far enough.(1) Ld. Dunmore has been many Months committing Hostilities vs. Virginia, and has extended his Piracies to Maryland. I wish he had been seized, by the Colony, Months ago. They would have received the Thanks of all North America. Is it practicable now? Have the Committee any naval Force? This order will be a mere Piece of Paper. Is there a Power in the Committee to raise and pay a naval Force? Is it to be done at the Expence of the Continent. Have they Ships or Men. Lee. I wish Congress would advise Virginia and Maryland to raise a Force by Sea to destroy Ld. Dunmores Power. He is fond of his Bottle and may he taken by Land, but ought to be taken at all Events. Zubly. I am sorry to see the very threatening Condition that Virginia is likely to be in. I look on the Plan We heard of yesterday to be vile, abominable and infernal-but I am afraid it is practicable. Will these Mischiefs be prevented by seizing Dunmore. Seizing the K's Representatives will make a great Impression in England, and probably Things will be carried on afterwards with greater Rage. I came here with 2 Views. One to secure the Rights of America. 2. A Reconciliation with G. Britain. Dyer. They cant be more irritated at home than they are. They are bent upon our Destruction. Therefore that is no Argument vs. seizing

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them. Dunmore can do no [more?] Mischief in Virginia-his Connections in England are such that he may be exchanged to Advantage. Wentworth is gone to Boston. Franklyn is not dangerous. Pen is not. Eden is not. Johnson. Dunmore a very bad Man. A defensive Conduct was determined on, in the Convention of Virginia. I am for leaving it to Virginia. We ought not to lay down a rule in a Passion. I see less and less Prospect of a Reconciliation every day. But I would not render it impossible. If We should render it impossible, our Colony would take it into their own Hands and make Concessions inconsistent with the Rights of America. N.C., V., P., N. York, at least have strong Parties, each of them of that Mind. This would make a Disunion. Five or six Weeks will give Us the final Determination of the People of G. Britain. Not a Governor in the Continent has the real Power, but some have the Shadow of it. A Renunciation of all Connection with G.B. will be understood by a step of this Kind. 13 Colonies connected with G.B. in 16 Months have been brought to an Armed Opposition to the Claims of G.B. The line We have pursued has been the Line We ought to have pursued If what we have done had been proposed two Years ago, 4 Colonies would not have been for it. Suppose we had a dozen Crown Officers in our Possession. Have We determined what to do with them? Shall we hang them. Lee. Those who apply general Reasons to this particular Case will draw improper Conclusions. Those Crown Officers who have advised his Lordship vs. his violent Measures, have been quarrell'd with by him. Virginia is pierced in all Parts with navigable Waters. His Lordship knows all these Waters and the Plantations on them. Shuldam is coming to assist him in destroying these Plantations. We see his Influence with an abandoned Administration, is sufficient to obtain what he pleases. If 6 Weeks may furnish decisive Information, the same Time may produce decisive destruction to Maryland and Virginia. Did We go fast enough when We suffered the Troops at Boston to fortify. Zubly. This is a sudden Motion. The Motion was yesterday to apprehend Govr. Tryon. We have not yet conquered the Army or Navy of G.B. A Navy, consisting of a Cutter, rides triumphant in Virginia. There are Persons in America who wish to break off with G.B. A Proposal has been made to apply to France and Spain-before I agree to it, I will inform my Constituents. I apprehend the Man who should propose it would be torn to pieces like De Wit. Wythe. It was from a Reverence for this Congress that the Convention of Virginia, neglected to arrest Lord Dunmore. It was not intended suddenly, to form a Precedent for Govr. Tryon. If Maryland

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have a Desire to have a Share in the Glory of seizing this Nobleman, let them have it. The 1st. objection is the Impracticability of it. I dont say that it is practicable, but the attempt can do no harm. From seizing Cloathing in Delaware, seizing the Transports &c., the Battles of Lexington, Charlestown, &c., every Man in Great Britain will be convinced by Ministry and Parliament that We are aiming at an Independency on G.B. Therefore We need not fear from this Step disaffecting our Friends in England. As to a Defection in the Colonies, I cant answer for Maryland, Pensylvania, &c. but I can for Virginia. Johnson. I am not vs. allowing Liberty to arrest Ld. Dunmore- there is Evidence that the Scheme he is executing was recommended by himself. Maryland does not regard the Connection with G.B. as the first good. Stone. If We signify to Virginia, that it will not be disagreable to us, if they secure Ld. Dunmore, that will be sufficient. Lewis moves an Amendment, that it be recommended to the Council of Virginia, that they take such Measures to secure themselves, from the Practices of Lord Dunmore, either by seizing his Person, or otherwise as they think proper. Hall. A Material Distinction between a peremptory order to the Council of Virginia, to seize his Lordship, and a Recommendation to take such Measures as they shall judge necessary, to defend themselves against his Measures. Motion to export Produce for Powder.(2) Sherman. I think We must have Powder, and We may send out Produce for Powder. But upon some Gentlemen Principles We must have a general Exportation. Paine. From the observations some Gentlemen have made I think this Proposition of more Importance than it appeared at first. In Theory I could carry it further, even to Exportation and Importation to G.B. A large Continent cant Act upon Speculative Principles, but must be govern'd by Rules. Medicines, We must have-some Cloathing, &c. I wish We could enter upon the Question at large, and agree upon some System. Chase. By the Resolution We may send to G.B., Ireland and W. Indies. Lee. Suppose Provisions should he sold in Spain for Money, and Cash sent to England for Powder. Duane. We must have Powder. I would send for Powder to London, or any where. We are undone if We hant Powder. Dean. I hope the Words "Agreable to the Association" will be inserted. But I would import from G.B. Powder.

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R. R. Livingston. We are between Hawk and Buzzard. We puzzle ourselves between the commercial and warlike opposition. Rutledge. If Ammunition was to be had from England only, there would be W teigh] t in the Gentlemans Arg [ument] . The Captn. Reed told us Yesterday that he might have bro't 1000 Blls. of Powder. Why? Because he was not searched. But if he had attempted to bring Powder, he would have been search'd. I would let the Ass[ociation] stand as it is, and order the Committee to export our Provisions consistent with it. Lee. When a Vessell comes to England vs. our Association, she must be observed and watched. They would keep the Provisions, but not let us have the Powder. Deane. I have not the most distant Idea of infringing the Association. Duane. The Resolution with the Amendment amounts to nothing. The Committee may import now consistent with the Association. I apprehend that by breaking the Association We may import Powder, without it not. We must have Powder. We must fight our Battles in two or three Months, in every Colony. J. Rutledge. They may export to any other Place and thence send Money to England. New York letter, concerning a Fortification on the high Lands, considered .(3) Dyer. Cant say how far it would have been proper to have gone upon Romains Plan in the Spring, but thinks it too late now. There are Places upon that River, that might be thrown up in a few days, that would do. We must go upon some Plan that will be expeditious. Lee. Romain says a less or more imperfect Plan would only be beginning a Strong hold for an Enemy. Deane. An order went to N. York. They have employed an Engineer. The People and he agree in the Spot and the Plan. Unless We rescind the whole, We should go on. It ought to be done. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:194-98. 1 That is, the resolution of October 6 to recommend "to the several provincial Assemblies or Conventions, and Councils or committees of safety, to arrest and secure every person in their respective colonies, whose going at large may, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony, or the liberties of America." JCC, 3:280. 2 See JCC, 3:280. 3 New York Committee of Safety to the Continental Congress, September 19, 1775. Bernard Romans, engineer and cartographer, had been engaged by the New York Provincial Congress to draw plans for fortifications on the Hudson River. His plans and specifications for the Highland defenses were enclosed in this letter to Congress. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:732-36, with the drawings following p. 736.

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John Adams to Josiah Quincy

Dear Sir Octr. 6. 1775 Two days ago I had the Pleasure of yours of Septr. 22. I am very Sorry to learn from your Letter that you have occasion for any Advice of mine, and have not had an opportunity of take it. I fully intended to have made you a visit,(1) but my stay was so short and I had so many Engagements that it was out of my Power. That a great Revolution, in the affairs of the World, is in the Womb of Providence, Seems to be intimated very Strongly, by many Circumstances: But it is no Pleasure to me to be employed in giving Birth to it. The Fatigue, and Anxiety, which attends it are too great. Happy the Man, who with a plentifull Fortune, an elegant Mind and an amiable Family, retires from the Noises, Dangers and confusions of it. However, by a Train of Circumstances, which I could neither foresee nor prevent, I have been called by Providence to take a larger share in active Life, during the Course of these Struggles, than is agreable either to my Health, my Fortune or my Inclination, and I go through it with more Alacrity and Chearfullness than I could have expected. I often envy the Silent Retreat of some of my Friends. But if We should so far succeed as to secure to Posterity the Blessings of a free Constitution, that alone will forever be considered by me as an ample Compensation for all the Care, Fatigue, and Loss that I may sustain in the Conflict. I am much obliged by your kind Explanation of your opinion that the Harbour might be locked up. I must confess, altho I was born so near it, I never before understood the Course of the Channell, and the Situation of the Harbour so well. I have carefully compared your Descriptions of Squantum, the Moon, Long Island, Gallops Island, Lovells Island, and Georges, the Narrows and Nantaskett Road, with "A Plan of the Town and Chart of the Harbour of Boston, exhibiting a View of the Islands, Castle, Fort, and Entrances into the Said Harbour, which was published in London, last February." This Plan I know to be inaccurate in some Particulars, and the Chart may be so in others: but by the best Judgment I can make, upon comparing your Facts with the Chart, and considering the Depths of Water marked on this Chart, I think it extreamly probable, with you that nothing but Powder and Cannon are wanting, to effect the important Purposes you mention, that of making Soldiers and Sailors Prisoners at Discretion. Dr Franklyns Row Gallies are in great Forwardness. Seven of them are compleated, manned, armed &c. I went down the River the other Day with all of them.(2) I have as much Confidence in them as you have. But the People here have made what some call Chevaux

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Channell of Delaware River. Three Rows of them, are phased in the River, with large Timbers barbed with Iron. They are frames of Timber Sunk with stone Machines very proper, for our Channell in the Narrows [. .. .] (3) RC (MHi). In Adams' hand, though not signed. Recipient identified through Quincy's September 22 letter to Adams discussing the defense of Boston harbor, the chief topic of Adams' response. Josiah Quincy to John Adams, September 22, 1775, 1 Josiah Quincy (1710 84). merchant, gentleman farmer, and local political leader in Braintree, Mass. Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 8.463-75. 2 See John Adams' Diary, September 28, 1775. 3 Although the remainder of the MS is missing, an extract from the two missing pages was printed in an 1894 dealer's catalog. "We have favourable accounts from Schuyler. He will have the Province of Canada. "Our accounts from England breath nothing but war and revenge. What pains and expense, and misery that stupid people will endure for the sake of driving the Colonies to the necessity of a separation, and of alienating their best friends." William E. Benjamin Catalog, no. 60 (April 1894), p. 18.

Robert Treat Paine's Diary

Fair. Comittee set off for the Camp.(1) [October 6, 1775] MS (MHi). 1 That is, the committee of Congress appointed on September 29 "to repair immediately to the camp at Cambridge" to consult with General Washington and New England leaders. JCC, 3:265. Although Franklin reported to Joseph Priestley on October 3 that he was "to set out to-morrow," and Christopher Marshall noted in his diary entry of October 4 that "this afternoon . . . three of the delegates, set out for Boston," Hancock wrote to Washington on October 5 that the committee was "to set out tomorrow Morning." Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Priestley, October 3, 1775; Christopher Marshall, Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, Kept in Philadelphia and Lancaster during the American Revolution, 1774-17781, ed. William Duane (Albany: Joel Mainsail, 1877), p. 44: and John Hancock to George Washington, October 5, 1775, 2d letter. Apparently Paine's testimony can be relied upon, although Silas Deane, adding to the confusion, wrote in his misdated diary entry for Saturday, October 7: "Saturday Octo. 6th. at Congress, Messrs Franklin &c sat out on Journey." CHS Bulletin 29 duly 1964): 96A.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 6, 1775] 6th. Letters from Gens. Schuyler & Montgomery. £20000 Pena. Currency in silver or Gold to be got for contin[enta]l Money for the Canada Expedn. Recomd. to provincial Assemblies & Conventions [and ] Comees of Safety to arrest & secure such Persons whose

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going at large may endanger such Colonies or the Liber [t] y of America. (This to be transmitted.) Comee. for Importation of Pow[de]r to export agreable to the continental Association as much Provisions or other Produce of these Colonies as they shall judge expedient for the Purchase of Arms & Ammunition. A Comee. appointed to consider of the Fortifications ordered to be erected on Hudsons River. Farther Report of the Comee. for concerting a Plan for intercepting certain [vessels] read. Ordered that the Congress (1) resolved into a Comee. of the whole to take into their Consideration the State of the Trade. Consideration of the Instructions to the Delegates of Rhod Isd. put off to tomorrow. MS (RHi). 1 Ward inserted the preceding four words above the line after he had originally completed the sentence but subsequently neglected to change "resolved" from the past tense.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

Octr. 7. [1775] Chase. It is the maddest Idea in the World, to think of building an American Fleet.(1) Its Latitude is wonderfull. We should mortgage the whole Continent Recollect the Intelligence on your Table-defend N. York-fortify upon Hudsons River. We should provide for gaining Intelligence-two swift sailing Vessells. Dyer. The Affair of Powder from N. York should be referr'd to the Committee. Hopkins. No Objection to putting off the Instruction from Rhode Island, provided it is to a future day.(2) Paine. Seconds Chace's Motion, that it be put off to a future day Sine die. Chace. The Gentleman from Maryland never made such a Motion. I never used the Copulative. The Gentleman is very sarcastic, and thinks himself very sensible. Zubly. If the Plans of some Gentlemen are to take Place, an American Fleet must be a Part of it-extravagant as it is. Randolph moves that all the orders of the day should be read every Morning. Deane. I wish it may be seriously debated. I dont think it romantic, at all. J. Rutledge. Move that some Gentn. be appointed to prepare a Plan and Estimate of an American Fleet. Zubly seconds the Motion.

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Gadsden. I am against the Extensiveness of the Rhode Island Plan, but it is absolutely necessary that some Plan of Defence by Sea should be adopted. J. Rutledge. I shall not form a conclusive opinion till I hear the Arguments. I want to know how many Ships are to be built and what they will cost. S. Adams. The Committee cant make an Estimate untill they know how many Ships are to be built. Zubly. Rhode Island has taken the lead. I move that the Delegates of R.I. prepare a Plan, give us their opinion. J. Adams. The Motion is entirely out of order. The Subject is put off for a Week, and now a Motion is to appoint a Committee to consider the whole subject. Zubly, Rutledge, Paine, Gadsden, lightly skirmishing. Deane. It is like the Man that was appointed to tell the Dream and the Interpretation of it. The Expence is to be estimated, without knowing what Fleet there shall be, or whether any att all. Gadsden. The design is to throw it into Ridicule. It should be considered out of Respect to the Colony of R. Island who desired it. Determined against the appointment of a Committee.(3) Report of the Committee for fortifying upon Hudsons River considered.(4) J. Rutledge. I think We should add to the Report, that they take the most effectual Measures to obstruct the Navigation of Hudsons River by Booms or otherwise. Gadsden seconds the Motion. Deane doubts the Practicability of obstructing it with Booms, it is so wide. The Committee said 4 or 5 Booms chained together, and ready to be drawn across, would stop the Passage. The Congress of N.Y. is to consult the Assembly of Connecticutt and the Congress of N. Jersey, the best Method of taking Posts and making Signals, and assembling Forces for Defence of the River. Gadsden. Moves that all the Letters, laid before us from England, should be sent to the Convention of N. York. Tryon is a dangerous Man, and the Convention of that Colony should be upon their guard. Lee. I think the Letters should by all means be sent. Rutledge. Dr. F. desired they might not be printed. Moves that Gen. Wooster with his Troops may be ordered down to N. York.(5) Duane. Moves that Woosters Men may be employed in building the Fortifications. Dyer 2ds the Motion allowing the Men what is usual. Sherman. Would have the order conditional, if Schuyler dont want them. Understands that N.Y. has the best Militia upon the Continent. R. Livingston. They will be necessary at the Highlands.132

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Dyer thinks they ought to have the usual allowance for Work. S. Adams. Understands that the Works at Cambridge was done without any Allowance, but that G[eneral] W[ashington] has ordered that for future works they be allowed half a Pistareen a day. Langdon would not have the order to Wooster, but to Schuyler for he would not run any risque of the northern Expedition. Rutledge thinks Schuyler cant want them. He waited only for Boats to send 500 Men more. Sherman. Would it not be well to inform Schuyler of our endeavours to take the Transports and desire him to acquaint Coll. Arnold of it. Rutledge. He may cooperate with Arnold in taking the Transports. I hope he is in Possession of Montreal before now. Deane. I wish that whatever Money is collected, may be sent along to Schuyler. E. Rutledge. We have been represented as beggarly fellows, and the first Impressions are the strongest. If We eat their Provisions and dont pay, it will make a bad Impression. Ross. Produces a Resolve of the Assembly of Pensylvania that their Delegates lay the Connecticutt Intrusion before Congress, that something may be done to quiet the Minds.(6) J. Rutledge moves that the Papers be referr'd to the Delegates of the two Colonies. Willing. Thinks them Parties and that they must have an Umpire. Sherman. Thinks they may agree on a temporary Line. Lee. Moves that Parliamentary or ministerial Post may be stopp'd, as a constitutional Post is now established from N.H. to G.(7) Langdon 2d ts] the Motion. Willing. Thinks it is interfering with that Line of Conduct which we have hitherto prescribed to ourselves-it is going back beyond the Year 1763. Lee. When the Ministry are mutilating our Correspondence in England, and our Enemies here are corresponding for our ruin, shall We not stop the ministerial Post. Willing. Looks upon this to be one of the offensive Measures which are improper at this Time-it will be time enough to throw this aside when the Time comes that we shall throw every Thing aside-at present We dont know but there may be a Negociation. Dyer. We have already superceeded the Act of Parliament effectually. Deane is for a Recommendation to the People to write by the constitutional Post, not forbid a Man to ride. S. Adams thinks it a defensive Measure, and advising People not

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to write by it, looks too cunning for me. I am for stopping the Correspondence of our Enemies. Langdon. Administration are taking every Method to come at our Intentions, why should not we prevent it. Duane. I shall vote vs. it. It may be true that We are come to the Time when We are to lay aside all. I think there should be a full Representation of the Colonies. N.C. should be here. Deane 2d[s] the Motion for postponing it. Zubly. The Necessity of this Measure does not appear to me. If We have gone beyond the Line of 1763 and of defence without apparent Necessity it was wrong, if with Necessity right. I look upon the Invasion of Canada a very different Thing. I have a Right to defend myself vs. Persons who come vs. me, let em come from whence they will. We in G. have gain[ed] Intelligence by the K's Post that We could not have got any other Way. Some Gentlemen think all Merit lies in violent and unnecessary Measures. S. Adams. The Gentlemans Argument would prove that We should let the Post go into Boston. Moreton. Would not this stop the Packett. Would it not be ordered to Boston. Does the Packett bring any Intelligence to Us that is of Use? Lee. No Intelligence comes to Us, but constant Intelligence to our Enemies. Stone. Thinks it an innocent Motion, but is for postponing it, because he is not at present clear. He thinks that the setting up a new Post has already put down the old one. Paine. My opinion was that the Ministerial Post will die a natural death. It has been under a Languishment a great while. It would be Cowardice to issue a Decree to kill that which is dying. It brought but one Letter last time, and was obliged to retail Newspapers, to bear its Expences. I am very loath to say that this Post shall not pass. Lee. Is there not a Doctor Ld. North who can keep this Creature alive. R. R. Livingstone. I don't think that Tory Letters are sent by the Royal Post. I consider it rather as a Convenience than otherwise. We hear 5 times a Week from N.Y. The Letters upon our Table advise us to adopt every conciliatory Measure, that we may secure the Affections of the People of England. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:198-202. 1 Although these debates of October 7 represent the earliest formal discussion of the proposal to create an American navy, an issue in which he was greatly interested~ Adams did not record his own views in these notes of debates. But in a letter to James Warren this day he outlined his plans to open the ports of America and establish a naval defense, and years later, when writing his auto

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biography, he reviewed in detail the growth of Congress' interest in naval affairs during October and November 1775. See John Adams to James Warren, October 7, 1775; and Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 3:342-50. 2 For the text of the Rhode Island proposal for an American fleet, see JCC, 3 Congress this day "deferred" consideration of the subject until October 16 and subsequently postponed further debate until December 11. JCC, 3:281, 420. 4 The committee's report, as adopted, is in JCC, 3:281-82. 5 See JCC, 3:282-83. 6 See JCC, 3:283. For further explication of the Wyoming Valley controversy, see Silas Deane to Thomas Mumford, October 15, 1775. 7 The journals do not record a separate discussion on this subject this day. JCC 3:281-83.

John Adams to Abigail Adams

My dear Philadelphia Octr. 7th. 1775 Yesterday, by the Post, I received yours of Septr. 25th., and it renewed a Grief and Anxiety, that was before almost removed from my Mind. Two days before I had the Pleasure of a very valuable Letter from Coll. Quincy, in which he kindly informed me that you and Our Family were so much better that you and my dear Nabby had made a Visit at his House: and Mr. Williams, who brought the Letter acquainted me that he had been to Braintree after the Date of it, that you was in good Spirits, that Tommy was so much better as to be playing abroad, and that he hoped Patty was not dangerous: you will easily believe that this Information gave me great Pleasure and fine Spirits: It really relieved me from a heavy Load: But your last Letter has revived my Concern. I will still hope however that your excellent Mother will yet be spared for a Blessing to her Family and an Example to the World.(1) I build my Hopes of her Recovery, upon the Advantage of a Constitution whicll has hitherto sustained so many Attacks and upon a long Course of exact Temperance which I hope has deprived the Distemper of its most dangerous food and Fuel. However, our Lives are not in our own Power. It is our Duty to submit. "The Ways of Heaven are dark and intricate." Its designs are often inscrutable, But are always wise and just and good. It was long before I had the least Intimation of the Distress of the Family, and I fear, that your not receiving so many Letters from me as usual may have been one Cause of Infelicity to you. Really, my dear, I have been more cautious than I used to be. It is not easy to know whom to trust, in these times, and if a Letter from any Person in the situation I am in, can be laid hold of, there are so many Lies made and told about it, so many false Copies taken and dispersed, and so many false Constructions put, that one ought to be cautious. The Situation of Things, is so alarming, that it is our Duty to pre-

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pare our Minds and Hearts for every Event, even the Worst. From my earliest Entrance into Life, I have been engaged in the public Cause of America: and from first to last I have had upon my Mind, a strong Impression, that Things would be wrought up to their present Crisis. I saw from the Beginning that the Controversy was of such a Nature that it never would be settled, and every day convinces me more and more. This has been the source of all the Disquietude of my Life. It has lain down and rose up with me these twelve Years. The Thought that we might be driven to the sad Necessity of breaking our Connection with G.B. exclusive of the Carnage and Destruction which it was easy to see must attend the separation, always gave me a great deal of Grief. And even now, I would chearfully retire from public life forever, renounce all Chance for Profits or Honours from the public, nay I would chearfully contribute my little Property to obtain Peace and Liberty. But all these must go and my Life too before I can surrender the Right of my Country to a free Constitution. I dare not consent to it. I should be the most miserable of Mortals ever after, whatever Honours or Emoluments might surround me. RC (MHi). Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 1:294-96. ' 1 Elizabeth Quincy Smith died on October 1. Ibid, pp. 293-94.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr sir Philadelphia Octr. 7th. 1775 The Debates, and Deliberations in Congress are impenetrable Secrets: but the Conversations in the City, and the Chatt of the Coffee house, are free, and open. Indeed I wish We were at Liberty to write freely and Speak openly upon every Subject, for their is frequently as much Knowledge derived from Conversations and .Correspondence, as from Solemn public Debates. A more intricate and complicated Subject never came into any Mans thoughts, than the Trade of America.(1) The Questions that arise, when one thinks of it, are very numerous. If The Thirteen united Colonies Should immediately Surcease all Trade with every Part of the World, what would be the Consequence? In what manner, and to what degree, and how Soon, would it affect, the other Parts of the World? How would it affect G. B., Ireland, the English West India Islands, the French, the Dutch, the Danish, the Spanish West India Islands? How would it affect the Spanish Empire on the Continent? How would it affect the Brazills and Portuguese Settlements in America? If it is certain that it would distress Multitudes in these Countries, does it therefore follow that it

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would induce any foreign Court to offer Us Assistance, and to ask us for our Trade or any Part of it? If it is questionable whether foreign States would venture upon Such Steps, which would perhaps be Violations of Treaties of Peace, and certainly would light up a War in Europe, is it certain that Smugglers, by whom I mean private Adventurers belonging to foreign Nations, would come here, through all the Hazards they must run. Could they be suffered to clear out for America in their own Custom houses? Would they not run the risque of Seizure from their own Custom house officers, or of Capture from their own Men of War? Would they not be liable to be visited by British Men of War, in any Part of the ocean, and if found to have no Clearances be seized? When they arrive on any Part of the Coast of N. America, would they not be seized by Brittish Cutters, Cruizers, Tenders, Frigates without Number: [But] if their good Fortune should escape all these Risques, have We harbours or Rivers, sufficiently fortified, to insure them Security while here? In their Return to their own Country would they not have the Same Gauntlett to run. In Short, if We stop our own ships, have We even a Probability that the ships of foreign Nations, will run the Venture to come here, either with or without the Countenance and Encouragement of their Severall Courts or States public or private open or secret? It is not easy for any Man precisely and certainly to answer tllis question. We must then say all this is uncertain. Suppose then We assume an intrepid Countenance, and Send Ambassadors at once to foreign Courts. What Nation shall We court? Shall We go to the Court of France, or the Court of Spain, to the States General of the United Provinces? to the Court of Lisbon, to the Court of Prussia, or Russia, or Turkey, or Denmark, or where, to any, one, more, or all of these? If We Should is there a Probability, that Our Ambassadors would be received, or so much as heard or seen by any Man or Woman in Power at any of these Courts. He might possibly, if well skill'd in intrigue, his Pocketts well filled with Money and his Person Robust and elegant enough, get introduced to some of the Misses, and Courtezans in keeping of the Statesmen in France, but wd not that be all. An offer of the Sovereignty of this Country to France or Spain would be listened to no doubt by Either of those Courts, but We should Suffer any Thing before We shd offer this. What then can We offer? An Alliance, a Treaty of Commerce? What Security could they have that We should keep it. Would they not reason thus. These People intend to make Use of Us to establish an Independency but the Moment they have done it: Britain will make Peace with them, and leave Us in the Lurch and We have more to dread from an alliance Between Britain and the United Colonies as an independent state, than We have now they are under one corrupted Administra-

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tion. Would not Spain reason in the Same manner, and say further, our Dominions in South America will be soon a Prey to these Enterprizing and warlike Americans, the Moment they are an independent State. Would not our Proposals and Agents be treated with Contempt! And if our Proposals were made and rejected, would not this sink the Spirits of our own People, Elevate our Enemies and disgrace Us in Europe. If then, it will not be Safe to Stop our own Ships entirely, and trust to foreign Vessells coming here either with or without Convoy of Men of War, belonging to foreign States, what is to be done? Can our own People bear a total Cessation of Commerce? Will not Such Numbers be thrown out of Employment, and deprived of their Bread, as to make a large discontented Party? Will not the Burthen of supporting these Numbers, be too heavy upon the other Part of the Community? Shall We be able to maintain the War, wholly without Trade? Can We support the Credit of our Currency, without it? If We must have Trade how Shall We obtain it? There is one Plan, which alone, as it has ever appeared to me, will answer the End in some Degree, at first. But this is attended with So many Dangers to all Vessells, certain Loss to many, and So much Uncertainty upon the whole, that it is enough to make any Man, thoughtfull. Indeed it is looked upon So wild, extravagant and romantic, that a Man must have a great deal of Courage, and much Indifference to common Censure, who should dare to propose it. "God helps those who help themselves," and it has ever appeared to me since this unhappy Dispute began, that We had no Friend upon Earth to depend on but the Resources of our own Country, and the good sense and great Virtues of our People. We shall finally be obligd to depend upon ourselves. Our Country furnished a vast abundance of materials for Commerce. Foreign Nations have great Demands for them. If We should publish an Invitation to any one Nation or more, or to all Nations, to send their ships here, and let our Merchants inform theirs that We have Harbours where the Vessells can lie in Safety, I conjecture that many private foreign Adventurers would find Ways to send Cargoes here thro all the Risques without Convoys. At the Same Time our own Merchants would venture out with their Vessells and Cargoes, especially in Winter, and would run thro many Dangers, and in both these Ways together, I should hope We might be supplied with Necessaries. All this however Supposes that We fortify and defend our own Harbours and Rivers. We may begin to do this. We may build Row Gallies, flatt bottomed Boats, floating Batteries, Whale Boats, Vesseaux de Frize, nay Ships of War, how many, and how large I cant Say. To talk of coping Suddenly with G. B. at Sea would be Quixot-

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ism indeed. But the only Question with me is can We defend our Harbours and Rivers? If We can We can trade.(2) RC (MHi). In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 Adams' later recollections of the debates on this subject are in his autobiography. Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 3:327-29. 2 It is unclear whether the letter ended here or part of the MS is missing.

Samuel Adams to James Warren

Dear sir, Philade Octob 7 1775 Yesterday Capt Read arrivd here from London which place he left the 5th of August and Falmouth the 11 th. He brings Advice that there is not the least Appearance of a Relaxation of ministerial Measures-That the speaks of them with the utmost Satisfaction-that 2000 Troops are raising to be sent to America immediately, either to Boston or New York. The Parliament is to meet in November when a Bill will be brought in to enable our most gracious Sovereign to send for & employ 16000 Hessians, to subdue his subjects in America. The Necessity of the times requires the utmost Activity and Vigor on this side of the Atlantick. Pray get ready our Colony Accounts with all convenient Speed. I am now in Congress and can add no more than that I am with the warmest Affection your Friend Saml Ad[ams] RC (MHi).

Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane

My Dear Philada Octo 7th 1775 J Webb tells Me you talk of not coming to See me. I don't know but you are in the right of it, for my Business here will give Me no Time to wait on You except between the hours of Ten at Night, and seven in the Morning, out of which if we borrow from Sleep it will not be much. I rise at Six, write untill Seven dress & breakfast by Eight go to the Committee of Claims untill Ten, then in Congress untill half past Three or perhaps four-Dine by five, & then go either to the Committee of Secrecy, or of Trade untill Nine, then Sup & go to Bed by Eleven. This leaves little Room for diversion, or any thing else, and to Tell You the Truth I expect this kind of Life must be my Lot for some time I shall however Steal Away & meet You at New York unless my Brother to whom I have wrote, or J. Webb will wait on You quite down. I think it will be for the Interest of one or both

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to be here just at this Time. You have Wrote Me but Two Letters since I left home. Love to all. I am yours S D RC (CtHi).

John Hancock to Philip Schuyler

Sir Philadelphia Octr. 7th 1775 By Intelligence received from England and laid before the Congress on the 5th Instant,(1) we are well assured that two North Country Briggs were dispatched from England to Quebec on the 11th of August with a very large Quantity of Arms, Ammunition and Cloathing. If you should be happy enough to possess yourself of Montreal, it is the earnest Desire of the Congress, that you take Measures if those Vessels should arrive, to seize them and secure their Cargoes for the Use of the Continent. It is also the Desire of the Congress that you secure for the same purpose all Military Stores belonging to the King. I am also to inform you that we have Intelligence that Administration are obstinately determined to pursue every Measure in their power to subjugate the Colonies, and in Order to execute their purpose, they have determined to send over five more Regiments viz: 17th, 27th, 28th, 46th & 55th to New York. Their plan is that these Troops "with the assistance of Governor Tryon, who is much relied [on] for the purpose to get immediate possession of New York and Albany-to fill both these Cities with very strong Garrisons-to declare all Rebels, who do not join the King's Forces-to command the Hudson and East Rivers, with a Number of small Men of War and Cutters stationed in different parts of it so as wholly to cut off all Communication by Water between New York & the provinces to the Northward of it, and between New York and Albany except for the King's Service & to prevent also all Communication between the City of New York and the provinces of Jersey Pennsylvania and those to the Southward of them. By these Means Adm--- n and their Friends fancy that they shall soon either starve out or retake the Garrisons of Ticonderoga & Crown Point and open and maintain a safe Intercourse and Correspondence between Quebec Albany and New York & thereby afford the fairest Opportunity to their Soldiery and Canadians in Conjunction with the indians to be procured by G[uy] J[ohnson] to make continual Irruptions into New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Connecticut and so distract and divide the provincial Forces as to render it easy for the British Army at Boston to defeat them, break the Spirit of the Massachusetts people, depopulate their Country and compel

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an absolute Subjection to Great Britain. Another good Effect to be deduced from this extensive plan as Government apprehend is that as New York will by this Method be prevented from supplying the Massachusetts army near Boston with Flour &c as they have heretofore done through the Medium of Connecticut: and the New Jersey and Pennsylvania people will not be able to transport provisions across the Country: and as the Colony of Connecticut does not raise Corn sufficient for the Supply of herself & the Massachusetts Bay, the Inhabitants and Troops of this province must inevitably of Course by [be] in a short Time destroyed by Diseases & Famine, and to this Train of Facts let me add, That in Consequence of Genl. Gage's desire brought by Capt. Chad one hundred flat Bottomed Boats are at present building at Deptford &c in Order to be sent immediately to America. But for what particular purpose I have not yet been able to learn. Many American Gentlemen have however been lately asked by a Lord high in the American Department, what sized vessels can go loaded from hence to Albany? What is the Depth of Water at the Overslaw. I think that is the Name of the shallowest place in the North River Whether the ship belonging to Albany in the London Trade is always obliged to unload part of her Cargo before she can get to Albany and what proportion of it? Whether if Batteries were erected at the Highlands, they would not prevent Vessels from going up and down the North River? and where it would be the best place on that River to hinder the New Jersey people &c. from sending Flour &c. in the Winter through Connecticut to the Massachusetts Army. These are the proposed Operations to the Northward." I hope the Success of the Enterprize you are engaged [in] and the happy Change in the Disposition of the Canadians & Indians will disappoint and defeat the infernal purposes of administration. Your Letters of the 25th & 28th Ult. have been laid before the Congress.(2) Measures are taking to collect a Quantity of Gold and Silver, which when collected will be sent to you by the safest & speediest Conveyance, when I shall again address you. I am with great Esteem Sir Yonr very humble Servant John Hancock President Tr (NN). 1 On the nature of this "Intelligence," and for the provenance of that section of this letter enclosed in quotation marks, see Hancock to George Washington October 5, 1775, 2d letter, note 1. 2 Schuyler's letters to Hancock of September 25 and 28, together with accompanying enclosures, are in PCC, item 153, 1:166-79; and Am.Archives, 4th ser. 3:796-98, 826-27.

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New Hampshire Delegates to Matthew Thornton

Sr. Philade. 7th Octob. 1775 We wrote you a few days since fully Desiring the Acct. of our Supplies, to be forwarded immediately as also the Number of inhabitants, as soon as may be. This Serves Chiefly, to inclose a Resolve of the Congress, which we were order'd to forward to the Several Conventions immediately that they might take Such Spirited measures as to them, Might Seem Meet.(1) By the last Advices from London the Ministry Seem wickedly inclined to burn more towns, therefore we would humbly Suggest the propriety of Secure our Sea port, as thereby we should not only Secure the Capital, but prevent the Sons of Depredation, from Ravageg the country, and thereby compleatg their Diabolical Designs. By Express Just Arrived from Gen. Schuyler We are likely soon to be in possession of St. John's and Canada, as the former is held Besiged by our Troops, and the Canadians join us, the Indians are also Friendly. We are Sr. with Respect Yor most H.O. Servts Josiah Bartlett John Langdon RC (Nh-Ar) . Written by Langdon and signed by Bartlett and Langdon. 1 Probably the resolve of October 6 recommending the arrest of every person "whose going at large may . . . endanger the safety of the colony, or the liberties of America." JCC, 3:280.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 7, 1775] 7th. Letters from N. York read. Consideration of Rhode [Islan]d Ins [t] r [uctions] to be heard next Monday week. The Money order'd for the Goods.(1) Reprt of the Comee. who took into Consideration the Letter relative to Fortification on Hudsons river accepted & recommendn to the provinc[ial] Congress accordingly.(2) Genl. Wooster order'd (unless counter order'd by Genl. Schuyler) to come down to the Highlands leave as many Troops as the Managers of the Works think necessary & repair with the remainder to New York. Dispute between Pennsylvanians & Connect[icut] People referred to [their?] Delegates to reprt on Monday next. Agreed to resolve into a Comee. on Monday to consider the state of Trade. Letters from Colo. Morris & Mr. Willson referred to next Monday. MS (RHi) 1 Congress appointed a committee on September 23 to purchase £5,000 sterling

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worth of woolens for the Continental Army and this day resolved to order the Continental treasurers to provide the money to pay for these goods. JCC, 3:260. 2 see JCCs 3:281-82.

John Adams to James Warren

Dear Sir October the 8. 1775 You will not think your Time misspent in Perusing any Plans for the service of your Country, even altho they may prove, upon Examination chimerical. There are two Channells only, through which Vessells of large Burthen, can pass, to and from Boston: one is between the West Head of Long Island and the Moon: It is a mile wide, but incumbered with Rocks and too shallow for a Man of War of more than twenty Guns. The other is between Long Island and Deer Island, a mile and a half from Point to Point, the only Channell, thro which capital Ships can pass, leads through the Narrows, between Gallops Island and Lovells Island where it is not wider, than the length of a fifty Gun Ship. In the Interval between Gallops and George's, is Nantaskett Road where, five Men of War are now Stationed: for what other Encl, do you Suppose, than to guard the Narrows from being obstructed? The Moon communicates with Squantum, at low Water, even without a Canoe. A Fort, therefore, upon Squantum, may be so placed as to secure a Retreat from the Moon to Squantum and from that to the Main: one upon the East Head of the Moon, and another on the West Head of Long Island, secures the Communication, and covers a Retreat from the latter to the former: Another, on the Summit of Long Island, covers the shore on each Side. A strong Battery at the East Head of Long Island, commands the Ship Channell, the Narrows, and Nantaskett Road. Consequently by Sinking Hulks or Vesseaux de Frise, in the Narrows, We might prevent any Vessell of great Force from going out, or coming in. In the Month of February last, "a Plan of the Town and Chart of the Harbour of Boston," was published in London-I think in a Magazine. I wish you would examine this Project by that Plan, and give me your opinion. I dont trouble Washington with any of these Schemes, because 1 dont wish to trouble him with any Thing to no Purpose. But if I could command a Thousand Tons of Powder, and an hundred Pieces of heavy Cannon I would Scribble to him till he would be weary of me. Mean Time It may not be amiss for me to amuse myself with some of my Friends, in Speculations of this kind, because some good may Some time or other Result from them.

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Can no use be made of Rowe Gallies, with you? Eight or Ten are compleated here. Can they be used in the Vineyard Sound? Would not their heavy Metal demolish a Cruizer now and then? There is a Shipwright escaped from Boston, who [has] been several Years a Prisoner in a Turkish Galley, and has a Model of one. Coll. Quincy knows him. Or I could procure you Directions from this Place, how to construct them. We have just received by an express from Schuyler, very promising Intelligence concerning the operations of the Northern Army. Ethan Allen are in the Heart of the Country joined by 200 Canadians. Montgomery was beginning to bombard St Johns. If We should be successful in that Province, a momentous, political Question arises. What is to be done with it? A Government will be necessary for the Inhabitants of Canada, as for those of the Massachusetts Bay? and what Form of Government, shall it be? Shall the Canadians choose an House of Representatives, a Council and a Governor? It will not do to govern them by Martial Law, and make our General Governor. This will be disrelished by them as much as their new Parliamentary Constitution or their old French Government. Is there Knowledge and Understanding enough among them, to elect an assembly, which will be capable of ruling them and then to be governed by it-who shall constitute their Judges and civil Officers? This appears to me as serious a Problem as any We shall have to solve.(1) When I was at Watertown, a Comtee. of both Houses was appointed to Correspond with Us. We have not recd any Letter from it. Another was appointed to enquire after Virgin Lead and leaden ore and the Methods of making Salt and acquaint Us with their Discoveries. We have not heard from this Comtee. Please to send the enclosed News Paper to my Wife, when you have read it. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 The remainder of this paragraph, six lines of text, has been inked out.

Richard Henry Lee to George Washington

Dear Sir, Philadelphia 8th Octr. 1775 A Ship in 7 weeks from London brings us pretty perfect intelligence of the infernal designs of our Ministerial enemies,(1) as you will see by the inclosures in Dr. Shippens letter. I believe they are the most perfect that could be obtained, and so may be much relied on.

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God grant our successes at Boston and in Canada may disappoint and thereby ruin these fatal foes to the liberty and happiness of the British empire. My love, if you please, to Gen. Lee, Mifflin, Griffen and my other friends with you. May heaven preserve you, and give your Army success in the most glorious cause that was ever contended for by human nature. I am dear Sir your affectionate friend and obedient Servant Richard Henry Lee RC (DLC). 1 See John Hancock to Washington, October 5, 1775, 2d letter. Silas Deane's Diary Monday Octo. 8th [i.e. 9th, 1775]. At Congress. At Committee buying goods.(1) Exp[ence]s 2/. MS (CtHi), CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964): 96A. 1 Probably the committee appointed on September 23 to purchase woolens for clothing the army. On October 7 Congress ordered the continental treasurers to pay this committee £5,000 sterling for that purpose. JCC, 3:260, 281.

New York Provincial Convention

Gentlemen Philadelphia, Octor. 9th, 1775. Your Letters of the 6th inst. have been laid before Congress. They have issued an order for One Ton of Powder to be Sent to New York, but I am directed to inform you, if you can with safety spare it or any part, it is the wish of Congress you would immediately forward it to General Schuyler.(1) In Answer to your Letter Respecting the Brig[antin]e Mary, Capt Wallace, which put into your port to Repair, I am order'd to Acquaint you, that the Congress Recommend that she proceed on her Voyage with the Cargo after being Refitted.(2) In Consequence of your Letter to Congress Inclosing a plan & Estimate of the Fort Erecting on the Highlands of North River, I now Inclose you the Resolution of Congress thereon to which Refer you. I also Inclose you a Resolve of Congress respecting those who are in your Opinion dangerous by being at large, to which also Refer you.(3) Your proposall inclos'd respecting the Importation of Gunpowder

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is submitted to a committee-the resolution of Congress thereon shall be transmitted you.(4) I have wrote Genl Wooster, at Albany, by order of Congress, to proceed to the Fort now building at North River, & there leave as many of his Troops as the Conductor of the Works shall think necessary to Expedite the Works, & with the Remainder to proceed to New York & there Remain. By Desire of your Delegates I inclose you some Extracts of Letters from London, laid before Congress. I am Gentlemen Your most Obedt sev[. John Hancock Presidt. RC (N). Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:5. RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr. 1 See JCC, 3:284. The New York Provincial Congress' letters of October 6 are in PCC, item 67, 1:91-95; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:971-72, 1272-74. 2 On the case of Capt. Robert Wallace, see the New York Provincial Congress' second letter to Congress of October 6 in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:972, 1273-74. There is no mention in the journals of any action on this matter. 3 For these resolves see JCC, 3:280, 281-82. 4 The New York Provincial Congress' proposal for procuring gunpowder is in a letter to Congress of October 4. with accompanying enclosure, on which see JCC, item 67, 1:79-83; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:944. Congress referred the matter to the Secret Committee this day. JCC, 3:286.

John Hancock to Philip Schuyler

Sir, Philada. Octr 9th. 1775. The enclosed Intelligence (1) was designed to be forwarded on the Day of its Date, but the Arrival of fresh Advices from you prevented it. I now by order of Congress enclose you sundry Resolutions, entered into by them the 14th. of Sepr. last respecting the Appointment of Mr. Stringer as Director of the Hospital and Chief Physician, and several other Orders respecting the Hospital, and a Direction to the commissary to pay Doctr. Stringer the Amount of Costs of Medicines purchased by him for the Use of the Army and Orders that the Commissary furnish such other Medicines as you shall direct.(2) I am directed by the Congress to inform you that if you judge it necessary, they approve of your appointing a suitable Person for a Brigade Major in your Department. Your several Letters have been duely laid before Congress, and are now under the Consideration of a Committee;(3) as soon as they report, and the Congress have come to Resolutions thereupon, the Result shall be immediately transmitted to you. But they have directed me to forward to you by this Express under the Escort of two of the

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light Horse of this City what Silver and Gold can be collected in the Time, least you should be in Want; and 1 have accordingly sent you six Thousand three Hundred and sixty four Pounds Philada. Currency. A further Sum will be forwarded you by the Express that carries you the Resolutions of Congress on the various Parts of your Letters which will be dispatched in a few Days. I have Nothing further in Charge from Congress to communicate. I hope your next will give us the pleasing Account of the Restoration of your Health.(4) That you may have the full Enjoyment of that Blessing, and that Success may crown your Expedition is the Wish of. Sir. your most obedt. hble Servt. J.H. Prest. [P.S.] You will please to acknowledge the Receipt of the Money. Enclosed is the Invo. of the Money. LB (DNA: PCC, item 12A) . 1 Not found but perhaps the same intelligence from England discussed in Hancock to George Washington, October 5, 1775, 2d letter, note 2. 2 See JCC, 2:24950. 3 See JCC, 3:284-85. 4 Richard Henry Lee also wrote to Schuyler this day, expressing his concern for the general's health, stressing the importance of securing Canada, and infonning him of large stores of ammunition and clothing coming to Quebec from London. Typescript summary of Richard Henry Lee to Schuyler, October 9, 1775, Schuyler Papers, NN.

John Hancock to David Wooster

Sir, Philada. Octr. 19th [i.e. 9th] 1775 (1) General Schuyler having by Letter informed the Congress that he believed he should have no Occasion to employ the Troops under your Command, I am desired by the Congress to direct that you immediately proceed with the Troops under your Command to the Batteries erecting on the Highlands in North River, and there leave as many of your Troops, as in the opinion of the Conductor will be necessary for expediting the Completion of the Works there, and that you repair with the Remainder of the Troops to New York, and there continue until further Orders from the Congress.(2) But in Case you should have any Orders from Genl. Schuyler, previous to the Receipt of this, to join the Army under his Command, or in any Way to be aiding to his Expedition, you are wholly to conform yourself to his Directions, the above Orders of Congress notwithstanding. I am &c J.H. Prest. LB (DNA: PCC, item 12A) .

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1 The location of this letter in Hancock's letterbook and the date of the resolution of Congress alluded to by Hancock indicate that the president composed this letter on October 9, not October 19. JCC, item 12A, 1:12. 2 The letter in question from Schuyler was written September 28, but the dedsion to reassign Wooster was made by Congress October 7. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:826-27: and JCC, 3:282-83.

President of the New Jersey Provincial Congress

Sir [October 9, 1775] The Continental Congress have this Day Agreed to Recommend to the Jersey Congress to Raise two Battallions for one year to Consist of 8 Companys of 68 Men to be sent to New York as soon as raised where it is expected their Assistance may be Wanted this Winter or early in the Spring. In Case the present Unhappy differences should be soon Settled & they discharged sooner the Men to receive one Months pay extra ordinary. The Troops hitherto raised in any of the Colonys have had the Appointment of the Colonells and All the Inferier Offficers and the Men 50 Shillings per Month. It is Voted by the Congress that 5 Dollars per Month should be paid to the Jersey Troops and we have had a Considerable Debate whether the provincial Congresses Should have the Appointment of the field Officers of the Regiment or only the Captains & the Offficers downward. The Reason of Lessening the pay is The Expences of the Continent are so enormous and so beyond the Abilitees to pay that the Congress propose to Lessen All the pay after December. Whether the Last proposition will take place or not is Undetermined that is Whether the Continental Congress or the Several provincial Congresses shall Appoint the Regimental field officers. (From what has Already past in Congress We believe the Majority of the Congress will incline to take the Appointment of the field officers of the Regiments into their Owtl hands. Whether the New England Colonies will submitt to that Inclination We doubt.) We beg the favor of You to lay this before the New Jersey Congress and Request of them to Return an Answer to the Continental Congress Whether on these Terms the Troops Can be had in Jersey and Whether the Congress will putt the Recommendation in practice.(1) As Delegates of New Jersey We think it our Duty to state these Facts for Your Consideration without any Observation of Our Own Not doubting but that You will bestow the proper Consideration on

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the subject and Come to that Determination which Your Duty and the Common Interest Dictate. You will receive We Expect a Letter from the president inclosing the Minutes of the Continental Congress relating to this Matter which will More particularly Mention the Terms. We are with great Respect Your Frds and Serts Js Kinsey Wil: Livingston MS not found; reprinted from Burnett, Lcttcrs, 1:223-24. 1 At first the New Jersey Provincial Congress was reluctant to grant Congress the appointment of field officers for the colony's battalions, but in time a compromise was reached whereby the provincial congress submitted nominees which Congress then approved. See JCC, 3:289, 335; Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1050-51, 1240; and William Livingston to William Alexander, November 8,1775.

New York Provincial Convention

Gent. Philadelphia 9th Octor. l775. We recd. your favour of the 4th. inst[an]t (1) containing an account of the troops raised in our Colony; of which we shall make the proper use. The Congress approve highly of your diligence in the erection of fortifications on Hudsons River, you will I believe receive by this conveyance their sentiments on this subject, as well as extracts of some letters that shew its propriety, & the designs of administration against us. We sincerely lament the necessity to which the want of gun powder may reduce us, & have endeavoured as far as lies in our power to remove it by procuring you at the continental expence one ton, which was all that could be obtained. You will take care not to forward this, unless you know how to supply yourselves, for it is not the design of the Congress that you should at any time be intirely at the mercy of your enemy.(2) We shall take care to get your artillery company put upon a proper footing, in which we apprehend no difficulty. As to the want of Cloathing for our troops, we are not without hopes that may be provided for in Canada, of which we cannot but flatter ourselves they will shortly be in possession. We remain Gent with the greatest respect Your Most Obt. Hum. Servt. Phil. Livingston Jas. Duane

John Alsop Robt R. Livingston Junr.

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RC (N). Written by Robert R. Livingston, Jr., and signed by Livingston, Alsop, Duane, and Philip Livingston, Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:18. RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr. 1 For this letter, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:126849. 2 This day Congress resolved that James Duane procure a ton of gunpowder for the New York Provincial Convention from the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety and that the New York body forward as much of it as could be spared to General Schuyler. JCC, 3:284.

Robert Treat Paine's Diary

[October 9, 1775] Fair. Congress sat again in State House. MS (MHi)

Rhode Island Delegates to Nicholas Cooke

Sir Philadelphia 9th Octr. 1775 By a Number of Letters from England & the public Papers it clearly appears that Administration is determined upon the most sanguinary & violent Measures. We ought to be prepared for the worst, The Town of Providence We hope is secure if not We would advise to such additional works as the Fall will admit & necessity requires The People in Newport We hope have secured their best Effects in Places of Safety. We think indeed that it would be for theirs & their Countrys Interest that they should abandon the Town. We are afraid dike the unhappy People of Boston) that they will stay too long. We doubt not but your best Endeavours will be used to secure as much as possible every Part of the Colony. The ministry depends much upon Canada. Their Plan by the best Intelligence is to take Possession of New York, Hudsons River & Albany keep open a Communication with Canada, cut off all Intercourse between New England & the other Colonies sett the Canadians & Indians upon our Frontiers, and arm all our domestic Enemies against Us. Govr. Martin & Lord Dunmore have been indefatigable this last Way & Lord Wm. Campbell Govr. of So. Carolina being suspected of such Intentions pledged his Word & Honor that there was not a Word of Truth in the Charge, since which they have the fullest Proof of his Guilt, He hath taken Shelter on board a Man of War with one of his Agents, the People are in Pursuit of the others. Things grow daily more serious, Our Enemies are making their greatest Efforts, let not this discourage but animate Us to double our

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Vigilence & exert every Nerve in the Service of our Country. Upon Motion that it should be recommended to the Convention of Virginia to arrest & secure Lord Dunmore a general Resolution was come into a Copy of which is inclosed.(1) This as to our Colony is a matter of great Delicacy especially in New port. Some Letters advise to the seizing all Govrs. & crown officers on the Continent as the surest Way to preserve our maritime Towns. Whether such a measure would have that happy Effect or precipitate an Attack upon them You who are upon the Spot & well acquainted with the State of the Colony in all Respects can best determine. New Hampshire some time since seized the Money in the public Treasury. She has lately disarmed all the Torries & crown officers. Connecticut disarmed two whole Towns, other Colonies have seized public Money's & Supplied them to provincial Uses. We are clear that such measures when necessary for the public Safety are perfectly justifiable. As to this particular Matter We submit it wholly to your Honor only suggesting whether it will not be best to keep the inclosed matter Secret save from a few trusty Friends until the next assembly, & then communicate it under the strongest Injunctions of Secresy that our Enemies may get no Knowledge of it & that such Measures may be taken as the public Safety shall require. May infinte Wisdom direct & prosper all your Councils. By Letters from Genl. Schuyler of 19th Sepr. We are informed that the American Troops had surrounded St. Johns & cut off the Enemies Communication with Montreal; before this Time We hope they are in Possession of both for as our People are joined by the Canadians they will have nobody to contend with but the few Regulars in that Country; by these happy Acquisitions to which We hope Quebec will be soon added We shall altogether disappoint the most favourite Plan of the Ministry. We are, with great Regard Sir your most obedient hble Servants Step Hopkins Sam. Ward [P.S.] By other Letters by express from St. John's of the 24 Sept. we are informed our Troops were Masters of Chamblee began to play on St. John's and in two Days expected to be in possession of it. Many Canadians having then joined them and our Success seemed to be certain in that Quarter.(2) S Hopkins RC (RHi). Body of letter written by Ward and signed by Ward and Hopkins. Postscript written and signed by Hopkins. 1 see JCC, 3:280. 2 In reality Fort Chambly did not surrender to American forces under General Montgomery until October 17, nor st. Johns until November 2. Gustave Lanctot, Canada & the American Revolution, 177+-1783, trans. Margaret M. Cameron (Toronto and Vancouver: Clarke, Irwin & co., 1967), pp. 90-91.

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Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney

Sir Philadelphia Monday Octr. 9th 1775 I Received your letter by Mr. Barrett dated the 2d of Octr., but rather Suppose it was dated the 3d, wherein you inclosed me a list of the Poles, which gives me an Oppertunity to Congratulate You on Your Safe arrival uppon the Stage of Honor, Trouble, Expense and Abuse.(1) Therefore Would advise you to be Carefull to deserve as much of the first Article as your Station affords, and to be Equally Carefull not to Seek or deserve either of the latter; for they will come, when they will come, and Let me tell You that it is Honorable for a man to be puncktual in the discharge of Every public Trust, Therefore Expect to See all the Representatives for Kent, at Newcastle on the 20th of this Instant, and not be dropping in, for a week following the day they ought to have met. As it is a verry great disadvantage to me to be so much from my private Concerns, I hope therefore you will between this and your Coming to Newcastle, put All my business as well as your own upon the best footing you possibly Can, or Else when both are away We Shall doubly Suffer. I am Sorry Circumstances turned out so Contrary [o your Good intentions toward John Bullen. But Your Carrying Sipple so near him as to put it in the power of the others to Shoot him ahead Certainly Broke your Scheme with Respect to him-for tho it was Just and Right that Bullen (according to your party Agrement) Should have the Commission, Yet as those Manuveries of party are, and Ought to be unknown to a Governor, and as it is a Just Rule of Conduct in him to give the Commission to the highest in Vote [s], I Could not Serve Bullen unless I had asked as a favour, which (I dare say you will be of opinion with me) would have been paying too dear for a Commission of no more importance than that of a Coroner. You may perhaps have it in Your power to take better Care of him another time. But we Shall talk More of this another time. On Fryday about Eleven O'CLOCK at night Doctor. Kearsly of this City was Seized by Order of the Committee of Observation,(2) for having wrote Letters to England injurious & distructive to us in the American Contest, and wicked with Respect to this City, and is now Confined in Goal Together with one Brooks who Came here with Governor Skeen, Mr. Carter an apothecary who was in partnership with Speakman, and one Mr. Snowden, all of whom were Aiding the Doctor. in his plan. You must know Kearsly has been a Considerable time Since Marked out as a thorough-paced Tory, for Which, together with his having Insulted the people he was (Since I Came to Town last) Carted through the Streets. But the offence for Which he is now Confined is thus Circumstanced. On Wednesday last A Ship

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Sailed out of this port for London, in Which Mr. Carter was going passenger. A few days before she Sailed, Young Dewees, son of the Sheriff went to pay Doctor. Kearsly Some Money and Comeing Suddenly in to his Room found him and Carter together, with a bundle of Papers before them, which they Hussel'd up in Seeming Confusion. This, with Kearsly's Tory Carrictor gave Dewees Suspition, and he Accordingly informed a few of the Committee Who kept the matter Secret, Let the Ship Sail, and the passengers go down to Chester by Land to go on Board. On Thursday Evening Which was the day the passengers Went, A Small party was Sent down to Chester. They Stayed there that night in Cogg [incognito] and see the passengers go on board next Morning. They then imediately pushed on board, Seized and Examined Mr. Carter who in a Little time told them that there were Several Letters from Doctor. Kearsly & Mr. Brooks, And one from Mr. Snowden, That he had the Charge of them, and was Concerned with them in the plan they had Concerted, But that the Letters were then in the Custody of a woman down in the Cabin, And that She had them Concealed in a pocket Sewed to the inside of her Shift-Tail, Where in fact they Soon after found them and Came back to Town (leaving Carter as they had promised Upon his Making a discovery of the Whole Matter on a Oath before Mr. Grayham at Chester) and then Seized the Authors. The Letters were to Lord Dartmouth and other Ministers of State, But under Cover to Misses McCawley. The Substance and design was pressing their Sending to Philadelphia five thousand Regulars, on Which Condition they would Engage five thousand more here to Join them, provided the Royal Standard Should be also Sent in, and Kearsly appointed to bear it, for that Great numbers of those who now wear Cockades & Uniform were hearty in the Ministerial Cause. That the Rest were a pack of Cowards for that he (Kearsly) had made above five thousand of them Run By Snapping a Single Pistol at them &c &c. They had with them for the use of the Ministry one of Joshua Fishers plans of Delaware Bay & River, whereon they had described the place Where the Chevaux Defreise's were fixed. Besides these and Many more Villinous Contrivances, they were takeing home the out-lines for a print to be Struck off in London, Shewing Kearsly's late Exhibition in the Cart, going through the Streets of Philadelphia with the Mob, many of Whom he undertakes particularly to discribe, to wit, Bradford &c. &c. many of whom were actually not there, and how he every now and then by Snapping his Pistol made them Run &c. His abuse of the Congress, Committees &c. (in his letters) is intolerable, Such as Rebels, Villians &c. After the Committee of Safety had Examined them and the Contents of the Letters, they Sent a Pilot Boat down the River to overtake the Ship, to bring up Carter, and to Search the Box of Letters and to bring all of them that they Sup-

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posed to be from, or to Suspicious persons. This Boat Returned Sunday afternoon, brought Carter and put him in Goal, and also brought a Number of Letters belonging to and wrote by other persons. The Committee of Safety has been Setting on these affairs all this day. But I have been so Closely Confined to Congress to day, that I don't yet know what they have done-or What others are accused. It is now near Eight at night and Mr. John David the bearer of this Sets out tomorrow Morning, therefore Shall only Tell you that I am Tolerable well and disire my love to our families, and Conclude Yrs. &c. Caesar Rodney P.S. I am grieved much for my Plow-horses which you say are Dead -But must bear it as well as I Can. RC (DeHi). 1 Thomas Rodney was elected a representative to the House of Assembly for the Three Lower Counties. Rodney, Letters (Ryden), p. 66n. 2 Dr. John Kearsley, James Brooks, Leonard Snowden, and Christopher Carter were arrested by the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety for conducting correspondence with British officials inimical to American liberties. On October 10, some of their captured papers were turned over to John Dickinson "for the perusal of the Continental Congress." Dickinson reported October 14 that the issue had been placed before Congress, which "declined making any particular order respecting them" and referred the committee of safety to a congressional resolve of October 6, a decision the committee of safety interpreted as a call to continue the confinement of Kearsley and Brooks. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1814 29, passim; and JCC, 3:280.

Secret Committee Contract

Philadelphia. Committee Chamber October 9th. 1775. Be it rembered that it is agreed by & between the following persons to wit Philip Livingston, John Alsop and Francis Lewis of the city of New York, merchants,(1) and Samuel Ward, John Langdon, Silas Deane, Thomas Willing & Thomas M'Kean Esquires a Quorum of the Committee of Secrecy appointed by the Honble Continental Congress for the Thirteen United Colonies of North America that a voyage or voyages shall be forthwith undertaken for the speedy procuring fifty tonns of powder twelve brass six pounds cannon a thousand stand of good soldiers muskets & bayonets and two thousand good double-bridled gun-locks and in case all the powder mentioned cannot be obtained then as much salt-petre & sulphur as will make the quantity that may be deficient-that the vessel or vessels shall be chartered for the use of the continental Colonies afsd. and a skilful & prudent supercargo or supercargoes employed by the said Philip Livingston, John Alsop & Francis Lewis at the expence of the

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said Colonies and that the said supercargoes may be allowed five percent commissions-that thirty six thousand dollars continental currency shall be forthwith advanced to them the said Messrs. Livingston, Alsop & Lewis,(2) for which they are hereafter to render an Account to the United Colonies who are to bear the whole risk of the afsd. adventure and that the said Messrs. Livingston, Alsop & Lewis shall be allowed for their trouble five per cent commissions on the first cost of the afsd. articles or as much of them as shall be delivered. All the articles mentioned are to be put on shore in some safe and convenient place in some of the United Colonies to the Eastward of Chesepeake-Bay and notice of the place given as soon as conveniently may be to a Quorum of the Committee of Secrecy for the time being. Witness our hands the day & year aforesaid. Phil. Livingston Sam. Ward Frans Lewis John Langdon John Alsop Silas Deane Thos. Willing Tho M'Kean MS (NHi). Written by McKean and signed by Alsop, Deane, Langdon, Lewis, Livingston, Ward, Willing, and McKean. 1 This day Congress referred to the Secret Committee a letter of October 4 from the New York Convention enclosing a New York merchant's proposal for obtaining gunpowder from the French West Indies. See Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:944; and JCC, 3:286. Since neither this contract nor the Secret Committee minutes of proceedings for this day mention the proposal, it is not known whether this contract was a direct outgrowth of that proposal. See "Journal of the Secret Committee," October 9, 1775. MH. 2 The order authorizing the exportation of wheat and flour to the value of $36,000, signed by Samuel Ward, Thomas McKean, Thomas Willing, John Langdon, and Silas Deane, and certified by President Hancock on October 9, 1775, is in the Rufus King Papers, NHi. Two other papers located with this order also bear upon the transaction. A receipt signed by Philip Livingston indicates that on October 11 he received $18,711 from George Clymer, continental treasurer, and that the balance of the $36,000 was to be paid to John Alsop. A set of notes that were apparently written years later in connection with the settlement of old accounts, states that Livingston, Alsop, and Lewis chartered the sloop Lucretia with Cornelius Haight as master, who took a cargo of flour to the West Indies and shipped 388 kegs of powder from St. Eustatius in December 1775.

Samuel Ward's Diary

Octr. 9th. [ 1775] A Letter from the Com [missary] relative to £500 advanced for Colo. Arnold & the Money orderd to be pd. accordingly.(1) Further Order for exchanging £20000 P[ennsylvania]C[urrenc]y for Genl.

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Schuyler. Mr. Duane authorized to propose to the Comee. of Safety of this Province to borrow one Ton of Powder for New York. Letters from Genls. Schuyler & Montgomery read referred to a Comee., John Adams, John Rutledge, Mr. Chace, R Livingston & Mr. Deane.(2) The affair between Pennsylvania & Connect. farther deferred. The Delegates of Pennsylvania to send what hard Money the Treasrs have got to Genl. Schuyler by two of the light horse. Recomd. to the provincial Convention of New Jersey to immediately raise two Battali[on]s of 8 Compa[nie]s each at continental Charge, each Co [mpan] y for a Year 68 Privates & Officers as recommended by Congress in the militia Bill, privates at 5 Doll[ar]s per m[ont]h & discharged at any time allowg. I Months Pay gratis, instead of bounty, I pr. Shoes, 1 pr. yarn stocking & a felt hat given each private. Pay of the Officers the same as that now in the contin[enta]l Army; if that be raised the officers of these Battalions to have the same. MS (RHi). 1 See Commissary General Joseph Trumbull's letter to Eliphalet Dyer of September 23 in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:778-79. 2 For Schuyler's letters to Hancock of September 19 and 29, together with accompanying enclosures, see ibid., pp. 73844, 839-41; and PCC, item 153, 1:14045, 180-89. The committee appointed to respond to these communications brought in a draft reply on October 10, which Congress approved after some debate on the 11th and sent off over the signature of Hancock. See JCC, 3 284-85, 287-88; and Hancock to Philip Schuyler, October 11, 1775.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

Octr. 10. [1775] Who shall have the Appointment of the Officers in the 2 Battallions to be raised in New Jersey? (1) Sherman. Best to leave it to the Provincial Conventions. Ward seconds the Motion. Chace. This is persisting in Error in Spight of Experlence. We have found by Experience that giving the Choice of Officers to the People, is attended with bad Consequences. The French Officers are allowed to exceed any in Europe, because a Gentleman is hardly entituled to the Smiles of the Ladies without serving a Campaign. In my Province, We want Officers. Gentlemen have recommended Persons from personal Friendships, who were not suitable. Such Friendships will have more Weight, in the Colonies. Dyer. We must derive all our Knowledge, from the Delegates of that Colony. The Representatives at large are as good Judges and

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would give more Satisfaction. You cant raise an Army if you put Officers over the Men whom they dont know. It requires Time to bring People off from ancient Usage. E. Rutledge. We dont mean to break in upon what has been done. In our Province we have raised our Compliment of Men in the Neighbouring Colonies. I am for it that We may have Power to reward Merit. Ward. The Motion is intended for a Precedent. In the Expedition to Carthagena and Canada, the Crown only appointed a Lieutenant in my Colony. The Men will not enlist. When the Militia Bill was before Us. I was vs. giving the Choice to the Men. I dont know any Man in the Jerseys. Duane. A Subject of Importance-a Matter of Delicacy. We ought to be all upon a Footing. We are to form the grand Outlines of an American Army-a general Regulation. Will such a Regulation be salutary? The public Good alone, will govern me. If We were to set out anew, would the same Plan be pursued. It has not been unprecedented, in this Congress. Mr. Campbell, Allen, Warner, were promoted here. We ought to insist upon it. We shall be able to regulate an Army better. Schuyler and Montgomery would govern my Judgment. I would rather take the opinion of Gen. Washington than of any Convention. We can turn out the unworthy and reward Merit. The Usage is for it. Governors used to make Officers-except in Con. and Rhode Island. But We cant raise an Army? We are then in a deplorable Situation indeed. We pay. Cant We appoint with the Advice of our Generals. Langdon. Looks upon this a very extraordinary Motion, and big with many Mischiefs. Deane. It is the Peoples Money, not ours. It will be fatal. We cant sett up a Sale for Offices, like Lord Barrington. E. Rutledge. The appointment hitherto has been as if the Money belonged to particular Provinces not to the Continent. We cant reward Merit. The Governor appointed Officers with Us. Ross. My Sentiments coincide with those of the Gentlemen from N.Y. and C [arolina] and would go farther and appoint every Ofiicer, even an Ensign. We have no Command of the Armyl They have different Rules and Articles. Jay. Am of opinion with the Gentleman who spoke last. The Union depends much upon breaking down provincial Conventions. The whole Army refused to be mustered by your Muster Master. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:2024. 1 See New Jersey Delegates to the President of the New Jersey Congress, October 9, 1775.

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John Adams to Abigail Adams

Octr. 10. 1775 I am much concerned least you should feel an Addition to your Anxieties, from your having so seldom heard from me. But I pray you to dismiss all Concern about me. I am happier far than I was before the Adjournment. My Health is better, and Business and Conversation are much more to my Taste. The surprizing Intelligence We have in private Letters concerning the Director of the Hospital,(1) has made me more cautious of Writing than ever. I must be excused from writing a Syllable of any Thing of any Moment. My Letters have been and will be nothing, but Trifles. I dont cho[o]se to trust the Post. I am afraid to trust private Travellers. They may peep. Accidents may happen, and I would avoid, if I could, even Ridicule, but especially Mischief. Pray, bundle up every Paper, not already hid, and conceal them in impenetrable Darkness. Nobody knows what may occur. My Love to those who are dearest to US both. Send yours to the Care of the Gentleman whose Care has hitherto been successfull. Date them in Time, but not Place, and assume a new fictitious Name. RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 1:299. 1 For a detailed narrative of the arrest, conviction, and imprisonment of Dr. Benjamin Church for carrying on "a criminal correspondence with the enemy," see Allen French, General Gage's Informers, New Material upon Lexington b Concord. Benjamin Thompson as Loyalist & the Treachery of Benjamin Church Jr. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1932), pp. 147-201. Church's conspiracy, which was described in Washington's October 5 letter to Hancock, was brought before Congress on October 13, and Dr. John Morgan was elected to succeed him as director general and chief physician of the Continental Army Hospital on October 17. JCC, 3:293-95, 297.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr Sir Philadelphia Octr. 10th 1775 Mr Jonathan Mifflin, a young Gentleman of this City, a Relation of our Friend the Quarter Master General will hand you this Letter. I believe you will have enough of my Correspondence this Time, for it has certainly been filled with mere Impertenence and contains nothing of War or Politicks which are so agreable to your Taste. Our Expectations are very Sanguine, of Intelligence from Schuyler that Canada is ours. Our Advices from England breath nothing but Malice, Revenge and Cruelty. Powder, and Salt Petre are Still the Cry from one End of the Continent to the other. We must, and, God willing, We will have them.

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I long to hear concerning our Friends in Boston. My Friends cannot be too particular. I want to know the Condition of every Individual. I want to know also every Event however minute which Turns up in our Camp or Lines. We have most formidable Descriptions of Gages Fortifications in Boston. Ninety Pieces of Brass Field Pieces from four to Eight Pounders have certainly been cast in the Tower for America. and Carriages, Wheelbarrows, Flat bottomed Boats &c I am &c RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed.

Samuel Adams to James Warren

My dear sir Philada Octob 10 1775 Since my last, I have receivd Intelligence from London, that the British Ministry after having receivd the Advice of the Engagement on Bunkers Hill held various Councils on American Affairs and had resolvd to persevere in their Attempts to enslave us. 50 or 60 brass field pieces 6 & 9 pounders four thousand Stands of small arms with ammunition had been shipd from the Tower of London for Quebeck to arm the Canadians-five Regiments from Ireland viz 17th, 27th, 28th, 46th & 55th were orderd to Boston-4 Companies of the Train of Artillery are to go with the Ordnance & Stores to Quebeck. Several Ships of War were also orderd to America. What was intended for Quebeck were to sail in a fortnight from the Date of the Letter which was the 8th of August. The Regiments from Ireland were intended to be at Boston in October. The Parliamt was to meet in Octr and so soon, that a Sanction might be given as early as possible to the Measures that have been taken as well as others to be adopted. General Gage had been appointed Governor General of all North America but afterwards it was concluded that Leave should be given him to return home. This was to make Room for Genl Amherst who is to take the Command in the Spring with a promise of 20,000 Men- 2000 Highlanders 3000 Irish Roman Catholicks and the rest, if they cannot be raisd in England, to consist of Hannoverians Hessians & other Germans. The Plan said to have been laid before Ministry last Spring which was to divide the Troops then sent out, a part of them to go to New York is now to be followed. General Gages Necessity then obligd him to alter that plan and to collect all his Troops together at Boston. Govr Carleton had orders to enter upon the New England Frontiers with the Canadians, and Tryon with the Forces at New York was to meet and cooperate with him. This it is said was the Design of his return to his Governmt. The Idea is not yet given up, and to facilitate the plan a Number of flat bottomd boats were to

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be constructed and so contrivd as when they touch the Shore, to throw down a platform that will land at once 6 Armed Men. They may be used to fire field pieces or Swivel Guns. When they are compleated they are to be taken to pieces and sent to Canada to be used on the Lakes. It was reported in England that the Officers just arrivd from Boston said, the Intention was to dispossess the Americans of Dorchester Neck which was all they thought of doing this Campain; supposing that by the Spring they should have Reinforcements sufficient to attempt any thing, especially as they concluded the Americans would be obligd from the Severity of the Winter to break up their Encampment, while the Soldiers would be in good Quarters in Boston. They also said that the officers were much disgusted with the Service, and that it was with the utmost difficulty the Soldiers were compelld to fight. By late Accounts from the Northern Army things wear a promising Aspect there. Genl Schuylers Success will frustrate the designs of Ministry in Canada. Letters have been intercepted here which discover a plot of which I have not now time to write you,(1) as the Bearer Mr Mifflin of whose going I was apprisd but a few Minutes ago is now waiting. I am irnpatient to hear the particulars of a report we have just heard concerning Dr. Church which astonishes me. Be kind enough to forward the inclosd Letter. Excuse this indigested Account of Matters, wch however comes from good Authority and be assured that I am with due Regards to your good Lady and Friends, most affectionately yours S A RC (MHi) . 1 A reference to Dr. John Kearsley's plot. See Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney, October 9, 1775.

Thomas Jefferson to Francis Eppes

Dear Sir Philadelphia, Oct. 10th, 1775. I wrote to Patty on my arrival here, and there being then nothing new in the politcal way I inclosed her letter under a blank cover to you. Since that we have received from England news of much importance, which coming thro' many channels we beleive may be confidently relied on. Both the ministerial and provincial accounts of the battle of Bunker's hill had got to England. The ministry were determined to push the war with vigor, a measure in which they were fixed by the defeat of the Spaniards by the Moors. 90. brass cannon were embarked from the tower and may be hourly expected either at N. York or Boston. 2000 troops were to sail from Ireland about the

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25th. Sep. These we have reason to beleive are destined for N. York. Commodore Shuldam was to sail about the same time with a great number of frigates and small vessels of war to be distributed among the middle colonies. He comes at the express and earnest intercessions of Ld. Dunmore, and the plan is to lay waste all the plantations on our river sides. Of this we gave immediate notice to our committee of safety by an express whom we dispatched hence last Friday, that if any defence could be provided on the rivers by fortifications or small vessels it might be done immediately.(1) In the spring 10,000 men more are to come over. They are to be procured by taking away two thirds of the Garrison at Gibralter (who are to be replaced by some Hessians) by 2000 Highlanders and 5000 Roman Catholics whom they propose to raise in Ireland. Instead of the Roman Catholics however some of our accounts say foreigners are to be sent. Their plan is this. They are to take possession of New York and Albany, keeping up a communication between them by means of their vessels. Between Albany and St. John's they propose also to keep open the communication; and again between St. John's, Quebec, and Boston. By this means they expect Gage, Tryon and Carleton may distress us on every side acting in concert with one another. By means of Hudson's river they expect to cut off all correspondence between the Northern and Southern rivers. Gage was appointed Governor General of all America; but Sir Jeffery Amherst consented afterwards to come over, so that Gage is to be recalled. But it [is] beleived Amherst will not come till the Spring. In the mean time Howe will have the command. The co-operation of the Canadians is taken for granted in all the ministerial schemes. We hope therefore they will all be dislocated by the events in that quarter. For an account of these I must refer you to Patty. My warmest affection to Mrs. Eppes. Adieu. RC (ViU) . Jefferson, Papers (Boyd), 1:246 47. 1 See Virginia Delegates to the Williamsburg Committee of Safety, October 5,

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 10, 1775] 10th. Some Accts. allowed. The Money sent to Genl. Schuyler. Answer to Genl. Schuylers Letter. Reported & referred. Appointmt of field officers Referred. To be resolved to morrow into a Comee. of the whole to take into Consideration the State of Trade. MS (RHi).

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Josiah Bartlett to Mary Bartlett

Philadelphia October 11th 1775. Directs numerous questions to his wife about friends and conditions in New Hampshire. Reports his recovery from inoculation for smallpox, "I Can now inform you that by the Goodness of God I am in a Good State of health Tho I have not Quite got my Strength up. I have no news to inform you of; you will See in the newspaper all the publick news." RC (NhHi).

John Hancock to Philip Schuyler

Sir, Philada. Octr. 11th. 1775. The Congress have considered your Letters of the 19th and 29th of Sepr. last, and directed me to assure you, that they are very sensible of the Difficulties under which you labour, and your unremitted Dilligence to remove such as may in any wise obstruct the public service. They most heartily lament the Loss of your Health, as well on your own, as on Account of the Public, but find some Pleasure in thinking that you are not without Consolation, when you reflect, that the Obligations of your Country are increased in Proportion to the Sacrifices you make to her Interest. Their Concern for the Public is greatly alliviated by the Abilities and Zeal of Genl. Montgomery, in which they cannot but place the highest Confidence. The Congress see the Necessity of attending to the Situation of Canada, but trust that your Care and Prudence will render any Delegation from this Body unnecessary, at least for the present. What they expect from your Endeavours is, that the Canadians be induced to accede to an Union with these Colonies, and that they form from their several Parishes a Provincial Convention and send Delegates to this Congress. And as in the present unsettled State of that Country, a regular Election can hardly be expected, we must acquiesce in the Choice of such Parishes and Districts as are disposed to join us. You may assure them that we shall hold their Rights as dear as our own, and on their Union with us, exert our utmost Endeavours to obtain for them and their Posterity the Blessings of a free Government, and that Security to their Persons and Property which is derived from the British Constitution. And you may further declare that we hold sacred the Rights of Conscience, and shall never molest them in the free Enjoyment of their Religion. If our Arms should be crowned with Success, you will consult with

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your principal Officers about the Number of Troops that will be necessary for the Defence of Canada, and for the different Posts of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and the best Method of procuring Men for those Services. If you should observe in the Canadians an Inclination to take up Arms, you may immediately, at the Expence of the Continent, raise a Regiment and appoint such officers as you conceive will be most agreeable to them, and serviceable to us. The Congress will endeavour to attend to the Cloathing of your Troops, and approve of your Design to purchase Woolens at Montreal, which they sincerely hope it may be in your Power to accomplish. You may depend upon their Compliance with all Contracts made by you for the Supply of the Troops under your Command. The Establishment of a Civil Government in Canada is a Subject of great Consequence, and requires the most deliberate Councils. The Temper, the Disposition and local Circumstances of our Brethen in that Colony must be known, before we can form a proper Judgment on so important a Question. You will endeavour therefore to collect the Sentiments of the most discreet and sensible among the principal Canadians and English on this Head, and communicate their opinion, with your Remarks to the Congress. It is the Determination of this Congress at all Events to keep the Command of Lake Champlain. They would therefore have the most effectual Measures adopted for that Purpose; and if our Enemies should be expelled [from] Montreal, will exert their utmost Endeavours to secure the River St. Lawrence, and prevent by Batteries, Vessels, and every other Obstruction the ministerial Troops from regaining the Possession of that Town. The Congress approve of the Presents made to the Coghnewagas, also of the Disposition of the Prisoners, and have borrowed one Ton of gun Powder from the Committee of Safety of this Colony, and directed it to be sent to the Provincial Convention of New York, with a Request to transmit to you the whole, or such a Part of it, as they can spare. Nails will be supplied you, by the Convention of New York, when they receive your Direction on that Head. They, together with the Committee of Albany, and the Governor of Connecticut will on Application, furnish such Carpenters and Blacksmiths, as you may want over and above what may be procured from among the Troops. As for the Artificers taken from thence, you will pay them the customary Allowance, if you think their Services entitle them to any Reward. The Congress are pleased with the Mode in which you prepare to settle with and pay those, who took and garrisoned Crown Point, and desire that the Accounts may be transmitted to them as soon as possible. Mr. Phelps will be considered as Deputy to Mr. Livingston for the

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New York Department, and be paid as such at the Rate of forty Dollars per Month from his Entrance into the Service. The Congress are greatly hurt at the Misconduct of a Part of the Troops, and hope they will take the earliest opportunity to obliterate their Disgrace.(1) It is their earnest Wish, that the strictest Discipline be observed. For, as on the one Hand, they are resolved to reward those, who deserve their Favour, so on the other, a Regard for their Country forbids them to overlook the offenses of such as neglect their Duty, or basely betray their Trust. I cannot conclude without assuring you that the Congress are highly sensible of the Spirit, Activity, and Zeal, of Mr. James Livingston,(2) from which they cannot but promise themselves Advantages, that will be entitled to their earliest Recompence. I have the Honor to be &c. J H Prest. LB (DNA: PCC, item 12A). On the authorship of this letter, see Samuel Ward's Diary, October 9, 1775, note 2. 1 For a brief discussion of the difficulties which Generals Schuyler and Montgomery experienced with the New England troops under their command, see Allen French, The First Year of the American Revolution (New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., l934), pp. 425-27. 2 James Livingston (1747-1832), a grain merchant situated by the strategic Richelieu River, was actively engaged in efforts to persuade Canadians to support the invading forces of Schuyler and Montgomery. Livingston raised a regiment of Canadian volunteers in November and December 1775 and commanded it until January 1781, receiving a colonel's commission from Congress on January 8, 1776. DAB; and Gustave Lanctot, Canada & the American Revolution, 1774-1783, trans. Margaret M. Cameron (Toronto and Vancouver: Clarke, Irwin & Co., 1967), pp. 63-66.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 11, 1775] 11th. Pennsylvania & Connect. to report to Morrow. Some Accts. allowed. Debate concrng field officers resumed & refer'd until the return of the Comee from Cambridge. Comee. for billeting &c. MS (RHi).

Samuel Ward to Henry Ward

Dear Brother Philadelphia 11th Octr. 1775 I received yours of 3rd. inst. and very readily allow it to ballance our literary Accts. to that time. Dr. Church, Who could have thought or even suspected it, a Man

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who seemed to be all Animation in the Cause of his Country, highly caressed, employed in several very honorable & lucrative Departments, & in full Possession of the Confidence of his Country, what a Complication of Madness & Wickedness must a Soul be filled with to be capable of such Perfidy, what Punishment can equal such horrid Crimes.(1) I communicated the Affair to the Massachusetts Delegates. They could hardly conceive it possible. They soon after recd. some Acct. of the Matter themselves. A Letter from Mr. Secry Reed says upon searching his Papers nothing amiss was found in them. His Friends from thence would infer his Innocence, he pretends that the Letters sent through Wallace were wrote to his Bror. in Law Fleming (late Partner with Mein) & contained Accts. favourable to our Cause. Such Letters as these might have been sent in every Week without Interruption, of course there could be no Occasion for that expensive roundabout & suspicious Way of Conveyance which he took. I am obliged to you for the circumstantial Acct. of the Matter as it throws Light on the Subject. How happy it is that He is discovered before he has done us any considerable Mischief. The greatest that I am apprehensive of is that it may induce Suspicions & lessen that Confidence which is necessary to a cordial Union & our mutual Support, this ought carefully to be guarded against as fatal, and at the same Time the utmost Vigilance is necessary least we should be betrayed. Our Letter to Govr. Cooke & my last to you contain most of the News, but since those I have seen one Letter from a faithful & very sensible Friend in England which gives us a most minute Acct. of affairs. The K says He, who out does Lord Mansfield himself in Dissimulation & Lust of Power is at the Head of the violent Measures pursued & planning; Councils are frequently called, various Conclusions formed but all agreeing in this to make an absolute Conquest of America. The K hath himself prevailed on Sir Jeffery Amherst to come over next Spring, has engaged him a Reinforcement of 20000 Men, 2000 of them Highlanders 3000 Roman Catholics the remaining 15000 to be Hanoverians & Hessians, the Plan of Operations much the same as in our Letter to Govr. Cooke. After giving us a very full Acct. of the Intentions of the Enemy, Our Friend in a most masterly Manner points out many very important Measures for our Defence some of which the Congress have already taken, the rest they will soon adopt I believe, some of them are of such a Nature I dont chuse to commit them to paper. The constant training of the Militia is one thing recommended another is that all the valuable Goods should be removed from Rhode Island least the Town should be surprized as Boston was; I hope this Sentiment from One in England who has the best Means of information will add such Weight to my frequent Applications upon that Subject as may secure

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every thing which it is in their Power to remove or defend. The Peo ple of New York have moved & are daily moving their Families & most valuable Effects into the Country. A very Strong Fortification is building on the Highlands about 45 miles above New York which it is said will effectually command the North River. Two Battalions are ordered by Congress to be immediately raised in the Jerseys for the Defence of that Post & the neighbouring Coasts in one Word all Hopes of a speedy Reconciliation are given over and We unanimously determine to push the War with the greatest Vigor. We recd. Govr. Cooke's Letters of the 3d. and if any thing new turns up to Day We shall write by the Post, if not, We shall omit it for I am almost worn out with Attention; I am upon a standing Comee. of Claims which meets every Morning before Congress; and upon the Secret Comee. which meets almost every afternoon. These with a close Attendance upon Congress and writing many Letters make my Duty very hard; And I cannot get time to ride or take other Exercise but I hope the Business will not be so pressing very long. My affectionate Regards to our Friends. May God preserve them all. I am Most affectionately yours. Sam Ward P.S. That Bundle & Letter for Nancy you will please to take care of & forward as directed. RC (RHi). 1 On this point, see John Adams to Abigail Adams, October 10, 1775, note 1.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

Oct. 12. [1775] Report, on Trade, considered in a Committee of the whole.(1) Lee. It has been moved to bring the debate to one Point, by putting the Q. whether the Custom houses shall be shut up, and the officers discharged from their several Functions. This would put N. York, N.C., lower Counties and Georgia upon the same Footing with the other Colonies.(2) I therefore move you, that the C[ustom] Houses be shut, and the officers discharged. This will remove Jealousies and Divisions. Zubly. The Measure, We are now to consider, extreamly interesting. I shall offer my Thoughts. If We decide properly, I hope We shall establish our Cause-if improperly, We shall overthrow it, altogether. 1st Prop[osition]. Trade is important. 2. We must have a Reconciliation with G.B. or the Means of carrying on the War. An unhappy day when We shall.

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A Republican Government is little better than Government of Devils. I have been acquainted with it from 6 Years old. We must regulate our Trade so as that a Reconciliation be obtained or We enable [d] to carry on the War. Cant say, but I do hope for a Reconciliation, and that this Winter may bring it. I may enjoy my Hopes for Reconciliation, others may enjoy theirs that none will take Place. A Vessell will not go, without Sails or Oars. Wisdom is better than Weapons of War. We dont mean to oppose G.B. merely for Diversion. If it is necessary that We make War, and that we have the Means of it, This Continent ought to know what it is about. The Nation dont. We ought to know what they mean to be about. We ought to have Intelligence of the Designs. K. of Prussia and Count Daune march'd and counter march'd untill they could not impose upon Each other any more. Every Thing We want for the War are Powder and Shot. 2d Thing necessary that We have Arms and Ammunition. 3. We must have Money. The Cont[inent']s Credit must be supported. We must keep up a Notion that this Paper is good for Something. It has not yet a general Circulation. The Mississippi Scheme in France and the South Sea Scheme in England were written for our Learning. An hundred Million fell in one day. 20 Men of War may block up the Harbour of N. York, Del[aw]are River, Cheasapeak Bay, the Carolinas and Georgia. Whether We can raise a Navy is an important Question. We may have a Navy-and to carry on the War We must have a Navy. Can We do this without Trade? Can we gain Intelligence without Trade. Can We get Powder without Trade? Every Vessell you send out is thrown away. N. England where the War is may live without Trade. Money circulates there-they may live. Without Trade our People must starve. We cannot live. We cannot feed or cloath our People. My Resolution was that I would do and suffer any Thing rather than not be free. But I resolved not to do impossible Things. If We must trade, We must trade with Somebody, and with Somebody that will trade with us, either with foreigners or G.B. If with foreigners, We must either go to them or they must come to us. We cant go to them if our Harbours are shut up. I look upon the Trade with foreigners as impracticable. St. Lawrence being open is a Supposition. N. England People last War went to C [ape] Francois. Spaniards are too lazy to come to Us. If We cant trade with foreigners we must trade with G. Britain. Is it practicable. Will it quit cost. Will it do more hurt than good. This is breaking our Association. Our People will think We are giving Way and giving all up. They will say one mischivous Man has over

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set the whole Navigation. I speak from Principle. It has been said here that the Association was made in terrorem. Gadsden. 2ds. Lees Motion, and affirms that We can carry on Trade from one End of the Continent to the other. Deane. Custom house Officers discharged! Were they ever in our Pay, in our service. Let em stand where they are. Let this Congress establish what Offices they please. Let the others die. I think that all the Colonies ought to be upon a footing. We must have Trade. I think We ought to apply abroad. We must have Powder and Goods. We cant keep our People easy without. Lee. The Gentleman agrees that all ought to be upon a Footing. Let him shew how this can be done without shutting the Customhouses. Jay. This should be the last Business We undertake. It is like cutting the Foot to the shoe, not making a shoe for the Foot. Let Us establish a System first. I think We ought to consider the whole, before We come to any Resolutions. Now Gentlemen have their Doubts whether the N. Exportation was a good Measure. I was last Year, clear vs. it. Because the Enemy have burn'd Charlestown, would Gentlemen have Us burn N. York? Let us lay every Burden as equal on all the Shoulders that We can. If Prov[idence] or Ministry inflict Misfortunes on one, shall We inflict the same on all? I have one Arm sore-why should not the other Arm be made sore too? But Jealousies will arise. Are these reasonable? Is it politick? We are to consult the general Good of all America. Are We to do hurt to remove unreasonable Jealousies. Because Ministry have imposed hardships on one, shall We impose the same on all. It is not from affection to N. York, that I speak. If a Man has lost his Teeth on one side of his Jaws, shall he pull out the Teeth from the other that both sides may be upon a Footing? Is it not realizing the Quarrell of the Belly and the Members? The other Colonies may avail themselves of the Custom houses in the exempted Colonies. Lee. All must bear a proportional share of the Continental Expence. Will the exempted Colonies take upon themselves the whole Expence. V. pays a sixth Part, the lower Counties an 80th-yet lower Counties may trade, V. not. The Gentleman exercised an Abundance of Wit to shew the Unreasonableness of Jealousies. If this ministerial Bait is swallowed by America another will be thrown out. Jay. Why should not N.Y. make Money, and N. Jersey not. One Colony can cloath them. McKean. I have 4 Reasons for putting the favoured Colonies upon a footing with the rest. 1st. is to disappoint the Ministry. Their design was insidious. (2). I would not have it believed by Ministry or other Colonies that those Colonies had less Virtue than others. 3. I have a

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Reconciliation in View, it would be in the Power of those Colonies, it might become their Interest to prolong the War. 4. I believe Parliament has done or will do it for us, i.e. put us on the same footing. I would choose that the exempted Colonies should have the Honour of it. Not clear that this is the best Way of putting them upon a Footing. If We should be successfull in Canada, I would be for opening our Trade to some Places in G.B., Jamaica, &c. J. Rutledge. Wonders that a Subject so clear, has taken up so much Time. I was for a general Non Exportation. Is it not surprizing, that there should so soon be a Motion for breaking the Association. We have been reproached for our Breach of Faith in breaking the Non Imp. I have the best Authority to say that if We had abided by a former Non Imp. We should have had redress. We may be obliged hereafter to break the Association, but why should We break it before We feel it. I expected the Delegates from the exempted Colonies would have moved to be put upon the same footing. Dont like shutting the C. Houses and discharging the Officers- but moves that the Res[olution] be, that People in York, N. Car., Georgia and lower Counties dont apply to the Custom house. Zubly. Georgia is settled along Savanna River, 200 miles in Extent, and 100 mile the other Way. I look upon it the Association alltogether will be the Ruin of the Cause. We have 10,000 fighting Indians near us. Carolina has already smuggled Goods from Georgia. Chase. I will undertake to prove that if the Revd. Gentlemans Positions are true and his Advice followed, We shall all be made Slaves. If he speaks the Opinion of Georgia I sincerely lament that they ever appeared in Congress. They cannot, they will not comply! Why did they come here? Sir We are deceived. Sir We are abused! Why do they come here? I want to know why their provincial] Congress came to such Resolutions. Did they come here to ruin America. That Gentlemans Advice will bring Destruction upon all N. America. I am for the Resolution upon the Table. There will be Jealousies, if N.Y. and the other exempted Colonies are not put upon a footing. It is not any great Advantage to the exempted Colonies. What can they export that will not be serviceable to G.B. and the West Indies. The exports of N. Car. are of vast Importance to G.B. If these Colonies are in Rebellion, will not their Effects be confiscated, and seized even upon the Ocean. Arms and Ammunition must be obtained by what is call'd Smuggling. I doubt not We shall have the Supply. Leaving open N. York &c. will prevent our getting Arms and Ammunition. Houstoun. Where the Protection of this Room did not extend, I would not set very tamely. Chase. I think the Gentleman ought to take offence at his Brother Delegate.

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Wythe. Agrees with the Gentleman from N. York that We dont proceed regularly. The Safety of America depends essentially on a Union of the People in it. Can We think that Union will be preserved if 4 Colonies are exempted. When N. York Assembly did not approve the Procedings of the Congress it was not only murmured at, but lamented as a Defection from the public Cause. When Attica was invaded by the Lacedemonians, Pericles ordered an Estate to be ravaged and laid waste because he tho't it would be exempted, by the Spartan King. Nothing was ever more unhappily applied, than the fable of the Stomach and the Limbs. Sherman. Another Argument for putting [sentence unfinished]. MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:204 8. 1 A continuation of the debate in the committee of the whole on "the state of the trade" of the colonies. JCC, 3:291. 2 Great Britain had not yet included the ports of these colonies under the terms of the acts restraining American commerce. See John Adams' Notes of Debates, October 4, 1775.

John Adams to William Tudor

Dr sir Octr. 12. 1775 I have recd yours of the first of this Inst. and am glad to find you have me still in Remembrance. I wrote you some time ago, and ventured to acquaint you with the appointment of fifty dollars a Month to the Judge Advocate for himself and his Clerk, to commence from his first Appointment. This I hope you recd. I feel more anxious about Letters than formerly as you may well imagine. The Times are so critical and there are so many Peepers, that one cant be too carefull. Indeed the horrid Story you allude to in yours of the surgeon &c is enough to make one jealous of every Body, but it must not have this Effect.(1) In the Reign of Charles the first, such Instances of Treachery and Infidelity, were not uncommon. I would fain hope however that this has turned out more favourably than was feared: yet from several private Letters received here by Gentlemen, I am Staggered. What shall We say? I think it very odd, however, that every Event which happens at the Camp should regularly come to Governers Ward or Hopkins, or to Coll Dyer or Mr Deane, before it comes to me. It is really astonishing. However hush Complaint. The last Accounts from my Family were very disagreable-and yours mentions not a Word of it. I hope for the best but should be rejoiced to hear. Three Battalions I believe will be raised in Pensilvania and the

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Jersies for the Defence of New York.(2) News We have none, but such as you see in the Papers. As you are now in the military Line of Life, I presume it will not be disagreable to have your Thoughts turned to military Speculations. I want to know what Books upon Martial Science are to be found in the Army, and whether, among the many young Gentlemen in the service, any of them are studious of the Principles of the Art. It is a shame for Youths of Genius and Education to be in the Army, without exerting themselves to become Masters of the Profession. If it is objected that Books are not to be had, Measures ought to be taken to procure them. To this End I wish to collect a perfect List of the best authors, and should be obliged to you if you would enquire and make up one for me-and at the same Time enquire whether the following are in the Possn. of any Body in the Army. Dalrymples military Essay. Saxes Reveries. History of Prussia. History of Frederic 3d. I.e Blonds military Engineer. History of the late War. Mullers Works Eight Volumns. Maneuvres for a Battalion of Infantry, by Major Young. Military Guide, by Simes. Andersons Art of War. Prussian Field Regulations. King of Prussia's Advice to young officers. Playdells Field Fortification. Simes's Medley. Bellidore, worth all the rest.(3) RC (MHi) 1 The allusion is to Dr. Benjamin Church. see Adams to Abigail Adams, October 10, and Samuel Ward to Henry Ward, October 11, 1775. 2 see JCC, 3:285-86. 291. 3 Remainder of MS apparently missing.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr Sir Octr. 12. 1775 I would write often if I had any thing to communicate: But obligations of Honour forbid some Communications and other Considerations prevent others. The common Chatt of a Coffee house, is too frivolous for me to recollect or you to read. I have inclosed a Paper upon which I will make no Remark: But leave you to your own Conjectures.(1) Only I must absolutely insist that it be mentioned to nobody. It may gratify your Curiosity and give Some Relief to your Cares. I most earnestly pray that all my Friends would exert themselves to furnish me with Intelligence of a particular Nature. I mean with a List of all the Depredations committed upon our Trade, a List of all the Vessells which have been taken by the Cutters, Cruizers &c the Names of the Vessells, Masters owners, Burthen of the ship the Nature of the Cargo's and the Value of both. Nothing will contribute so

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much to facilitate Reprizals, as an exact :Account of our Losses and Damages.(2) I wish our General Ct. would take it up-and examine it thoroughly. We have no Accounts nor Vouchers yet. Nor one Line from the Comtee. appointed to correspond with Us. I am very happy-how it is I know not-but I am very happy. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 Adams enclosed a plan to send armed ships to capture the powder stored on the islands of Antigua and st. Eustatius. Warren-Adams Letters, 1:135-36. 2 On October 18, Adams was named to a committee appointed to prepare "a just and well authenticated account of the hostilities committed by the ministerial troops and navy in America since last March." JCC, 3:298-99.

New Jersey Provincial Convention

Gentlemen: Philadelphia, October 12, 1775.(1) Some late intelligence, laid before Congress, seems to render it absolutely necessary, for the protection of our liberties and safety of our lives, to raise several new Battalions, and therefore the Congress have come into the enclosed resolutions, which I am ordered to transmit to you.(2) The Congress have the firmest confidence that, from your experienced zeal in this great cause, you will exert your utmost endeavours to carry the said resolutions into execution with all possible expedition. The Congress have agreed to furnish the men with a hunting-shirt, not exceeding the value of one dollar and one-third of a dollar, and a blanket, provided these can be procured; but these are not to be made part of the terms of enlistment. I am, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant, John Hancock, President. P.S. By order of Congress, I forward you forty-eight commissions for the Captains and subaltern officers in the New-Jersey Battalions. MS not found; reprinted from Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1223. 1 Hancock wrote a similar letter this day to the Pennsylvania committee of Safety, asking it to raise one battalion of troops for the Continental Army. Ibid., pp. 1766-67. 2 These enclosures were congressional resolves of October 9 and 12, pertaining to the raising of two New Jersey battalions. Congress deemed it necessary to raise these forces in consequence of a letter from an unidentified correspondent in London asserting that the British were about to make an effort to seize control of New York City, Albany, and the section of the Hudson between them, so as to disrupt communications between New York and neighboring provinces. To fraus-

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trade this design Congress planned to add the New Jersey battalions to the American forces already in the Highlands in southern New York. Ibid., p. 1281; JCC, 3:285-86, 290 91; and John Adams' Notes of Debates, October 7, 1775.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 12,1775] 12th. Capn. & other Comn. officers allowed while recruiting or on their March 2 2/3 doll[ar]s Billet, & the men while in quarters I Dollar per Week, while on March 1 1/3. Blanket & shirt allowed each Soldier if to be got not to be in the terms of enlistment.(1) The President to transmit blank Com [mission] s to the convention of New Jersey for the Officers ordered to com [man] d the Troops. John Penn Esqr. a Delegate from No. Carolina arrived & took his Place accordingly.(2) Resolved into a Com[mitte]e of the whole for consideration of the State of the trade of the united Colonies. Mr. Ward reported that the Comee. had taken into their consideration according to the Order of the Day the State of the Trade &c. MS (RHi). 1 See JCC, 3:289. 2 Penn was chosen by the North Carolina Provincial Congress on September 8 to take the place of Richard Caswell, who had resigned his seat in Congress to become the treasurer of the Southern District of North Carolina. William John Schmidt, "The North Carolina Delegates in the Continental Congress, 1774-1781" (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1968), pp. 4547.

Samuel Ward to Deborah Ward

My dearest Debby Philadelphia 12th. Octr. 1775 Your Letter accompanying your Sisters was very acceptable. I shall always be pleased to receive Letters from you & write to you and though your Daddy does not always write a very good Letter the Correspondence probably will be no Injury to You. Your Aunts I imagine are with you before this Time, their Company I doubt not will be agreable and instructive. I could wish it was in my Power to give you & all the rest of my dear Tribe a better Education but when all that We have is called in Question by wicked men if We can but preserve Life Liberty & Property we shall be happy. You must endeavour to polish & improve each other. Your dear Bror. Sammy I know no Way of writing to at present, as soon as I find any mode of conveying Letters I will let you know it. My dear little [boys?] I hope they are prudent & industrious & take all possible Care of every thing, and would have them spend the

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Evenings & as much time as they can spare in reading & writing. They have nobody to teach them cyphering but they have learnt so much that they can easily keep what they have got. They can improve in writing & we have many excellent Books which they may greatly improve their Minds by and I would wish you & Polly to read & write as much as possible. Dear little Betsey I hope does not run wild, she must be always clean neat decent & industrious. What time she can get to spare I wish her to spend in reading proper Books. When I shall see any of you God only knows. The Business before us is of such vast Importance, the Feild so large & the Answer from England to our Applications which may not be expected this month or more so very interesting that it is impossible for me to form any Judgment when I may return; probably not until some time in the Winter. You must all do the best you can to preserve our common Interest & make each other happy. As to the disposing of the Money I left a Memorandum for Mrs. Lamoine to be paid £5-law. She cant want it all & every now & then I will pay her some. I owed young Robert Stevens about 80 Dollars as I recollect. The Note Simon Pease has I would have that paid; your Bror. Greene you may get to do it for you, charge directly all Moneys you [. . . .] (2) RC (RHi). 1 Ward also wrote a letter this day to his daughter Anna, expressing concern over her poor health. Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg), pp. 101-2. 2 Remainder of MS missing.

John Adams' Notes of Debates

Octr. 13.1775 R. Livingston. Hopes the whole Matter will be putt off. Is willing as it seems the general sense, that all should be put upon a Footing.(1) Gadsden. Hopes it will not be putt off. S. Carolina will be in the utmost Confusion if this matter is not decided. Let the Continent determine. Stone. Can see no particular Inconvenience to Carolina. 2ds. the Motion of Mr. Livingston, for postponing the Question, and gives his Reasons. The Powder Committee must take Clearances. If they are allowed to take Clearances, and no other, then whenever they take a Clearance it will be known, that it is for Powder, and the Vessell will be watched. Lee. I see very clearly, that the best Time for putting a Question is when it is best understood. That Time is the present. As to Powder, Time may be allowed for the Committee to clear Vessells. J. Rutledge. Thinks this Motion extraordinary. This Subject has been under Consideration 3 Weeks. It is really trifling. The Commit-

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tee may have Time allowed to clear Vessells for Powder. But I had rather the Continent should run the Risque of sending Vessells without clearances. What Confusion would ensue if Congress should break up without any Resolution of this sort. The Motion seems intended to defeat the Resolution entirely. Those who are against it, are for postponing. Jay. We have complied with the restraining Act. The Question is whether we shall have Trade or not? And this is to introduce a most destructive Scheme, a scheme which will drive away all your Sailors and lay up all your Ships to rot at the Wharves.(2) MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:208-9. 1 A continuation of the debate in the committee of the whole on "the state of the trade" of the colonies. JCC, 3:291-92. 2 For a further exposition of Jay's view on exportation, see John Jay to Alexander McDougall, October 17, 1775.

John Adams to Abigail Adams

Octr. 13. 1775. Consoles his wife on the death of her mother Elizabeth Quincy Smith.(1) Concludes: "The Prospect before Us is an Ocean of Uncertainties, in which no pleasing objects appear. We have few Hopes, excepting that of preserving our Honour and our Consciences untainted and a free Constitution to our Country.... My Heart is too full of Grief for you and our Friends to whom I wish you to present my Regards, to say any Thing of News or Politicks. Yet the Affair of the surgeon general is so strange, and important an Event that I cannot close this gloomy Letter, without adding a Sigh for this imprudent unfortunate Man! I know not whether the Evidence will support the Word Treachery, but what may We not expect after Treachery to himself, his Wife and Children!" RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 1:300 301. 1 Adams also wrote letters of sympathy and encouragement to his daughter Abigail, and to his son, Thomas Boylston, on October 20, 1775. Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 1: 304-5.

John Adams to Charles Lee

My dear Sir Philadelphia Octr. 13. 1775 Your obliging Favour of the fifth Inst. I this Moment received, and give me Leave to assure you that no Letter I ever received, gave me greater Pleasure. In truth sir I have been under some Apprehensions, that a certain Passage, in a very unfortunate as well as inconsi-

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derate Letter, might have made Some disagreable Impressions on your Mind.(1) I was indeed relieved in some Degree by accounts which I had from Gentlemen who knew your sentiments, especially such as were present when you first heard it read. The candid, genteel and generous Manner in which it was heard and animadverted on, gave me great Satisfaction. I had thought of writing you on the Subject, but was hindered by certain Notions of Delicacy perhaps as whimsical, as any Thing alluded to in that Letter. But I rejoice exceedingly, that this incident has induced you to write. I frankly confess to you that a little Whim and Eccentricity, so far from being an objection to any one in my Mind, is rather, a Recommendation, at first Blush, and my Reasons are, because few Persons in the World, within my Experience or little Reading, who have been possessed of Virtues or Abilities, have been entirely without them; and because few Persons have been remarkable for them, without having Something at the same Time, truly valuable in them. I confess farther that a Fondness for Dogs, by no means depreciates any Character in my Estimation, because many of the greatest Men have been remarkable for it; and because I think it Evidence of an honest Mind and an Heart capable of Friendship, Fidelity and Strong Attachments being Characteristicks of that Animal. Your opinions of my Generosity, Valour, Good sense, Patriotism and Zeal for the Rights of Humanity, is extreamly flattering to me: and I beg leave to assure you, in the strongest Manner and I flatter myself that my Language and Conduct in public and private upon all occasions, notwithstanding the wanton Expressions in the intercepted Letter have demonstrated, that this opinion is reciprocal. Your Sincerity, sir, I never doubted, any more than I did my own, when I expressed or implied an opinion of your Attainments as a Schollar and a Soldier: Indeed I might have expressed a much higher opinion of these than I did, with the Same Sincerity. But enough of this. At the Story of the Surgeon General I stand astonished. A Man of Genius, of Learning, of Family, of Character, a Writer of Liberty Songs and good ones too, a Speaker of Liberty orations, a Member of the Boston Committee of Correspondence, a Member of the Massachusetts Congress, an Agent for that Congress to the Continental Congress, a Member of the House, a Director General of the Hospital and Surgeon General. Good God! What shall We say of human Nature? What shall We say of American Patriots? Or rather what will the World say? The World however, will not be too severe. Indeed, Sir, We ought to expect, in a Contest like this, however we may detest, such Examples as this. History furnishes Instances more or less, in all Quarells like this. The D[octo]r's Brother Poet, Waller,(2) in the Struggle with a Stuart, was his Antitype We cannot be too cautious of the Persons We entrust, in such Times as these: Yet We

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ought not to let our Caution degenerate into groundless Jealousy. There is a Medium between Credulity on one hand and a base suspicious Temper on the other from which We need not be induced to deviate, even in such Times as these, and by such Examples as the Drs. The Nature of the Conspiracy and the Duration and Extent of it Seem as yet in much obscurity. I hope Time, and Care will bring the whole Truth to light that exact and impartial Justice may be done, if that is possible. Before this Reaches you, a Comtee. from Congress will tell you News from hence. I wish, sir that I could write freely to you concerning our Proceedings. But you know the obligations I am under to be upon the Reserve: and the danger there would be as I know not the Carrier of this Letter, if I was at perfect Liberty. But this I must Say, that I See no danger of our "displaying Timidity." This Congress is more united, and more determined, than ever. And, if the petrified Tyrants would but send us their Ultimatum, which is expected Soon,(3) you would see Us, in Earnest. As to confiscating Estates,(4) that is but a small Part of what will be done when We are engaging seriously. You began upon a Subject, towards the Close of your Letter of infinite Importance; I read with avidity your Thoughts and was much chagrin'd that you gave me so few of them. The Intricacy and Multiplicity of the Questions involved in it, require more extensive Knowledge and a larger Mind than mine to determine them with Precision. There is so much Uncertainty too, that I believe no Man is capable of deciding with Precision; but it must be left to Time, Accident and Experience, to begin and improve the Plan of our Trade. If We should invite "all the Maritime Powers of the World into our Ports," would any one of them come? At least, untill they should be convinced that We were able, and determined to fight it out with G. B. to the last? Are they yet convinced of this, or will they be very soon? Besides, if they should, Would it be Sound Policy in Us to admit them? Would it not be sounder to confine the Benefit and the Bargain to one or a few? Is it not wiser to send our own Ships to all maritime Powers, and admit private adventurers from foreign Nations, if by any Means We can defend them against Cutters and Cruizers, or teach them to elude them. I have upon this Subject a System of my own but am not bigoted to it, nor to any other. You will oblige me vastly by your Sentiments at large. RC (MHi). In Adams' hand, though not signed. Recipient identified from Lee's October 5 letter to Adams, which contains two phrases quoted by Adams. Charles Lee to John Adams, October 5,1775, Adams, Works (Adams), 2:414- 15n. 1 In his famous July 24 letter to James Warren, which was captured and

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published by the British, Adams had made an unflattering reference to Lee, who accepted the remark with grace. 2 Edmund Waller (1606-87), Stuart poet and politician, who thrice reversed his political allegiance during the era of the Puritan revolution. DNB. 3 Remainder of MS missing; continuation of the text supplied from Warren-Adams Letters, 1:138-39 4 Massachusetts had already moved to vest control of the property of loyalist emigres in the hands of the town governments on June 21, 1775. Am. Archives, 4th .ser. 2:1431.

John Adams to James Warren

Octr. 13. 1775 Yours of October I and 2d I received this Morning with the Letters inclosed. These were from my afflicted Wife, giving me Such a continued History of her Distresses, as has affected me too much to write you a long Letter. The Misfortune, or what shall I call it of the Surgion General had been represented here in Several Letters in very glaring Colours untill one arrived from the secretary to the general, couched in Terms of more Temper and Candour. By your Account,(1) and indeed by the Letter itself it appears an unaccountable affair. Balaam praying for Leave to curse Israel, is the Emblem. A manifest Reluctance at hurting his Country, yet desirous of making a Merit, with the other Side -what shall We thinkl Is there reason to believe that other Letters have gone the same Way? I was so little acquainted with the World that I never hearcl a Suspicion to the Disadvantage of his Moral Character, untill I was lately with you at the Adjournment. I should scarcely have joined in a certain Recommendation, if I had heard before what I heard then-for Honour and Fidelity violated in Such gross Instances in private Life, are slender securities in public. Be not concerned about your Friends at the Congress-their Recommendations will not be discredited by this Event. Gentlemen here have behaved universally with the Utmost Politeness, upon this occasion. They say they pitty us, for the Suspicions that there is danger may arise among us of one another, and the Hurt to that Confidence in one another which ought to be-but any Man ought to be kick'd for a Brute that shall reproach Us in Thought, Word or Deed on this account. Our Accounts from Schuyler's Army are as agreable as yours from Arnold. We are in hourly Expectation. Rejoice to hear of your Successes by Sea. Let Cargill and Obrien be put into continental service immediately I pray. We begin to feel a little of a Seafaring Inclination here. The Powder at Quebec, will place US all upon the Top of the House.

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Your Letters are very usefull to me, and I cannot have too many, or too long. I believe We shall take some of the twenty Gun ships before long. We must excite by Policy that Kind of exalted Courage, which is ever victorious by sea and land-which is irresistable. The Saracens had it -the Knights of Malta-the Assassins-Cromwells Soldiers and Sailors. Nay N. England men have ever had it hitherto-they never yet fail'd in an attempt of any Kind. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 See James Warren to John Adams, October 1, 1775. Warren-Adams Letters, 1:121-23.

Samuel Adams to James Warren

My dear sir, Philadelphia Octob. 13th 1775 It is now more than a Month since we arrivd in this City. I have receivd but one Letter and for that I am much indebted to you. I thought our Assembly had appointed a Committee to transmit Intelligence to us. We hear nothing from them. Have they no Intelligence of Importance to send to us? If so, let them inform us even of that, and we will pay the Postage of their Letter. But surely it is of some Importance that we should know whether C[hurch] is a Traiter or not-that on the one hand we might joyn like disinterrested Patriots in execrating him, or on the other hand, in vindicating the Character of an unfortunate Friend. Our pride is sorely mortified when there are Grounds to suspect that so eminent a Countryman is become a Traiter. The Fool will say in his heart, there is no such thing in the World as publick Spirit-the most virtuous Citizen will be suspected of concealing his dishonest Designs under a Cloak of Zeal for his Country and the brightest Examples will lose their Influence. I am very sollicitous that our Army, if it be practicable, should make a resolute Attack upon the Rebels before a Reinforcement to them shall arrive, which I think may be depended upon very soon. Genl Gage I understand is already gone for England. This verifies a part of the Intelligence which I gave you in my last Letter. Howe will remain in Command till the Spring when Amherst will come out as strong as they can make him. It is said that ------- usd his utmost Power of Dissimulation (and he is as great a Master of it as Mansfield or Hutchinson) to prevail on him to undertake the Command. Among the officers of the British Army, the Slavish Maxim "The Will of the Prince is Law" too much prevails. They will suffer the arbitrary and cruel Commands of their Sovereign to supercede the Dictates of Honor, Morality and Conscience. I fear there are few, if

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more than one Effingham to be found in Britain. I have thought there was more of the true principle of Honor in the British Army, than among any other publick Class. If this be a Truth it is a melancholly one, for it is greatly to be apprehended that there is not Virtue enough in the Nation to save it. We know by long Experience that there is not Virtue enough there to save America. Why then should America expect it from Britain. This fond Hope of a Change from violent to lenient Measures in Britain is the Rock which endangers the Shipwreck of America. This Instant is arrivd an authentick Account of Dr Churchs Affair and a Copy of the Letter he had intended to send into Boston. To me it appears to be a very unintelligible Letter-I have not indeed thoroughly examind it-I have only heard it read. I do not recollect that it in any measure was calculated to expose the Weakness of our Army, which a Traitor would gladly have seizd the opportunity of doing, especially as he might have done it at that time with great Truth. The Union of Individual Colonies & of the Continental Congress, and their firmness and Resolution are picturd in high Colours; he informs of the Arrival of large Quantities of Gun powder at a time when he knew there was the greatest Scarcity, and was solliciting his Friends here to take every Method for providing as he expressed it that "unum necessarium." Other parts of his Letter wear a different Complection, such as his mentioning the Defeat of our Army at Bunkers Hill as "lucky," his attempting three times in vain to send in his Letter, the messenger in the third Attempt being taken up (which I do not recollect to have heard before) and the Manner in which this Letter was conceald. But I will quit this disagreable Subject and conclude with assuring you that I am very affectionately, yours S A RC (MHi)

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 13, 1775] 13th. Resolved into a Com[mitte]e of the whole & resumed the Consideration of Trade &c. Mr. Ward reported that &c. A Letter from Genl. Washington with Papers relative to Dr. Church &c.(1) Resolved that a swift sailg. [vessel] to carry 10 car[riage] Guns & a proportionable Number of Swivels with 80 men to be filled with all possible dispatch to cruize three months eastward for intercepting such Transports laden with warlike Stores & other Supplies for our Ene[mie]s & such other Purposes as the Cong[res]s may direct. A Com[mitte]e appointed to estimate the Expence & report a proper

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Vessel. (Remainder of the Report referred to Monday next.) Memorials from New York & Phi [ladelphi] a Merchants relative to Tea; Mes[sr]s Rutledge, S. & J. Adams, Mr. Ward & Colo. Lee the Comee. to take into their consideration of the Memorials & report.(2) MS (RHi). 1 For Washington's letter to Hancock of October 5, together with accompanying enclosures, see PCC, item 152, 1:181-216; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:956-63. 2 See JCC, 3:294, 298, 353, 370, 388 89.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 14, 1775] 14th. Letters from Genl. Washingn again taken into Consideration; postponed to Monday. A Director Genl. of hospital &c to be chosen on Monday next. Affair between Connecticut & Pennsylvania referred until Monday. A Comee. was moved for by the first.(1) MS (RHi). 1 That is, moved by the Connecticut delegates. See JCC, 3:295.

Samuel Ward to Henry Ward

Philadelphia 15th Octr. 1775. Thanks his brother for accounts of the "affair of Dr. Church," and goes on to discuss Rhode Island affairs. "Poor Newport, the People are at last thrown into that distressed Situation which I have long foreseen. I wish more of them had taken my Advice & saved what they could seasonably. The Measures taken by the Depy. Govr. & Council I think were very judicious. We shall have one Advantage from this Maneuvre of Wallaces.(1) We shall know our Enemies & be able to treat them properly. The present State of the Colony appears to me to demand immediate and great Attention. If there be any thing that We can do here I hope We shall have timely Instructions." Considers the state of the conflict with Great Britain. "Our Enemies are now straining every Nerve; We in this Respect ought to imitate them. Suppose we should have occasion for 30000 Troops, the difference between 30s/ & 40s/ per Month would be £180000 law M[one]y per Year. Would We risque every thing dear to human Nature to save that paltry Sum to thirteen Colonies? Can any Man weight it against the Liberties of America. I hope you will attend to this Matter very closely. If We have good Troops I am not afraid of the Event, if We should suffer those we now have to be disbanded [. . .] up raw &

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faithless men to fight a veteran Army strongly reinforced God knows what may be the Consequence." RC (RHi) . Abstracted from badly mutilated document. 1 Capt. James Wallace, commander of H.M.S. Rose, was in charge of a squadron of British naval vessels which patroled Narragansett Bay, harassing American shipping and procuring supplies from local farmers for the British army. Early in October Wallace threatened to destroy Newport unless Rhode Island withdrew a force of fifteen hundred militiamen, which had been dispatched there by the provincial government to prevent his obtaining supplies for British troops in Boston. Although the militiamen retired from the town and Wallace did not bombard it, his threat to do so caused great alarm and triggered an exodus of townspeople into the surrounding countryside. William G. Roelker and Clarkson A. Collins, "The Patrol of Narragansett Bay (1774-76) by H. M. S. Rose, Captain James Wallace," Rhode Island History 9 January 1950): 18-22. Committee on Powder Report [October 1621775] (1) The Committee appointed to enquire, what Powder has been Sent to the Army in the Northern Department, have attended that service and beg Leave to report That five Thousand Weight of Powder, sent from South Wt Carolina, has been forwarded to the Said Army 5000 That Two Thousand one hundred and thirty six Pounds Weight have been forwarded to the Same Army from the City of Philadelphia 2136 That Seventeen hundred Weight have been forwarded from New York 1700 That Eight hundred Weight has been forwarded from Connecticutt 800 That Thirteen hundred Weight has been forwarded at another Time from the City of Philadelphia 1300 10936 In Addition to which Two thousand Weight has been late- ly ordered to New York and from thence to the same Army 2000 12,936 MS (MHi) . In the hand of John Adams. 1 This draft report was prepared by Adams sometime after October 16, when he, John Langdon, and Eliphalet Dyer were appointed to a committee "to enquire what quantity of powder has been sent to the northern army, and report by whom sent." JCC, 3:296. There is no indication in the journals when the committee made its report. See also John Hancock to the New York Provincial Convention, October 16, 1775.

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Silas Deane's Proposals for Establishing a Navy

[October 16? 1775] (1) Estimate of the Expence of fitting for the Sea The following Shipps of Warr on a Three Mo. Cruize. (Viz) One of 24 Gunns-9, 6, & 4 pounders with 200 Men, &c, &c. Dollrs. 1 Captn. 20 per mo. £7.10.0 Two Lieuts. 15 15 each do. 11. 5.0 1 Master 15 do. 5.12.6 Two Mates 12l/2 121/2 each do. 9. 7.6 1 Boatswain 12l/2 do. 4-13-9 One Mate 10 do. 3.15.0 One Cook 10 do. 3.15.0 Two Mates-5 Dollrs each 10 do. 3.15.0 One Doctr. 15 do. 5.12.6 One Mate 10 do. 3.15.0 One Gunner 121/2 do. 4.13.9 Two Mates - 10 Drs. each 20 do. 7.10.0 One Capt. Marines 15 do. 5.12.6 One Armorer 10 do. 3.15.0 Officers 18 215 80.12.6 Men 182 @ 5 Drs 910 341.50 200 1125 421.17.6 3 3 Three Months Wages will be 3375 1265.12.6 Three Months provisions - say 2000 750. 0.0 24 Gunns & Carriages @ 50 Dr 1200 450. 0.0 20 Swivels @ 8 Drs 160 60. 0.0 60 best Muskets with long Bayonets - 11 Drs 660 247.10.0 100 pr. pistols @ 10 Drs 1000 375. 0.0 200 Cutlasses @ I Dr 200 75. 0.0 10 Blunderbusses 10 Dr 100 37.10.0 2 Tonn of powder @ 800 Dollrs 1600 600.0.0 Stinkpotts, hand Granades & powder flask - say 500 187.10.0

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Vessel fitted suppose 3500 1312.10.0 Amount of one Vessel of 24 Gunns 14295 5360.12.6 One ditto - ditto 14295 5360.12.6 Amount of Two Vessels of 24 Gunns for Three Mo. Cruize 28590 £10721. 5.0 Carried Up Dollrs Amount Brt. Up. 28590 £10721. 5.0 One of 18 Gunns in the same proportion will Amount To- Nearest 10721 4020.10.6 Add one of the same Number of Gunns 10721 4020.10.6 One of 14 Gunns in the same proportion will Amount To 8339 3127. 2.6 Add one of the same Number of Gunns 8339 3127. 2.6 Suppose there be in Addition to these Four Shipps of Thirty Six Gunns each-built to draw but Twelve feet of Water. The Metal will be heavier but the No. of Men & value of Shipp will not rise in the same pro- portion. On the Scale of the Above they will Amount To Twenty One thousand 442 Dollrs. each. I will suppose them to Cost 25000 each then. 4 Shipps of 36 Gunns each will Amount to 100,000 37.500. 0.0 166,710 £62.516.11.0 Suppose I am short for sundry small articles and extra or k incidental Charges to the Amt. of 13290 4983. 15.0 180,000 £67.500. 6.0

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Total Amt. for fitting out on a Cruise of Three Months a Fleet of Ten Sail (Viz) 4 of 36Gunns each 2 of 24 Gunns each 2 of 18 Gunns each & 2 of 14 Gunns each 10 The Sailors wages are set at Five Dollars each, in Addition to which I propose that one third the Value of all prizes taken be shared between the Officers and Seamen. The Enemy have not a Naval force Now on this Coast equall to the foregoing, if the Asia, Somerset, & Boyne be put out of the Question. These Three Shipps are ordered home and Forty Gunn Shipps and downward are to be employed on the American Station for the future. It is evident if they cruize in a Fleet they will not be formidable to Trade, and if single they will be liable to be attacked by an equall if not Superior force of the Continental fleet. Connecticut has fitted out Two & Rhode Island Two, these joining with the Two from the Massachusetts and those which other Colonies & Individuals will fix for the Sea will go near to form a Naval force equall if not Superior to what the Ministry will think of sending to America the Next season for they dream as little of Our meeting them, on the Sea as of Our invading Canada, and though their Naval power, & resources be ever so great in Brittain, they must inevitably be defeated the Next Campaign in America if We get early to Sea, these Shipps, and with them surprize, & intercept their Transports, or any considerable part of them, this effected, the distance between Us & Europe will put it out of their power to recover the blow, untill the season is over. What will be the Loss to the Continent if these vessels should be so unfortunate as to make no prizes? I answer the Three Mo. Wages and provisions will Amount To nearest one Third of the Gross Sum or sixty Thousand Dollars, and the ware dr Tare will make up Ninety or one half which is a large Computation-but if by means of this Force the Coastwise Trade only is protected to say Nothing of securing the introduction of Ammunition &c under their protection. The Freight of Flour only to the Army will amount To a great part of the Sum, as every Barrel which they consume at present pays at least 12 Dollar Transportation more than if carried by Water. 40,000 Barrels transported will save Sixty Thousand out of the Ninety Thousand Dollars And other Articles will doubtless Amount to as much more. It is a fact that more than 40,000 Bls. of Flour have been consumed the present Season. But the probability of Captures is much, in favor of the adventure.

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The Transports unsuspecting danger will sail without Convoy. Every prize of this kind is of double Advantage-it weakens & disappoints the Enemy, strengthens & encourages Our Army. It is good policy now to set on foot a Naval Force under proper Regulations, & the reasons for it are- At least Ten Thousand Seamen are thrown out of employ in the Northern Colonies. These with their Owners, & the various mechanics, dependent on this extensive branch of Business cannot possibly long rest easy, in their present destitute, distress'd Situation, their Shipps rotting & their Families starving. They will not revolt from the Cause but reprisal being justifiable as well by the Laws of Nature as of Nations, they will pursue the only Method in their power for indemnifying themselves, and Reprisals will be made. This will at best be but a kind of Justifiable piracy & subject to No Law or Rule, the Consequences may be very pernicious. The first fortunate Adventurer will set many more on pushing their Fortunes. Is it not more prudent, where the Loss can, at most, be so trifling to Turn this Spirit, this Temper, this Necessity of the Times down its right & proper Channel, and reduce it while in its infancy to Rule & Order before it become thro Want of Regulation, unmanageable? This will be, not only preventing, a Licentious roving, or piracy~ but will be turning Our Enemies Weapons upon him. Should private Adventurers take up the M[atter], every one will soon make his own Laws & in a few Years, No Law will govern, the mischief will grow rapidly & Our Own property will not be safe. Such Adventures are already entered upon, Witness several Captures made by the provincials without order or direction. This calls upon Us to be taken up & regulated at the first setting out. It will afterward be out of Our power. Our Coasts will swarm with roving adventurers, who if they forbear plundering of Us or Our immediate Freinds, may thro Necessity invade the property of the Subjects of those with whom We wish to stand well, & bring Accumulated Mischeif on these Colonies. Can there be a scheme, or plan, by which, the above proposed, Naval Armament may be equipp'd, without burthening these Colonies, or interfering with their other important & Necessary Operations? I think there may, & therefore take leave to propose- I. That a Committee of persons skill'd in Maratime Affairs be Appointed to fitt for Sea with all possible dispatch the foregoing Vessels of Warr-that They have power to Commission proper persons to command the same and to Constitute such rules, Ordinances, & directions as they shall judge best for the well regulating

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such Naval force, subject to the revision, & Alteration, of the General Congress, or such board as they may hereafter appoint for that purpose-Also to give the several Commanders from Time to Time such Instructions for their Conduct as they shall judge Necessary Subject to the Controll of the Congress. II. This Committee shall receive from the Continental Treasury the Sum of in Bills emitted solely for that purpose & made redeemable as hereafter provided for, and that sd. Committee receive after the rate of per Cent on the Sums by them disbursed, in executing said Trust for the Congress.(2) III. These Vessels shall cruise, only to protect the Trade of these Colonies from the insults of Ministerial Cutters, & Shipps of Warr, & for intercepting, & seizing such Vessels as shall be employed to Transport Stores, or shall have Stores on board for the Ministerial Forces employed against these Colonies. IV. The Neat [net] proceeds of all prizes after deducting the Shares of the Captors shall be by the Committee Accounted for to the Congress, by them to be applied toward sinking the Bills emitted for that purpose-all Convoy Mony, or [. . .] freight, shall be applied to the same purpose but of these the Officers & Seamen Shall have no Share. Whatever Stores, or Vessels, which on being found Useless for the present & shall be judged proper for Sale, they shall be sold for Gold, or Silver, or those Bills emitted for Naval purposes & the Neat Amount of the Sales shall be applied to discharge & sink the Sum first Granted for these purposes. V. The Vessels of Warr already fitted out by any of these Colonies or Individuals or such as may hereafter be fitted out & shall join any part of the Fleet belonging to the Continent shall during their continuing with such Fleet or any part thereof be under the same Orders & Regulations as sd. Fleet are, & be subject to the Directions of the cheif Commander of the Continental Fleet then present, and all prizes taken, they or any of them present, & assisting shall be divided by the proportion of Gunns & Men in the respective Shipps or Vessels present. VI. That the first Commissioned Captain be stiled Commodore and be considered as, & have the powers of a Commander in Cheif, under the Congress, or sd. Committee over sd. Fleet. I have now run over the outlines of a Naval Establishment. The American Exchequer may have No Money to spare, for such an Adventure. That is not the Question. Is it Necessary, if so, let Us look for Ways, & Means. I would have the Money struck for the use of the Navy, be kept as a distinct affair, & the Bills be sunk, or discharged independant of other Concerns. If there should be any prizes they will help to pay off the Bills. The Sales of the Vessels, after the Cruize, if the Congress should not incline to keep it longer, in pays

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will go farr in paying off the Bills. Suppose to make out The One half only, it is very probable, that selling, even at this discount with the Convoy Money, Freight & prizes, that the whole will be discharged. But in case this should fail & the whole at the end of Three Mo. be sunk, will not the forcing Our Enemy to keep their Naval force collected in a Fleet give such a free access to Vessels bringing the Stores We want, be an advantage adequate to this Sum? I think it will & more. The Bills emitted should be paid off in three annual payments, and suppose to render the payment certain without burthening the public it be, by Three annual Lotteries, in which Case, whatever the Fleet may bring in, may be applied to the repairing of it, & increasing, if Necessary. This will take off all popular Objection in point of expences. The Continent may be alarmed, at an additional expence, if a Navy be set on foot at Continental Charge, but a provision for sinking the Bills, by Lottery, will burthen no one, and it can be done with the greatest Certainty, by putting the Lottery, in effect, into Three Classes obliging the fortunate Adventurers in the first to receive a certain Number of Tickets in the Second in payment, in proportion To The Value of the prizes drawn, by which, a Sale will be insured, of so large a part of the next that the drawing will be punctually complied with. MS (CtHi). In the hand of Silas Deane. Endorsed: "Estimate made At [Phila]delphia: Octo. 1775, which the American Navy [. . .] first begun." 1 It seems probable that Deane had these proposals in mind when he wrote to Thomas Mumford on October 16 that he had been "directed by Congress to lay before them an Estimate of the Expence of a Naval Armament sufficient to Cope with the Cruisers, on this Coast." Deane was a member of the committee appointed on October 5 to prepare a plan for intercepting two British vessels and subsequently served as a member of the committee appointed on the 13th to prepare an estimate of the expense of outfitting two armed vessels for a three-month cruise. Congress had charged these committees with specific and rather limited tasks, but Deane took advantage of this opportunity to promote a plan for the establishment of a viable naval force. Although the press of other business consumed the attention of Congress on the 16th, Deane's proposals were probably included in the report of the committee "to prepare an estimate," which was read on the 17th, debated, and recommitted. On October 30 this committee, which came to be designated as the Naval Committee, was enlarged and authorized to outfit two additional vessels. Although the Naval Committee gradually acquired most of the functions suggested in Deane's proposal I, the overall thrust of his proposals was apparently too advanced for the majority of Congress at that time. See JCC, 3:277-80, 293-94, 297, 311-12; and Deane to Thomas Mumford, October 16? 1775. 2 The only indication that Congress ever considered a separate emission of bills to fund naval operations was its resolution of November 8 which authorized the "Committee appointed to make an estimate . . . to contract for the making proper paper for a future emission of paper bills of credit." JCC, 3:342.

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Portrait of Silas Deane

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sonal insult. The most opulent inhabitants of this City have lately become interested, under the Proprietaries in those Lands, they assembled, & fell to raising Money to employ an Armed Force to drive off all Our People without exception. Artful Enemies to the general Cause of America blew up the Flame, in hopes of breaking the general Union. I need not be more particular, to give you an Idea, of the distress which this Affair threw Me into, in a word I publiclys & sincerely condemned their Conduct. The Cheif Justice ordered them to procure Bail for their Appearance, with Sureties Freeholders of The province. This could not be procured, & they were committed. The Congress ordered the Delegates, of the two Colonies, to conferr & labor a Settlement, they did, but hitherto in vain, tho' I think the Storm subsides, and that a Temporary Settlement may be bro't about if rightly managed, which believe Me is a most delicate, as well as arduous task.(5) Sluman & Judd will probably think hard, of my censuring them, so severely as I have, but I have done it in Sincerity, Nor has anything they have said to Me, altered my Opinion. Tho' did I think otherways, I should be in no way of serving them, by attempting To justify them, while the Confidence which the Delegates of this Colony, & other cool persons here have in Me will enable Me I trust to help on the healing of this unhappy breach between the Two Colonies. Thus my Freind, you see the critical Situation into which this mad frolic of these Men has thrown Us, and indeed the very Union of the Colonies. I have wrote many Letters into Connecticut, but have received few Answers. As to Commerce, it is my Opinion that it will be opened soon with all Foreign States but no decision has yet been had, the Congress early appointed a Committee on the Subject of which I was one. We made a Report, which is now under Consideration.(6) You shall early be informed of whatever it may be. You ask Me, when I shall return, which Question I am in no way of answering, but will give you my particular Situation. The Congress have appointed a Board of Claims, of which I am one, & cannot of course be able to return untill the Acsts. of the Expences of this Campaign at least, are Settled. On this Business, We set every Morning. The Congress have also appointed a Secret Committee, for Supplying the Continent with certain Necessary Articles, of this I am one, and wish I could see You, or some other of my Connecticut Mercantile Freinds, here, as it would be in my power, to help them, & in theirs to serve their Country.(7) This hint is all I can give, on this head, & if you will come down, the Sooner, the better. A Naval Force is a favorite object of mine, & I have a prospect now, of carrying that point, having succeeded, in getting Our Connecticut, & the Rhode Island Vessels into Continental pay, (8) which motion I was seconded in beyond my expectations, and was further directed by Congress to lay before them an

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Estimate of the Expence of a Naval Armament sufficient to Cope with the Cruisers, on this Coast.(9) This I shall lay before them this Day, and am of your Opinion, That N. London harbor is well situated for the rendevous of an American Navy, & my Freind, is it not worth while for N. London to labor to obtain the advantages of such a Collection of Navigation spending their Money there? I think it prudent, & adviseable, therefore for you or some other to come instantly down here, by which, You may undoubtedly procure, an advantageous employment for your Navigation. As to the Assembly choosing New Delegates, the Congress will not interfere, either in the Mode, or Time, agreeable to any Colony. I think however, it would be best, for the Assembly, to make a New Election, or at least To reelect their Delegates annually. As to myself, I know not how I stand in their estimation, but make this my rule, to serve them chearfully, to the best of my Abilities, when called upon, and with equall Chearfullness to give place to better Men.(10) By what I have said above you will See I have no idle Time. My Compts. to all Freinds in Assembly-particularly to Mr. Hosmer, I wish he was here, & if You make a new choice he must be one. I have wrote to him a long Letter, and Several Short ones without any Answer. How does his Lead Works go on? I am Sir Your most Obedt. & very Huml. Servt. Silas Deane P.S. Where is the Maccaroni, & how have you Succeeded, in procuring a most Necessary Article? Will it not be prudent, to Arm one half the Militia, with pikes of handles of about Ten feet in length, the heads Three square, with sharp stripps of Iron running down about One feet on the handle from the head to prevent The Enemy laying hold with their hands in the Action. Will a Battery, on Winthropps Neck, another on Mamecock, & a few Gunns on the heights on the [eastern] Shore secure that Harbor? How farr up the Nor[wich Ri]ver is their Sufficient Depth of Water for a [twenty] Gunnshipp? RC (NN). Addressed: "To Thomas Mumford Esqr. of New London Now at the Genl. Assembly, New Haven." 1 Deane dated this letter "Octo. 15th," but he also recorded in his diary: "Monday 15th at Congress." CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964): 96A. Since he often misdated documents by one day and since he indicated in this letter that he intended to present a report to Congress "this day," Deane probably wrote this letter on Monday, October 16, rather than Sunday the 15th. 2 See Connecticut Delegates to Zebulon Butler et al., August 2, 1775. 3 See Deane to Zebulon Butler, July 24, 1775. 4 See Eliphalet Dyer to Zebulon Butler, October 1,1775. 5 Unable to reach an agreement, the Connecticut and Pennsylvania delegates requested on October 14 that a new committee be chosen from among the delegates of the other colonies. The resulting committee, appointed October 17, deliberated periodically until December 20, when in accordance with their report Congress

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resolved that both sides should cease hostilities and suspend further settlement of the disputed territory until a legal decision was forthcoming. JCC, 3:295, 297, 321, 439 40. See also Connecticut Delegates' Proposed Resolution, October 17? 1775. 6 The report of the committee on trade, appointed September 22, was read October 2 and considered by the committee of the whole during most of October. On November I Congress resolved to continue prohibiting all exportation except that undertaken for the importation of arms and ammunition. JCC, 3:259, 268 69. 314. 7 The Secret Committee soon contracted with Mumford to procure 50 tons of gunpowder. See Secret Committee Minutes of Proceedings, November 28. 1775. 8 See the resolutions of October 5 reported by the committee "to prepare a plan for intercepting two vessels, which are on their way to Canada." JCC, 3:279. 9 See Silas Deane's Proposals for Establishing a Navy, October 16? 1775, note 1. 10 At the October session of the Connecticut Assembly Oliver Wolcott and Samuel Huntington were chosen to replace Deane and Eliphalet Dyer as delegates to Congress for the following year. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1018-19. For a discussion of the motives behind Deane's defeat, which included disenchantment with Deane's restraint in pressing Connecticut claims in the Wyoming valley, see Christopher Collier, Roger Sherman's Connecticut (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1971), pp, 131-33. See also Deane to Elizabeth Deane, November 26; and Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr., December 5, 1775.

Provincial Convention

Gentlemen Philadelphia, Oct. 16, 1775. By some late advices from General Schuyler, we understand that he is in great distress for want of powder.(1) And as so much depends on the success of that expedition-indeed as the safety of all America depends upon it-the Congress have unamiously agreed that the ton of powder forwarded to you last week from Philadelphia be, with all possible expedition, dispatch'd to General Schuyler. In the meantime the Congress will fall upon all the measures in their power to furnish you with what they possibly can. You will please immediately to put this Recommendation in Execution.(2) I am Gentlemen, Your most Obed. hum. servt. John Hancock Presidt. RC (N). Written by Charles Thomson, with last two paragraphs and signature by Hancock. Journals of N. Y. Prozn Cong., 2:5. RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr. 1 This day, upon receiving an October 5 letter from General Schuyler declaring his inability to supply General Montgomery with gunpowder, Congress ordered the New York Provincial Congress to forward a ton of powder to Schuyler and appointed a committee to ascertain how much had already been sent to the northern army. This committee drafted a report, but there is no record that it was formally submitted to Congress. See PCC, item 153, 1:190-93; Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:951- 52; JCC, 3:295-96; and Committee on Powder Report, October 16? 1775.

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2 The New York Provincial Congress received this letter on October 18 and immediately decided to send the gunpowder requested to Schuyler. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1291-92.

New York Provincial Convention

Gent: Philadelphia 16th Octr 1775 Four of your Delegates being absent on publick business, & another detained by ill health, we are at present reduced to five, less than which number are insufficient to form a representation, So that in case of sickness, or the necessary absence of anyone of us, our province remains unrepresented. We submitt it therefore to your consideration whether a delegation of the power to three when the rest are absent, would not be advantagious to the colony?(1) We beg to be favoured with your answer to this as soon as possible & have the honour to be with the greatest respect Your most Obt Hum Servants Jas. Duane Robt R Livingston junr John Alsop Henry Wisner John Jay RC (N). Addressed: "To the hon. the Provincial Convention of New York." Written by Robert R. Livingston, Jr., and signed by Livingston, Alsop, Duane, Jay, and Wisner. 1 On October 20 the Provincial Congress refused to permit only three New York delegates to function as a quorum in Congress, but in view of the continuing problem of absenteeism in the New York delegation, the Provincial Congress reconsidered this decision and on December 21 resolved that when circumstances dictated as few as three or four delegates could represent the province in Congress. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1298, 4:436.

Virginia Delegate to Unknown

October 16, 1775 What have I read in the Virginia papers to-day! That an officer and 13 men went into the town of Norfolk at noon-day, and took from thence, unopposed, an inhabitant of the place, and the printer's types.(1) Would this have been suffered in York! Not whilst there was a single man living to defend the poor captive. O, Sir! did you but know what I feel upon this occasion, you would sympathise with me.

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Is it possible, says one, that they would suffer such a thing? Why you see it is possible, says another; for they have suffered it. Well, says a third, I would not have such a disgrace upon my colony for the whole world. Can you conceive a more unhappy state for a man of feelings? A man who has the honour of his country at heart? I tell them that the chief of the inhabitants are tories: Then why do you suffer such wretches to stay among you? Ah! why do we suffer them indeed! It would not be permitted in any other colony on the continent, I am convinced. But what are we to do? The bulk of the inhabitants of Norfolk is composed of natives of North Britain; and all the world knows that the late Virginia convention have expressly exempted those men from the service of defending their country, or rather, they have granted them a privilege of doing all the mischief imaginable to the common cause of America. They say it is inhuman, it is cruel, it is barbarous, to make them take arms against their countrymen. Poor, mean tools of despotism! Brutus condemned his sons to death, because they supported tyranny, and Timoleon slew his brother, because he was a tyrant; but if these examples of patriotism are of too old a date for them to follow, let them look at many brave men, both English and Scotchmen, now on the continent, who have most ardently embarked in the common cause of freedom and mankind. They feel no shocks to humanity, but, warmed with the spirit of liberty, are ready to plunge the dagger into a tyrant brother. It is high time for the test act to make its appearance among us. It is highly proper that the worthy natives of Britain should be distinguished from the others, and that every man should have the choice of joining us or not; but it is also reasonable, that those who will not join us should be forthwith sent out of the country; for who can trust a man in his neighbourhood whose principles are avowedly against the liberties of the people. It requires no great gift of prophecy to foretell, that if such men are suffered to live among us, whether natives of North or of South Britain, or of our own country, our plans and operations must forever be betrayed, which, in all probability, will prove the downfall of Virginia. But there is another reason for the rapid progress which lord Dunmore makes in and about Norfolk: Without regular forces to support them, without minute-men, and the militia but badly armed, what are the poor, wretched inhabitants to do? They must either submit to the military government of lord Dunmore, or suffer the miseries of imprisonment, and the loss of property. Five thousand regular forces, with a few horse, would have prevented the disgrace of Norfolk and Princess Anne, and perhaps of the whole lower country. Those men are weak politicians who would sacrifice a wide extended coast to the mean consideration of saving a little public money.

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MS not found; reprinted from the Virginia Gazette (Pinkney), November 2, 1775. Printed under the heading "Extract of a letter from a member of the continental congress to his friend in Virginia, dated October 16, 1775." 1 For more contemporary accounts of the September 30, 1775, raid on the office of John Hunter Holt, printer of the Virginia Gazette or Norfolk Intelligencer, by a band of British soldiers and sailors acting at the behest of Lord Dunmore, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:847, 923. See also Richard Henry Lee to George Washington, October 22, 1775.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 16, 1775] 16th. Letter from provincial Congs. of New Jersies requesting the Lib[ert]y of appointing field officers to the two Battalions proposed. to be raised. Comee. appointed to answer it.(1) Letter from Genl. Schuyler enclosing Letters from Genl. Montgomery & others.(2) 200000 Dollars ordered to be sent to Genl. Schuyler under Direction of the Pennsylvania Delegs; a Ton of Powder to [be] sent from New York to Genl. Schuyler. A Comee. to consider of further Ways & Means for promoting the Manufacture of salt petre; the salt petre taken at Turtle Bay to be sent to the Powder Mills at New York.(3) Mr. Randolph & Mr. Hopkins app [ointe] d to confer with Mr. McPharson. A Comee. to Inquire what quantity of Powder has been sent to Gen. Schuyler. The Order of the Day further referred. MS (RHi). 1 For the New Jersey Provincial Congress' letter to Congress of October 13, see PCC. item 68, vols. 15-18; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1050-51. The committee appointed this day by Congress to respond to this letter submitted a draft reply on October 25, which Congress approved only after inserting in it a key sentence about the appointment of regimental field officers. The letter was then sent over the signature of President Hancock. JCC, 3:295, 304-5; and Hancock to the New Jersey Provincial Congress, October 25, 1775. 2 This day Congress received a letter from General Schuyler to Hancock of October 5, enclosing two letters of September 28 from General Montgomery to Schuyler as well as letters to Montgomery from Maj. Timothy Bedel of September 18, from James Livingston of September 27, and from Col. Seth Warner of September 27, 1775. See PCC, item 153, 1:190-209; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:951-55, where Bedel's letter is incorrectly dated September 28. 3 See JCC, 3:296.

John Zubly's Diary

[October 16, 1775] 16. Attended congress.(1) Joined in a Letter to Georgia Committee.(2) MS (GHi). l According to the brief entries in his diary, Zubly attended Congress each day this week, October 16-21, 1775. 2 Not found.

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Connecticut Delegates' Proposed Resolution

[October 17? 1775] (1) Whereas it is represented to this Congress, that some Disturbances have lately happened among the People inhabiting the Lands in Controversy between the Colony of Connecticut and the Proprietors of the Colony of Pennsylvania, which, unless speedily quieted, may interrupt the Harmony and weaken the Union of the confederated Colonies, when their united Efforts are necessary for the Defence of their common Rights and Liberties; and that the Peace of said Inhabitants cannot be preserved, nor Offenders duly punished there by the Civil Authority of the Colonies of Connecticut and Pennsylvania, or either of them, by Reason of their interfering Claims of Jurisdiction, and the Assembly of the Colony of Pennsylvania and the Delegates of the Colony of Connecticut have requested the Interposition and Advice of the Congress in the Premises. Resolved that in the Opinion of the Congress, it is expedient for preserving the Peace of said Colonies that a Temporary Line of Jurisdiction be fixed between them, and therefore recommend for the present, and until there shall be a legal Settlement of said Controversy, or some other Regulation established, that the Colony of Connecticut confine the Exercise of its Jurisdiction (at the Place in Controversy) to that Part of a Township incorporated by the Assembly of that Colony by the Name of Westmoreland, that lieth East of a Meridan Line beginning at Latitude 41° North, at the Distance of 15 English Miles West from the East Branch of Susquehannah River, and from thence running North to the North Line of the Lands in Controversy. And that the Colony of Pennsylvania forbear to exercise Jurisdiction within those Limits, unless the South Limit of said Town include any of the Inhabitants who settled and hold under the Claim of the Proprietors of Pennsylvania, that then those Inhabitants remain under the Jurisdiction of Pennsylvania, and that all the Inhabitants, on said controverted Lands, be suffered peaceably to occupy the Lands now in their actual Possession. Provided nevertheless, that nothing contained in this temporary Provision shall any way affect or prejudice the legal Title or Claim of either Party to any of the said Lands. And it is further recommended that all Persons who have been arrested only for attempting to enter upon and take Possession of any of the vacant or uncultivated Lands in Controversy, be forthwith released, and that all their Effects be restored to them. And that for the future all concerned carefully avoid whatever may tend to disturb the Peace, or interrupt the Harmony and Friendship that ought at all Times, and more especially the present, to subsist among all true Lovers of their Country.

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MS not found; reprinted from Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7320-21. 1 The inability of the Connecticut and Pennsylvania delegates to come to an agreement on the subject of "the disputes between the people of the two colonies on the waters of the Susquehannah," led to the appointment on October 17 of a committee to take the controversy into consideration. JCC, 3:297. The committee then apparently heard representations from the Connecticut and Pennsylvania delegates, and in the course of its hearings received the following proposed resolution from the Connecticut delegates. Concerned that congressional adoption of the proposal would confirm Connecticut settlers in possession of a large tract of land in the area, representatives from the counties of Northumberland and Northampton submitted a memorial to the Pennsylvania Assembly on October 25 "to solicit Assistance . . . against the Connecticut Intruders." This memorial contained the proposed resolution. For the full text of the memorial and the response of the Assembly to the Northumberland and Northampton Counties' plea, see Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7314 23, 7326, 7330-32. Although the committee reported to Congress on November 4, the dispute remained an issue of continuing concern, and the congressional resolve of December 20, calling for an end to hostilities, seemed aimed at delay rather than decisive settlement of the conflict. See JCC, 3:321, 335-36, 377, 439-40, 453; and Silas Deane to Thomas Mumford, October 16(?) 1775.

Provincial Convention

Gentlemen Philadelphia, 17th Oct. 1775. As the Congress apprehend there may be a Design of an attack upon New York, I am directed by them to Desire you will give directions for the immediate Removal of all the Sulphur now in the city of New York to a place of greater safety at a distance from the City, and you will please to Inform Congress to what place you have ordered it. I am gentlemen, Your most Obedt. servt. John Hancock Presidt. RC (N). Journals of N.Y. Prov. Cong., 2:5. RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr.

John Jay to Alexander McDougall

Dear Sir Phil. 17 Octr 1775 I am much obliged to you for your friendly Letter by Mr Fine- his Business will soon be determined. The Hint you give is by no means pleasing. I wish your apprehensions were without Foundation tho I have too good an opinion of your Discernment to entertain Hopes of your being mistaken. You will much oblige me by a few Lines now & then. I need not caution you to be careful by what Hands you send them.

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Tho I lament your absence from the Scene of Action It gives me Pleasure to find you on a field which you should not quit with Precipitation. Prudence forbids my being explicit. Were I sure that this Letter would reach you unopened it would be a very long one. Why you restrain Exports permitted by the association I know not.(1) The Sacrifice tho well intended is expensive. Your Seamen will forsake you. I should not be surprized if Necessity should add them to the Number of your Enemies. No news yet as to the Effect of our Petition. God grant it may be a means of restoring the Peace & I may add the Prosperity of the Empire now rent by unnatural Convulsions. But we ought not to rely wholly on it, lest it prove a broken Reed & pierce us. I am with great Sincerity your Friend & hble Servt John Jay RC (NHi). 1 On October 13 the New York Provincial Congress, in response to a request from Nicholas Low for permission to ship flour out of the province, asked Congress if New Yorkers were barred from exporting goods to any place not mentioned in the "General Association." PCC, item 67, vols. 105, 108; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1286, The New York delegates provided a partial reply to this inquiry on October 26 by transmitting to the Provincial Congress a resolution of that date permitting limited commerce with the foreign West Indies, but a more complete answer was not forthcoming until November 1, when Congress reconfirmed the general ban on all exports from the colonies until March 1, 1776, without congressional approval, except for trade among the 13 colonies and the exchange of certain American goods for arms and ammunition from the foreign West Indies. See JCC, 3:308, 314; Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1309, 1315; and New York Delegates to Nathaniel Woodhull, October 26, 1775. Robert R. Livingston, Jr., to John Stevens Hond. Sir Philadelphia 17th Octr. 1775. I have been a little uneasy at not hearing from you in answer to mine accompanying the money I sent you by the Waggon, which I hope came safe to hand. I have recd. a Letter from Polly this week, in which she informs me that she is well. I enclose you one from her. I propose if I can get leave to set off from this for New York & from thence home some time next week. If I can get so much time I will take you in my rout [e] . I have been very unfortunately circumstanced ever since I have been here, so many of my Colleagues being absent as not to leave more than a deligation, so that I could not gratify the wish I had of seeing you without leaving our Colony unrepresented. We are very solicitous about news from the Nor [th] ward where our army are very disagreeably stationed in a wet unhealthy country, so that their success must be speedy or their expedition will

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be defeated by sickness. Our accts. hitherto have been pritty favourable except that the folly of Allen urged him to expose himself with a handful of men before Montreal where he was taken & his party defeated with small loss. Tell John that his friend James Livingston is very active & gaining great honour by the assistance he lends us in Canada where he displays great bravery, & conduct. I sent by Mr. Allen a Letter to Genl Gates which I hope John recd. before he set out for Boston, if he is gone. If not I shall expect to be favour'd with his company to the manor. Present my Love to Mrs. Stevens & comps. to other friends at the valley & believe me to be Your Dutiful Son Robt R Livingston RC (NjHi) . Addressed "To The Hon. John Stevens Esqr., Valley Lebanon."

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 17, 1775] 17th. A Comee. appointed to consider & Report what is fit to be done in the disputes between Pennsylvania & Connecticut.(1) Some Accts. allowed. Letter from Govr. Cooke read.(2) Dr. Morgan chosen Director Genl. of the hospital in the Room of Dr. Church. President desired to write to the Convention of New York to desire that all the Sulphur in the City be removed to a place of Safety. MS (RHi). 1 See Connecticut Delegates' Proposed Resolution, October 172 1775, note. 2 This letter, dated October 9, has not been found. JCC, 3:297.

John Adams to James Warren

Dr Sir Octr. 18. 1775 The Letter of Dr [Church] is the oddest Thing imaginable. There are so many Lies in it, calculated to give the Enemy an high Idea of our Power and Importance, as well as so many Truths tending to do us good that one knows not how to think him treacherous. Yet there are several Strokes, which cannot be accounted for at least by me without the Supposition of Iniquity. In Short I endeavour to Suspend my Judgment. Dont let us abandon him for a Traitor without certain Evidence. But there is not So much Deliberation in many others, or so much Compassion. The Congress declined entering into any Discussion of the Evidence, or any Determination concerning his Guilt, or the Nature of

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his offence. But in general they had a full Conviction that it was so gross an Imprudence at least, and was So Suspicious, that it became them to dismiss him from their Service, which they did instantly. Yesterday they chose a Successor, Dr Morgan an eminent Surgeon of this City.(1) We, as usual had our Men to propose, Dr Hall Jackson and Dr Forster. But Dr Forsters Sufferings and Services-and Dr Jacksons great Fame, Experience and Merits were pleaded in vain. There is a Fatality attends our Province. It Seems destined to fall into Contempt. It was destined that We should make Mistakes 1 think, in our Appointment of Generals, Delegates, Surgeons and every Thing else except Paymaster & Judge Advocate. I hope they will not turn Cowards, Traytors, nor Lubbers, if they do I shall renounce all. Dr Morgan will be with you soon. He is Professor of Medicine in the Colledge here, and reads Lectures in the Winter. He is a Brother of Mr Duche and of our Mr Stillman. I may write you more particularly about him another Time. Let me close now with a Matter of some Importance. Congress have appointed Deane, Wythe, and your Servant a Committee to collect a just Account of the Hostilities committed by the ministerial Troops and Navy, in America, Since last March; with proper Evidence of the Truth of the Facts related, the Number and Value of the Buildings destroyed by them, also the Number and Value of the Vessells inward and outward bound, which have been Seized by them, Since that Period, also the Stock taken by them from different Parts of the Continent.(2) We shall write to the Assemblies of New England and Virginia, at least, but we shall likewise write to many Individuals Requesting their Assistance and to you among others. I wish you would think a little and consult with others concerning this Business, for it nearly concerns our province to have it well done. RC (MHi) . In Adams' hand, though not signed. 1 John Morgan (1735-89), Philadelphia physician and a founder of the medical school at the College of Philadelphia, was appointed "director general and chief physician of the Hospital" in place of Dr. Church on October 17. DAB; and JCC, 3:297. 2 See JCC, 3:298-99, 307. See also Adams' letters to Abigail Adams and to William Cooper of October 19; and Committee on Hostilities to Nathaniel Woodhull, October 19, 1775.

Samuel Ward's Diary

[October 18, 1775] 18th. Report relative to the Tea read & postponed generally. Delegates from New Hampshire presen tte] d an Instruction from the

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provincial Congress for the Advice of Congress relative to their assuming Governt.; referred to Monday next.(1) A Comee. appointed to collect a just & well authenticated Ac[coun]t of all Hostilities comm[itte]d since 1st March last by ministerial troops & Ships of War & of the Numbers & Value of houses burnt & Vessels taken. MS (RHi). 1 See JCC, 3:298.

John Adams to Abigail Adams

My Dear Octr: 19. 1775 It is some Time since I wrote you, and I have nothing, now, to write but Repetitions of Respect and Affection. I am anxious to hear from you. I hope, the Family is better, and that your Grief for the great Loss We have all sustained is somewhat abated. 1 hope your Father and Sister Betcy, are well, tho they must be greatly afflicted.Give my Love to Betcy, and let her know that I feel, most intimately for her, as well as for myself, and the rest. I consider the Stroke must fall heavier upon her, as it was nearer to her. Her Prosperity is near my Heart-I wish her every Blessing which she can possibly wish for herself. Really it is very painfull to be 400 Miles from ones Family and Friends when We know they are in Affliction. It seems as if It would be a Joy to me to fly home, even to share with you your Burdens and Misfortunes. Surely, if I were with you, it would be my Study to allay your Griefs, to mitigate your Pains and to divert your melancholly Thoughts. When I shall come home I know not. We have so much to do, and it is so difficult to do it right, that We must learn Patience. Upon my Word I think, if ever I were to come here again, I must bring you with me. I could live here pleasantly if I had you, with me. Will you come and have the small Pox here? I wish I could remove all the Family, our little Daughter and Sons, and all go through the Distemper here. What if We should? Let me please myself with the Thought however. Congress has appointed Mr. Wythe, Mr. Deane and me, a Committee to collect an Account of the Hostilities committed by the Troops and Ships, with proper Evidence of the Number and Value of the Houses and other Buildings destroyed or damaged, the Vessells captivated and the Cattle, Sleep, Hogs &c. taken. We are about writing to all the general assemblies of New England, and to many private Gentlemen in each Collony to assist Us in making the

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Collections.(1) The Gentlemen with me are able Men. Deane's Character you know. He is a very ingenious Man and an able Politician. Wythe is a new Member from Virginia, a Lawyer of the highest Eminence in that Province, a learned and very laborious Man: so that We may hope this Commission will be well executed. A Tale of Woe it will be! Such a scene of Distress, and Destruction and so patiently and magnanimously born. Such a Scene of Cruelty and Barbarity, so unfeelingly committed. I mention this to you my dear, that you may look up and transmit to me a Paper, which Coll. Palmer lent me containing a Relation of the Charlestown Battle, which was transmitted to England by the Committee of Safety. This Paper I must have, or a Copy of it.(2) I wish I could collect from the People of Boston or others, a proper Set of Paintings of the Scenes of Distress and Misery, brought upon that Town from the Commencement of the Port Bill. Posterity must hear a Story that shall make their Ears to Tingle. Yours-yours-yours- RC (MHi).Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield),1:3024. 1 See Committee on Hostilities to Nathaniel Woodhull, this date. 2 This "Relation" was prepared under the direction of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety and forwarded to England in a letter of Joseph Palmer to Arthur Lee, July 25, 1775. Both the narrative and the letter of transmittal are printed in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1373-76. Adams received at least two copies. Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 1:304n.

John Adams to William Cooper

Dear sir Philadelphia Octr. 19. 1775 I have but a Moment to inform you (1) that Congress have appointed a Committee, to collect an account of the Hostilities committed by the Army and Navy, with authentic Evidence of the Facts-the Number and Value of the Buildings destroyed-the Vessells inward and outward bound, captivated or Seized and the Stock taken from any Part of the Continent. You will be informed in a more regular Manner and from better Authority very soon. Mean Time I beg you would do every Thing in your Power to forward this Business which is of great Moment, and let me beg the favour of you to send me a Copy by Post or the first Conveyance of the account which was sent from Authority in our Province of the Charlestown Battle, to England. My Love to all Friends, your excellent Brother especially and believe me to be your Friend &c John Adams [P.S.] The Bearer is Captain Mordecai Gist, a Gentleman of Character and an officer of Merit, in Maryland.(2)

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RC (MHi). 1 William Cooper (1721-1809), Boston town clerk, secretary of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, and a member of the provincial assembly, was elected speaker pro tempore of the House of Representatives on September 29, 1775. Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:1433, 1446. In his December 5 response to Adams, Cooper informed him that "a Committee of both Houses of which I am one has been appointed in consequence of the Committee of Congresses letter being laid before them, and a circular letter is to be forwarded to the Selectmen & Committees of Correspondence in the several towns where hostilities have been committed, that we may be able to furnish your Committee with a collected account of the damages sustained in those towns."Adams Papers, MHi. 2 Mordecai Gist (1742/43-92), Baltimore merchant and captain of the Baltimore Independent Company. By 1779 he had become a brigadier general in the Continental Army. DAB.

John Adams to Joseph Palmer

Dr Sir Octr. 19.1775 Before I left Watertown a Committee of both Houses was appointed to enquire after Virgin lead and leaden ore, and the Methods of making Salt, who were to transmit their Discoveries to me. Another Committee was appointed, to correspond with your Delegates, here and communicate to them the earliest Intelligence of all Things necessary for us to know. We have never received a letter from Either of those Committees, but are in constant Hope and hourly Expectation of Letters from both. There is another Thing of great Importance, which I earnestly wish may be furnished us, if practicable immediately, I mean Some accounts and Vouchers or at least Some Representation of the Ex penses which our Province has subjected itself to in the common Cause, that We may endeavour to obtain a Reimbursement, before the Continental Treasury shall be exhausted, which I fear will be Sooner than any one can imagine. Congress has appointed a Comtee to collect a Narration of the Violences and Depredations, the Rapine and Plunder of the Army and Navy, with affidavits to support it, for the Information of this Generation and all Posterity. This Comtee. will write to your general Court and to you particularly very soon requesting your assistance. Pray send me by the first Post Copy of the account of the Charlestown Battle, which was sent to England by the Comtee. of Safety.(1) I forgot to bring it with me and have wanted it very much. We are in hourly Expectation of being overwhelmed all at once, with Floods of Intelligence from England, Quebec, St. Johns, Cambridge, and twenty other Places. But at present it is as dead as Midnight.

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A Transport is ashore at Egg Harbour, with Soldiers. They have drowned their Powder and Arms as the Mohacks did The Tea My Compliments to the Family & all Friends. Yours RC (M-Ar). In Adams' hand, though not signed. Tr (DLC). RC incomplete; first three paragraphs supplied from Tr. 1 Joseph Palmer soon sent Adams a copy of the "Account of the Battle of Charlestown" and reported in detail the activities of the provincial committee on lead. Joseph Palmer to John Adams, October 31, and November 11, 1775, Adams Papers, MHi.

John Adams to James Warren

My dear sir Octr. 19. 1775 It was the latter End of August that I left you. All September has run away, and 19 days in Octr.-and We have had no regular Intelligence from Watertown or Cambridge. Your Goodness I acknowledge. But there was a Committee of both Houses appointed, to correspond with your Delegates; and We were to be informed of every Thing that occurr'd in Boston, Cambridge, Roxbury, Watertown &c especially of every Thing which passed in Either House. But have never received a single Letter not even a Scratch of a Pen from this Comtee. or any Member of it, unless you are one, which I dont know that you are. .Should be glad to hear if this Committee is all defunct or not. I have, in almost every Letter I have written, to any of my Friends, entreated that We might have accounts and Vouchers Sent us, that We might obtain a Reimbursement of Some Part at least of the inordinate Expence that has fallen upon Us-But have received No Answer from any one, concerning it. I wish to be informed, however, what the Difficulty is, that lies in the way, if We cannot have the Accounts &c. The Continental Money goes away so fast, that I greatly fear We shall have none left in the Treasury, before We get the Proper Evidence and Information to obtain a Reimbursement for our