1812: FACTORY SYSTEM THREATENS BRITISH CONTROL OF INDIANS

[MS. in Canadian Archives. Pressmark: Bathurst Papers, pp. 144–157. 1 ]

1 In Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, pp. 375 et seq., we presented a series of documents throwing light on the Wisconsin fur-trade, 1815–17. The present volume being a continuation of that series, should chronologically begin with our second document, commencing p. 12. But subsequent to the publication of volume xix, we discovered in the Canadian Archives at Ottawa the following paper, dated 1812, which should have appeared in that volume. We print it here, out of its chronological order, not only because of its important bearing upon the United States factory system and the later economics of the furtrade; but for the additional reason that it is peculiarly appropriate as an introduction to volume xx, whose later documents begin with the year 1818, when the factory system was the subject of animated discussion, and when its abolition was near at hand.— Ed .

My Lord—The Importance of their co-operation and the policy of cultivating the good will of the Savages, upon the frontier of the American States, having been so recently, and powerfully exemplified; may I presume to present myself again to y r Lordships attention, for a few moments on that subject. To which I am particularly prompted, by the accounts lately received of the fall of Fort Dearborn, at the foot of Lake Michigan, 0026 2 and Fort Wayne, near the head waters of the Wabash, and Miami rivers. 2

2 Fort Dearborn, on the site of the city of Chicago, was evacuated August 15, 1812, by Maj. Nathan Heald, commandant in charge, under orders from Brigadier-General Hull at Detroit. As Heald and his garrison were retreating along the shore of the lake, they were attacked by a large body of Indians acting in the British interest; over fifty were massacred and the remainder made prisoners. Captain and Mrs. Heald were eventually taken to Mackinac, where the British officer, Capt. Charles Roberts, released the unfortunate American on parole. See Heald's diary in Draper MSS., 17U33–35. A commemoration of the massacre at Fort Dearborn was held in Chicago, August 15, 1912. Fort Wayne was not captured, as is stated farther on in this same document.— Ed .

If that be true, this Country has to congratulate itself upon the termination of one of the most noxious conditions, of the Treaty of Peace which closed the revolutionary war: Inasmuch as the Anglo-Americans may be considered as expelled from the Indian country in that direction and entirely deprived of that command of those waters, by which they were enabled effectually to controul the communication of our traders, with the great western wilderness. How completely it was in their power to do so, I had occular demonstration; having in the course of my wanderings, visited both Fort Wayne, and Fort Dearborn; The latter would have been essentially annoying in that respect; as Those traders when outw d bound, to the Country westward of the Mississippi, and up the Missouri, are in the habit of going by the Green Bay, and Ouisconsin River; but return by the Illinois, and the Chicagou Rivers, (on which last Fort Dearborn stood) into Lake Michigan, and by the Straits of Michilimackinac home. The situation of that Fort, was in my humble opinion, judiciously chosen in various respects; and the scite of it, an invaluable one to the power possessing the maritime superiority of the Lakes. To the Country lower on the Mississippi the passage of the Traders was by the Rivers Miami, and Wabash; of which Fort Wayne, as being 0027 3 between the head waters of those streams, was considered as one of the keys, the other being Fort Massac. 3

3 For a history of this post see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xviii, p. 210, note 62.— Ed .

That a consequence so deeply injurious to the United States, as their expulsion from such an immense tract of the Indian Country, should have resulted almost instantaneously as it were, from the infatuated measures of their Executive; must not only have exceeded the expectation, it can hardly have been within the contemplation of our most sanguine friends.

But this success on our part, great as it is, will be found I apprehend to have engendered some serious perplexities, and to have interposed a new and very powerfull obstacle, to the adjustment of differences: Namely the settlement of another Indian boundary; as I take it for granted, all previous arrangements on that head, will be considered by the Savages at least, as dissolved; and our assistance on that point, they will undoubtedly require. It will not I dare say, again happen, that they will have to accuse us (and as perhaps there were but too much grounds) that after having excited them to lift the hatchet as they call it, we left them after all to fix the boundary line upon the last occasion, how and where they could. There will probably be found some persons in this country, averse to any attempt on our part, to enforce an Indian claim of any sort; but recent occurrences have surely shewn, that those people are highly essential to our security in the Canadas, and that unless we are prepared to relinquish those provinces, we must in some instances make their cause our own. In the present case the Indians, incontestibly made war on our account, and not for themselves. Neither is the question of boundary, a concern between them and the Americans only. It is now more than ever, a matter especially interesting to this nation.

For the active part which the Indians have now taken in our favor, we may also anticipate a claim of compensation, for the Annuities which they were receiving from the U. States. That to the Patawatamics, was, if I recollect aright, to a very 0028 4 large amount. They may also be expected to require somewhat in satisfaction for the U. States Trading Houses, at Fort Wayne, and Chicagou, which they have destroyed, but from whence they were used to be supplied with the necessary articles in exchange for their Furs etc., on very advantageous terms; as those being Government Stores, no further advance was required upon the goods, than would defray the cost to charges; and were consequently sold at a much cheaper rate, than any individual trader would, or could afford. This System originated with President Washington; 4 and has been ever since, working silently but not unsuccessfully, against us; in a limited degree only as yet it is true; thanks to the pitifull policy of their late Congressmen, who have uniformily refused to vote the sums requisite for the plan, on its intended scale. At each of these trading places, there was also erected a Smith's Shop, and an armourer maintained at the public expense; by whom all the Indians were at liberty to have their Guns and other implements when damaged, repaired gratis. This politic arrangement was working powerfully against us, by comparison; as there was nothing of that sort to be shewn on the side of the Canadas, and those Indians who had become accustomed to the benefits of those establishments, will miss them greatly. They will be very unwilling to part with the produce of their hunt, upon the terms of the Canadian Trader, after having been used to better bargains; and they will find, that by the destruction of the U. States Trading houses, they have made a substantial sacrifice of their own comforts. Whenever they come to discover this, they will not be apt to undervalue it, nor backward in asking to be remunerated and the Americans we may rely, will lose no time in asking them, what they have to shew for the advantages which they derived from their trading establishments, and which they themselves had destroyed.

4 Note on original manuscript: See the Extract from his Address to Congress hereto annexed.

Of all the projects of Gen l Washington, after effecting the seperation of those Colonies from the mother country; I apprehend 0029 5 this of the Trading houses, best calculated to undermine the influence of Great Britain, with the Indians. It was an appeal to their strongest feelings thro' the medium of their interest, and comprehensible by the simplest savage. He had only to present a portion of his furs etc, for barter to the Canadian Traders, and the like at the States Trading House, and the advantages of dealing with the latter were too palpable to be overlooked. Nor was he left to conjecture how so great a difference in his favor happened; The Agents of that Government, take, good care to impress his mind with the idea, that it is the effect of the endeavors of the Americans to shield them from British impositions; and the Indian sees too much cause to be satisfied with the benefits he receives, to trouble himself with investigating the motives which may have influenced the U. States. I beg to be understood as by no means intending of myself to insinuate anything unfair on the part of the Canadians in their traffic with the Indians. They were at great disadvantages, by the Government of the U. States, coming into the Market against them; the goods purchased by them for that purpose, were always bought with Cash, and oftentimes at Auction; in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, for a mere song; according as the necessities of the Importer might offer them; so that the original Indian Trader stood no chance, wherever these establishments were situated. It may perhaps be said, if these Government trading houses, were so notoriously beneficial to the Indians, how did it happen, that they destroyed them? I attribute it in the first place to the improvidence and rapacity inherent in the Savage, to whom the idea of immediate possession of those stores was irresistable. In the next place, I consider it very probable, that latterly the supplies at those houses, became deficient; for it is to be observed, that the articles are almost without exception of british manufacture; but which their Embargo, Non-importation, and Non-intercourse laws, all preceding in close order the Declaration of War, must have rendered it difficult, even for them, to procure the requisite quantities; and with all their boasted manufacturing abilities, I defy them to supply that deficiency from their own work shops.

0030 6

To discourse even of Indian hostilities, is by some persons my Lord considered as advocating them; but I trust your Lordship will by no means be inclined to contemplate these observations in that point of view; far be it from me. I do most earnestly wish the warfare of those people could be divested of those horrors, which have from time immemorial, been attendant upon all their military expeditions, when unchecked by the presence of Englishmen as their allies. What a dreadfull comment upon that part of Gen l Hulls Proclamation 5 whereby he denounced death to every white Man found fighting with the Indians against him; is the Massacre of the Troops from Fort Dearborn, on their retreat to Fort Wayne; had there been but ever so small a British force in company, I have no doubt it would have been prevented.

5 Gen. William Hull, commander at Detroit, was much condemned by British authorities for the threat here mentioned in his proclamation to the Canadian habitants, July 12, 1812. The original may be found in John Brannan, Official Letters of the Military and Naval Officers of the United States during the War with Great Britain (Washington, 1823), pp. 30, 31.— Ed .

I do believe it is possible, so to direct the impetuosity of the Indian, as to deter the operations of his fury, and to make him at the same time the more serviceable ally. But at War the Youthfull Savage must occasionally be; (It is perhaps the only point on which their Old Men cannot at all times persuade.) He resorts to war as to a pastime. Inactivity in him excites the restlessness of disease, and he loaths even the leisure, which the Season that suspends his hunt affords. I therefore felt assured that Gen l . Hull would find himself deceived, when he calculated upon their remaining passive, after hostilities were once began; and as the Gov t of the U. States, could not but know, that the defence of Canada unavoidably involved the employment of that species of force, that are solely responsible for all the calamities which may from thence ensue.

The long threatened attack on Canada by the Americans, has at length taken place; it has most happily terminated; and I 0031 7 earnestly hope that one of the consequences of their defeat will be, that the Indians may be prevailed on never again to assign to the U. States, select spots of their Land, without the Boundary line, and in the heart of the Indian Country.

This in fact my Lord, is the main object of this lengthy communication; as from what I saw and heard of the Country to the Southward of Green Bay, and Ouisconsin River, as far as the course of the Rivers Miami and Wabash; bounded on the West, by the Mississippi, and on the East, by the Waters of Detroit, St Clair, and Huron; it would be, in my feeble judgment, if occupied exclusively by the Indians, an all important barrier to the designs of the U. States against the influence, and intercourse of the British, with the immense regions extending Westerly even to the Pacific Ocean. It is besides a portion of their lands, to which the Indians have viewed the approach of the Americans, with unsleeping jealousy; nor have they ever been fairly reconciled, to the erection of Fort Dearborn. 6

6 The original documents conflict in regard to the attitude of the Indians at the time of the founding of Fort Dearborn in 1803. The lieutenant who conducted the troops reported that the Indians were friendly; while a contemporaneous letter from Mackinac relates that the neighboring Indians were much opposed to the erection of the fort. See article by Milo M. Quaife, in Chicago Record-Herald , Aug. 11, 1912. The probable truth is, that overawed by the show of force, the natives appeared to be friendly, but secretly were hostile and opposed to a fort in their territory. See also Anderson's “Narrative” in Wis. Hist. Colls ., ix, pp. 154, 155.— Ed .

This would have been earlier presented to Your Lordship, but that I have been severely indisposed. The delay however, has enabled me to observe by Extracts from the American News Papers, that Fort Wayne was still in their possession. But as that Garrison, was on the extreme Southern edge of the District which I have just above designated; the foregoing remarks are not materially affected thereby.

By the Extracts of those Papers, furnished by the last Halifax 0032 8 Mail; it also appears, that Gen l Wells 7 had made an incursion in the Indian Country, with a large body of mounted Militia, and destroyed some of their villages. 8 This Gen l Wells I have no doubt, is the half brother of the unfortunate Cap t Wells, who was massacred with the garrison from Chicagou. 9

7 Gen. Samuel Wells, born in northwest Virginia, emigrated about 1779 to Kentucky and settled in Jefferson County not far from Louisville. He was a bold, daring youth, and in 1781 rescued Col. John Floyd from the Indians, and is said to have been on Clark's campaigns of 1780, 1782, and 1786. A noted Indian fighter, his grandson claimed that he was in thirty-two skirmishes and battles (Draper MSS., 23S58). He was out with Wayne in 1793 as major of the Kentucky mounted volunteers; and in 1811 led the riflemen at the battle of Tippecanoe, in which he distinguished himself. At the outbreak of the War of 1812–15, Wells was made colonel in the regular army and aided Harrison in the relief of Fort Wayne. The next year he was with Winchester at the defeat of the River Raisin, when he was accompanied by three sons, of whom one was never heard from after the battle. In 1814 Wells was honorably discharged from the army and soon thereafter removed to Missouri, where he died in St. Charles County. His daughter Rebecca was wife of Capt. Nathan Heald, commandant of Fort Dearborn.— Ed .

8 This refers to Wells's raid on the Potawatomi towns after the relief of Fort Wayne. General Harrison sent Colonel Wells about Sept. 13 to destroy the village of Onoxa (or Five Medals), principal chief of the above-mentioned tribe, whose seat was on Elkhart River, in the Indiana county of that name. Wells found the tribesmen gone, and their village destroyed. His troops cut down the standing corn and ravaged the country for some distance. He accomplished the march of sixty miles and return, in four days. See report made by Harrison, in Draper MSS., 2X56.— Ed .

9 When a boy about nine years of age, William Wells was captured in Jefferson County, Ky., by a band of Miami Indians. On being taken to their towns he was adopted by the chief, Little Turtle, and grew up and Indian in feeling and intent, married a daughter of the chief, and served in the Indian army against Harmar and St. Clair. Meanwhile, his relatives in Kentucky sought him, and finally became convinced that they had discovered in him their lost brother. After several visits to his white relatives, he abandoned the Indians and entered the American army as a spy and ranger under Wayne. During this service he had many adventures. Once he was wounded; and once he ambushed Little Turtle and his own family, but discovered their identity in time to save them from harm. After the Treaty of Greenville (1795), he accompanied the Miami chief on a visit to Philadelphia, where he was received with distinguished honor. Wells settled at Fort Wayne and received his Indian family again as his own. There he was made Indian agent, and there his niece Rebecca was visiting him when she met the young officer, Nathan Heald, whom she afterwards married. When Captain Wells learned, in the summer of 1812, of the great danger to which the frontier post of Fort Dearborn was exposed, he determined to go to the assistance of the garrison and of his favorite niece. Taking an escort of Miami Indians he arrived at the fort two days before its evacuation. His knowledge of Indian character and temper made him certain of the impending danger, and upon leaving the fort he blackened his face (an Indian sign of approaching death), and exhorted his niece to meet her fate with courage. He died fighting bravely, and his Indian assailants cut out his heart and ate it, to inspire their own hearts with like bravery. Mrs. Heald's account of his death was related in 1868 to Dr. Draper by her son Darius; see Draper MSS., 23S1–10.— Ed .

0033 9 He is an active, intelligent Man, an excellent Woodsman, and an old antagonist of the tribes, as having been among the first settlers in Kentucky. The appearance of the mounted troops, will appal the Indians for the time very much; as their great defeat by Gen l Wayne near the Rapids of the Miami, was almost entirely the work of his cavalry. 10 It left an impression of lasting dread upon their minds, and they have ever since denominated the Ameri ns “The Long Knives”; in allusion to the terrible effects of their broad swords. 11 Perhaps one of the greatest services that we could render our Indian ally, would be to instruct them, how best to elude or parry the attacks of Cavalry. The Indians themselves of those parts are fearless riders, and their horses active and hardy. They are therefore I should suppose, capable of being made a much more formidable enemy, than the Americans have ever yet found them to be.

10 The writer here refers to the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794, on the Maumee River.— Ed .

11 The term was in use much earlier than at the time of Wayne's battle. On its origin see R. G. Thwaites, Daniel Boone (N. Y., 1902), p. 111.— Ed .

0034 10

The calls of the U. States upon their Horse Militia, have ever been much more promptly attended to, than by the Infantry. The reason is, that the Americans are unaccustomed, and averse to making journies of any distance, on foot; so much so, that it is proverbially said of the Virginians, that they will at any time run a mile to catch a horse for the sake of riding half a mile afterwards.

The alacrity with which the horse volunteers stept forward upon the occasion; was undoubtedly the principal means of quelling the whiskey insurrection as it was called, in the back parts of Pennsylvania 1794; at which time, M r Gallatin was Secretary to one of the Committees of resistance, to the payment of the Duties on private stills. And I have been assured, in a manner that leaves me no room to doubt of the fact, that M r G. since he became Secretary of the Treasury of the U. States, has had more than one Warrant to sign in that capacity, for the paym t of expenses incurred by the States, on account of the opposition to a known public law, and in which he was himself so conspicuous an agent. If this anecdote was not previously known to your Lordship, it may perhaps amuse.

The Americans will be sure to press the Indians with their Horse, in all quarters; knowing their extreme dread of them; and it will perhaps be found difficult to induce them to make head against them, until their vulnerability be shewn, by an actual defeat of them by British Horse. That part of the Country, abounds with immense natural meadows, extending sometimes as far as the eye can reach; wonderfully productive as to grass, some of which I have passed through that reached to my elbows, when on horseback. This is annually burnt by the Indians to unhouse their game; and the grounds are then said to be remarkably favorable to Cavalry movements.

I beg leave only to detain your Lordship whilst I make a few remarks, upon one other point; and which your Lordship may possibly deem not least deserving of attention.

The appointment of Canadians, not hitherto of military character, as Officers to several of the Indian tribes, as announced 0035 11 by the Quebec News Papers, will I have no doubt tend very materially to render the co-operation of those Indians, infinitely more effective, than they have hitherto been. But I apprehend the arrangement is fraught with great future evil. I will with permission account to your Lordship for my fears. When I was in the Indian country, I spoke the french language with tolerable fluency. This infallible recommendation to a frenchman and his decendants from generation to generation, facilitated greatly my enquiries, and called forth many remarks, which had not otherways fallen within my notice. In the conversations I was thus enabled to hold, with the various Canadians whom I occasionally met with; I was forcibly struck with the heart felt interest, which they uniformly exhibited, in every thing which had any relation, to Old France; and many things, concurred, to produce a conviction on my mind, that the reannexation of the Canadas to France, was an idea in which they delighted to indulge. The expansion of this Sentiment my Lord, is the mischief to which I have just before alluded. I have heard the number of Canadians, distributed by y e British traders in all parts of N th W tn America, amongst almost every Tribe, and some one or other of them, acquainted with every language which is spoken there; estimated as high as Six Thousand; every individual of which, I am prone to consider, as an Anchor of Hope to France, of the eventual restoration of the Canadas: Because I believe them, poor, ignorant, and wanderers, as the great majority of them are; as entirely frenchmen in their hearts, as if actually born in Paris. I do not imagine, that they will ever be found unanimous in subjecting that Country to the U. States. But the dearth of experienced, and real Military characters, in the Service of the U. States, is so notorious, that it has long been evident, if hostilities are to be persisted in with this Country, that the Americans must procure their Chief military leaders from abroad. That would be, of course from France. And the approximation of a French Commander with any thing like an imposing force, to the borders of Canada, would be I fear an irresistible magnet, to every 0036 12 Canadian that could possibly make his way to him. If so inclined, their influence with the Indians being all powerfull; because they assimilate themselves so readily to their manners and customs and are conversible in their own tongue; they might then I apprehend with little danger of detection effect the most fatal arrangements in conjunction with the enemy.

I have been insensibly led on My Lord, to a very much greater length, than I had expected, or intended; but I preferred risquing to fatigue Y r Lordship with my prolixity, than to leave anything unsaid, whilst I thought it possible for me to throw any light upon the subject; and I will still hope, that Y r Lordship may meet with some few observations at least, sufficiently interesting, to induce Y r Lordship to pardon the wearisomeness of the whole.

I hasten to Subscribe myself with all due deference and Respect Your Lordships Most Obedient & Very Humble Serv t

T. Tackle .

8 Charles Street, Queens Elm, Chelsea , 24th Novem r 1812.

The Right Hon ble Earl Bathurst .

1818: BRITISH TRADERS VERSUS FACTORY SYSTEM

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 95.]

Office Indian Trade , 6th. January, 1818.

To The Honbe. Henry Southard 1

1 Henry Southard was a member of Congress from New Jersey. As chairman of a select committee on Indian affairs, he reported Jan. 22, 1818, a bill to establish additional trading houses for the Indians.— Ed .

Sir —In the course of my Superintendence of the trade established with the several Indian Tribes, it has become part of my duty to take cognizance of such checks as are known to operate against it. Among these, and foremost in this train, is the conduct of private traders, than which it is impossible to conceive any thing more obnoxious, if viewed in relation to the 0037 13 morals of the Indians; or more destructive of that pacific result which the U. S. factories are or may be calculated to produce. These traders, many of them are British; and are known as having been hostile during our late War, and revengevull in the extreme in exciting the Indians to acts of cruelty. About Green Bay and Prairie d' Chien, at both which places we have factories, these characters abound and most of them act under Licences given them by the U. S. agent at Mackinac. I do not refer to this agency with any other view than to point out a main source of this evil, for he (the agent) may feel himself bound under the loosse provisions of the law, to grant licences to such as apply for them nor think himself at liberty to refuse the applicant—his discretion it should seem might have come in, to bar notorious offenders; and no appeal of theirs could have injured him. He seems however to have been governed by the looseness of the provisions of the law, and a looseness in a law which could warrant such licencies, certainly may be supposed to need amendment. Unless this point be well, and securely managed the U. S. trade must, from necessity be trammeled and unproductive; and in that proportion in which it may be omitted; and the Indians suffer a correspondent destruction by the arts, and wiles, of these cunning and avaricious adventurers.

At this moment the difficulty in obtaining Interpreters is well nigh insurmountable, both at Green Bay and P. du. Chien by the management of these traders, who, as I am creditably informed keep them in pay, constantly , to deprive the American agents of their services. But this is not all—did they not debauch the Indians, and thereby render them incapable of thinking for themselves, our fair trading might overcome them, they find it to their interest however to stop up this source whence advantage might be drawn, and not only deprive these poor fellows of the power of thinking, but of acting also—unless it be in their moments of desperation, when, not infrequently, our own Citizens pay for the consequence with their lives. It is admitted, I believe, on all hands, that but for these traders, less excitements and fewer wars would exist in the Indian 0038 14 Country. I do respectfully recommend that the privilege to licence, if it be continued at all (and I hope it may not) be placed exclusively in the agency of the Governors of the several territories, and that the law be so phrased as to leave optional with the said Governors to grant a licence or refuse it. 2 They being the sole judges of their reasons for doing so. At present no option exists. The most profligate and abandoned have an equal right to demand a licence with the upwright and virtuous. on this point Governor Edwards 3 writes thus:—“The law with regard to granting licences, I also think is very defective, any person who tenders a bond with sufficient security, conditioned for the faithfull observance of such regulations and restrictions, as are or shall be made for the Government of trade and intercourse with the Indian Tribes, is entitled to demand a licence as a matter of right. The regulations and restrictions at present prescribed amount to little more if any thing than a prohibition to purchase certain articles of the Indians—and while the most detestable and unprincipled wretches are at no loss to obtain the requisite security; they may practise conduct the most offensive to the Indians, immoral towards other traders and injurious to the general interest of the Government; without any breach of their bonds; or without subjecting themselves to the revocation of their licences; or to the legal refusal of new ones.” In proportion as these venders of goods may be deprived of their privelege will there exist (as the Committee will perceive) a necessity, in order that the wants of the Indians be supplied, to extend our trade, this embraces the Idea of an encrease of the means to do so. and here I cannot withhold the expression of a thought on the subject of appropriations for carrying on trade with the Indians. Many persons look upon it as so much money thrown away and never again to find its way into the treasury. But I certainly cannot

2 Note on original MS: Subsequent thinking has satisfied me that all licences should issue from the P. U. S. [President of the United States.]

3 For Gov. Ninian Edwards of Illinois, see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 395, note 43.— Ed .

0039 15 see it in any other light than as a loan —the return of which may be had whenever the Government may choose to order it. I see no reason why it may not be looked upon, independently of its operations in serving destitute human beings upon fair principles—as a loan upon Interest . for wars only excepted, the trade (if untrammeled by a dismissal of obnoxious private traders,) might be made and not improperly either a source of revenue. Whilst Peltries and Furs are articles of Commerce the trade may reasonably be calculated on as a productive business—even now its aspect would be better, but the design of the government has been to have the trade so managed as that its original capital only should be preserved. Hence, the idea of gain has been swallowed up, and it is liberal that it should remain so. But for losses and suspensions during the war, however, I am confident it would have been in advance of its present state, considerably.

Any money therefore which the Congress may think proper to vest in Indian supplies, may be counted upon as so much deposited in a safe place, liable to as few accidents as investments of any other des[c]ription, and promising an encrease.

I shall be pardoned, I hope, for thus voluntarily troubleing the Committee, I am happy in beleiving the members are friendly to the great cause of humanity and especially as it applies to our Indians, and therefore I have felt justified in presenting the Committee with this view of a cause which wars most successfully against humanity; as well as against the U. S. policy towards our Indians.

I beg leave to trouble the Committee with copies of two letters one of 19 March and the other of May 6, which I had the honor to address to the then Acting Secretary of War, one of them contains an extract from a letter which I received from Mr. Johnson of P. du. Chien, 4 and hope to be excused for such

4 For the first of these letters see Ibid , p. 452. The tenor of the other may be inferred from McKenney's reply to Johnson in Ibid , p. 459. For a sketch of the factor John W. Johnson, consult Ibid , pp. 383, 384, note 34.— Ed .

0040 16 additional remarks as I have made respecting the encrease of the trade; and which are very partially made as this happened to occur. My principle object in troubleing the Committee was to present to its view some inspection of the injury done both to the Indians and our Factories by private Traders. I am etc. etc. etc.,

T. L. McK[Enney] 5

5 This official is noted in Ibid , p. 434, note 67.— Ed .

P. S. I beg leave respectfully to present the enclosed letter from John Jamieson Indian agent to Col. R. M. Johnson to the Committee on Indian affairs.

T. L. McK.

1818: EXCLUSION OF FOREIGNERS

[Source, same as preceding document, but Book 203, Letter Book 2, p. 247.]

Detroit January 22d. 1818

Sir —The president has determined, that the trade of foreigners with the Indians living in the United States shall cease.

You will therefore issue no licence to any foreigner to trade with the Indians, nor permit an american Citizen licenced to trade to take with him or to send into the Indian Country and foreigner. The prohibition to be effectual must be universal, and their entrance into the Country either as principals or as engages must be wholly checked. The President not thinking proper to exercise the discretion, with which he is vested by the act of Congress entitled “An act supplementary to the act passed the Thirtieth of March, One thousand Eight hundred and two, to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes and to preserve peace on the Frontiers” passed April 29th, 1816, the provisions of that act will regulate the exclusion of foreigners and your own duties respecting it. On a cursory examination of your letter of July 22d. 1817, I understood the 0041 17 prohibition in relation to Spirituous liquors to extend only to their introduction into the Indian Country, and in the spirit of that understanding, I gave it my unqualified approbation. But since then I have reason to believe I misunderstood you, and that your prohibition extended not only to the Indians but to the landing of Spirits in the settlement and to their sale to the people inhabiting it. 6

6 For Bowyer's action in this matter see Ibid , p. 487; a sketch of his life is given on p. 391, note 40.— Ed .

If this be correct, I doubt whether the exclusion can be justified. Although there is no treaty or law which extinguish the Indian title in the vicinity of Green Bay, yet considering the nature of the settlement, the period of its duration and the stipulations in Jay's treaty, I think the same priviledges enjoyed by the other Citizens of the United States should be extended to them. The total exclusion of Spirituous liquors from the Indian Country is altogether proper. But I think the sale of such liquors to the Inhabitants of the Country ought not to be wholly prohibited, but only limited or guarded in such manner as to prevent their subsequent transfer to the Indians.

If there remain in the public store, and subject to your authority any spirituous liquors thus situated, I recommend their restoration to the owner.

I transmit you the last papers, which I trust will afford you amusement. Very respectfully Sir, I am your Ob. Serv.

[ Lewis Cass ]

Colo. John Bowyer Indian Agent Green Bay .

1818: AMERICAN FUR COMPANY UNJUSTLY TREATED

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 269.]

New York January 24th. 1818

John Jacob Astor Esqr .

Dear Sir —In order that you may be able to present to the executive of the United States, a correct view of the existing state of the trade and intercourse with the Indian Tribes in 2 0042 18 the Country between the great Lakes and the Missouri River; we shall with all the brevity such a subject admits of, give you an account, founded on facts which can be proven by indisputable evidence, and pledge ourselves to substantiate if necessary in a reasonable time, every thing we advance in this Communication.

To understand the subject correctly it will be necessary to recur to the year 1816, When the orders from the War Department of 10th. May became ostensibly the Foundation of the System followed by the Ind: Agents on the Lakes, for the last two years, though more particularly the basis of that course pursued by Major William Henry Puthuff during that period. 7

7 For this agent and the course he pursued in 1816, see Ibid , pp. 407–424.— Ed .

On the arrival at Michillimackinac of the first traders from the interior in June 1816, Major Puthuff seized their boats and whatever property he found in their possession, for a breach of the law requiring every trader to obtain licence previous to entering the Indian Country. It was soon afterwards understood that the informer in such cases, would be entitled to half the seizure; and no one who approached subsequently, could get within many miles of the Island, before he was captured by a detachment from the Garrison, generally sent out by Colo. Chambers 8 to watch the customary route of the Boats from Green Bay; indeed so far was this laudable zeal carried, that one party went no less than Seventy five Miles from Mackinac, to secure their fortunes by the Capture of some traders known to be on the way, as experience had shown, that competition ran too high, for the business to be profitable in the Vicinity of the Island. Soon after this, the orders above alluded to, were received, and rescued from certain ruin a number of men, who had violated the provisions of an act, they did not know had existed.

8 A note on Colonel Chambers is in Ibid , p. 420, note 60.— Ed .

The Major then called on all within his reach, who had enterred the Indian Country with their goods prior to the passing 0043 19 of the law of 19th. April 1816, to take out licence in conformity to Mr. Secretary Crawfords Letter of 10th. May, and thereby be exempted from the penalties they had incurred. The traders relieved by this regulation from the fear of losing their little all, promptly obeyed this notification; but never did we learn that he issued a single licence to this effect without charging and receiving Fifty Dollars for each of the same: and instances are not wanting where he had the Craftiness to make the Trader pay at this rate for several where one only was in reality necessary, and even in some cases where none was required by the Orders of the War department. 9

9 The omitted portion deals with two cases where licenses were paid for at an exorbitant rate; neither of these was for the Wisconsin trade.— Ed .

* * * * * * * *

Early in July 1816 Mr Crooks as Agent for the American Interest in the South West Company arrived at Michillimackinac, and was informed by Mr. Rocheblave, 10 then Acting Agent for the Canadian Portion of the concern, that for some time previous, he had been ready to transact the Companys business with the traders from the interior, but owing to the prohibitory system adopted by the Agent for Indian affairs at that place, in regard to foreigners, no one of them would risk a dollar's worth of Goods in the trade. Mr. Crooks lost no time in waiting on Major Puthuff, by whom he was told that on no consideration would he suffer an alien to trade in any part of the Country bordering on lake Michigan, nor on the streams falling into that lake, or the Mississippi River, below prairie du Chien; and to the district above that post and across to the Waters of Lake Superior, would he admit them only on the Express condition, that should an American trader be at the spot where they propose Wintering, when they reached it, they were not to open or expose their Goods for sale; or if a Citizen arrived after they

10 For the origin of the South West Company see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, pp. 291, 337, notes 17 and 77 respectively. The career of Pierre Rocheblave is given Ibid , p. 366, note 14; that of Ramsay Crooks, p. 347, note 91.— Ed .

0044 20 were established for the Winter, they were instantly to desist from any further trade with the natives—adding at the same time, that untill Commanded to do so by his superiors, he would adhere to the course he was then pursuing—a second interview terminating equally unsatisfactorily with the first, he was notified that redress would be sought at Detroit, and a request was added that Gov. Cass might be by himself made acquainted with the stand he had taken, and his reasons therefore. He accordingly wrote his Excellency. 11 Mr. Crooks repaired to Detroit, and the Govr. directed a rational construction of the orders then recently received from the Department of War; by which he was compelled to admit the traders of fair Character, into those portions of the Indian Territory, not usually visited by American Citizens. 12 Finding it most prudent to comply quietly with the orders of Gov Cass, he next insisted that each person obtaining a licence should for it pay him Fifty Dollars, and so scrupulously did he follow up his system in regard to the back licences, that this sum was not levied on the whole adventure of any one man, but must be paid for every Subdivision of the Outfit—what sum of Money he amassed in this very questionable manner you will find correctly stated in the Communication made you by Mr. Varnum 13 last Spring; but least that should not be at hand, we are positive of being within the mark, when we say his exactions amounted to upwards of Two thousand dollars.

11 See this letter in Ibid , pp. 425—427.— Ed .

12 Given in Ibid, pp. 427, 428.— Ed .

13 A sketch of Joseph B. Varnum Jr. is in Ibid , p. 326, note 69.— Ed .

It had been a matter of surprize why the total exclusion of Foreigners from Lake Michigan, and the Rivers tributary to the Mississippi, should have been insisted on so very particularly by Major Puthuff: but no sooner had he began to square his Official Conduct by the Instructions of the Governor, than he avowed that the reservations in question were intended for the benefit of men who were well known to be at that time his most intimate friends.

0045 21

Galled at being foiled in his project for the division of the Country among his favorites, and not satisfied with the product of his income tax; his memory became quite treacherous to his duty; and notwithstanding he was specially instructed to notify the Officers Comdg. Frontier Posts etc. etc. of every licence he issued under the existing regulations, yet he quite forgot this very essential part of the business; and but for the presence of Mr. Crooks, who possessed the documents necessary to satisfy the doubts of Major Morgan, 14 not a trader would have been permitted to pass Prairie du Chien that season. Thus ended the Summer of 1816.

14 Maj. Willoughby Morgan, stationed at Prairie du Chien; see Ibid , p. 479, note 4.— Ed .

The first thing we learned on arriving at Mackinaw last June, was the injury our outfits had sustained at Sagina Bay on Lake Huron, and at Grand River, of Lake Michigan; from the clandestine introduction of Spirituous liquors; at the first place, by Jacob Smith from Detroit; and at the latter, by Mrs. Laframboise (a half breed) from Mackinaw. 15 These acts were made known to Major Puthoff, and evidence offered in support; but we are not aware that he ever took the trouble to investigate their merits: and indeed it ought hardly to have been expected that the Agent who was himself the first to brake the law prohibiting the introduction of this pernicious liquid, should show much, if any zeal in the detection of other Violators. Strange as it may appear, it is no less true that Maj. Puthuff sent an Indian Woman (who is now at Mackinaw) in the fall of 1816, to the Ottawas Village at L'arbre Croche, on the straits of Michigan, with Spirits to trade for Corn; which she accomplished, and actually returned him the proceeds of the traffic. The only reason he gave for this extraordinary proceeding, was, that the Indian Department wanted Corn and Corn must be obtained.

15 See Ibid , p. 109, note 48.— Ed .

The next occurrance Was the refusal of both Govrs. Clark and Edwards, to permit our Clerk Lagotherie to proceed from 0046 22 the Miss[iss]ippi to Michillimackinac, by the accustomed route. 16

16 Lagotherie is noted in Ibid , p. 446, note 75.— Ed .

No permission to trade was either asked, or expected, and surely there could not have been any good grounds to prevent his bringing us back our property when the permission wished for, was granted to Jacque Porlier, and Joseph Laperche., (alias St. Jean) men who were precisely in the same situation. 17 Tis true the passports just mentioned were issued By Brig: General Smith, 18 but we must suppose with the approbation of the two Governors, since their opposition to our man deprived him of a Similar Indulgence. It may probably be urged in defence of such marked partiality, that Lagotherie had during the late War been guilty of enormities on the frontiers, and therefore too dangerous a person to be trusted in the Indian Country: but if these gentlemen really believed the numerous reports circulated to the prejudice of this man, what must we think of them, either as Citizens, or public Officers, where they suffered him to reside openly in both territories; to appear more than once in their Offices, and had him completely in their power for several Weeks in the fall of 1816 and Spring 1817; without once arresting, or even disturbing him personally: though to our knowledge they were several times dared to the test. That they in fact attached no Credit to the accusations against this person, there Cannot exist a doubt; for soon after, on condition of his acting as Interpreter to a Mr. Campbell (formerly a Major in the U. S. Infantry, and the bosom friend of Governor Clark) 19 then setting out on a trading Voyage up the Mississippi,

17 For Porlier consult Id , xviii, p. 462; for Laperche dit St. Jean, xix, p. 477, note 1.— Ed .

18 Gen. Thomas A. Smith, who built the Prairie du Chien fort; see Ibid , p. 424, note 62.— Ed .

19 Probably Lieut. John Campbell of Virginia, who enlisted in 1808. In 1814 he commanded the expedition to provision Fort Shelby, that was defeated near Rock Island, III. After the war he was brevetted major, settled near Louisianaville, Mo., and for a time engaged in Indian trade. See Wis. Hist. Colls ., ii, p. 220.— Ed .

0047 23 this suspected and dangerous character, was readily permitted to proceed by that route to Mackinaw: though through the very Country where he Committed the many barbarous acts with which they found it convenient to charge him. As a matter of course our property was left at St. Louis. Viewing in the most favourable light conduct of both the Governors throughout this inconsistant transaction; we are compelled to attribute the course they pursued to that hostility, which, by their own confession they cherish against every man interested in the Commerce of Mackinac and particularly those in any manner connected with you in that trade. In order is the wanton and unprovoked attack made on our Outfits in the Country between Lake Superior, and the Mississippi in the fall of 1816 by the known servants of the Hudson Bay Company; who were then acting under the immediate Orders of the Earl of Selkirk. 20 Mr. Morrison's 21 letter of 19th. July 1817 to Major William Henry Puthuff at Michillimackinac, furnishes so complete a detail of this villainous outrage, that nothing can be said here to shed new light on that infamous Conspiracy—should you not have in your possession a Copy of the Communication alluded to, It may be found in the Department of War;as it was transmitted from Detroit by Governor Cass sometime ago. We now must proceed to notice an occurrence which for the honor of America, We most sincerely wish had never happened—namely, the forcible seizure and transportation from Fort Armstrong at Rock River, on the Mississippi, to the town of St. Louis, of Russel Farnham and Daniel Darling, Gentlemen in the employ of the American Fur Company; and both native born Citizens of the United States. The circumstances attending this unparalleled stretch of power, are amply set forth in Mr. Farnhams letter to us dated at St. Louis 17th. Oct

20 Referring to Selkirk's seizure of Fort William, and his subsequent sequestration of outfits in the interior; see George Bryce, Manitoba (London, 1882); a sketch of Selkirk is given in Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 462, note 86.— Ed .

21 William Morrison was one of the company's traders; see Ibid , p. 474, note 95.— Ed .

0048 24 1817; and we shall only add, that we have every reason to believe, the extreme severity exercised towards our people by Colo. Talbert Chambers of the Rifle Regiment and Mr. Benjamin O'Fallen Nephew to Gov. Clark, and Indian Agent at Prairie du Chien, in the instance; 22 on authority altogether assumed , was the result of premeditation, and not the effect of their feelings at that moment. For three Boats belonging to Berthelot and Rolette, and two, principally owned by Jacob Franks, 23 all of Michillimackinac, and openly professing to be british subjects, having Americans as the nominal traders, but with Clerks and Crews of the very same discription as those under the direction of Farnham and darling, were allowed to proceed uninterrupted to their several destinations; while ours, with every qualification which ought in any degree to have protected the others, and the additional One, of the whole property being bona fide American, were thus unjustifiably harrassed. We derived this information from a Gentleman who was an eye Witness, and to whom we feel much indebted for preventing through his interest with Major Morgan, our people from being put in Irons, when sent to St. Louis, in charge of Lt. Blair: for Morgan was strongly inclined to obey the order of Chambers literally, which directed him to iron them; and even at last, the Handcuffs etc. necessary to fetter our Clerks and Interpreters, were carried along with them from Fort Armstrong.

22 See Ibid , pp. 477–479, 483. Benjamin O'Fallon was born in Kentucky about 1792; later he lived at St. Louis with his uncle, Gen. William Clark. He saw some service during the War of 1812–15, and at its close became Indian agent—not at Prairie du Chien, but for Missouri Territory; he was, however, at the former place in 1816–17. In 1819 he was on the Missouri River; and again in 1825, his headquarters being at Council Bluffs. In 1827 he retired to his country home near St. Louis, where he died in 1843.— Ed .

23 These traders are noted in our preceding volumes—Franks in xviii, p. 463, note 85; Rolette, xix, p. 140, note 84; Berthelot, Ibid , p. 304, note 35.— Ed .

0049 25

Charles Oakes Ermatinger, 24 an Agent of Lord Selkirk decidedly a British subject, and residing on the Canada side of the strait at St. Marys falls, imported from Montreal last Summer a quantity of Goods for the trade of Lake Superior, and wished through our means to get them into the Country; but this we positively declined, as being at varience with the intentions of the Government, and of course opposite to the Instructions you gave us. He then applied directly to Major Puthuff for licences, and indirectly through his brother George at Mackinnac; but both these trials proved abortive, as the Agent was perfectly aware of the applicants Characters, and evidence was at his Command which precluded his granting Consistently to those persons, any indulgence whatever.

24 Ermatinger was the son of a Swiss merchant of Canada, who before 1814 had settled on the Canadian side of Sault Ste. Marie, where he lived for many years and prospered in trade. His brother George was a Wisconsin trader.— Ed .

Ermatinger next attempted their introduction through a Mr. Bostwick, the partner and Agent of David Stone and Co 25 (which concern we are told includes a man by the name of Bellows, and others equally notorious for feats by no means praiseworthy, on the frontiers of Canada, during the late War) whose efforts with Puthuff were at the first onset unsuccessful, but for causes best known to the parties in this doubtful transaction, the whole of Ermatingers goods were sent into the Country, on, and adjoining Lake Superior; though that district was amply supplied by American interest, and notwithstanding we exerted ourselves to arouse the Major to a sense of that duty which he promised us faithfully to execute, when this project first came to his knowledge, and at that time pledged himself to prevent the possibility of their being sold in any part of the Indian Territory, within the limits of the United States. The only reason he ever gave us for this conduct, was, that Gov. Cass had ordered him to grant licences to such persons as Bostwick wished to send into the interior: and accordingly sheltered himself behind

25 For Stone & Co. see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 461, note 83.— Ed .

2 0050 26 this Command of His Excellency: although he very well knew, and at one period was perfectly aware, this order was intended to apply solely to those Traders, who carried into the Country the goods only , that were in reality the property of David Stone and Co and the behaviour of Major Puthuff towards Ermatinger since, has furnished strong grounds, to suspect his purity in the business before us, for it is known to every one interested in the trade, and to many others at Mackinaw, that he could hardly be induced to see Charles O. Ermatinger in the early part of the summer, threatening even to arrest and send him to Detroit whereas, after the Consummation of this mysterious affair, they were often seen together, and Ermatinger was treated by him, as any man would a very intimate friend.

Thus far we have stated grievances in which we can only recognize the individuals concerned, and happy would it be, did these furnish the only grounds for just complaint: but the Factories established by law in the Indian Country, have become so numerous, and are of late provided with such extensive means, as threatens in a very few years more, to annihilate private competition, and throw the whole trade into the hands of Government. We are not disposed to question the soundness of the policy which originally brought these establishments into being, but we are persuaded Congress adopted the measure, only, because they found but few, if any, Americans pursuing this branch of Commerce; and they intended by placing these trading houses on the frontiers, with Agents instructed to sell at cost and charges, to render the traffic so very unproductive to the Canadian Trader, as to destroy the temptation that connected him with the Indians: thus breaking up an intercourse, which the British Government found essential in rivetting the influence they acquired in the Councils of the natives; and gradually by the habits of Trade, and the exercise of friendship to wean them from a partiality so dangerous and detrimental to the interests of the United States. But congress never could intend the Factories to degenerate into mere places of trade, and Consequently a very great annoyance to our own traders, 0051 27 and although we never doubted their utility, w[h]ere foreign influence was to be counteracted through the medium of trade, we should like to know whether any impartial man of sense would attempt to convince us, a Factory is or ever was necessary at Fort Asage , 26 three hundred miles up the Missouri, where an alien Trader has not been admitted for the last Ten years, which is two years before the Fort was built, and the factory planted. Giving to the House at Fort Wayne full credit for all the Good it has done, we cannot possibly conceive what can be gained by those at Chicago, Green Bay, Prairie du Chien and Fort Asage, at the latter we dare not believe there is any foreign influence among the natives, and at the three other posts, it is already so weak that American individual enterprize if unshackled, would put it out of existence in much less time than by Continuing the Factories. For the Indians accustomed to intercourse with the British authorities universally [think] that the Goods of Government cannot be brought into their Country for Sale; and although the practice of the Factor ought every day to convince them of their error, still the force of habit remains, and they think it a hardship, to give even half value for an article out of the public store, when, did not such depots exist, they would Cheerfully pay the private trader a fair price; as they conceive whatever they give to the factor, as just that much more than ought to have been exacted. No agent can prevent the injurious comparisons they make between, the United States and the Government of Britain, and until this cause is removed, the effects will continue; for were they disposed to forget their old partiallities, they must first be deprived of both the faculties of seeing and hearing. Untill of late the Factors remained at their stations, and traded what was brought them; but whether by the authority of

26 Fort Osage (also called Fort Clark) was built in 1808, to control the Osage Indians. Abandoned during the first year of the war, it was intermittently maintained until 1827, when it was superseded by Fort Leavenworth. The factory was maintained here until the abolition of the system.— Ed .

0052 28 the executive, or the dictates of their own ambition, Mr. Johnston of Prairie du Chien, and Mr. Erving [Irwin] at Green Bay 27 now send adventures into the country far from their posts; thereby depriving the most persevering of the advantage he gained by travelling to remote districts—and not contented with even this, Mr. Johnston has employed Antoine Brisbois, 28 a trader of the prairie, and a British subject, to go out with goods at Public risk, though this very same person was absolutely refused permission to visit the interior on his private account.

27 Noted in Wis. Hist. Colls ., vii, pp. 269, 270, 475.— Ed .

28 Antoine, younger brother of Michel Brisbois, was born in Canada in 1766. He lived three miles above the Prairie, combining the avocations of trader and farmer. He appears to have died before the Treaty of 1825.— Ed .

The further this factory system is investigated, the more objectionable it appears, if still intended to attain the objects proposed by the Congress that created it, and if a factor is to be in reality a trader, it is but fair he should not possess the advantage of employing Foreigners who cannot obtain licence for themselves, since it is sufficiently hard that the Citizen who obtains a liveli[h]ood by this traffic, should find a Competitor in the Government of his Country, without being subjected, to the opposition of men, whom he is not at liberty to engage on his side. If these trading Houses must be Continued, they certainly ought to be placed on the frontiers, at proper distances from the outlet of Lake Superior to the Lake of the Woods, and thence along the Western boundary line to the Rocky Mountains; where they ought to expect, and will no doubt find British influence to oppose. But the middle Country from the Lakes to the Missouri, does not require their superintendence, and where nothing exists to make such establishments indispensable in a Country, the Government have as much the right, and more reason to engross any particular branch of commerce, in either, or all our Seaports, as to incessantly harrass those who to provide against the Winter of age, bury themselves 0053 29 for years in the forests of the Mississippi. Factors will be loud, and their many friends will trumpet forth the dangers attending the distruction of the Factories, but let the United States, adopt the plan followed by the British Government on the conquest of Canada, admit our predecessors of good Character to a participation in the trade, and by securing to those people a certain support, you disarm them of that inveteracy which their desperate situation induces; let a Young American accompany each, to learn the Language of the natives, and get a knowledge of the trade. The old Stock will soon disappear, and leave you the undivided Controul of all the Indians within the limits of the United States.

To obtain the confidence of the Indians will be a work of time, and we should consider the total exclusion at once of the old traders; as highly impolitic: for their places must be supplied by inexperience, and it is more then probable that differences would arise, which might end in Bloodshed; and finally involve the Country in a War with the whole Western Indians. It is indispensable, and time is required to become acquainted, not only with their habits, Customs and manners, but also with them individually; and this being gained, the American of probity will imperceptibly become as great a favorite, as his predecessor. 29

29 The omitted portions deal with Lord Selkirk and the troubles in the Northwest.— Ed .

* * * * * * * *

Mr. Farnhams affairs we trust will be thoroughly sifted, and Colo. Chambers taught, that though he may Command at a station, beyond the immediate Controul of the Civil law, he has not the power to abridge the right of any Citizen. Mr. O.'Fallen also deserves to be recommended, as his hiring the Indians to kill Mr. St. Jean, bespeaks his Capacity to fill the appointment given him by his Uncle, of Indian Agent. It is high time the trade should be relieved from the persecution of such petty tyrants, and the War Department ought to make it a rule, that Officers at frontier Posts have simply the right to ascertain 0054 30 whether the trader is licenced, not to constitute themselves judges, of the power Indian Agents possess to grant these permissions: the Government should explicitly and publicly say who are appointed to issue licences, in all cases; and a passport from that source ought every where to protect the trader from the assumption of power, tending in many instances to the ruin of the individual. Among the subjects furnished you for representation to the Government, the too common system of smuggling from the British post of Drummonds Island, and the Straits of Lake Superior, into the District of Michillimackinac, must not be forgotten: for the Revenue is annually defrauded of several Thousand Dollars, and the fair trader thereby injured to an extent so very serious and alarming as authorizes the belief that the Treasury Department will immediately resort to the best means effectually to stop such illicit practices. We have seen during the last summer, Indians detected bringing in Goods, much beyond the quantities their own necessities required, and the confession of One particularly established the fact, of more property being introduced by means of the natives, than had been previously imagined, even by those best acquainted with their mischievous Agency. If the Indians will go across the lines of for the Merchandize they stand in need of, they ought to be restricted to the Amount of their real Wants, and if it was understood that Corporeal punishment was attached to the violation of this Rule, no inducement could prevail on them any longer to assist these confirmed Law-breakers. Those on a large Scale must be opposed by Vigilance and force, and it appears to us, the employing of a Revenue Cutter in the Straits of Superior, Huron and Michigan is the most certain means of destroying the prospects of successful smuggling, for the danger of detection will then be so great as to counterbalance the expected gains. The Vessel ought to be about twenty five tons burthen, Commanded by a person accustomed to the Lakes, with, say, One Officer, and six Sailors, and authority to select a few soldiers from the Garrison of Michillimackinac, who can act as marines, or assist to man the Boat, sent sometimes into places, where it would be imprudent to venture 0055 31 with the Cutter, and on all occasions leave on board, an officer and three Sailors to work the Vessel. The Detroit custom House obtained a Cutter last Fall, which more then supported herself by her Captures, and the difference in the amount of duties paid on Goods from Canada, and if success attended that instance, the one recommended we are persuaded, must produce more beneficial results.

Notwithstanding the ravings of disappointed malice and ambition, the efforts and Sacrifices you have repeatedly made to further the views of the Government in relation to the Aborigines of the Country within the American limits, ought certainly to entitle you, to every aid, and, indulgence in the prosecution of your trade, which the executive can consistently bestow. But if all we have said when represented by yourself, does not produce the abolition of the Factories, now no longer necessary: or at least create a thorough change in their present organization, it will in our opinion be imprudent in you to continue interested in the trade. For though we can by a proper course, compel the Agents of Government to respect our rights, Yet we cannot check the extention of the System lately pursued by the public trading Houses in situations affecting our commerce most materially and which on the most mature deliberation, gives us every reason to fear, and but little to hope from even the most active exertions on our part.

Though in the progress of the preceding, we have in some instances used language rather rough for the delicate senses of those deserving such animadversions; Yet we can assure you we “nothing extenuate nor aught set down in malice;” and you are perfectly at liberty to use it in whatever manner you may think necessary. We are Dear Sir Your Mo. Ob. Servts

Ram y . Crooks

Robert Stuart

1818: WHO CONSTITUTE FOREIGNERS?

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 292.]

Michillimackinac 4 March 1818

Dear Sir —Your order bearing date Jany. last relating to Indian Trade, has been received. This puts the Question of Special Licence to Foreigners at rest, and relieves me at once from extreme anxiety and a most unpleasant responsibility. There yet remains, however, some pretty important principles to settle and establish within this Agency, respecting the proper subjects for the rights of Citizenship, concerning which, there being no statute in that case provided within my knowledge, it becomes necessary to have your Instructions, at as early a period as possible. The great mass of the people who inhabit this district are of French extraction and were found in the Country on its delivery by the British to the American Government, or such as have descended from them mostly from a Connection with the aboriginal inhabitants, few or none of them having made their election to remain subject to Great Britain within one year after the delivery of the Territory. But after the fall of this Post in 1812 they subscribe their alligiance to the British Government, as they say from Compulsion; and many of them conceive themselves bound by that Oath of alligiance, however unjustly enforced, and profess to fear that they would stand commited to the american Government by rescinding such allegiance to that of Britain. Others under those circumstances, claim the rights of Citizenship, professing to have been illegally compelled to their acknowledging the Sovereignty of Britain. The claims and doubts of these people will I hope be put at rest by your Instructions on that subject. Such Foreign licences as have been heretofore Issued, I have not felt myself authorized to withdraw, as conceiving your Instructions to relate only to future issues. none have been given here however, since last Summer, nor any for a term exceeding One year from their date.

The Indians of this Agency were never more pacific and absolutely reconciled to the American Government than at present, 0057 33 nor will there be any thing to fear from them, under any circumstances of Hostility on the part of their brethren of the South towards our Government. This friendly disposition towards us, is the more effectually Tested from the circumstances of the almost total failure of their Corn Crops last Season which unfortunately places them in a most starving Condition and renders it extremely unfortunate for them that Funds appropriated for this Department will not, under their present distressed circumstances, admit of partial supplies of rations furnished them. They However bear this privation most patiently, nor does a murmur escape them against Government, Though they are frequently a little importunate for Bread .

I sincerely hope an increase of funds will be allowed to the Indian Department by the present Congress.

The opinion of the Free hold inhabitant Citizens of the U. States, residing in this district has been taken and forwarded pursuant to your instructions. Ten in number all For, the real property here is mostly owned by Foreigners, hence the very small number of votes. I have detained two Indians, who came with Graveratt, 30 for the purpose of forwarding this result according to your request.

30 Henry Gravaret was from Detroit, and belonged to a loyal American family. During the war he was employed by Harrison, and at its close was appointed interpreter for Mackinac.— Ed .

These poor fellows I hope your Excellency will remunerate as I have not the means .

I expect to make a short visit to Detroit by the earliest Water Communication, for which I hope you will grant your permission, by the first vessel in the Spring, as, if I shall obtain it, I wish to go as early as possible in order to return here before the arrival of N. and S. W. furs. I am Sir, Your Mo. Ob. Humble Servant

William Heny. Puthuff Ind. Agent Mackw .

His Excellency L. Cass Govr. of M. Ty. etc. etc . 3

0058 34

[Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Letter Book D, p. 505.]

Office of Indian Trade Georgetown March 6, 1818

M Irwin Esqr. U. S. F. Green Bay

Sir —I have duly received your letters of the 28th August and 18th Septr. with their enclosures. The reply of Maj Taylor 31 satisfies me he is well disposed to co-operate with you. The reasons he assigns for his inability to do so hitherto are good and justifiable. With Maj Taylors good will, I cannot but promise myself that your Buildings will grow up with great facility and from the refusal on the part of the Govt. to let foreigners into a participation of our trade, I think you may calculate on success in future.

31 This was Zachary Taylor, then major of the 3d infantry and in command at Green Bay, 1816–18.— Ed .

Your detailed reasons why there should be so little business done at Green Bay, are entirely satisfactory. So far as foreigners are concerned however, they are now inoperative, and cannot oppose you in future. I look therefore to a revival of the trade.

The additional papers furnished, make your returns for the quarter ending June 30th complete. Respectfully etc.

T. L. McK[enny] S. I. T .

1818: A TRADER'S PREPARATION

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., Martin Papers.]

Montreal 11th March 1818

My Dear John 32 —I rec d yours dated Green Bay 16 th . Dec r . and am sorry to learn that your prospects are so very bad should all turn out according to your statement I do not know What will become of us. I have given my order to Mr. Bostwick

32 John Lawe, for sketch of whom see Wis. Hist. Colls., vii, p. 250, note.— Ed .

0059 35 for 30 pieces Stroud with the assortment which I consider very compleat I am taking up two Barges from this with as many Winterers as I can procure. I have already 300 Beavor Traps Baled up 250 half axes & 250 Caustettes [Tomahawks], so that you see some Exertion must be made next fall to get the Followines [Menominee] up to the Missisipii. I am really sorry to hear of J. Airds 33 Conduct which I never could have thought would have been the case, it is high time we should Close our Concerns with him I wish it had been last year. we should have suffer'd less by it. however I mean it shall take place this summer; one years good Exertion in the Country will Probably bring us up a little, I shall be fully with the Goods I take up & you will have the disposing of them as you think most proper.

33 For James Aird see Id , xviii, p. 437.— Ed .

I have not rec d one Copper from the U. States Government for any of the accounts against them as yet which obliges me to get all I want on Credit but unfortunately payable next Oct r . in respect to your Complaining of not being assorted when I left Mackinac you was to have purchased Goods to have assorted yourself if you have not done so its not my fault, but it appears to me you have bought to a pretty large am t : as there is so much due at Mackinac by your statement in your letter, after this insuing years Exertion in the Country which will be absolutely Necessary to make to enable us to get on. you will then Confine yourself to a Retail Store at the Bay or any other situation you think proper to point out and if you mean to keep a Retail Store you will make out a Compleat order acording to your own Ideas and by handing it to me, I shall take good care to compleat it its nothing but our Mutual advantage that I am Studying and that you ought to be Convinced of; had I recover'd the Monies due from the U. States I should not be pinched as I am. for you know the Balance that was coming to me from Bostwick was principally due to the different Persons in Montreal, I was very unfortunate in Lake Erie the Vessel sprung a Leak & we lost one half of our Buffaloe skins. which I was 0060 36 oblig'd to throw over board. Mr. Bostwicks loss on the Furs he bought of us cannot be less than £500. I was truly sorry for him. from the Quantity of Traps Axes & Guns I have purchased it will be Necessary to get the Followines up to the Missisipii next Year notwithstanding all the ristrictive measures of the American Government; M r . Stone who was here but a few days ago is of opinion that we can go on with our Trade and that by imploying young Americans to take out the Goods. he thinks that it would be much to your advantage [if] you was to make application to the Court at Detroit to become a Citizen on account of your Property you hold at the Bay, the particulars I will explain to you when I see you. M r Stone also says if M r . Astor has any advantage with the American Government he is sure he will be intitled to as much from the Interest of his friends who are Members of Congress which information has in some measure made my mind more Easy. how well M r . Dickson has refunded the money we disbursed for him he sent me a Draft for 1500 Livers and that is all he winters at Lac La Gros Roche [Big Stone Lake] at the head of the River St. Peters he wrote me Just four lines and never mentions that he is going to send me one Farthing more for all the disbursements we have made for him, he has acted towards us in a most infamous manner. should he send his Boat round by the Bay. you should [do] your utmost to get from them what you can [Ms. torn] I am Confident your Property at the Bay will [be of] great value in a very few Years. I have enjoy'd [Ms. torn] good health this winter I have nothing new to [comm]unicate anticipating the happiness of meeting [Ms. torn] good health I remain Dear John your truly affectionate Uncle.

Jacob Franks

1818: ADVANTAGES OF FACTORY SYSTEM

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 104.]

Office Indian Trade 19th. March 1818.

Hon: Henry Southard

Sir —I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday, conveying to me “The request of the Committee on Indian affairs for all the information in my power relative to the establishment of Eight new trading houses, or posts; the necessity of the measure, and as far as I can, the posts or places most eligible for such establishments.”

Of the information I possess having a bearing upon the proposition to organize eight new Trading houses, I shall be able to furnish you with a sketch only—and in doing this I shall be led to a review of the U. S. policy in relation to the Trading house system.

This system, which grew up, no doubt, under the two fold view of conveying articles of necessity amongst the Indians, and to promote peace, as well in the Forests as along our borders, has not failed in its original design. I consider this to be capable of demonstration. I mean however, so far as it has been able from the limited scale on which it has been prosecuted and the checks that have operated to oppose it, to develope itself. Wherever its influence has prevailed without being counteracted by the adroitness of private adventurers both foreign and domestic, who not only vary and accomodate their modes of intercourse to suit circumstances, and tempt the Indians to follow them by the inticing and intoxicating beverage, (which sound policy excludes from the U. S. establishments) but who traverse the wilds also, and intercept the journeyings of the Indians to their accustomed trading points—where await them always, that example, and those precepts which tend to improve their condition; promote peace, and attach them to our Government. I say wherever this influence has prevailed the result has been manifest; to cultivate those ameliorating and peacefull lessons, is made as much the duty of the Factors exercize 0062 38 at the U. S. agency, as it is to receive the products of the chase at fair rates, and give back in return such articles as best suit the wants and tastes of the Indians.

It has been a question whether it least comported with the welfare of the Indians, to let in upon them the private traders, or to leave those tribes whose remoteness shut them out from all intercourse with the factories already established to seek a subsistence in their native deserts; and find a covering from the weather in the spoils of the chase. For my own part, I am decidedly of opinion that our best policy is, where a suitable , and improveing influence cannot be carried in amongst the Tribes, it is better to leave them to themselves. If the private adventures added to their scheme of profit, the more noble designs of bettering the condition of our native Inhabitants; of diverting them from their propensity for war, as well with each other, as against our civil population; there could be no exceptions taken to their intercourse, nor would any objection be made against the activity of their competition—indeed there would be little or no necessity for a Governmental interference, at all. But so far as my information extends, their agency, taking it all together, has been, and is yet, subversive of all the objects Government had in view in the adoption of the present system of commercial intercourse with the Indian. If this be the experience had under existing circumstances, when the necessity of admitting private traders, at all , has grown out of a deficiency of means under the Government policy to supply the wants of the Indians it follows, especially if the U. S. agencies promote the welfare and also tend to guard our own Citizens from harm, that to increase the capacity to meet the demands of the Indians, will be both politick and just.

In proportion as the Indians are brought within the influence of the U. S. agencies, and are made to depend upon them for their subsistence in the same proportion may they be controlled. I know of no check that could be devised having such powerfull influences as that which this sort of dependence would impose on the Indians. Armies themselves would not be so effectual 0063 39 in regulating the native Inhabitants as would a state of dependence on the Government for their commercial intercourse . But as the system now stands, an option is held out, and the Tribes may either resort to the few scattering trading houses already in operation, or they may dispose of their hunts at other markets. The Check is weakened in proportion as this liberty is extended. It is very true that this policy embraces the idea of compulsion. But no objection can arise against it in its application to this subject, as those to whom it is proposed to apply it are to be benefitted by the arrangement. It's object is too humane to admit of an exception. The power over the Indians is covetted only for their good, and also to prevent them from doing harm.

From these desultory ideas may be gathered the “necessity” of establishing additional Trading houses, provided there be coupled with this encrease, an expulsion of private traders, at least from the districts of Country which those Indians occupy who are intended to be served by the encrease.

It may not be amiss to remark in this place that no hostility is meditated against a prosecution of trade by our own Citizens in their private capacity, provided their modes of intercourse were changed. Permanence of location I consider an indispensable requisite in their admission, to this might be added stipulations compelling them to conform their intercourse in all respects with the U. S. policy, subject to its rules and regulations, and in all respects . They might be made auxiliaries to the U. S. system. I mean so far as these relate to the improvement of the Indians; and in the promotion of peace amongst them, and with our civil population.

Eight additional Trading houses are called for at this time, and their locations might be.

First —On the Arkansas, at or near the military Post established there, and which is stipulated for by a treaty lately made with the Cherokees.

Second —On the Ouisconsin—N. W. Territory

Third —River St. Peters, at or about its junction with the Mississippi.

Fourth —Council Bluffs on the Missouri.

0064 40

Fifth —On the Illinois, somewhere about midway from its junction with the Mississippi and Lake Michigan.

Sixth —Fort Madison on the Mississippi

Seventh —Chippeway River, below the falls.

Spread over those regions those factories; place the Indians by suitable regulations respecting individual intercourse in a state of dependence on them, and there can be little doubt of the most favorable and speedy results, the various tribes may be directed to the respective factories and those most contigious to them and refused admission into others—by this means a state of tranquility might be calculated on, and a fair opening made to introduce the higher principles of improvement in civilization. The Tribes would be releaved from the disgusting exhibitions of depravity which are now forced upon their observations; and which tend so directly to rouse into action the worst principles of the savage character, and united to an observance of those nobler examples seconded by precept which the U. S. agents are charged to carry in amongst them, an immitation of, and conformity with which, are not so very difficult to bring about as many have supposed. It is to the collisions of adventurers, and the inflammatory means which are adopted to obtain the ascendancy over the native in trade, that their apparent backwardness in improvement may be attributed; and not to any incapacity on their part to receive and profit by those incipient measures for their reform which a well regulated intercourse implies. All the information I possess on this subject, goes to confirm this opinion. The more improved Indians, (and they are uniformly those who have enjoyed the longest, and the least interrupted intercourse with the public agencies) sollicit the interference of the Govt. they beg for the means of instruction; and to be preserved from the evils which they endure.

It is not difficult to perceive the difference between the agency of a man who goes forth to profit by his adventure and with no other view, and one, whose duty it is made, as well by his oath, as by his calling, to sustain an intercourse in which profit is but an incidental or secondary consideration, whose compensation is fixed without reference to his success; and whose attention therefore is applied without distraction to the object of his calling. 0065 41 That the Committee may see how far this applies to a public agent or Factor, I beg leave to insert a Copy of the first paragraph of the letter of instructions with which all who go into the Indian Country in that capacity, are furnished. “The principal object of the Government in these establishments being to secure the friendship of the Indians in our Country, in a way the most beneficial and economical to the U. S. you will avail yourself of every proper means, and opportunity of impressing these people favorably towards the Government, let every transaction with them be so conducted as to inspire them with full confidence in its honor, integrity, and good faith, and that of its agent; let no imperfect goods be passed on them without a previous notice of, and allowance for such imperfection, and you will strictly require from them, and encourage them to the same conduct, all attempts on their part at fraud, trick, or deception should be discountenanced and prevented if possible, and when such things happen, they should be reproved in the most instructive and dignified manner. You will nevertheless be conciliatory in all your intercourse with the Indians, and so demean yourself toward them generally, and toward their Chiefs in particular, as to obtain and procure their friendship, and to secure their attachment to the United States.” From this it will be seen that the interests of our civil population are consulted; and that so far as the influence of those precepts extend, and take effect, so far is it reasonable to infer, the Indians themselves will be benefitted; and our frontier Citizens preserved in security and peace.

In proportion as the number of those agencies encrease, in the same proportion is it reasonable to infer that mutual advantages will result to both the Indians and the U. States. The “ necessity ” for the encrease at this time, may be inferred from that state of excitement which exists with but little intermission in the Indian Country, which is produced mainly by the causes that have been referred to, and which can be overcome by no more direct means than by the enlargement of the United States policy. I am etc etc etc

T. L. McK[enny] .

1818: RETURNS FROM UPPER MISSISSIPPI

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 4B71.]

Laprairie Du Chien 17 Apr 1818

Dear Law —I arrived here yesterday in Good health along with M r Lockwood & M r Dickson. 34 our returns are by no means Good Altho' the Best from the upper Mississipi. I dont think the Loss will Exceed five or Six Hundred pounds I was disappointed in Not receiving a line From you on my Arriving here as you have had opportunities of Writting Since the fall. No thing new here worth Communicating and as I am Just Getting my thing[s] Ajust[ed] I have not time to Give you a list of our Peltries. My Comp t . To all Friends I remain D r Law Yours &c. &c.

34 See Lockwood's own account of his employment by Aird in Wis. Hist. Colls ., ii, p. 129. Robert Dickson was acting as Selkirk's agent in the Red River Colony. See Id , xix, pp. 462, 464, and documents post .— Ed .

James Aird

Mr. John Law Green Bay

Endorsed: Letter from James Aird dated Prairie du Chien 17 th April 1818

1818: MODIFICATION OF EXCLUSION ORDERS

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Book 203, Letter Book 2, p. 347.]

Detroit April 23d. 1818.

Sir —By my letter of the 22d. January last you were informed that the President had determined that the trade of Foreigners with the Indians living within the United States should cease, and were instructed not to grant Licences to any persons but American Citizens to enter the Indian Country for the purpose of trade, either in a principal or subordinate Capacity.

0067

Old American Fur Company warehouse, Prairie du Chien From photograph taken in recent years

Fur-trading house at Kaukauna Left-hand portion built by Dominic du Charme in 1791; right-hand added by Augustin Grignon in 1813. From photograph taken in 1890

0068 0069 43

The President has since from farther information and from an apprehension, that American Citizens will experience much inconvenience from this Total exclusion of foreigners, determined that permits may be granted to American traders, to employ in their trade with the Indians foreign Boatmen and Interpreters.

You will therefore when requested by such traders, permit foreign Boatmen and Interpreters to enter the Indian Country in their employ for the purpose of trade. But as great abuses may be experienced by entering as Boatman and Interpreters foreigners Hostile to our Country, who may be intended to have the Principal control over the trading Expedition “the following regulations will guide you in the exercise of the authority which the President has been pleased to grant upon this subject.

1. A Descriptive list must be furnished of all foreigners intended to be thus employed, which must be so minute as to identify the persons described, as near as possible, one Copy of which shall be retained, by the Agt. and One by the trader.

2. The names of the foreigners thus employed shall be inserted in the Licence, and a Copy of this Descriptive list endorsed upon or affixed to the same, and to the Bond required to be taken.

3. A Bond with at least one sufficient security, the form of which markd. A. accompanies this letter will be required from each trader, in a penalty equal to Five hundred Dollars for each foreign Boatman or Interpreter intended to be employed, conditioned for the purposes specified in the form.

4. A Bond with at least one sufficient security, the form of which Marked B. accompanies this letter will be required from each Trader in a penalty equal to one half of the amount of the Goods destined for such trade, that they are the property of an American citizen or Citizens.

5. It will be necessary to ascertain which of the foreigners thus employed are intended to act as Interpreters, and for each Foreign Interpreter, an American Citizen must be employed, in order to be trained to the duties of an Interpreter.

0070 44

6. A statement of the Bonds thus taken and Copies of the descriptive lists will be transmitted to me as opportunities may occur.

These Bonds are not intended to supercede the Bonds required by the act of Congress entitled “An act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes and preserve peace on the frontier” passed March 30th, 1802. The latter will be taken as heretofore.

“Foreigners, who are odious to our Citizens on account of their Activity and cruelty in the late War are not intended to be admitted in any Capacity” Your own discretion must guide you in the application of this prohibition to individual cases.

As the authority thus to be excercised is derived from the powers granted to the President by the act of Congress passed April 29, 1816 entitled “An act supplementary to the act passed the thirtieth day of March 1802 to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, and preserve peace on the frontiers” It will be confided only to those Agents, to whom the powers granted under that Act by Instructions from the War Department of May 10th. 1816 was confided.

They are the Agents at Michillimackinac, Green Bay and Chicago.

Very respectfully, Sir, I have the honor to be Yo. Ob. Serv.

[ Lewis Cass ]

To the Agents at Mackinac, Green Bay, and Chicago .

1818: LICENSES MAY NOT BE GRANTED BEYOND AGENCY BOUNDARIES

[Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Book 203, Letter Book Vol. 2, p. 343.]

( Circular )

Detroit April 22d. 1818

Sir —With a view to give greater effect to the laws and regulations concerning the Indian Trade, to observe and direct the conduct of the Indians, and to attain with more certainty the various objects contemplated by the Government in relation to them, I have thought it proper to assign specific limits to the different agencies, within the superintendency of the Governor of this Territory.

The result of my enquiries upon the subject, you will find in the following divisionary description, which will hereafter constitute the limits, within which the duties of the Agents will be respectively exercised.

The Agency at Piqua will include all the Wyandotts, Senecas and Shawnese residing in the state of Ohio, the Ottawas of Blanchards fork and the Delawares residing upon White River and the Indians living with them.

The agency at Fort Wayne will include all the Miamies and their sub-divisions residing in the State of Ohio and the northern part of the state of Indiana, It will be divided from the Agency at Chicago by a line including Tippekanoe and running thence due North to the Kankekee, up the Kankekee to Oak point, thence to the Cow pen, thence to and including Morains village.

The Agency at Chicago will be divided from the Agency at Fort Wayne by the last mentioned line, and will extend on the East side of Lake Michigan to the Dead mans River on the 0074 48 West side of Lake Michigan North to Millewakee and include the Indians at the Mouth of that River.

The Agency at Green Bay will be divided by the last mentioned line from the Agency at Chicago, and will include the Indians at Green Bay, its islands and rivers, running to the Head Waters of the Mississippi and to the Portage between the fox and Ouisconsin rivers, and extending East, as near Midway between Michillimackinae and Green Bay as a natural Geographical boundary to be agreed on between the Agents at the two last mentioned places and reported to me can be found.

The Agency at Michillimackinac will include all the Territory of the United States bordering upon Lake Superior the Country in the Vicinity of Michillimackinac and will extend west to the line to be designated between this Agency and that at Green Bay, and South East, to the River au Sable, and will include the East shore of Lake Michigan as far south as Dead mans River.

The Agency at Detroit will include that part of the Territory of Michigan extending north East to the River au Sable, and West to the dividing Country between the Rivers running into Lake Michigan and there running East, and will extend so far south as to include the Ottawas and Chippewas upon the Miami and the shore of Lake Erie.

It is intended that the internal police and concerns of the Indians within these limits respectively shall be under the exclusive management and control of the proper Agents, and that Licences to trade with the Indians shall generally be granted in like manner.

Exceptions to the provision with respect to licences may at times be necessary. Where Goods are taken from the immediate vicinity of the Seat of One Agency into the limits of another so that it would operate as a hardship upon an Individual to send him out of the course of his trade and journey for a Licence, and compel him to procure security, when he may have no connections, a discretionary authority must be exercised to grant Licences within the limits of another Agency. But in this 0075 49 case an immediate report must be made to the Agent within whose boundary the licence is to extend of the circumstances and an Entry made upon the licence that it shall be subject to the control of such Agent.

It is not foreseen that any other interference can be necessary. Should experience however render any change necessary to local limits of the Agencies or the principles of these regulations can be changed so as to accommodate any circumstances which may occur.

Each of the Agents is requested to correspond frequently and fully with this Office, and any thing of importance, which happens here shall be communicated to them. It is only by a frequent and direct interchange of sentiments, views and occurrences, that any regular system of Indian Affairs can be established or maintained; or that any effect can be produced in the operations of the Machine of which we are respectively constituant parts.

As intelligence is communicated only from here to the Government, an additional motive is furnished for this regular correspondence.

It will be perceived that no boundaries are designated to divide the Agencies within this Superintendency from those which are not. This subject must be referred to the discretion of the Agents thus situated, and the extent of their authority and duties with relation to other agencies must depend upon circumstances and upon their views of the public interest. Very respectfully Sir, I have the honor to be Yo Ob Servt.

[ Lewis Cass .]

To Major Puthuff Colo. Bowyer Mr. Jouett, Mr. Stickney, and Mr. Johnston Agents for Indian Affairs .

1819: INDIAN CENSUS

(MS. in Indian office, Washington. Pressmark: Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 221.)

Statement of Indians residing on the W. Side of Lake Michigan and East of Said Lake.

TRIBES. Number of men. Number of women. Probable number of children. Number of towns. WHERE SITUATED. DISTANCE. Miles. DISTRICT. Chippeways 300 250 750 15 W. Side of L Michigan from Mackinac to G: Bay 200 Menominees 250 180 400 5 at and near Green Bay Col: Bowyers Agency Winnebagoes 500 350 700 10 Outsconsin, etc. 150 Menominees 100 60 110 4 The River of Illinois from Chicago 75 Mr. Jouelt Potawatimies 110 75 100 8 N. W. of Chicago from do 45 " 245 165 350 10 do do " 90 65 140 5 do do from do 15 " 190 140 280 6 S. W. of Chicago from 45 to 80 miles from Chicago " 6 4 10 1 bordering on L. Mich from Chicago 72 Ottawas 150 100 225 5 Kekalemazo from do 140 " 300 220 500 6 Grand River from Kekalemazo 30 " 20 12 25 1 Maskego to Grand River 12 " 60 40 87 3 White River from do do 6 " 12 8 20 1 Dead mans Creek do do 30 " 8 6 15 1 River au Sable do do 12 Major Puthuff " 8 5 14 1 Manester do do 20 " 200 150 400 3 Grand Traverse do do 75 " 400 300 800 10 L'arbre Croche do do 18

1818: NEWS FROM PRAIRIE DU CHIEN

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 4B66.]

Fort Crawford 26 th April '18

Dr. Lawe —You are the most Silent man upon earth, why the devil do not you write to me, and why did you not come to the Prairie last fall as you promised. You did wrong if you Supposed for a moment that those who professed themselves your friends at Green Bay, would have forgotten you here, on the contrary we would have been most glad to have seen you I am not enabled, now, to give you any satisfactory news. It is said that an act of Congress has been passed last session excluding British traders from participating in the American trade. I believe that it is matter of fact. I apprise you of this in order that you may take measures accordingly. I shall (it is also said) be shortly promoted to the command of these upper posts. If so, command my utmost Services, it will afforded me the highest Satisfaction to promote your views, consistent with my duty—therefore do not fail to write me, unreservedly.

Your friend Dickson is here, he arrived rather in distress, in consequence of his Sufferings in the Indian country, but we have cheered his Spirits, he says he would be glad now to touch a little of yond old gin, in fact he touches as high as ever, and looks equally as well as I have ever seen him. But he must go to Saint Louis, to respond for an infraction of the Indian law, of which he will be acquitted,for necessity has no law.

Write by return of Mr. Rouse, 35 tender my compliments to your little family and believe in the sincere professions of your friend

35 Louis Rouse is noted in Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 476, note 97.— Ed .

T. Chambers

Note. Your friend Captain OFallan is about resigning. 0078 52 there is no one here, you know, but Armstrong 36 who is well and sends his Comp[s].

36 John O'Fallon, for whom see Ibid , p. 439, note 69.

Lieut. William Armstrong, later captain of the Rifles. In 1821 he was transferred to the 6th infantry, and in 1827 died.— Ed .

To Mr. John Lawe Green Bay Mr. Rouse

Endorsed: 1818 from Col. T. Chambers no answer

1818: A TRADER'S TRIBULATIONS

[Source, same as preceding document. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., Martin Papers.]

Montreal 1st. May 1818

My Dear John —I rec d yours last night Dated from the Bay 21 st . Feb y . which I think came very quick indeed I am quite Miserable at the picture of distress you paint to me of the returns; but am happy at the same time to think that you have had better accounts of James Aird then I had reason to expect from the description I had of his Conduct last fall I am much afraid that Rolette will have great influence over him when at Prairie du Chien. I cannot conceive what Motive but the worst of ones could have induced him to have refused giving you up your Note; a Note you never owed him and that he Knows well. You must do your utmost and by any means to get it back this Spring you do not mention one word respecting Lockwood weither succeeded getting to his wintering Ground & if he got an Interpreter. It is my intention that you must make a strong effort to get the Followines up to the upper Part of the Mississipii or the Red River this Year. you must try & prepare them for it; I re d a letter a few days ago from M r . Stone saying he intended taking up 4 or 5 Young Men to Mackinac this spring which will serve to take out the Goods as Americans & which surely the American officers can have no objection to. all the Government accounts Contracted by Colonel Chambers are suspended & he is ordered to Washington to explain 0079 53 them to them; from what I heard I believe he as well as many other of the officers will be called to an account for there past Conduct to the people in the Mississipii & others, I send off my two Boats tomorrow Morning. My Men are now all at my house & I am feeding them at my own Expense. I have 20 odd winterers surely you will have enough to pick & Choose owing to the Government accounts not having been Paid I shall owe a large sum of Money here payable next October & which must be paid here For God sake Contract no acc ts . payable at Makinac for I do not know where the Money is to come from since you say the prospects are so very bad for returns; I have ordered neither Tobacco or Provisions of any Kind as I prefer depending on the Makinac Market as we can get them at a Years Credit there; we still owe Levy for the Tobacco that he sent to me on Commission last Year which you of course took out except what was sold to Coursoll. I think this will be the last Year I shall take up goods to Makinac therefore we must make an effort to make good returns by getting the Followines up. it must be done or I see no other prospect but sinking. I am still in hopes that Providence will throw something in our way for a future Year. But we will talk over those Matters when we Meet at Makinac; should you have Provisions bring them into Makinac as we have none there; I have written you three letters previous to this one this Winter. try & Keep James Aird with you at the Bay untill you come in yourself: I write this by M r . Crooks who leaves this tomorrow & has promised to forward it to you so that you may [get] it early. he has never said one word to me on the subject you mentioned & he spoke to you about; which is strange to me I hope next year to have reason to be in better spirrits for I assure you my Circumstances has made me feel most wretched; your Aunt & Jessy Joins me in love to you the former will write you by me, I am Dear John your loving Affectionate Uncle

Jacob Franks

1818: REPORT FROM PRAIRIE DU CHIEN FACTORY

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 25.]

Office of Indn Trade May 6 1818.

John W. Johnson Esqr P du chien .

Sir —Your returns for the quarter year ending Decr 31st have been received. on examination I find that you state the gross gain of the establishment for that quarter to be $5,796.90. from which deduct the amt. of the factory buildings first entered in this quarter $4098—which gives the gross gain in trade this quarter $1698.90.

It appears that the sales were as follows.

Bartered for Furs etc cost 873.55 per $2144.08 gain $1330.53

Articles had by yourself and asst 225.02"259.26"34.24

Indian Dept estimated cost 18.37"36.75"18.37

Contingent a/c estimated cost 211.22"316.84"105.62

had by interpreter estimated cost 42.09"71.39"29.30

Sold for cash estimated cost 1698.90"1974.39"180.84

It appears by this statement that the Merchandise bartered was at an average of 145 p% advance on the cost while that sold for cash was at an advance of about 10 p% only but on examining your cash book the goods appear to be put at the usual advance say 50 p% or upwards. It is for you, Sir, to explain this difference.

It would be much better to state in all cases the price of the goods sold, (which you will please to do hereafter) which would enable me to see at once the state of your trade, and what articles were most suitable.

* * * * * * * *

Respectfully etc T. L. McK[Enny ]. S. I. T .

1818: PASSPORT FOR AMERICAN FUR COMPANY'S AGENT

[Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Book 203, Letter Book 2, p. 388.]

To all to whom it may concern .

Be it Known, that the bearer hereof Ramsay Crooks Esqr. Agent of the American Fur Company has permission to pass through the Ind: Country with the ordinary number of men necessary to his journey from Michillimackinac by Green Bay and Prairie du Chien to St. Louis, and to return by the same route, and that I have been particularly instructed by the War department to afford to the Agents of that Company every facility in my power consistent with the laws and the regulations. This pass will continue in force during the year 1818 and is not intended to confer on Mr. Crooks or the party with him any right whatever to trade with the Indians. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand at Detroit this 7. May 1818

[ Lewis Cass ]

Gov. of Michigan Territory and Superintendant of Indian Affairs upon the N. Western frontier of the U. S.

Endorsed: By the Govr. and Supt. Secy In. Dept.

1818: EXCLUSION OF FOREIGNERS

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 1C24.]

Mackinac May 10th 1818

Dear Sir —This letter 37 arrvd at Drumonds Island on 4 th April with Positive Instruction from Mr. Franck to Forward with all Posibell Speed this being the first oper[unity] I hope it will Rech you Safe there Is a report that British Subjects are totaly Excluded but I presume there will be Some other aranjment

37 Probably the antecedent letter of Franks, dated March 11, 1818. See ante , pp. 34–36.— Ed .

0082 56 that Is Expecting with[out] doubt that J. J. Astor & D. Stone will have Intrest Suficent to mack Sum Satisfactory arangements. I have Not herd anything of the Prise of Peltries you will have the Goodness to Spare me a part of gardens [se]eds as we have not Got a solitary one have the Goodness to Remember me to, M r . Porlier the Mess r Grignon Powell Gournoe Jacobs and all others Inquiring frends I am with Respect yours

Michael Dousman 38

38 For a sketch of Michael Dousman see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xviii, p. 506, note 42.— Ed .

N. B. A few Bushels of Peas would be wanted for Sed If you can procure them. I have Taken the Libberty of Sending you one Chest of Hison Tea Marckt D. S. & Co. as I presume that Article [is] want[ed] Prinsaply with the Gentlemen whom Deal with me.

M. D.

Mr. John Law Green Bay pr Capt Barnes

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Book 203, Letter Book 2, p. 403.]

Green Bay 16, May 1818

Sir—Your letter of the 22d, January 1818 by the way of Chicago has been received and the contents, duly considered.

As the President has determined that the trade of foreigners, with the Indians living in the United States shall cease, it now becomes necessary that I should be well informed, in which situation the people living at Green Bay are to be considered, they have without an exception declared themselves British Subjects and continue to this day to declare themselves as such, Mr. John Lawe, The Grignons, Mr. Porleur and others have a number of engagees in their service who are all british subjects. The principals as well as the engagees are married to Indian Women, and by this connection their influence with the Indians 0083 57 is unbounded, and if they are suffered to remain here as British Subjects, the laws prohibiting Foreigners to trade with the Indians living in the United States will have no effect in correcting the abuses that have taken place in this Agency; as the Indians will receive the same supplies of goods from the British Subjects living at Green Bay as they did when these people were licenced to trade with them and the greatest part of the Indian trade will be carried on, by the British subjects, through their Indian relations. I am fully possessed of the opinion the British Subjects must be removed from this place or immediately become American Citizens. The first I believe would be the proper course to pursue, particularly with the engagees and the Lower Class of the French who will always be tools for those who employ them, and through them the British influence will be kept up with the Indians in this quarter, the british Traders and the unprincipled Americans who resort to this place, purchase with Whiskey the greatest part of the peltry that is brought in, and as the Introduction of Spirits into the hunting ground in this Agency has in a great measure been stopped (except in the Bay where large supplies are sent by the traders at Mackinac Spring and fall) a large portion of the peltry is sold at this place for Spirits and the Indians kept in a continual state of intoxication, and this will forever be the case so long as spirits are suffered to be landed and Sold at Green Bay, these facts I well know, but It would be impossible to establish them in a Court of law.

From this statement I hope you will see the necessity that I should without delay receive instructions respecting the British Subjects living at Green Bay, and on Indian Affairs generally, that I may perform the duties of Indian Agent without committing myself, as I have neither the laws of the United States, or a legal Character to consult, when difficulties arise which I apprehend will be often the case until some fixed principles are established, I fear I shall commit errors that may give me some trouble and perplexity. I therefore request you will be so good as to forward to me as soon as convenient, such 0084 58 Instructions that will enable me to meet the wishes of the executive. I am Sir Very respectfully Yo. Ob. Servt.

John Bowyer Indian Agent .

His Excellency Lewis Cass Governor of M. Territory .

1818: PRAIRIE DU CHIEN FACTORY

[Source, same as preceding document, but Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 69.]

Office of Indian Trade Geo: Town June 24th. 1818.

To John W. Johnson Prairie du chien

Sir —Your returns for the quarter ending the 31st. March last, together with your letter of that date; and also one of the 25th. April, together with one from Mr. Belt of the fourth May, from Fort Edwards, are received.

* * * * * * * *

You state a gross Gain of $678.30—and salaries and contingencies $965.85—thus shewing a nett loss of 237.55$—On examination of your Journal and Cash Book, it appears that you sold as follows:

What sold or barter'd for sold for Cost of Goods Profit Furs and Peltries $913.74 $463.63 ¼ 450.10 ¾ Indian Matts 6. 2.30 3.70 Wax, Tallow etc. 25.55 13.19 12.36 Corn 18.75 9.81 8.94 Feathers 9.37 ½ 2.45 6.92 ½ Indian Curiosities 4.00 1.05 ½ 2.94 ½ Had by Yourself 110.97 ¼ 96.49 ¾ 14.47 ½ "R. B. Belt 47.02 40.89 6.13 "Interpreter 23.91 ¾ 14.34 ¾ 9.57 Paid on contingent a/c in Merchandize 201.08 120.20 ½ 80.87 ½ $1360.40 ½ $764.37 ¾ $596.02 ¼ For Cash 1687.60 Cost not stated 82.27 ¼ $3048.00 ½ $764.37 ¾ $678.29 ½ 0085

[Courtesy of Missouri Historical Society From an old print] The Original Fort Crawford, Priarie Du Chien This fort, facing the Mississippi River, and near the present Dousman residence, was built in 1816 on a mound occupied by the Americans in 1814. In 1831 the fort was rebuilt on another site within the village. From Missouri Hist. Soc. Collections , iii, p. 118

0086 0087 59

Hence, whenever you state the cost of the Goods, you show an advance of 79 pct.[per cent] but on the $1687.60 sold for cash , you made only $82.27 ¶¼—which is 74 pct. less than the profit made on articles, the cost of which you enumerate Why is it that you make so little on what you sell for cash compared with your barter sales? The prices it is presumed got in both cases, are the same.

* * * * * * * *

I have no reason on earth to question your devotion to the duties of your station. I believe you have a warm interest in the large concern entrusted to your care; but no devotion however ardent can remedy the confusion which incorrect books and accounts must first or last produce.

* * * * * * * *

Continue to do your duty in the prosecution of the trade entrusted to you—no matter how many enemies you make—no man ever yet lost any thing by doing his duty.

You shall have good goods always when it is possible to command them—as you will find this spring's supplies—and no other kind shall go to you, than such as you may name, as your knowledge must be best, as to the description, you being upon the spot.

* * * * * * * *

Respectfully etc T. L. McK[Enny ] S. I. T .

1818: PASSPORT FOR ROLETTE

Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Book 41, Letter Book 3, p. 21.]

Detroit July 30th. 1818

Sir —Accompanying this I have the honour to transmit you the copy of a passport, which I have granted to Joseph Rolette to return to Prairie du Chien.

The circumstances of his case are shortly these. He has 0088 60 lived at that place fourteen years, has a family and considerable landed property there. He is a British subject and after the reduction of this Country in 1812, he joined the British troops and continued in their interest until the termination of the War. Since that time he has lived at that place.

By order of Col. Chambers, a copy of which I enclose, he has been ordered from there.

The reasons, which induced, Col. Chambers to issue this order, I neither investigate myself nor intend to trouble you with. Such a proceeding in his absence would be ex parte. They were undoubtedly such as to produce in his mind a conviction of the propriety of preceeding to adopt the means which has led to this application.

The subject, as it strikes me, is very simple. The settlement of Prairie du Chien is or is not Indian Country. If the latter, no Military Officer has a right to exercise any jurisdiction over a Citizen, much less to inflict upon him the punishment of banishment. If the former, the Indian Agent is the proper person to determine who shall enter and remain in the Country.

I understand, that at Prairie du Chien there are about 600 and at Green Bay 450 inhabitants. So far as respects the right of soil and jurisdiction both places are in the same situation. At each was many years since a french post, and the settlements were commenced by Canadians. In none of our treaties with the Indians is there an express recognition of the extinction of their title to either. But Waynes treaty contains a provision that the post of Detroit and all the land to the North, the West, and the South of it, of which the Indian title has been extinguished by gifts or grants to the French or British Governments shall be ceded to the United States.

There is no doubt but the land at both these places was thus granted, although no documentary evidence of it can be produced. It is understood that in procuring cessions of Indian land, the French Government in this Country pursued a plan different from ours. Instead of holding treaties for that purpose, they merely assembled the Chiefs, and informed them 0089 61 that such a spot was wanted and gave them such presents as they thought fit.

In this way I presume the Indian title to the Country about Green Bay, and Prairie du Chien was extinguished and the importance of those places, commanding the avenues of communication between the Lakes and the Mississippi, the period at which the settlements were formed, and the establishment of Military posts there, justify this opinion. I enclose the copy of a letter from Major Puthuff, the acting Indian Agent at Michillimackinac respecting the difficulties which traders regularly licensed, under the instructions of the War Department have experienced in passing Prairie du Chien. This letter together with the representations of Mr. Astor proves the existence of a state of things at that place, resulting undoubtedly from an erroneous construction of the law, which cannot be too soon changed, and which can be changed effectually by the interposition of the Government only.

Licences granted by virtue of the Act of Congress passed April 29th. 1816 entitled, “An Act supplementary to an Act passed the thirtieth of March 1802 to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, and to preserve peace on the frontiers,” and of the instructions of the President in conformity thereto, extend to any part of the Indian Country and cannot be impeded in their operation without impeding the operation of the laws. Very Respectfully, Sir, I have the honour to be Yo. Obt. Servt

[ Lewis Cass ]

Hon. J. C. Calhoun Secretary of War

( Copy of Passport )

Permission is hereby granted to [Joseph] Rolette to return to his family and property at Prairie du Chien, and there to remain, conducting himself in a legal and proper manner, until the decision of the Secretary of War in his case shall be made known.

0090 62

But this permit is not intended to confer upon Mr. Rolette any right to trade. His application for that purpose must be made to the Indian Agent at Prairie du Chien, who in granting or refusing it must be guided by the Acts of Congress and the instructions he has received from the War Department.

Given under my hand at Detroit this 31st. day of July 1818

1818: DEFENSE OF FACTOR AT PRAIRIE DU CHIEN

[Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 85.]

Indian Trade Office George Town 17 July 1818

The Honbe. The Secretary of War

Sir —I have the honor to return the letters from Mr. Boilvoin 39 with a perusal of which I have been favored, and which came to me under cover from the War Department with a request to return them after they were read.

39 For a sketch of Nicolas Boilvin, Indian agent at Prairie du Chien until 1827, see Id , xix, p. 314, note 51. The controversy between him and the factor Johnson appears to have had its source in the difference of their nationalities and social relations.— Ed .

It is certainly due to Mr. Johnson the Factor; to the Government, and I may add to the Indians themselves that such statements be explained to you. It would be tedious to copy all the correspondence that has taken place between Mr. Johnson at Prairie du-Chien and myself on

1st. The great extent of the licence system and the evils it has carried in among the Indians.

2d. The means to lesson the power of private traders generaly British, or British agents, who were doing immense injury, and promoting the destruction even of our Citizens, whose scalps were bought and sold in the village of Prairie du Chien, and strung on poles, and carried in triumph to Mackinac in 1816.

0091 63

3d. Mr. Boilvoins own agency in aiding these very people with Whiskey—especially Rolette, whose family resides at Prairie du Chien, and who is a principal trader; and with whom it should seem Mr. Boilvoin is upon terms of particular intimacy.

4th. The measures necessary to break down this power and this influence.

The multitude of Traders, British, and all other sorts made a sort of wall about the factory, few Indians could get to it. The principles emenating from it which are enlyghtining and humane, and which all tend to attach the natives to our Govt. could not operate. For so active, so numerous, and so powerful were these traders, that the Indian hunting grounds were infested and their spoils were bought up in their green state sooner than chances should be allowed them to reach the factory.

Under this state of things Mr. Johnson begged permission to select judicious and well known Men of honesty and Americans, to go out and sell goods at factory prices, and use their influence to encourage the Indians to come in and be regular in their trade. I sanctioned the measure, with certain restrictions in a letter of 25 June 1817—thus 40

40 See original of this letter in Ibid , p. 463.— Ed .

“It will be necessary for you to use extreme caution in trusting out goods to traders. Boats may get upset, as in the case of Dorion—and even if like him they should escape being drowned, the Tommahawk may put them to rest—and releive you from the trouble of counting their returns. The very fact you mention—viz the difficulty of traders giving security must render their access to the credit of the factory more difficult. I wish you nevertheless to have all the chances that such aids can afford you—and authorize you to let out to discreet and honest men on the best security you can obtain; goods to limited amounts, to no one trader more than might be deemed a reasonable amount not to be repeated 'till he settles for them, when he is to have more.”

With this measure I was additionally induced to comply, on a request from the Fox Indians who work the Lead mines to be thus served.

0092 64

The result has been an encrease of factory business—peace with and among the Indians, and a failure in the plans of these Private adventurers . In the last may be found the reason of Mr. Boilvoins complaints, who stands charged in 1817 by Mr. Johnson with a conduct touching this subject which led me to require it of Mr. Johnson to report the facts to the Governor of the Illinois Territory. This was directed in my letter of 10 May 1817, in these words 41

41 See entire letter in Ibid , p. 459.— Ed .

“you will lodge your complaint against N. Boilvoin, to the Governor of the Illinois Territory, and if on your statement The Governor can be satisfied of the impropriety of his conduct, on such representations being made to the War Department, by the Governor, Boilvoin will be removed; or any other man who can be fairly committed for any violation of the laws regulating trade with, or for the better government of the Indian Tribes, Re vigilant in your efforts to detect individuals who regardless of their duty, and of justice, go forth to peculate upon the already too impoverished and miserable Indians, and make your reports direct to the Governor of the Illinois territory, sending me copies of all your communications.”

If time would permit it; and your avocations could endure it, I would give you a history of things that would throw much light on the present conflict which I perceive to be encreasing of late, amongst the Private traders, and against the Government agencies. I am always at your service when this exhibition may be deemed necessary in fixing the final destiny of our Indian policy. I am etc etc etc

T. L. McK[enny]

1818: FACTORS TO AID IN EXCLUSION OF FOREIGNERS

[Source, same as preceding document, but pp. 93, 94.]

Office Indian Trade George Town 3d. August 1818

To Mathew Irwin Esq Green Bay

Sir —I enclose you herewith a copy of a letter addressed by the War Department to His Excelly Gov: Cass. My object in 0093 65 furnishing you with this copy is that you may be able to aid the agency by your vigilance in detecting any movements amongst the traders contrary thereto—as it is presumed some frauds will be practised upon his Excellency even in his best exertions to prevent them.

Whenever you detect any person or persons, engaged in trade who are shut out by this letter you will report him or them immediately to the Governor, or the Sub agent, sending me copies of your letters.

You will perceive Sir that foreigners who are odious to our Citizens, on account of their activity or cruelty in the late War, are positively excluded , from all intercourse and in every capacity.

These regulations will, I trust, enable you to prosecute the liberal policy of the Government towards the Indians with advantage to them; and success to your Factory. I am etc etc

T. L. Mck[enney ].

Office Of Indian Trade George Town 7th. Aug: 1818

John. W. Johnson Esq U. S. Factor

Sir —I enclose, with a view to possess you of the Government policy, which will be made to apply, if necessary, in other parts, as well as in the Michigan Territory, a letter from the Honbe The Secretary of War to Gov: Cass.

I wish you to possess me of the existence of any abuses, coming within the limits of this letter, and especially whether there be any traders amongst your Indians odious to our Citizens on account of their hostility, during the late War—and who they are? where and by whom licenced? and with whom connected in trade? Let all the information you impart be founded upon good evidence.

If such a thing be possible, it is the determination of the Government to remedy the evils that have grown out of the irregular intercourse with the Indians, and to do away abuses, a knowledge of the existence of which, is becoming pretty general. 5

0094 66

The factories being established with the two fold view of serving the Indians with things necessary for them, and to conciliate by good councils, and attach them to the United States and the Interests of the Govt. whatever may be said or done tending to counteract these views, is in violation of the Govt. design, and ought be made known so that the party who may feel authorised to disturb the kind policy of the Govt. may be looked after, no matter what his calling or station may be. Information embracing such, cannot come with so much certainty and propriety from any persons, as from those who are charged with the execution of the Government design: because they feel more immediately the effects of the hostility; and can come more readily at the sources whence it proceeds.

You will therefore not fail to embody against any violation of the rules of the enclosed letter, all the direct evidence you can get, and transmit it to me. This will be not only preserving the Indians, but defending them also. For all such Individuals will be made subjects of a Government scrutiny. I am etc etc

T. L. McK[enney ].

1818: ADVANTAGES OF THE FACTORY SYSTEM

[Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Miscellaneous Files, 1801–24.]

Office Of Indian Trade George Town 19th. August 1818

To The Honbl. John C. Calhoun Secretary of War ,

Sir —I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 17th. Inst., containing a transcript of the resolution of the House of Representatives “directing you to report to them at the next session, a system providing for the abolition of the existing Indian Trading Establishments of the United States; and providing for the opening of the trade with the Indians to individuals under suitable regulations,” 42 also your

42 The resolution here referred to passed the House April 4, 1818. Secretary of War Calhoun made Jan. 15, 1819, a report based on McKenney's arguments, adverse to the abolition of the factory system. See Amer. St. Papers, Indian Affs ., ii, p. 181.— Ed .

0095 67 direction to me to “report to the Department of War, my opinion of the best mode of bringing to a termination the existing Indian Trading establishments; and such facts, and ideas, as I may think important in relation to opening the trade with the Indians to Individuals, under suitable regulations.”

In reply, I have the honor to state, that the existing Indian Trading establishment might be terminated by withholding every description of supplies from the Factories, and directing the Factors to close their business, by a sale of the Merchandize and effects on hand: or, by an order, immediately to suspend all intercourse with the Indians, and transport the stocks on hand, to the nearest and most favorable points, and dispose of them at public auction upon such terms as could be commanded: or, by authorizing each Factor to sell the entire stock and furniture, of the establishment entrusted to him upon the best terms he could realize, due notice of such intention being first given: or, by an exhibition at this office, of Inventories of the stocks of all the Factories for the quarter immediately preceding, when the same might be inspected, under a public notice, given to that effect, accompanied by an offer of the whole stock in trade,either by public auction, or upon stipulated terms. Of the several modes referred to, my opinion is, the last mentioned, embracing a stipulation as to cost, and the time, or times of payment, is “the best.” It is the best, because,

First. It is summary in its process, and involves no consideration, either of loss, or delay.

Second. The details of the sale could be so made as to provide for the continuance of the system until it should change hands, without the interruptions to which any other mode would make it liable; and thus keep within reach of the Indians, without any suspension of the means, those articles of necessity, for which they depend, mainly, upon the United States Trading houses. The proceeds of the sale, when completed, would, of course, be paid over to the Treasury, to reimburse its issues under the several appropriations for carrying on trade with the Indians.

0096 68

But whatever mode may be adopted for abolishing the United States trading Houses, there will remain a reconcilement to be brought about, in the stipulations of an existing treaty, made and concluded on the 10th. November 1808, between the United States and the Great and Little Osage tribes of Indians, and that new order of things. By the Second article of that treaty the United States “engage to establish at Fort Clark, and permanently to continue at all seasons of the year, a well assorted store of goods, for the purpose of bartering with the Great and Little Osage, on moderate terms , for their Peltries and Furs.”

It is true, the Government, in any disposition which it may think proper to make of the Factories, and of its present system of intercourse with those Indians, could stipulate with the purchasers to make good so much of the obligation as relates to the perpetual continuance of the Store, but it would not be so easy, it is presumed, to provide for the continuance of the “ moderate terms ” on which it has engaged the goods shall be furnished. Or, if both could be provided for, it does not require even so much as the experiment of a trial, to ascertain the sense in which the Chiefs and head Men of the Osage Indians, understand this article, that having been expressed by them in the year 1813 (see paper marked A). If a change in the existing relations be made, therefore, at all, it is already ascertained that it must involve, in relation to the Osage Indians a violation of the 2d. article of the Treaty referred to, so far at least as their opinion of its intention applies. And how far a compulsory change, in the existing relations with those Indians may accord with the importance which certainly attaches to a preservation of the public faith, will be a matter for the decision of Congress.

How far the other Tribes, who, altho' not entrenched behind the provisions of a treaty, may be inclined to conceive well of a change which involves, necessarily, the overthrow of the existing benevolent system, to the value of which they are by no means insensible, and an abandonment of their commercial intercourse 0097 69 into hands whose sole inducement to undertake its prosecution is gain , it is no very difficult matter to foresee, especially as the principal tribes have in one way or another, either by direct communications made on the subject, or in person, during their visits to the Government, expressed their most earnest desire for the continuance of the Factories, and begged to be saved from the consequences which seldom fail of following in the train of private adventurers.

Judging of the future, by the past, there are abundant reasons to justify the conclusion that a withdrawal of the existing Government system would be attended with consequences serious in their application as well to the Indians as to our frontier Citizens, and but little doubt can be entertained that the whole system of reform, which has not ceased to command the respect and attention of our Government from its earliest history; and which now, in relation to several tribes, has advanced far beyond any former attainments, would tumble into ruins, and blast, at once, the happiness of thousands of Indians who now enjoy its benefits; and the hopes of those generous Citizens who are so resolutely bent on its enlargement.

The existing Government system has its foundation in benevolence , and reform . Those are the two pillars, on which it rests. The Factors employed by the United States do not go to supply the more helpless parts of our Family with articles necessary for their support and security against the elements, and upon terms that embrace no more than a preservation of the capital employed, only, but also with implements of husbandry; with suitable instructions how to use them; and with invitations to seek their support from the Earth, and exchange, for her certain compensation, the uncertain products of the chase. The instructions [to] the Factors also, direct them to cultivate among the Indians a regard for, and attachment to our Government and Country.

However inefficient much of this may have proved in its application to some of the more excluded and remote tribes, yet evidences exist, in abundance, to shew that all this good design is not lost; and that but for its workings, savagism would 0098 70 characterise, and deform; and desolation would brood over minds, over which civilization and social life, and the principles of improvement, have a fixed and permanent controul.

I am at a loss to conceive what regulations could be adopted, in a provision for the opening of the trade with the Indians to Individuals, which should preserve both, or either of the two features which so prominently distinguish the Government system. Whatever restrictions might be attempted to force private enterprize within the demands of benevolence, I apprehend they would all prove of no avail. The object of private enterprize is proclaimed in the undertaking. A trader no sooner resolves on a commencement of his career than he fixes his eye upon the object in view; and that object is gain —and so far as my information extends I have never detected any evidence going to shew the least unwillingness on the part of the private adventurer to adopt any resort that should promise to favor his scheme of profit. All methods appear to be alike convenient; and are adopted, or rejected, as they may seem most likely to favor, or oppose, his hopes.

It is well known that to the introduction of spirituous liquors amongst the Indians may be attributed a vast majority of those excitements which so often break out into acts of hostility, sometimes involving the almost total extinction of the tribes arrayed against each other; not unfrequently blasting the hopes of our frontier Citizens, and deluging their distant and otherwise peacefull homes with blood. But this comes not of the Government policy. The distribution of this article is not permitted.

Experience has demonstrated how inefficient are the most promising regulations, when they are intended to govern Men bent upon such enterprizes; and especially when the means of evading the agents whose duty it is made to enforce them, are so numerous; and when the opportunities of escape and security are rendered so certain by the unsearchable intricacies of the surrounding Forests.

Of the article of whiskey, to prevent the introduction of which into the Indian Country, and its distribution amongst 0099 71 the Indians, so much labor has been so unsuccessfully bestowed, no less than forty Barrels have been traced in one season, to an entrance at Green Bay; and as many as five thousand pounds of Lead are known to have been secured from the Sac and Fox Indians, in one interview, by those who use this article as a means of traffic, without the Indians receiving for their toils a solitary renumeration beside .

So far, therefore, as private, or individual intercourse is concerned,—and such is its history from the beginning,—there can be perceived in it no one trait which distinguishes it on account of its benevolence, and as to reform, it would be useless to illustrate the consequences which result from the sort of intercourse referred to: Any thing, and every thing, but reform must attend upon it.

But the Indian Tribes are not only worried and excited by the conflicting interests of Men whose sole object is gain, and whose chief instrument of competition is that very article which is most pernicious; and which by its inflaming tendency disturbs the tranquility of the forests, and rouses into action the worst passions of their inhabitants, and of which unfortunately the Indians are too fond, but exactions of the most extravagant character are practised by Individuals wherever the means do not exist to make the Indians independent of their supplies. This fact is proved from a variety of sources, in a general way, and has been particularly specified by an intelligent Gentleman now in the north, whose letter dated December 1816 after stating the pleasure manifested by the Indians, at the opening of the Green Bay factory, and their gratification at the cheapness of the goods, added, on their own authority, that “they had been obliged to pay, in skins, Fifteen Dollars for a pound of Tobacco; and one Dollar and an half for a thimble! ”

I know it has been assumed that a destruction of the existing Government system would open the way to the enterprising Citizens of our Country, to participate in the benefits of a trade which could be made generally valuable to them, whilst it is of no particular advantage to the Government; but who are excluded from the benefits which their enterprise would secure 0100 72 to them by the overgrown capacity of the United States Trading establishment.

So far as the admission of Individuals into the Indian Country is concerned, It would be impossible, even under an abandonment of the Government system, (unless indeed all legal provisions were dispensed with,) to make a more ready way for them into the Indian Country than is secured to them by the existing law, and so generally do they seem to have availed themselves of its latitude that from every quarter their numbers are represented as beyond all former example. The whole Country, from Michilimackinac, to Prarie du Chien, and thence on to the Missouri, is said literally “to swarm” with them. In fact those whose duty it is to licence applicants are left, by the looseness of the law, without option, even in the most important point of fitness of character —hence all descriptions of persons, applying, and conforming to the required regulations, which are within reach of any body, find an unobstructed way into the Indian Country.

It should seem, therefore, that so far as the admission of Individuals, into the privilege to trade with the Indians, is concerned, they can turn their enterprize into that channel, at pleasure. The only difficulty appears, then, to be, the alledged capacity of the United States Trading Establishment, (which difficulty may be found more readily in the principles that govern it , than in its capacity which has always been too limited) to serve the Indians upon terms more advantageous than those who enter into the competition appear willing, to adopt. It is very certain, therefore, that an overthrow of the existing Government system would prove favorable to the individual enterprize; but, it is not less certain, that it would be, in the same proportion, unfavourable to the Indians.

It is submitted, under this view of the subject, whether, before the abolition of the United States trading establishment be determined upon, it is not incumbent on those who seek an enjoyment of this covetted privilege, to demonstrate, that none of the consequences which have been referred to as arising exclusively out of individual intercourse, would ensue? whether 0101 73 it ought not to be made appear beyond the possibility of doubt, that their trade, and intercourse would be, at least, equally favorable, and equally beneficial to the Indians, and in every particular; and to the full as safe in their relation to our frontier inhabitants, as are the trade, and intercourse carried on with them, by the United States? In a word, whether it would not be proper, that no change in our existing relations should be sanctioned by the Government, that could tend in any one particular, to render the condition of the Indians more distressing than it is? Unless this could be insured, and its certainty made more undoubted than any experience hitherto had upon the subject, can, in my opinion, warrant the Government in admitting, would not an abandonment of the present United States policy seem to carry along with it, not only an indifference to the condition of our Indians, bad as it is admitted to be, and loudly as it calls for help, but also, a willingness that it should be made worse, even than it is? And if this helpless and less improved portion of our great American family, who are, it should seem, specially placed under the protecting care of our Government, within whose boundaries they range; and to which they are held accountable for their misdoings, be thrown beyond the limits of its special agency , and benevolent attentions, where shall they find a protector, or guide? It is argued, again, that if Individuals were permitted to enter freely into the Indian Country, and the present capital employed by the Government were withdrawn, so many agencies would take the place of it, as to create a competition, favorable to the Indians.

Competition is certainly an engine of protection to the consumer; and without it, in relation to almost any other sort of intercourse, than that under consideration, it ought to be promoted. But an exception may be fairly taken to its application to the present question, because no competition, it is presumed, however active, could insure to the Indians, their supplies upon terms even as good as those on which they are furnished by the United States, whose policy is prescribed by a law which directs that the profits on the original cost of the 0102 74 articles, shall be no more than to preserve from diminution, the capital employed. Nor would the competitors in this great wilderness-market, it is presumed, be willing to receive as much, in addition to this, as the United States law ought to authorize, say six or Eight per Cent, with a view to cover the losses, and damage to which an intercourse so distant, and so difficult is liable.

Even, however, if Individuals should agree to receive no more than such an advance, taking into the estimate the chance of profit on the Furs and Peltries received in barter, and which is the only source on which the United States can count on any profit, yet it will scarcely admit of doubt that the idea of competition, and general participation, would be soon swallowed up in one vast engine of monopoly , which, in its workings, would defy, and soon force the Individual and smaller capatalists to seek employment for their capital where there were fewer chances of its being so completely useless.

If the entire capital of the South West company be not now in operation in this Country, there is good reason for believing that an amount, more than double that employed by the Government, is; and it is rendered almost certain that the present Capital employed by the United States, if withdrawn, would be immediately supplied, and vastly augmented, not, however, by individuals, on their own personal footing, but by a junction of a few, whose ability, it is as little to be doubted, would, very soon after the overthrow of the Government system, (should it be abolished,) have embodied, a sum, exceeding a million of Dollars, employment of which would secure to the parties interested, one great union of security and interests, to the exclusion of all others. It is believed that upwards of half a million of Dollars are invested in one stock already.

If, therefore, the object of the resolution of the House of Representatives be, to make amongst the Citizens of the United States a distribution of trading privileges; and if a system could be devised, and such regulations adopted as should infallibly secure to the Indians a continuance of their existing privileges, and means of improvement, and to our border population 0103 75 an equal protection, there are too many reasons to beleive that it would fail of its accomplishment. And if that should be the result, the idea of a privileged monopoly could not fail of having birth given to it, to get rid of which, might be more difficult, than it now is to ma[i]ntain the existing limited and shackled system; or to enlarge and disembarress it from the pressure brought in upon it by the loosseness of the law under which private traders are admitted—against which system, whatever other exceptions may be taken, there can be none brought that can apply against, either its benevolence, or its tendency to reform the Indians.

But whilst the resolution of the House of Representatives looks to an admission into the Indian Country, of those individuals who might be disposed to enter it, as traders, are there not many, who, although they might not be induced to hold intercourse with the Indians, in that way, yet, are much interested in a participation of the result of their hunting expeditions? I refer to the Mechanical parts of our Country who deal, and work in Furs. By the provisions of the 13th. Section of the “act for establishing Trading houses with the Indian Tribes”—approved 2d. March 1811, it is provided, that “the Superintendent of Indian Trade shall cause the Furs and Peltries, and other articles acquired in Trade with the Indian nations, to be sold at public auction, in different parts of the United States, or otherwise disposed of as may be deemed most advantageous to the United States.” Alth'o by the terms “ otherwise disposed of ,” an authority is given to sell at different places in the United States; or at one place; or to export the articles acquired in Trade with the Indians, to foreign markets, yet, it having been considered so important to those who work in Furs and Peltries in our own Country and to our Citizens generally who are the consumers, to provide a market for those articles, at home , that in no instance except one (and that occurred twelve years ago) have they been exported.

But if the United States system be abolished, can there be any security provided against the exportation of those articles, except that which shall imply a price, at home, corresponding 0104 76 to the price abroad? And if so, is it not to be apprehended, especially under the idea of a large union of capital, and of interests, that the cheif manager, or managers of this great traffic, will take care to realize those prices, and introduce upon the one hand, a scarcity; or bring upon our whole population, upon the other an advance on the price of all such articles as are made of Furs and Peltries?

From what has been advanced may be gathered “my opinion of the best mode of bringing to a termination the existing Indian Trading house establishment:” also, that the change cannot be consistently made as it applies to the Great and Little Osage tribes of Indians: That so far as the remaining Tribes are concerned, and also our frontier Citizens, their condition would not be bettered; but, jud[g]ing from the experience already had, must be rendered worse by its adoption: That the hopes which are entertained, as well by several tribes, as by those who are so generously engaged in promoting a social and moral improvement amongst them, derive considerable aid from the influence and councils emanating from the Government policy, and that those hopes at the moment of their highest promise would be endangered by its abandonment: That however beneficial such a change might prove to individuals who might enter upon the prosecution of Indian trade, in a pecuniary sense, there can be no reasons found, to justify its recognition, if it involve an enlargement of the range of poverty, and disease, and want, amongst the Indians, which would result, naturally, from excess, licentiousness, and undue exactions; or if their tranquility be involved in it, or their lives, or a waste of any portion of the public treasure to allay excitements, and wars: That the idea of Individuals being admitted under this change to a general participation of the trade, is fallacious, for the whole would, without doubt, resolve itself into one great system of monopoly, out of which would arise a tax upon our entire population: To all which might have been added, the involvement of the humanity and honor of the Country, which, (in the language of an intelligent Gentleman, conversant with Indian affairs, and intimately acquainted with 0105 77 the methods resorted to by Individuals in their intercourse with the Indians) “the Traders care not to barter for a single skin.”

I am aware that the resolution of the House of Representatives calls for a system, providing for the opening of the trade to Individuals, under, “ suitable regulations.” But I am aware also of the impractability, in my opinion, of framing any system, that shall be so “suitable” as to overrule the consequences to which I have referred.

The best system, in my opinion, that can be adopted, is the one which has been once tried and abandoned: And if the “existing Indian Trading establishments be abolished” I believe a revival of that system (with some variations and additions) will be found to contain as good a substance as any other. I refer to the regulations of 1786 which continued, I believe, until they were superceded by the existing arrangements.

The system referred to provided for a division of the Country into two Districts, No[r]thern and Southern—to each District was attached a Superintendent. The superintendent of the northern division was allowed two deputies, or assistants. The whole of the Indian relations was placed in their hands.

The regulations adopted were the following: “No person, Citizen or other, under the penalty of Five hundred Dollars, was permitted to reside among, or trade with any Indian, or Indian nation within the territories of the United States without a licence for that purpose, first obtained from the superintendent of the District, or one of the Deputies, who were directed to give such licence to every person , who should produce from the Supreme executive of any state, a certificate, under the seal of the state, that he is a good character, and suitably qualified and provided for that employment. For which licence he was to pay the sum of Fifty Dollars for the use of the United States. No license to trade with the Indians was permitted to be in force for a longer term than one year. Previous to any Person or Persons obtaining a licence to trade as of three thousand Dollars, to the superintendent of the District of three thousand Dollars, to the superintendent of the District for the use of the United States, for his or their strict adhereance 0106 78 to, and observance of, such regulations and rules as the Congress might from time to time establish for the Government of the Indian Trade.”

It was provided also that the Superintendents should bond, each in the sum of six thousand dollars; and the Deputies, or Assistants, in the sum of three thousand Dollars.

My opinion is the system would be improved by placeing the Indian concerns in the hands of one superintendent, instead of two. That he should be obliged before he entered upon the duties of his office, to bond to the United States with approved sureties in the sum of Ten thousand Dollars, and take an oath of office. He should have an Agent settled in each Tribe, unless it should be where the contiguity of Tribes would make one agent answer for more. Each agent should be required to bond to the United States with approved sureties in a similar sum with the superintendent, and take an oath of office. It should be made the duty of the Agents, in addition to the ordinary routine of holding treaties, and paying over annuities, and dispensing Presents, to keep the superintendent regularly, and constantly, and truely informed, of the state and disposition of the tribe, or tribes, within their respective agencies; and specially so, (and their oath of office ought to embrace this object,) in whatever should relate to any infringement of the law regulating trade with the Indian Tribes; and by whom. The penalty of a violation should involve the forfeiture of the traders' bond which should be given on his receiving his licence, in the sum of Five thousand Dollars; and a forfeiture of his licence, without the privilege of renewal. Licences to traders now employed in the Indian Country to be cancelled; and all interlopers or peddling traders, should be driven out, wherever they could be found. Any Person found trading six months from the passage of the law under the proposed system, without a licence, obtained under it, to forfeit his effects. No person to be licenced after the passage of the law who should not present to the superintendent, (whose duty it might be made to issue licences, and approve bonds) a certificate from the Cheif Executive of any state under the seal of the state that he is of good 0107 79 character, and suitably qualified and provided for that employment. His bond, and sureties, also, to be presented and approved. For his licence, one hundred Dollars should be required: the licence, and the price of it to be renewed annually. The proceeds of which to be applied to reimburse the Treasury for the compensation paid out of it to the superintendent and the agents. Any trader neglecting to renew his licence, to forfeit five hundred dollars for the first year; and a thousand for the second, and in the same proportion each year till the fifth year, when his bond should be considered forfeited. No Trader should be allowed the privilege to trade, under any circumstances, who would not select his spot, build his factory, and locate himself .

No licence to any Individual or company to embrace more than one Factory. The name of the Factory of each to be inserted in each licence. The vending of spirituous liquors to be prohibited under the severest penalty of the law .

Those are the outlines of a system which appear to me to be more suitable than any that have occurred to me; and as being more likely than any other to provide against the abuses which are to be dreaded, even under their adoption. The Indians would still be the victims of a policy, the foundation of which could only be sustained by gain, and the difference to them would be vast indeed, between its workings, and the milder, and more humane system, whose principle features are benevolence and reformation .

All which is respectfully submitted

Tho. L. Mc. Kenney S. I. T .

Endorsed: George Town 19 Aug. 1818. Thomas L. Mc.Kenny Esq. Report of Indian Affairs. Dec. 1818.

1818: LICENSES FOR GREEN BAY TRADERS

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 1C30.]

Sandwich August 31, 1818

My Dear John —I arrived here the 6[th] Day after leaving you. I went to Mr. Woodbridge 43 & asked him for a Teritorial Licence for you he Said that as the Bay was a Neutral place not yet desided in which State 44 it would fall Licences could not be granted but that no man had any write to prevent you Selling your goods their nor no one could prevent you doing as you thought proper at your house he thinks that we will obtain titles for our lands at La Bay he thinks that a Board of commissioners will be appointed for that purpose. The Taxes are taken off on Stills so that you may commence to destill when ever you please—but I think you would do better with your Flower for the crop has failed in this quarter entirely & I think if you could Send in one hundred Barrells of Flower to Mackinac you would meet with a quick Sail of it at 10 or 12 Dollars per Barrell but do as you think proper.

43 William Woodbridge, secretary of Michigan Territory; see Wis. Hist. Colls., xix, p. 453, note 79.— Ed .

44 Wisconsin was a part of Illinois Territory until the admission of the latter as a state, in 1818. It would appear that Woodbridge had not yet been apprised of its annexation to Michigan Territory. See Id, xi, p. 461.— Ed .

I met with Mr. Stewart the Collector 45 & paid him for the Duties on our goods last year 280 Dollars I Borrowed the Money from Mr Armentinger he thinks we will be paid by Government the a/c Due us enclosed is the 2 Mens engagements & what I paid for them each on the Bac of the engagements which you will charge them with

45 Adam D. Stewart of Virginia was collector at the port of Mackinac, 1818–32.— Ed .

I think if the Grignons & Mr. Porlier & your Self were to make up a partnership for next year & get me to be the Supplier of the goods granting me £300 Yk C for my Trouble it 0109 81 would be a good Business & it would Vex those people greately I shall Set off in the Morning on my way Down 3 of my packs got wet on Board of the Vessell but not to Injure them much I am going to leave 3 Bundles of Feathers at Mr. Macons to Sell for me & to pay Mrs. Dufrain for the Board of My little girll.

I Spoke to Mr. [Samuel] Abbot 46 to forward your letters & mine to you which he Says can be once a month from La Bay So do not fail to write me & let me know how your English men conducts them Selves in Short let me heare all the news in your Quarter & all the Information you can get from Prearie Du Chien & about our old friend James [Aird] Send me your order & let it be compleat but Send it verry Soon So that I may have time to get the things readey I have not contracted for pork or anything elce here as all is so verry high but we will Trust to the Mackinac market for what we Shall want in the provision way. I have left Mrs Mi[t]chells order with Mr Mack 47 to Send hir up all she has ordered by the first Vessell he has Some coming from Buffalow as their was not a Gallon of whiskey to be Bought in all Detroit flower 9 Dollars pr Barrell in Short the Crop has failed on Both Sides of the River. Adieu My Dear John believe me Truly your affectionate. Unckle till Death

46 See a sketch of Samuel Abbott in Wis. Hist. Colls., xviii, p. 512, note 46.— Ed .

47 Mrs. Mitchell is described in Id , xiv, pp. 35–38.

Col. Stephen Mack was a Detroit trader of the firm of Mack & Conant. Later he was the founder of the town of Pontiac, where he died in 1826.— Ed .

J Franks

Mr John Lawe Green Bay

1818: FACTORIES SHOULD BE ABOLISHED

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Book 41, Letter Book 3, p. 30.]

St Mary's Septr. 14, 1818

Sir —With a view to obtain correct information upon the subject of your letter of the 25th. of May last, and of the accompanying resolution of the House of Representatives, and to compare my own opinions with those of persons qualified by their situation and experience to judge correctly, I have delayed my answer till this time.

The resolution of the House of Representatives appears to contemplate the abolition of the present trading establishments of the United States among the Indians. My own experience and observation, and the opinions of all with whom I have conversed upon the subject are decidedly in favour of this abolition.

This system must have been originally introduced in consequence of our peculiar relations with the Indians, and from an impression that American Capital, and enterprize could not supply the demands of this trade, or that the Indians from the nature of it would be liable to imposition. I presume the public trading houses were never established with any view to pecuniary profit, nor that such a result would enter into an estimate of the advantages to be derived from them.

I know not what at the introduction of this system may have been the state of the American Capital employed in the Indian trade, or of the enterprize of those, in whom this Capital was vested. Nor do I know anything of the wants of the Western or Southern Indians or the probable means of supplying them. My own experience and information extend to the Indians in this section of the Union only, and to them I shall confine my observations upon this subject.

I have no hesitation in saying, that it is now as unnecessary for the Government of the United States to continue their trading houses upon this frontier, as to embark in any mercantile speculation whatever. A great abundance of American 0111 83 Capital has been diverted into this channel, and it would be a reflection upon our national character to suppose, that enterprize could not be found to distribute this capital or skill to employ it. This trade requires no other impulse than a fair return of profits, and like all other branches of Commerce, if left without legal regulation, will regulate itself by the competition of those employed in it. The United States are satisfied to conduct their portion of it without loss, and so far as they supply the demand, the system operates to the injury of the private trade, and has a tendency to continue the present state of things.

The individual must look to the profits of his trade for the reward of his industry and enterprize, and for the use of the capital vested in it. It must be obvious therefore that the goods at the public trading establishments can be afforded cheaper, than they can be sold by private traders, and cheaper, than by any fair view of the trade they could be expected. Were the United States to enter into competition with individuals in any branch of foreign trade and to be satisfied with conducting that without loss, it would not be difficult to foresee the sensation, which would be excited, nor the individual injury, which would be the result.

The capital employed by Government in this quarter is so small, compared with the general amount of the trade, as to produce little effect. There are but three public trading houses upon this frontier one at Chicago, one at Green Bay, and one at Prairie du Chien. I have no means of ascertaining the quantity of goods which they annually sell, but I am certain it constitutes a very small portion of the amount, which enters and is sold in this extensive Country. Since the regulations which have been adopted by the President excluding foreign traders from entering the Indian Country, many enterprizing American Citizens have directed their capital and attention to this business. The island of Michillimackinac is the great entrepot for all goods destined to this part of the Indian Country. In the months of June and July, the Merchants embark[ed] in this trade and owning the Capital arrive upon 0112 84 that Island to make arrangements with those whom they supply with goods to receive their outfits for the ensuing year and to deliver their returns for that which has past. It is a fact within my own knowledge, that a much larger quantity of goods, than were required for this trade were this season taken to that place, and have since been withdrawn. This fact I consider decisive as to the supply of this trade keeping pace with the demand. But such an occurrence was not necessary to produce this conviction upon my mind. Since my first acquaintance with Indian Affairs I have made this a subject of enquiry, and I have never doubted the result which is thus practically established.

Of the system upon which this trade is conducted, I know nothing. My knowledge of the amiable and intelligent Officer at the head of this branch of the public service and of the factors employed in this quarter, justifies the opinion, that all is done, for the publick interest, which zeal, intelligence and integrity can effect. But believing as I do that the system itself is radically incorrect I cannot but recommend its abolition.

I leave untouched the general question with respect to the propriety under any circumstances of converting the funds of the United States into a commercial capital and its Government into Mercantile adventurers. It is the practical operation only of these establishments upon our Citizens and upon the minds of the Indians, which I am to consider. These trading houses are known to belong to the United States. And the factors are known to be public agents, The reasons and motives, which led to their introduction are not understood nor appreciated. The Indians universally attribute them to a speculating disposition on the part of the Government. They believe, that goods are thus sent among them, for the same reason which induces individuals to embark in the trade. Invidious comparisons are introduced between our Government and the British Government, by whom such a system has never been adopted. It requires but little reflection to perceive the effect, which such ideas must have upon a rude, savage, unlettered people. 0113 85 They are not in the habit of abstraction, and objects affect them, as they correspond with their own habits and prejudices.

All barter with them is for gain, and it is not to be expected that their ideas upon the subject can be easily changed, nor that they should assign a different motive to the public and private trader while their pursuits and objects are the same.

As I have no disposition to enter too much into detail upon this subject, I shall conclude this branch of it by observing that there is an ample stock of American Capital, skill and enterprize for all the demands of this trade, that the public trading establishments injure the private traders by bringing into competition with them in the Indian market a capital for the use and management of which no advance is required, and that they render the Government obnoxious and contemptible to the Indians.

The laws no[w] in force upon the subject of Indian trade require, that every person entering the Indian Country for the purpose of trading should receive a licence and give bond, conditioned for a faithful observance of the laws and such regulations as may be required by the officer granting the licence. This requisition appears to be effectual, so far as respects the entrance of traders into the Indian Country. Their remote stations however render it difficult to procure the necessary evidence to collect the penalty of the bond, in those cases where there has been a breach of its conditions.

I believe no statutory provision is necessary to protect the Indians from the impositions of traders, where no whiskey is introduced into the Indian Country.

While the Indians are sober, they are fully competent to manage their own concerns. They understand the value of their peltries, and of the goods which are offered for them. It is only while in a state of intoxication, or while labouring under the effects of that craving appetite for spirits, which habits of intoxication produce, that they are liable to the impositions.

They are habitually shrewd, cautious, and suspicious. The capital embarked in this trade causes a competition among the persons connected in it, which leaves to the seller but a moderate 0114 86 profit, and ensures to the purchaser his goods at a reasonable rate. There are too many traders concerned in this business to permit any combination among them, or to allow any impositions to be practised without the danger of detection and punishment.

The entire exclusion of spirituous liquors from the Indian Country is therefore the only measure, which it is necessary for the Government to adopt with a view to secure the Indians from the frauds of trade. It is also highly important to the success of any rational plan for gradually meliorating their condition, and ultimately extending to them the full benefit of civilization. The exclusion, if ever effected, can only be effected by a change in the present laws and by a rigid police upon the subject. However important this measure be to the Indians, yet we are not to expect their participation in any plan for its accomplishment. Their attachment to ardent spirits is a moral phenomenon, and to it they sacrifice every consideration public or private.

It appears to me, that if more discretion were vested in the Officer granting the license, with respect to whom licenses should be granted or refused, and if authority were given to the Officers of the Indian Department to arrest and bring in for trial any person found introducing spirits into the Indian Country and to destroy the spirits thus found, the beneficial results of this change would be soon experienced. The Special employment of some persons to enforce these statutory provisions would be necessary. In fact I have long been convinced that if six or eight men were appointed within the limits of this Superintendency to travel through the Indian Country and to enforce the laws and regulations upon this subject, our prospect of an improvement in the moral and physical condition of the Indians, would be much more promising than it now is. I think this the most efficient measure, which could be adopted, the most economical and practicable in itself and the most certain and salutary in its effects. Very Respectfully, Sir I have the honour to be Yo. mo. obt. Servt

[ Lewis Cass ]

Hon, J. C. Calhoun Secy. of War .

1818: INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TRADER

[MS. in Burton Library, Detroit. Pressmark: Vol. 115, p. 37.]

Instructions to Danial Borassa 48 this day licensed to trade with the Indians at Ke-as-Ke-Ke .

48 For Daniel Bourassa consult Wis. Hist. Colls ., xviii, passim . At one time he traded on the Chicago River, on whose southern branch he had a trading house. This document is here given as a specimen of instructions issued at the time.— Ed .

1. Your trade will be confined to the place to which you are licensed.

2. Your transactions with the Indians will be confined to fair and friendly trade.

3. You will attend no Council held by the Indians, nor send them any talk or speech accompanied by wampum.

4. You are forbidden to take any Spirituous Liquors of any kind into the Indian Country, or to give,sell, or dispose of any to the Indians, unless specially authorised so to do.

5. Should any person attempt to trade in the Indian Country, without a License, or should Licensed traders carry any Spirituous Liquors into the Indian Country, or give, sell or dispose of any to the Indians, without special authority, the Indians are authorised to Seize and take to their own use the Goods of such Traders, and the owners shall have no claim on the Indians or the United States for the same.

6. Should you learn that there is any person in the Indian Country trading without a License you will immediately report the name of such person, and the place where he is trading, to some Indian Agent.

7. The substance of the fifth regulation you will communicate to the Indians.

8. You will take all proper occasions to inculcate upon the Indians, the necessity of Peace, to state to them, that it is the wish of their Great Father, the President to live in harmony with them, and that they must shut their ears to any evil stories there may be in circulation.

0116 88

Given under my hand at the City of Detroit this ninth day of October, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Eighteen By the Governor & Superintendant,

[ Lewis Cass ]

Endorsed: Instructions to Danial Borassa Indian Trader Oct. 9th, 1818.

1818: PRICES FOR LICENSES

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Book 41, Letter Book 3, p. 52.]

Detroit 15th. Octr. 1818.

Dear Sir —On the subject of Messrs. Crooks and Stuarts statement made (through J. J. Astor) to the Department of War relative to my having received fifty dollars for each license by me granted at the Post of Michillimackinac, authorizing Indian trade during the year 1816. I have to remark that the sum of Five dollars for each license granted for Indian trade had uniformly been received by authority of Gov: Hull, who through Mr. Atwater then Secretary of the Territory of Michigan furnished Samuel Abbott Esqr. (now a Clerk of the A. F. Company House) with blank licenses signed by the Governor, with instructions to fill them up on application of the trader and to ask and to receive for such license the sum of Five dollars retaining one half that sum for his proper use and remitting the remaining half to the Secretary of the Territory. With a knowledge of that fact I was induced to believe myself indisputably entitled to receive a Like amount for all licenses by me granted under the law regulating Trade and Intercourse with Indian tribes, etc. etc. passed 1802.

By the instructions from the War Department 1816 predicated upon a law regulating trade and intercourse with Indian tribes etc. passed April of the same year, the duties or labour incumbent upon the Agent issuing such license was increased more [than] ten fold, as under the Law of 1802 a Bond for 1000 dollars was only necessary to be written upon which for 0117 89 the license to issue, Whereas under the instructions of 1816 upward of thirty notices were required including discriptive lists etc., which require the employment of a clerk, at my private expense. immediately after receiving the instructions imposing this extraordinarily great additional labour, and believing (from the practise theretofore establish and undenied of charging five dollars under the Law of 1802) that I was justly authorized to increase that charge in proportion to the increased duties thus by the instructions of 1816 imposed, I consulted with Col. Bowyer Indian Agent for Green Bay and Col. Chambers then Commanding the post of Michillimackinac, by each of whom I was advised that Fifty dollars would be but a moderate compensation for the writing actualy required to be done, upon the issuing of each license this opinion was also given me by Col. John Miller, 3d. Infantry, 49 who about that time relieved Col Chambers in the command at the post of Michillimackinac, with this advice I did feel myself fully authorized to receive the sum of fifty dollars for each license so issued, but never did in any instance enforce its collection, I viewed it as a voluntary act of justice, on the part of those obtaining licenses, and it will be recollected the House of Mr. Astor, then in partnership with the North West Company did not pay me for their licenses until after all their outfits were gone into the Indian Country, as will appear from my receipt to them given and dated late in the Autumn of 1816, long after their Licenses had reached their points of trade.

49 For Col. John Miller, see Wis. Hist. Colls ., i, p. 51.— Ed .

This transaction was on my part fair open and candid, giving the parties full time, if they had reason to complain of the charge, to do so, to my Government, and when Mr. Varnum for the South West Company House, voluntarily tendered me the payment for licenses to that house by me granted, I without hesitation gave him my receipt for the amount.

As respects my having sent ardent spirits into the Indian Country to purchase corn, I beg leave to remark, that not having any instructions to that effect from my Government, or 0118 90 your Excellency, the introduction of ardent spirits into any part of the Indian Country by an American Citizen, was not prohibited, nor was any prohibition imposed to that effect until 1817. I did purchase a small quantity of corn and no other articles from Indians for my own use I have the honour to be Your Excellency's Mo. obt. Hble. Servt.

Wm. Henry Puthuff .

His Excellency Lewis Cass Governor etc, etc .

1818: COMPLAINTS FROM GREEN BAY

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 4B110.]

Green Bay 13 th Nov. 1818

Dear Tommy 50 —I received your favor p r . Mr. Laborde 51 yesterday and you surprize me about Mr. Dickson wild Goose chase I cannot say what can be his views for going back to that wild Country but he knows best it revives my Spirits to hear that the Duke of Richmond [governor of Canada] has taken into hand to have the Fortifications compleated [at Drummond Island] for I was afraid that our people was neglecting themselves and going to abandon the Posts but it still Appears that they do not mean to abandon us entirely to the Y—kees.

50 This letter is written to Capt. Thomas G. Anderson, a Wisconsin fur-trader before the War of 1812–15; at the time of this letter he was living at Drummond Island as storekeeper in the British Indian department. See his narrative in Id , ix, pp. 137–206.— Ed .

51 For this person see Id , xix, p. 122, note 64.— Ed .

This is three years nearly Dear Tommy since peace has been made and I have been in Hell ever since I am getting Grey and worn out in the service and now being with these Hell Hounds these latter years racks my Constitution & my mind and body is agitated continually seeing my property going to the Devil you may think that oppression is the Cry here for a B[ritish] Subject and you may figure to yourself that it 0119 91 is carried on to its greatest extent since these doodles has taken possession of this place I am not less than £2000 loser on my property at a moderate calculation, besides what they have made me loose by the Indian trade, throughing [throwing] every Obstacle in our way here oh will their not come a Day of Resurrection, that we may rise once more and we have the power & Strength of Sampson. it is a shame for our Government to have not made a better provision for his poor straggling & faithful Subjects he has in these wild woods but there must some allways Suffer and we are the victims. the poor Wechastas [Indian allies] how they are abandoned is it not shameful for our G[overnmen]t to abandon them as they have done. I suppose I will make a heavy loss this year I could get no Licence to send nor go into the Country so that the poor Indians were disappointed by me for going into the Mississippi as I had promised them and I was obliged to remain at the Bay. all the Indians were off from the Bay for to go and make their wild Rice when I got hear but I am glad none of them had gone into the Mississippi before I got here, for all Mr. Aird done his best to take them along with him, in telling them a parcel of falsehoods as well as others, that I was not coming back even to the Bay and a parcel of Stuff &c &c. but they told them that they could wait and as soon as they had heard I had got hear they came down and I told them my Situation that it was not my fault I could not go into the Country nor send or else I would have been here before so I could not do otherwise but make them all my Goods on Credit from my house, [of] which they were much in want as they were naked this year which you may suppose I must meet with a very heavy loss not having even permission to Send after a Credit I sew [sow] and their is plenty to reap of the A[merican]s in the Indian Country.

If it was not for the old Traders the Indians must inevitably starve & Freeze for they get no assistance from these people not even a mouthful of provisions—it is true I will pay for the Roast, but Mr. Aird as well as the others will so[on] know that I have still some Influence with this nation for there 0120 92 is not one single Indian gone down to the Prarie which must vex them a good deal but there is no hunt in this part the Indians will suffer a good deal this winter the Country being so barren enough of this disagreeable theme I will pause.

You cannot expect any news worth your Attention from this Quarter the only news I can give you is the Foxes & Sauks went to War in July & August last and kild 40 odd Sioux of the River, de moins and brought in 30 odd Prisoners women & children to the Prairie du Chien the Sioux had a great deal of trouble to get back the Prisoners out of the Foxes hands they would not for some time give them up so we may expect that their will be a great deal of fighting amongst them this Season the Chippeways & Sioux has had a few fights this last summer but few has been killed on both sides. the vessel called the Hercules with all its crew has been lost leaving Shekaugo [Chicago] on the 3 Oct last their was an Engineer Mr. Everlets 52 on board one of their best Engineers which is a very great loss to their Government the crops has been very poor hear in General this year and the Mill don't go I have been eating Potatoes this month in place of Bread. Capt. Whistler 53 commands hear

52 The remain of the wreck of the “Hercules” lay between the outlets of Big and Little Calumet rivers, on the lake shore. There they were seen in 1820 by Henry R. Schoolcraft, but he erroneously gives the date of the wreck as November, 1816. Besides the evidence of this contemporary letter of Lawe, we have letters from Mackinac showing that the “Hercules” left there Sept. 19, 1818, for Chicago. See H. R. Schoolcraft, Narrative of Expedition of 1820 (Phila., 1855), p. 202; A. T. Andreas, History of Chicago (Chicago, 1884), i, p. 94.

Lieut. William Sanford Eveleth of Virginia was a cadet at West Point, from which he graduated in 1813. He was made lieutenant in the engineer corps, and had, during the summer of 1818, been employed in completing Fort Dearborn. He embarked on the schooner “Hercules” for a visit to his home. His body, much disfigured when found, was recognizable only by his military uniform.— Ed .

53 For the military record of Capt. William Whistler see Wis. Hist. Colls ., v, p. 178. He was stationed at Green Bay, 1817–19, and was again in 1820 temporarily in command there. In 1826 he returned to Green Bay as major in command, and remained for two years, being removed to Fort Niagara, whence in 1832 he came to regarrison Fort Dearborn at Chicago. He died at Newport Barracks, Ky., in December, 1863. His wife was Julia Fearson of Detroit, who there died in 1875.— Ed .

0121 93 at this Post with about 200 men they are to be removed next Spring down and the [MS.torn] Regiment to come hear which I expect will finish the business. Mr. Oliva has been hear nearly two months he has left Madam to winter hear with Goods he is a great Scamp, I believe I do not know if we will get a little for our property hear I am afraid not I wish I could sell out & leave this Country for ever I would bid a hearty adieu there is nothing to be done hear & what is going to become of us I do not know what we are going to do next year there is no resisting [inducement?] to Carry on the Trade Any more in this Country, we are all going down hill fast. do write me all the News you can this Winter and what prospects there is, you must be happy where you are. I suppose you hear from M r . Franks from time to time I hope he got down safe this year with his Packs. Remember me to all enquiring Friends Mr. Porlier & Jacobs & Grignons Compliments to you, and Believe me to be your sincere friend and well wisher.

John Lawe .

N. B. Excuse my very bad Scrawl for it is not legible Nekish and her young ones desires to be remembered to you.

Endorsed: Letter Green Bay 13 Nov. 1818. J. Lawe.

[Source, same as preceding document, but 52B75.]

Messrs. Forsyth Richardson & Co . [NO DATE]

Sirs —I received your favor with the inclosed account. I had hoped that it would be paid, from the product of the peltries that I had in reserve, and that I sent immediately from la Bay, to Montreal; and that have arrived there. If he who transported them has not delivered them, I am more than mortified, as contrary to my wishes.

Each epoch constantly brings me new hindrances in fulfilling 0122 94 my obligations to you, which after the benefit they have been to me I consider as sacred. As soon as I arrived here I would have disposed of my peltries and sent yo[u] the sum of your account with this present letter; but the packs have already gone, and I can only refer you to Mr. Rocheblave, who has orders to deliver to you the proceeds on account. If the present letter should reach you before the arrival of Mr. Rocheblave, and his detention causes you trouble you are authorized by this to claim the packs wherever they are and sell them on my account. They contain

No. 1 100 Beaver weighing 108 lb.

2 57"78 lb.

29 Otters, 37 skunks.

The quality of the furs was of the very best, but being wet they look badly.

Affairs in General have been very bad, little Hunt, many hindrances for the British, all has contributed; but particularly for me. Induced by false hopes of a good year, I loaded myself with merchandise at a high price, doubly mistaken in my ideas. The year was not only bad in general, but I especially have had to suffer a complete disappointment, having been as a Britisher kept from trading. A court of mercantile inquisition has judged according to its own interest even more than the Government. That was the beginning of the persecution but it is not yet ended, and I cannot make out what is going to become of us, abandoned as we are not knowing our rights nor where we shall be attacked. In an obscure labyrinth, loaded incessantly with most atrocious calumnies without means of unmasking them, what are we to do? I would never have believed that among any people it would be a title of reprobation to have been a British subject, to have belonged to a Government which has always seemed to me so kind to foreigners. I begin to perceive the word liberty in the language of politics or of the Governments does not mean the same thing as we commonly suppose.

I have digressed from the point that gave me the right to 0123 95 address you, pray pardon me the liberty that I take in enlarging on my misery.

I have the honor to be with the consideration due you, Your very hble & obdt Svt r .

Jq. Porlier .

1818: PROFIT AND LOSS AT FACTORIES

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book E, 1818—20, p. 167.]

Office of Indian Trade Nov; 18th . 1818

John W Johnston U S Factor P. du Chien

Sir —Your returns for the quarter year ending June 30th. have been received and examined.

The following statement comprises all your transactions in that quarter as per your Journal—

cost of goods

$2164.62 bartered for Furs etc. valued at $4524.93 profit $2360.31

66.92"" feathers"" 145. 78.08

45.43"" Wax etc 102.15 56.72

51.43"" Sugar 92.93 41.50

41.98""Indian curiosities 88.75 46.77

141.09"" Lead 335.90 194.81

28.51 sold to J. P. Gates a 66 ⅔% 47.51 19.

67.80 "J. W. Johnson a 15% 77.97 10.17

16.56 "R. B. Belt a 15% 19.04 2.48

6.14 "Qr. Mr. Genl. a .75 10.75 4.61

459.25 "for Cash a 92 ⅜ 878.87 419.62

84.33 pd. sundry persons on Contingent acco. a .75 147.58 63.25

$3174.06 $6,471.38 $3,297.32

By which it appears that Goods which cost $3174.06/100 were sold or bartered for $6431.78 leaving a profit on the merchandize account of $3297.32

to which must be added amount gained on the fur account, arising from difference between the Invoice prices and they are taken in at—gain in weight etc. 253.82

0124 96

Gained on the Feather acco. they being taken in at 25 Cts. per Invoiced at .50 226.25

Gained in weight of Lead 693.90

Indian curiosities recvd. for $108.50 invoiced at $117.13 8.63

This amt. should be the gross gain on the a/c curt. $4,479.92

Instead of which it is only 3,595.12

making a difference of $884.80

* * * * * * * *

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 169.]

Indian Trade Office George Town Decr. 5Th . 1818

Mathew Irwin Esq Green Bay

Sir —I am directed by the Supt. Indian trade to request that all furs and Peltries which you may receive in future from the Indians at your factory be transmitted to this office via Erie and Pittsburg. It is his wish to make this place the depot for all furs and peltries taken in at the northern factories. At foot is statement of prices obtained at our sale on the 23d. Ulto. by which you will discover that a considerable loss has occurred to the U. S. by your selling this year at the factory.

Very Respectfully etc etc

J. W. B.

1818: HISTORY OF FUR-TRADE COMPANIES

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 181.]

Office Indian Trade 31st. Decr. 1818

Hon: Secretary of War .

Sir —The histories of the fur associations, under the various titles of Hudson Bay, North West, Michilimackinac and South West companies, are not within my reach—such writers as I have been able to glance over, since I saw you yesterday deal cheifly in the details which make up the expeditions of the traders, the routes, portages, rapids, river courses, etc. etc. without 0125 97 affording much information respecting the amount of capital vested in the several branches; and none at all in relation to the charters, or rules of association.

I am only able to state that the amount of capital employed by the North West company in 1788 was 40,000. £ Sterling, and that this amount in 1793 was trebled, making it about 530,000 Dollars.

In 1798 The N. W. Company divided, one branch continueing to trade under its old title and on the old stock; and the other under the title of the Michilimackinac with a new stock, but what amount constituted this new stock I am unable to ascertain. It is reasonable however to infer that it was not less than the amount employed by the N. W. branch, but it was probably more. For no doubt superior advantages were contemplated by the new party, and these of course must have embraced superior resources.

However it is fair to put the whole capital employed by these two branches at One Million of Dollars. To this may be reasonably added a quarter of a million more, in the hands of unassociated individuals. I do not conceive however that this addition ought to weigh any thing in this estimate, as there will be two divisions of trade, under the view you have taken of the subject, not less than the 500,000, will be employed in the home trade, which may go to take the place of the 250,000 Dollars supposed to be in the hands of Individuals in 1798.

I think a company suitably organized and vigorously managed could prosecute the outer division of the trade to advantage on a capital of a million of Dollars—that more would be unnecessary, because, by the side of it would be ranged another set of operations, with 500,000 Dollars more and a million and a half on reflection I hold to be adequate for the Whole trade, or if it should turn out to be the minimum, I conceive that it would be better so, than for the capital to be augmented to an overgrown amount, better as it relates to the Interests of the Company; and better for the maintenance of a fur market which it is so desireable to preserve in our Country; and better for the Indians themselves. 7

0126 98

If the capital stock were larger than could be managed with activity, the short interest upon it might discourage the owners, and produce a relaxation of efforts, and ultimate loss. Whereas, if, after trial it should be found too small, it could be enlarged by a law authorizing that measure, and if the capital were beyond certain limits which would make it no object for the managers of the trade to turn it over with expedition, it would afford opportunities and leisure to wait for the returns from China, or other foreign markets—or give the Company power to oblige our manufacturers to buy at home under circumstances which might be deemed oppressive at least by the consumers. But if the Capital be at its minimum, it will tend to keep up that activity of intercourse with the natives, with a view to make the best of it, as will serve their wants more effectually—inasmuch as the necessity for quick returns will lead the Agents to accomodate their locations to the hunting grounds of the Indians; without waiting for the Indians to march hundreds of miles to them.

I think a million of Dollars, for these reasons, the most suitable capital for the outer trade, and I think that amount, will be subscribed for provided it will not be found more advantageous for the successors of the present Govt. policy, to oppose and successfully counteract the creation of such a company, with a view to reach out into those distant parts by means of their Agencies from within the posts. It strikes me this view of the case will not be lost sight of by those who understand how to make the best of a new state of things. Nor do I see how a provision in the law would prevent them. An Invoice upon the horns of a stag would be as easily got at, as would be the Indian Adventurers, who might wish, even if the law should forbid it, to extend their enterprize into the wilds of the Missouri, and beyond the limits which might be assigned to them. This view of the subject leads me and it has this moment occurred to me, to apprehend that if the Govt. abandon the home trade, ir will not be able to realize the object of a Company beyond the posts—and for reasons just glanced at:

But the company plan would be more certain to carry if the 0127 99 home trade were continued in the hands of the Government. Inasmuch as the fur mongers, and hungry parts of our Citizens who so longingly desire to become traders would then have but the single chance, and their funds would be directed into that channel without delay. These latter remarks have occurred to me, as I went along—and I have followed the impulse, and added them to the little light which I have been able to illicit form the records of narratives respecting the Capital of the North West company. I am etc etc

T. L. McK[enney ].

1819: DIFFICULTIES OF TRANSPORTATION

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 1C33.]

Green Bay 8th January 1819

Dear Sir —I received your very kind Letter per Menagre on 2 nd day after his arrival here which was on the 4 th Instant and Immediately communicated to Col Bowyer what you was so good as to mention in your Letter to me about Aug t Grignon he found all right & well I believe. I send you by Larock & Houlle 54 a hind Quarter of Beef weighing 89 lbs in the same state as when it was killed nothing wanting say Kidney Tallow &c on it so if there is any thing wanting you know whom to accuse. it was the best I could get it has been Stall fed you will

54 Bazile and François La Rocque were Green Bay habitants, the latter of whom worked for Lawe, while the former was an independent farmer, probably a retired voyageur. In 1821 he entered a claim for land, which he sold two years later to George Johnston. In 1831 he subscribed toward the maintenance of the local Catholic church.

Joseph Houle (Houel), called by courtesy “Captain,” was a voyageur and farmer at Green Bay, often employed by Lawe. His land was confirmed to him in 1823. He died at Kaukauna in 1879, it was claimed at the age of 113 years.— Ed .

0128 100 receive by the same the axe also as good as Jourdain 55 could make. I had no whetstone nor could I get any to send you. I immediately mention[ed] to Mr. Pre. [Pierre] Grignon 56 what you communicated to me in your Letter about the taking up of all your Goods that is here to the Prairie in the Spring. You have here remaining the Load of 2 heavy Boats full & they will be rather overloaded when the Mens Provision &c is all in and we have calculated it as near as we possibly could go and we find we cannot take it up cheaper than 400 Dollars for each Boat Load which will make 800 Dolls. & you to pay all the Portages which perhaps you may be able to pay in Goods you will please to think that so early as the opening of the Rivers in the Spring the waters are very high & Strong & very Cold and there must be made as many half Loads as there is made in the Fall in the Rapid on account that the Waters is too Strong at that season of the year to go up with any great weight in the Boats as you must follow the river channel as in the Fall & the men has no Thwarts in the next place the men will be very scarce at that time of the year as they are gone all in the Winter Grounds and what few does remains will take the advantage of asking a very big price as they will be backwards of going as they prefer to be gaining good dayly wages here at that season of the year as it is sowing time & be quiet & have nothing than be going up to their arm pits in water and other disadvantages that I could point out to

55 Joseph Jourdain was born at Three Rivers, Canada, in 1780, and came to Wisconsin in 1798. He was the village blacksmith, and in 1820 entered a claim for land which was confirmed. His house stood until 1884, when it was destroyed by fire. In 1828 he was appointed blacksmith for the agency, and in 1834 removed in that capacity to Winnebago Rapids, near Little Lake Butte des Morts, where he thenceforth made his home. He died in 1866 while on a visit to Green Bay, and is buried at Allouez. He married in 1803 Marguerite Gravelle, by whom he had eight children. His daughter Madeleine became the wife of Eleazer Williams. Another daughter, Christine married Paul, son of Augustin Grignon.— Ed .

56 For a biographical sketch of this person, see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 89, note 24.— Ed .

0129

Joseph Jourdain From a photograph in possession of the Society

0130 0131 101 you—in fact the few men that will remain here that we will be able to get is all smiths & cost what it will you know. I am very particular in writing this to you as you might if we make a bargain to take & deliver your Goods at the Pre[Prairie] think that this much is advantage taken of you by me but no Sir you may depend that it is not you may see for instance John Whelan has no less than 5 men with him they will cost him $550 for not quite 7 month term which makes the men scarce. 57 So you may easily suppose what will it be hiring men for the Trip and [if] I paid for every man that went & agreed to go up but 2 Dollars a Day. There is another thing which I will observe to you that it is a regular establishe d price taking of Goods from here to the Pre that is as I say per weight from 90 ct to 100 per package at 4 to 5 Dollars per [?] in fact I will say no more this is the proposition which we make to you Please to let us know by the first opp y what you think of it & so If we agree that we might get every thing in readiness at the first opening of navigation. [Remainder of letter illegible.]

57 John Whelan is frequently mentioned in the letters of this period. He seems to have been an American who found the fur-trade less profitable than he had expected and soon departed.— Ed .

Endorsed: Copy of a letter of J. Lawe to Louis Devotion 58 dated 8th Jany 1819.

58 The transcript of the letter is one made by John Lawe for his own reference or letter-book. Nothing is known of the trader to whom it was addressed, save that his name frequently appears in letters of that time.— Ed .

1819: NEW FACTORY ESTABLISHED

[MS in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark. Indian Office Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 197.]

Office Indian Trade February 5th. 1819.

The President of the U. S .

Sir —I had the honor on the 27 Octr. 1817 to recommend that a branch of the P. du Chien factory be located at Le Moin river 0132 102 near its junction with the Mississippi—which was approved of. 59 This branch got under way as expeditiously as the nature of the business would admit, and from returns received from it, I feel myself justified in recommending that it be constituted a seperate establishment. Two reasons lead me to propose this change:

59 Robert B. Belt was the factor in charge. See Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, passim .— Ed .

First—Its capacity to sustain itself, and do well.

Second—The interruptions and additional labor which the extent of its operations carries into the agency of the Prarie du chien factory of which it is a Branch, when the business of that factory is fully as great as Mr. Johnson the factor can properly manage. I am etc etc etc

T L McK[enny ]

1819: PLANS TO LEAVE GREEN BAY

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 5B1. Translated from the French.]

La Bay Verte Feb. 6 1819

My Dear Sir —This is to transmit to you my Remembrances with the strong Hope that it will find both you, your Lady and all your Family in perfect health.

I have no Interesting News to relate and I refrain from Giving you a Detail of a Winter as sad as we have passed both in Business and because of the Bad Treatment by these new People, which is too long to relate.

Capt. W. Withler [Whistler] commands here. The Savages have in General all been in good Disposition but their hunt has been an utter failure and many have Suffered from hunger and it is said some have even Died

I call to your mind the Land that you have told me the Government was to give as it is time that we looked for a Foreign Asylum British Subjects are always black Sheep. They take their Property and even try to destroy it as something Absolutely 0133 103 Necessary and I leave you to judge, my dear Sir, if one can live in such a Country after Such Treatment. Therefore I hope that you will think of me in regard to that which I mention to you. We propose Mr Lawe and I to go as far as York and even to Kingston this Spring to see if we can make an Establishment somewhere in Upper Canada. I had Hoped for a long time that I should see you before your Departure for the River Rouge [Red River] but now I think that is impossible. In consequence I beg you to permit me the privilege of Signing myself, Dear Sir Your obedient Servant

L Grignon . 60

60 For Louis Grignon see Ibid , p. 90, note 27.— Ed .

Endorsed: Copy of a letter to Robert Dickson Esquire, Present.

1819: LICENSES MUST BE RESPECTED

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book D, p. 253.]

Department of War , 3d. March, 1819.

Sir —It has been represented to this department by the Agent of the American Fur Company, that the licenses granted to their traders by the Indian Agents at Green Bay, Chicago and Michilimackinac, have not been recognized by the civil and military officers of the government on the Mississippi, as sufficient authority to carry on their traffic with the Indians in that quarter of the country, and that the company has sustained serious injury in consequence thereof; I have therefore to request, that proper respect, in future, be paid to licenses issued to traders by these agents, and that they be considered as the protection of the traders and their people in every section of the Indian Country whilst in the lawful prosecution of their business. 61 I have etc.

61 No doubt this order was issued upon the representation of Astor, in connection with the complaints furnished by Ramsay Crooks and Robert Stuart in their letter of Jan. 24, 1818— ante , pp. 17–31. On the matter as it appeared to American factors, see Irwin to McKenney, in Wis. Hist. Colls ., vii, pp. 277, 278.— Ed .

J. C. C[ALHOUN]

Gov. Wm. Clark, St. Louis

Endorsed: Same to Lt. Col. Chambers, St. Louis.

1819: FACTORY SUPPLIES LOANED

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 225.]

Office Indian Trade George Town March 11th. 1819

John W. Johnson Esq Prairie du Chien

Sir —I beg leave to call your attention to the privilege granted you to issue supplies of Merchandize to American Traders of good morals, and generally under the instructions which that permission embraced.

It appears to me that the plan is liable to abuse—and however the effects may go to lesson the evils growing out of the peddling system, carried on by foreigners and all sorts of characters, to the injury of the Indians, and the disgrace of human nature, yet a danger appears to be apprehended on the other hand. It is that which implies exorbitant charges which those to whom you may furnish supplies, have it in their power to make, and by this means the releif which it was intended thr'o them to carry in amongst the Indians may be converted into an evil.

I suggest therefore, and beg that you will have the goodness to attend to it, with all the punctuality which its importance merits, that you be particular, first, in the sort of Men, (especially in their just and moral character) you may entrust this liberty to. Second, require of them prompt , and frequent settlement. Third—trust to no Man another supply, till he pays for the preceeding. Fourth, to his Invoice, add a column and affix to each article the price he is to ask of the Indians, and regulate the advance upon a scale of equal justice, which implies a just compensation to him for his trouble and the distance of the Tribe, or Tribes with whom he may trade, and a fair demand upon the Indians. Direct also what he is to allow for the various skins he may take in barter. Of all this you will be 0135 105 the best judge. I refer it to your discretion—with but one additional remark—The Indians must be justly treated and dealt by, and we must, so far as we have the power to controul the trade, do by them acordingly. No trader who goes out from the factory, being aided with supplies by it, will be permitted to violate the rules which relate to it. He must do his business with the Natives without the intervention of whiskey or any spiritous liquors. It is the curse of these people. We should use all proper and lawfull means to save them from its balefull effects.

Take such testimony against a trader who may violate your instructions, as you may think ought to condemn him, and trust him no more. He must count to dispense with legal requirements, and let his good conduct keep him free from even slight imputations.

* * * * * * * *

I notice what you say of Mr. Rolette and others.

T. L. McK[Enney ].

1819: PLANS TO LEAVE GREEN BAY

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 5B6.]

St. Mary's Falls [Sault Ste. Marie] April 23 d 1819

Dear Sir —I received your kind letters here which with Mr. Grignons had been detained at Michilimackinac as Major Putthoff was dubious that some underhand business was going on. he wrote me and said as there were no Accounts since fall, respecting the relative state of matters with Spain, he from the suspicious manner the Indian came he had taken the letters from him However this may be, we understand that matters are on an amicable footing between Great Britain & the United States; I lament the severe loss that you have had and the uncomfortable way you are Situated at Green Baye. I would have written you last fall but I entrusted Mr. Porlier with a Communication to you and Mr. Grignon, which from the contents 0136 106 of your letters I think he has not made it was [MS. torn] taking an active part in the North trade and when you know the advantages I am sure that you will accept I am going to York on the 1 st May, having three months ago memorialized Sir Peregrine Maitland 62 on Our business and I am pretty certain we will obtain our Rights. I will be back by the end of May, when I expect to find both you and Mr. Grignon at Mackinac give up all thoughts of going to settle in Upper Canada. I have a plan to propose to you which I am sure you will be pleased with also Mr. Grignon I would have written you last fall but I will [explain to] you why I did not when we meet.

62 Sir Peregrine Maitland (1777–1854) was a distinguished soldier who in 1818 was appointed lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada. Upon the death (1819) of his father-in-law, the Duke of Richmond, he acted as governor-general of Canada, and later as lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia.— Ed .

I wish to take to the Indian Country a parcel of Good Beaver hunters you know who. I hope to meet them at Drummonds Island where I think I can [procure] them a Good equippment. 63 Do not delay at La Bay [but] be at D[rummond] Island by the end of May, even if you [should] be obliged to Return to La Baye you can [be] expeditious in a light Canoe—also Mr. Grignon. There is no news from this worth while Lord Selkirk arrived on the 1 st December at Liverpool Affairs must take a favorable turn there at [least] must come out. he could obtain no justice in Canada. 64 I shall write you from Drummond Island in case this should meet with any Accident

63 The reference is purposely obscure; but in connection with Lord Selkirk's letter of May 21, post , it seems that Dickson purposed to remove the Menominee to some place in Selkirk's grant, and to have the prominent settlers of Green Bay accompany them, and develope an agricultural and trading station in the new country. Probably the death of Selkirk, and the fact that the Green Bay inhabitants secured their naturalization papers and a grant of their lands, prevented this wholesale emigration from Wisconsin.— Ed .

64 See on the subject of the contest between the North West Company and Selkirk, A. Amos, Report of the Trials in the Courts of Canada relative to the Destruction of the Earl of Selkirk's Settlement on Red River (London, 1820).— Ed .

0137 107 you must come as quick as you can for obvious Reasons I do not say more. I received a letter from Jacobs and tell him I expect him here in the Course of May—bring Chapue 65 my Comp ts to them. Remember me kindly to your Girl & Children God bless you all Yours truly

65 For sketches of these traders, see Wis. Hist . Colls., xix, p. 367, note 16; xi, p. 225, note 1.— Ed .

R Dickson

John Lawe Esq .

1819: LICENSE BOND

[Source, same as preceding document, but 89C2]

Know all men by these presents that we Andrew Leepheart principal, and Robert Irwin Jun[r]. and Lewis Morgan Citizens of Green Bay 66 Surety, are held and stand firmly bound unto the United States of America in the penal sum of one Thousand dollars to be paid to the United States or their certain attorney, for which payment well and truly to be made we bind ourselves, our heirs executors & adminstrators firmly with these presents; Sealed with our Seals and dated at Green Bay this Twenty fourth day of April in the year of our Lord one thousand Eight hundred and Nineteen.

66 Robert Irwin Jr. was a native of Pennsylvania, and one of the earliest Americans at Green Bay, settling there in 1817. Active and progressive, he was appointed by Cass justice of the peace, member of the territorial council, etc. He was likewise postmaster at Green Bay, and just before his death (July 9, 1833) had received the appointment of Indian agent at Fort Winnebago. For a fuller sketch see Wis. Hist. Colls ., vii, pp. 252, 253. For Lewis Morgan, see Id , xix, p. 454, note 80.— Ed .

The condition of the above obligation is such that whereas the above bounden Andrew Leepheart hath this day obtained a License from the agent of Indian affairs at Green Bay untill the Thirtieth day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand Eight hundred and nineteen, if not sooner revoked, to sell barter or exchange all manner of goods not prohibited by the Laws 0138 108 of the United States or the instructions of the president prohibiting the sale of Spiritous liquors to Indians. Now therefore if the said Andrew Leepheart shall truly and faithfully observe such regulations and restrictions as are or may be made for the government of the trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes during the continuance of said License so issued and obtained, then this obligation shall be void & of no effect. Otherwise to be & remain in full force & virtue.

Signed Sealed & delivered In presence of W m . Whistler Cap n Comm g

Andrew Leiphart

Robert Irwin Jr

Lew: Morgan

1819: NEWS FROM KAKALIN

[Source, same as preceding document, but 4B70; Translated from the French.]

Mr. L. Grignon —We have seen tockimigo, all we have obtained from him is an advance of 100 rats for his credit which he goes to carry to you himself, he probably has more, but will not admit it. He has according to the report of Mr powell 67 lost a trap, but he has six with him and thus can replace the one lost. Mr. Porlier departs from the other end this morning, Alexis met him there as he was coming to get provisions & goods Your servant & friend

67 For Peter Powell see Ibid p. 368, note 19. Since the printing of that note there has been found among the Society's manuscripts a long interview by Dr. Lyman C. Draper with Powell's son William, containing much additional information on his father's career. This is published in our Proceedings for 1912, pp. 146–179.— Ed .

Aug t . Grignon 68

68 See sketch in Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 90, note 26.— Ed .

Fily sends his Compliments 69

69 For Laurent Fily, who acted as clerk for Augustin Grignon, see Ibid , p. 70, note 99.— Ed .

Kacalin 24 April 1819

Mr. Louis Grignon merchant at La Baye .

1819: WAMPUM FOR FACTORY

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 246.]

Office Indian Trade Geo Town 15 May 1819

John W. Johnson Esq P. du Chien

Sir —On the 10th. and 15th. Inst. I forwarded per mail to St. Louis 2 packages containing 5,500. White and 4,650. blue Waupum. Mr. Kennerly is instructed to forward them to you as soon after they reach St. Louis as practicable. There is more of this article on the Way to your factory with the other goods. Invoice of the whole will be forwarded to you in a few days. Waupum is very scarce and dear this year the whole cost 4 a 5 $ p M for the White and the Blue 5 to 6 $ p M.

J. W. B. for Supt

1819: GREEN BAY SETTLERS TO REMOVE TO RED RIVER

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Bulger Papers.]

London May 21 st : 1819.

Dear Sir —When I left Montreal I was in expectation that I should have recrossed the Atlantic in one of the vessels now bound for Hudson's Bay. That is prevented both by the State of my health, and by very important business which occupies me here, and of which the decision may perhaps be protracted for sometime. I am doubtful therefore that I cannot see you again at Red River so soon as I could wish; but perhaps my absence may be of the less consequence, if another plan which I have in view can be brought to bear.

In consequence of the late treaty with the United States, 70

70 Selkirk here refers to the convention between Great Britain and the United States in 1818, which settled the northwest boundary from the Lake of the Woods to the 49° of latitude, thence west to the Stony (Rocky) Mountains. Selkirk's grant from the Hudson's Bay Company had for its southern boundary the height of land between the Hudson Bay Company had for its southern boundary the height of land between the Hudson Bay and Mississippi River systems, thus embracing a large portion of the present North Dakota and part of Minnesota. See N. Dak. Hist. Colls ., ii, p. 91.— Ed .

0140 110 you know that a considerable part of my Red River lands falls within the American lines; but as this does not alter my title to the property, I have requested a very particular friend to go out to Washington this Autumn, in order to make the necessary arrangements on the subject, & He proposes to pass the Winter at Washington, at least till the end of the session of Congress. After which he may probably have occasion to visit the interior; with the view of making arrangements with the Sioux for the purpose of some portion of these lands. In this business I am most anxious that he should have the benefit of your assistance. 71 I trust that when at Washington, he may procure passports to enable you to come and meet him at some place on the Mississippi: and if our Sioux friends continue to be of the same hospitable disposition as when I was their guest, 72 I dare say you may prevail upon him to return with you for a short time to Red River.

71 Dickson's influence with the Sioux was enormous, for he had married a sister of one of their noted chiefs. As early as 1814 Selkirk had approached Dickson to persuade him to lend his influence to a plan for driving cattle from Prairie du Chien to the Red River, and to influence the Sioux to allow them to pass unscathed. These letters are among the private papers of Lord Selkirk, transcripts from which are in the Canadian Archives at Ottawa from which selected portions have been photographed for the Wisconsin Historical Library.— Ed .

72 In the summer of 1817 Selkirk went inland from Fort William, and for the first time visited his colony on Red River. Thence he returned through the plains of Dakota and Minnesota. It must have been at that time that he visited the Sioux in company with Dickson. His lordship was at Prairie du Chien in the autumn of 1817; see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 462, note 86, also p. 486.— Ed .

With a view to this, I have to request that you will send a Messenger next winter to Prairie du Chien, so as to arrive there by the 1 st February at least. By that time, or perhaps sooner, a letter will be lying at Mr. Rolett's containing, I hope, your passport and further intelligence of the proposed expedition, and of the rendezvous where you may be expected. According 0141 111 to my present idea, the best rendezvous would be St. Louis; and trust that if that is ultimately fixed upon, you can come down by the first open water, so as to make the necessary preparations in time to set out on Horse back as soon as the prairies are dry enough. I presume you can easily select some Chief of the Mississippi Indians, who is in friendship with the Sioux, and who may be trusted to escort the party with a band of sufficient strength to obviate any danger. I am trying to get a Pipe-bowl made in pottery after the model of that with the Horses head &c which was presented to me on the part of the great Sioux Chief. As Captain Matthey 73 has the original we cannot be very accurate in our Copy: but I hope it may come near enough to serve as a letter of introduction to the Sioux.

73 Capt. Frederick Matthey was an officer in the De Meuron regiment, having enlisted in 1808. In 1816 that command was disbanded, and the officers placed on half-pay. Matthey accompanied Selkirk on his expedition to Fort William, thence to Red River and return. Soon after this he appears to have returned to Europe, where he died in 1850.— Ed .

The expedition that I have been speaking of is of the first consequence to the Interest of all who are concerned in the Settlement of Red River, and it is of very particular importance to you, and the Gentlemen who intend to join you in the plan which you communicated to me at Sandwich and Niagara. 74 I trust therefore that you will not omit anything that rests with you to insure its success. In fact, if the passport be obtained at Washington, all the rest will depend on you, and therefore I feel perfectly confident that it cannot fail.

74 Referring to the proposed emigration of Wisconsin's settlers; see ante , pp. 105–107.— Ed .

I have written to you by the way of Montreal cannot be certain whether these letters will overtake you before you proceed from the Sault to the interior. I therefore inclose a Duplicate in the original of this. If you find that the plan of settling at Grande Fourche 75 will not answer, and determine on taking your lands to the North of Latitude 49°, I believe that plan may be chalked out for M r . Porlier and your associates fully

75 Probably the site of the present Grand Forks, N. Dak.— Ed .

0142 112 as beneficial as that which you had in view. I should recommend their making arrangements with the Company's officers for establishing a trading post at Lake Sal, or in any other good situation to the North and East of Lake LaPluie, and the Lake of the Woods, choosing for their head quarters a place where the soil is good, and where the Monomones might form a permanent village and cultivate the ground. The Gentlemen concerned ought to use all their influence to encourage not only the Monomones: but also the Maskegins 76 or natives of the Country to settle in this manner and cultivate ground enough to support their families.

76 The Maskegon are an Algonquian tribe, so closely related to the Cree that by many they are considered a sub-tribe of the latter. Their habitat being swampy ground, they are frequently called the Swampy Cree. They scattered over the region from the Lake of the Woods and the Lake Superior watershed as far as Hudson Bay, were good hunters, and found many furs. They are now located on several reservations in Manitoba and Saskatchewan; their numbers approximate 2,000.— Ed .

If they can succeed in this, other arrangements will naturally arise out of it, so as to ensure to all concerned a permanent benefit and independent fortune. I need not enter into further particulars at present, as better opportunities will occur, and, in my present state of health writing is fatiguing to me. I have to request most particularly that you will consider this letter as most confidential and not to be communicated to any person whatever, especially so far as relates to your expedition and rendezvous on the Mississippi. If M r . D. 77 does not accomplish this season what is expected from him, that business may serve to account for the Express to Prairie des Chiens, and other preliminary measures, which you may have occasion to take, and even if D. does bring the Cattle, there are still sheep &c to be brought to the Settlement. You will excuse my not naming your proposed fellow traveller, (though an acquaintance of your own) as there are chances, even by this route, of a Letter falling

77 Note on original MS.: Mr. Dousman had contracted to furnish the Red River Settlement with two hundred head of Cattle.

0143 113 into hands that it is not intended for. I am, Dear Sir, Very truly yours. Selkirk

Robert Dickson Esqr .

[Source, same as preceding document. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 5B18. Translated from the French.]

Fort William 17 th June, 1819

My Dear Friend —Yours of the month of August last reached me December 23, and with sincere pleasure I learned that you were enjoying good health—permit me to wish you a continuation thereof. Circumstances do not compel me to pass the winter in this Country as I had expected. I return the latter part of September as usual. I received under cover from my sister the Balance of the Account that you owed me, for which this is receipt in full.

I am very sorry not to procure for Mr. Jacques [Porlier Jr.] 78 the Place for which he asks, for Several Years the troubles in this Country have been such that we have brought out so many Young Men that the place is full. I should have been very glad to have been useful to him, give him my best compliments. I note what you say on the subject of the River Rouge—that would be a delicate subject for me to touch upon were I not writing to a Friend. You have certainly Read what has been published by the two Parties on that famous River? and I know the country perfectly having passed several Years there, and I can assure you that notwithstanding all that has been published against it, all the disadvantages one would there encounter have not been reported. A Man going to establish himself there can hope to do nothing but raise provisions for his own consumption, and moreover will be subject to frosts which destroy everything 4 years out of 6. Surrounded by numerous Warlike tribes he is even less certain of his life and obliged if he wishes to guard a Horse to hold a Cord around his 8

78 For a sketch of this Green Bay native see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 469, note 92.— Ed .

0144 114 neck with one hand, and a Gun in the other, and thus pass the Summer Nights. There is more rest in winter, he need not watch any more, for the Snow indicates to him the direction the thieves have taken his Horse, he can follow their tracks as far as he pleases, but this will be in vain, if he does not take with him a Superior force, the Thieves will laugh at him, take his Gun and Capot, and boast of their moderation if they do not kill him. Without commerce, without an outlet for its commodities a Colony cannot prosper. This place certainly does not deserve the Name of Colony, which has been given it, for with the exception of some Individuals employed by the Hudson Bay Company the rest of the whites say 60 to 80 Men are half savages (according to their manners) who certainly live more on the Product of Hunting and Fishing than on those of agriculture—all the time they employ in the latter being ten or twelve days when each puts in badly-prepared ground some Potatoes, which are left afterwards still more badly cared for. They are obliged to go away at least while the Fishing is good, then during a month they live very well when there is a chance of catching dogfish [barbue]. The great moment is that of the harvest, it could not fail to be abundant after such good care, also the finish comes quickly—the most careful (I mean the least lazy) take some precautions to preserve a few Minots for the following year, and this quantity will be as well cared for and as quickly devoured as that of the preceding year. I need say no more.

Having during last winter had more leisure than usual I finally got married to Madame Bouthillier. I will not tell you anything of her except that I am certain that she will receive with pleasure the Friend of her Husband. Believe that neither absence nor distance has dimmed my friendship for you and that I am always yours.

P re de Rocheblave

Mr. Jacques Porlier .

Endorsed by Porlier: Letter 1819. Notes on the River Rouge &c.

1819. EXCLUSION OF FOREIGNERS

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Book 41, Letter Book 3, p. 90.]

Detroit June 22, 1819.

Sir —Some of the Gentlemen interested in the Indian trade to the North West have requested me to state to you my opinion respecting that part of the instructions from the War Department contained in my letter to your predecessor of the 23d. of April 1818, which relates to the exclusion from the Indian Country of such foreigners, as have rendered themselves odious to our Citizens by their activity and cruelty during the late War.

I consider the exercise of this right of exclusion purely discretionary on your part, to be regulated by such knowledge of the character and conduct of the persons applying, as you can obtain.

Their employment in the British service merely, during the late war I do not think an absolute ground for exclusion. But that employment should be marked by some distinctive character to shew that their entrance into the Indian Country might be inco[n]sistent with the policy of the United States.

Honourable men may have been in that employment, and may have conducted themselves in such a manner as to deserve our respect. Unfortunately a great majority of them were of a different character, and while their cruelty excites our detestation, their activity would render their influence over the Indians important to them and injurious to us. It is not difficult to apply the principles laid down by the Government to the facts, which have occurred, and to the demands, which may be made and in this application I consider your authority to be discretionary and your decision final.

0146 116

Please to transmit duplicates of all your drafts. Very Respectfully I am, Sir, Yo. obt. Servt

[ Lewis Cass ]

G. Boyd Esq. Indian Agent Michillimackinac 79

79 For a sketch of Col. George Boyd, who succeeded Major Puthuff at Mackinac as Indian agent, and was later transferred to Green Bay, see Id, xii, pp. 266–269. His papers form part of the Society's collections.— Ed .

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 1D82.]

To William Morrison trading for the American Fur Company

Sir —You are hereby especially authorized & required to seize upon every description of goods introduced within the American limits in the neighbourhood of the Fond du Lac and Red Lake Settlements for Indian Trade, by foreigners, and others not duly authorized by the United States or their Agents, and as far as practicable to order such goods, together with the persons vending the same without delay, to the Agent at this Post, to the End that summary justice be had of the offenders. You will destroy all spirituous liquors as soon as detected. You will likewise use your best exertions to prevent the holding of Councils by improper persons with the several bands of Indians comprised within the above limits, and by every means incline them to industry & peace. and for so doing this shall be your authority, as witness my hand & seal this 17 day of July one thousand Eight hundred & nineteen.

George Boyd U. S. Indian Agent Michilimackinac

0147 117

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Book 41, Letter Book 3, p. 93.]

Detroit July 17th 1819.

Sir —The bearer of this letter Mr. George Hunt 80 is associated with some Gentlemen of this place for the prosecution of the fur trade. They are desirous of procuring the assistance of Mr. John Law of Green Bay as an Interpreter. I understand that Mr. Law is a British subject. This under the existing regulations is no cause of exclusion from the employment in which they require his services.

80 George Hunt was the second son of Maj. Thomas Hunt of Wayne's army. The son early entered the fur-trade and in 1812 was besieged by Winnebago Indians on the upper Mississippi. About 1826 he gave up active trade, and settled at Detroit, buying a farm near Bloody Run, where he was living in 1837.— Ed .

He is stated to have been in the British employment during the War. If he conducted fairly and honourably while thus employed, I see no objection to his entering the Indian Country as an Interpreter. I am too distant to be acquainted with his character and conduct. Of this you must judge. If they are such as to command respect, and if he has never rendered himself peculiarly odious to our Citizens by his activity and cruelty, his employment in the capacity mentioned may be safely allowed.

I wrote to you some time since upon the subject of a census of the Indians within your Agency. It is much wanted at Washington, and I will thank you to direct your attention to it as soon as practicable. In addition to those within your Agency, please to transmit any information respecting the numbers and situation of the Indians between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi and upon the Southern shore of Lake Superior which you can procure. I am, Sir, Respectfully Yo. obt. Servt.

[ Lewis Cass ]

Col. John Bowyer Ind Agt. Green Bay

1819: LICENSE FOR WISCONSIN TRADERS

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 55B72.]

Indian Agency Office Michilimackinac Ind [Territory ]

Whereas the American Fur Company hath this day applied for a License in favor of James H. Lockwood a citizen of the United States of America to trade with the Indian Tribes on the Upper Mississippi, at and above Prarie du Chien, & its tributary waters. Now therefore (by special powers in me vested by the President of the United States, and by special Instructions from his Excellency the Governor of the Territory of Michigan.) I do hereby authorize empower & License James H. Lockwood to trade with any Indian or Tribes of Indians on the Upper Mississippi at & above Prarie du Chien, and its tributary waters, in any article of Goods wares or Merchandise not prohibited by the Laws of the United States regulating Trade & Intercourse with Indian Tribes &c. &c. or Instructions of the President thereof prohibiting the sale of ardent spirits to Indians, until the Twenty seventh day of July in the year of our Lord One Thousand Eight hundred & Twenty. And the said James H. Lockwood is hereby further authorized to take with him Francois Frenier, Duncan Campbell, Scott Campbell, Jean B t . Mayrant, Hazen Mooers, Antoine Felix, Louis Froisir, Jean B t . Taillir, Jean B t . Jebon, Charles Mathew, Gabriel Metevier, David Swanson, Antoine Dabin, Jean B t . Desormier, Pierre Bordeau, Jacques Lantier, Francois Mayatt, Antoine Goke, Jean B. Dorion (fil.), Constant Relle, Alexis Gregoire, Louis Menard, Joseph Deneau, Pierre Ladebauche, Jean B t . Allar, & Charles Provost. descriptive list of whom is annexed, as Interpretors Boatmen &c

Given under my hand at Michilimackinac this twenty seventh day of July In the year of our Lord One thousand Eight hundred & Nineteen

George Boyd U. S. I. Agent Mackinac

0149 119

[Source, same as preceding document, but 1C40.]

Michilimackinac 3 d Augt.1819

Sir —This morning I applied to you to obtain licences for my outfits, which has been refused. I have purchased goods and engaged men at a great price, a short delay will put it out of my power to reach the place of my destination. I am therefore be forever ruined and my family in distress, your reason as respects the two Boleau's perhaps are just, I have done everything in my power and am ready to pledge myself in any manner you think proper, they will not remain in my employ, what can I do more, last year they went in I did not introduce them into the Country, & I am an American Citizen and must say have always served my Country and still ready to do so, therefore hope to enjoy the priviledges of it, it was [on] your promise I should enjoy them that I made those purchases. I am Sir Your humble Servant

Geo. Ermatinger

To Colo Boyd In. Agent

[Source, same as preceding document, but 5B24.]

Portage 81 20th Aug t . 1819

81 It is evident from the endorsement, as well as from the date of this letter, that this was a portage on the lower Fox River, at Kaukauna rapids, and not the Fox-Wisconsin portage.— Ed .

Dear Sir —Beaupret 82 stop'd here yesterday and tells me he has three or four Packs of Furs a Batteau, Sail, Tent, Kettle saw some Merchandise with other articles, I wish you to take in charge on my account should Mr. Rollet have past Green Bay I wish you to sell the Batteau to the best advantage I will account to you for your trouble. I am Dear Sir Yours truly

82 For Louis Beaupré see Wis. Hist. Coll ., xix, p. 364, note 10.— Ed .

Geo. Ermatinger .

Mr. John Lawe or to Mr. Joseph Rolette Merchant Green Bay .

Endorsed: George Ermatinger 20 August 1819 Cacalin.

1819: RIGHT OF CITIZENSHIP

[Source, same as preceding document, but 5B26. Translated from the French.]

Michillimakinac 27 Aug. 1819

Louis Cass Esq. Govr ,

Your Excellency will justify me, if after reiterated and unfruitful Tentatives toward the Government Employees in this region to be permitted to enjoy the Prerogatives of a Citizen of the United States not believing their refusal legal I address to you this Petition.

I do not doubt that prejudices and other unworthy motives are the cause of the Difficulties. I have experienced and the Means to escape them is unquestionably an appeal to Your Excellency. A native of La Bay, as the accompanying certificates show, domiciled here, having Passed under the Jurisdiction of the United States, not having made Choice of any other, I appeal to Your Excellency to be recognized as a Citizen, and to enjoy the Prerogatives thereto appertaining. To refuse me this could be considered only in the light of expatriation, which doubtless is not your Excellency's intention. I pray you therefore to turn your attention to my situation and send me an Opinion that will put an end to all uncertainties. I have the honor to be Your Excellency's Very obedient Servant

L. Grignon .

Endorsed: Copy of a letter to his Excellency G. l Louis Cass Esquire Detroit, 1819.

[Source, same as preceding document, but 5B29.]

Collector's Office District Of Michilimackinac 2 September, 1819

Sir —Messrs. John Lawe, Pierre, Augustin and Charles Grignon, have deposited in my office the necessary proof to entitle them to certificates of citizenship under Jay's Treaty of 1796. I am decidedly of opinion, that these Gentlemen, are Citizens of the United States, and that it is not necessary for 0151 121 them to take the oath of allegiance to the U. S. Government; but as you are of opinion that it is necessary, I inclose herewith, the Oath required by the different Laws passed, from time to time, on the subject of naturalization. This oath may be administered by any one of the Justices of the County Court. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, Your most obt Servant

Adam D. Stewart Collector

Col John Boyer U. S. Indian agent Green Bay, M. T .

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark. Indian Office Letters Received, 1819; Gov. Cass, p. 260.]

Office Of The Attorney General Of The U. States , September 3d. 1819.

Sir —The case which I understand to be submitted for my consideration is this: Jacques Porlier a subject of his Britannic majesty established himself, within the limits of the United States in what is now called the Michigan Territory, in June 1817 [1791]: and his home has ever since continued to be within those limits. He did not avail himself of the privilege offered by the treaty of 1794 (commonly called Jays treaty) of declaring himself, during the year 1797, a British subject; and the question is whether by the force of this circumstance, merely, he did, or did not become a citizen of the United States?

The 2d. Art. of the treaty of 1794, after stipulating on the part of Great Britain the evacuation of all the posts within the limits of the United States, on or before the 1st day of June 1796, provides that the settlers within the precincts or jurisdiction of those posts should continue to enjoy unmolested all their property; that they should be at full liberty to remain or remove with their effects; that each of them as should continue to reside within the limits of the United States, should not be compelled to become citizens or to take any oath of allegiance to the U. S. but that they should be at full liberty to do so, if they should think proper, and that they should make and declare their election within one year after the evacuation of those 0152 122 posts,—“And all persons who shall continue, there, after the expiration of the said year, without having declared their intention of remaining subjects of his Britannic majesty, shall be considered as having elected to become citizens of the U. States.” The language is not that they shall, thereby become citizens, ipso facto: but that they shall be considered as having elected to become Citizens; the manner and terms of their admission, remained to be prescribed by the U. S., and this was accordingly done by the act of Congress of the 29th: Jany. 1795, to establish an uniform rule of naturalization. This act (repealing that of the 26th: of March 1790 which did not reach this case) looks obviously at the state of things produced by the treaty. The first section provides, that any alien being a free white person may be admitted to become a citizen of the U. States, or any of them, on the following conditions, and not otherwise: the section then proceeds to contemplate and provide for the case of Aliens thereafter coming into the U. S. The 2d. section, (looking directly at the case of Porlier and others similarly circumstanced) provides “that any alien now residing within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the U. S. may become a citizen on his declaring on oath etc . in some one of the courts aforesaid that he has resided two years etc. etc. This act was in full operation during the year succeeding the stipulated period for the evacuation of the posts: and I am of the opinion that Porlier could become a citizen in the year 1797, only by conforming with the provisions of the act to which I have just referred, “ and not otherwise .” The various laws which have since passed on the subject have always contained a provision keeping open this privilege in behalf of settlers prior to 1795: If Porlier has not availed himself of either of these, he is not yet, in my opinion, a citizen of the United States. I have the honor to be, Sir, With great respect, Your obedt. Servant,

Wm. Wirt .

The Honble J. C. Calhoun, Department of War .

0153 123

[Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Book D, p. 520.]

Department of War , 6th. Septemr. 1819.

Sir —The decision of Mr. Woodbridge, acting governor of the Michigan territory, in the case of Mr. Porlier, who had applied to Colo. Bowyer, Indian agent at Green Bay, for a license to trade with the Indians, but which he declined granting in consequence of a doubt as to Mr. Porlier's being a citizen of the U. S., has been submitted to the Attorney General of the U. States, and I enclose herewith a copy of his opinion, which you will see is opposed to that of Mr. Woodbridge.

The opinion of the Attorney general has been adopted; and therefore no license can be granted to Mr. Porlier, or to any person in similar circumstances. The license already granted to Mr. Porlier must be revoked. I am etc.

J. C. C[alhoun ]

Govr. Lewis Cass, Detroit .

[Source, same as preceding document, but Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 312.]

Indian Trade Office Geo Town 10th. Sept: 1819

Mathew Irwin Esq Green Bay

Sir —Your letter of the 15th. Novr. last and the copy of a letter from Wm. Woodbridge Acting Governor of the Michigan Territory to Col: John Boyer Indian agent respecting the Citizenship of James Porlier have been laid by me before the Secretary of War. The opinion of the Acting Govr. has been revoked by the Secretary. Enclosed I send you a copy of his letter to Gov: Cass on this subject.

This will rid you I hope of a number of the greatest enemies to your factory and enable you to carry on a much more advantageous trade in future with the Indians.

You will keep me constantly advised of any violations of the law respecting Indian Trade—by Indian traders or others in your quarter. Your communications on this subject shall be always promptly submitted to the Secy. of War who I am confident 0154 124 will give immediate orders to have any such violations corrected.

J[eremiah] W. B[ronaugh ] for the Sup

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 5B35.]

Detroit Sept 10 th 1819

Sir —I beg leave to submit for your opinion the following Queries.

1 st Are those persons now resident within the United States who were living at the Western posts or places embraced in the second article of Jay's treaty so call d . at the time of the evacuation and who did not make an election or declare their intention to remain British Subjects within one year from the evacuation citizens of the United States and entitled to the privileges of citizens.

2 d Are not all men born within the Territory of the United States since the declaration of independence citizens thereof (tho' the children of foreigners) and entitled to all the privileges of citizens.

3 d Does a person leaving the United States for a few years for the purpose of acquiring an education (tho' the child of a foreigner) impair their right to citizenship.

4 th Can a citizen by any act of his own while residing within the limits of the United States expatriate himself.

To Solomon Sibley Esq. District Atty . 83

83 Solomon Sibley was one of the earliest and most prominent American residents of Detroit. Born in Massachusetts in 1769, he studied law and after a brief residence in Ohio settled in 1797 at Detroit. He was a member of the first legislative council of the Northwest Territory (1799); first mayor of old Detroit, 1806; auditor, 1814–17; Congressional delegate, 1821–23; supreme court judge, 1823–36; and United States district attorney, 1815–23. He was one of the earliest trustees of the University of Michigan, and organizer of the first bank of Michigan. By his marriage (1803) to Miss Sproat of Pennsylvania he had three sons, one of whom became prominent in the fur-trade. His death occurred at Detroit in 1846.— Ed .

0155 125

[Source, same as preceding document, but 5B34.]

Detroit Sept. 10th 1819

My Dear Sir —I find it will be almost impossible to procure the Sheep Turkies and Pigeons you wished me to procure you neither have I been able to find any very old whiskey. The two Barrels Salt will be forwarded by next vessel and also Mr. Grignon's 5 Barrels Whiskey and Keg of Tobacco.

I am to receive a final and decisive answer tomorrow on the Subject of the Quarter M r Accts I now have a gleam of hope that they will be paid.

Enclosed I send you Copies of Questions 84 proposed to the district attorney here and if answered in the affirmative, will go to prove that Mr. Grignon is a citizen of the United States and intitled to all the privileges and immunities belonging to him as such and of course to a Licence.

84 See preceding document.— Ed .

Mr. Grignon's Case I think will come within the first Question.

I could not find out any way for the admission of yourself into the Indian country unless you were also at Green Bay at the time of the avacuation of these Western posts by the English and did not within one year elect to remain a British Subject. I will write again from New York I am very truly yr friend &c

O. N. Bostwick

I could not find any Territorial Laws in English or French.

To John Lawe Esqr. Green Bay

1819: WINNEBAGO HOSTILE

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letters Received, 1820, p. 126.]

Extract from Doctor Maddison's letter, dated Portage at Fox River Octr. 5. 1819 .

I found the Indians all friendly except one tribe of the Winnebagoes, who behaved so insolently, that I thought at one time, I should have been compelled to have used Doctor Crows pistols, they entered our tent and examined our baggage and gu[n]s until forced to retire, I could scarcely prevent my men from committing violence on them, which would have certainly been fatal to us. W. S. Maddison . 85

85 Dr. William S. Maddison of Kentucky entered the army as surgeon's mate in 1812. In 1816 he was in the 3d infantry, and about 1818–19 came to Green Bay. In May, 1821 he received a furlough to visit his home in Kentucky, and shortly after leaving the fort was shot and killed by his Indian guide. The murderer was executed the following autumn at Detroit.

For the cause of Winnebago hostilities at this time and subsequently, see Irwin's letter in Wis. Hist. Colls ., vii, pp. 278, 279.— Ed .

[Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Book 41, Letter Book 3, p. 120.]

Detroit Octr. 7. 1819.

Sir —I have been instructed by the Secretary of War to inquire into the situation of the Winnebago Indians, and to take them under my superintendency. I will therefore thank you to make to me a detailed report upon the subject of those Indians, stating their probable number, their character, local situation, disposition towards the United States, and in short every circumstance connected with them, which may enable me to determine what course the just policy of the Government and a proper regard to them may require to be pursued.

I will thank you also to transmit to me a similar view of the Fals Avoin Indians together with your opinion respecting 0157 127 the Agency, to which these and Winnebagoes should be attached. I am, Sir, Very Respectfully Yo. obt. Servt.

[ Lewis Cass ]

Nicholas Boilvin Esqr. Indian Agent, Prairie du Chien

1819: LICENSES FOR FOREIGNERS

[Source, same as preceding document, but Indian Office Book 41, letter Book 3, p. 137.]

Detroit Octr. 11. 1819.

Sir —In a case submitted to the Attorney General of the United States for his decision, he has given it as his opinion, that persons, whose cases are comprehended in the 2d Article of the treaty of 1794, commonly called Jay's treaty, do not by the mere force of that article become American Citizens, but that they must also be naturalized under the acts of Congress. He considers that the treaty secured to those persons, whose cases are described in it, a right to become American Citizens, but that this right must be carried into effect, in the manner prescribed in the acts of Congress to establish an uniform rule of naturalization.

The Secretary of War has adopted the opinion of the Attorney General and the principles which it advances will hereafter regulate your official duties in all cases which they apply; No license will consequently be granted to any person claiming to be an American Citizen under the article before referred to, unless such person has also been naturalized agreeably to the acts of Congress upon the subject.

You will please to revoke any licenses which have been granted contrary to the regulations herein prescribed. I am, Sir, Respectfully Yo. obt Servt. [ Lewis Cass ]

To the Agents at Michillimackinac, Green Bay, Chickago, Fort Wayne and Piqua

N. B. In the letter to the Agent at Green Bay is this addition[al] paragraph: And you are particularly instructed to 0158 128 revoke the license to Jacques Porlier, whose case was referred to the Attorney General and upon which this opinion was given, unless Mr. Porlier has been naturalized as before pointed out.

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 1C47.]

Makinac the 28 th Oct r . 1819

Mr. Bernard Grignon 86

86 Pierre (or Peter) Bernard Grignon was born at Green Bay in 1806, and was educated chiefly in English, probably at the Fort Howard schools. After the death of his father, Pierre (or Fanfan, 1823) Bernard became locally quite prominent, being first clerk of the court, and contractor for mail-carrying (1832–38). During the Winnebago War (1827) he was a first-lieutenant of militia, later (1845) being elected sheriff and deputy marshal for Brown County. In 1840 he married Rachel L. Lawe, by whom he had five children, of whom one—David H. Grignon of Green Bay—still survives, and to whom our thanks are due for interesting genealogical information relative to the Lawe and Grignon families. The later years of Bernard were passed in retirement. He died at Green Bay, June 29, 1888.— Ed .

Dear Sir —Yours of 17 th Inst. Came safe to hand, by which I was glad to Learn that you received the Articles per the “Hanna,” in good Order.

I was extremely Surprised to Understand that Col. Boyer had revoked your own, & the Mss rs Grignon's Licenses; but it since appears, he was Justifiable in So doing, from instructions recently received from Sec v . at War: predicated on [that of] the attorney General; regarding the right of naturalization under Jays Treaty &c. this opinion I do not Consider in Any respect as legal; for it is a well known fact, that the provisions of National Treaties are paramount to any Statute, or local regulation whatever—but for the present, I think, both you and those Gentlemens ought to acquiesce, & not think of entering the Indian Country, in opposition to the Wishes of the Agent.

I will write on, immediately & ascertain the Mode in which you can finally acquire all the rights of Citizenship; & that, I have no doubt can be accomplished by next Spring—either here, or at Detroit; on this head I will write you early in the Spring; 0159 129 so as to give you full time to act, as circumstances may require; for we are determined you shall have all your rights, and that, as soon as the case may permit. I will write M r . Crooks on the subject, & have no doubt, but if necessary, he will go to Washington to have the thing perfectly adjusted, & distinctly understood,—for this Season you must do the best you Can, & hope for better times as I do Not Write French Sufficiently Well to Give your oncles the Mess rs Grignons My Sentiments on the above Subject, you will Much oblige Me, by Making them acquainted with what I have here Stated. I Will be glad to hear frequently of you 87

87 This letter is unsigned, but was probably written by Robert Stuart, agent of the American Fur Company. Concerning him, see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 371, note 22. The manuscript appears to be in the handwriting of Pierre Bernard Grignon, who apparently copied it at some later date.— Ed .

1819: FUR TRADERS EN ROUTE

[Source, same as preceding document, but 5B59. Translated from the French.]

La Butte Des Morts 29 October 1819

Dear Lawe —I have learned here that the Foll avoines du Bas await me on the Lower Woisconsin I am informed that there are Many Savages at the Fond du Lac Lodges of the Puants Grand Blane's Band, Michetois, the Grand Cheveux enter at Powoihygand [Lake Poygan]. I think that deversaller has arranged all with that wicked old Rascal try not to let any one winter here or come out in opposition. Finally for myself I warn you that I go to make a clean sweep and I shall trade all along my Route and take every Means proper or improper. Excuse my handwriting the cold annoys me. Your Sincere &c

L[ouis] G[rignon ]

N. B. Mr. Lawe, you will pay Baptiste for his Time but do 9 0160 130 not pay for the Barge. Baptiste will tell you all the news. My Savage isn't dead. The [word illegible] of my little Basket has been broken and what was in the Flasks mixed

I draw on you for Guidago for one 2½ point blanket, one shirt, one silk handkerchief, one pint of salt and give him also in addition four pints of [MS. illegible]. La Comble is ill Beaudain has been taken with small-pox.

L. G.

I left at home a woolen Capot so that Catiche might fix it if the Doctor does not give you an account for having cared for me, do me the favor of asking him for it If he does not give it to you, do me the favor of making my Excuses and beg him to Accept the Capot.

L. G.

Mr. John Lawe La Bay [pr] Guidago

Endorsed by Lawe: Letter from Louis Grignon 29th Oct 1819 Butte d'Mort

[Source, same as preceding document, but 5B63.]

Green Bay 3 rd November 1819

Dear Sir —You will receive this by Mr. Laurance 88 who is going to join you upon the same terms you and him agreed upon before you left this place if it meets with your approbation, as he has got a License 89 from Col o Bowyer at last after Colonel Smith 90 Interesting himself he has it for to Trade with the Indians on the Fox River Ouisconsin River & its dependencies

88 Roderick Lawrence was in 1818 clerk for the American Fur Company at Lac du Flambeau, and was there discharged. He is supposed to have been a former American soldier. After his trading venture in 1819, wherein as an American citizen he served as an agent for the Green Bay traders, he disappears from view.— Ed .

89 Since Louis Grignon did not succeed in getting a license for himself, the device of getting one in the name of an American citizen was resorted to. See description of this ruse in Wis. Hist. Colls ., vii, pp. 277–279.— Ed .

90 For a careful sketch of Col. Joseph Lee Smith, commandant at Green Bay (1819–21), see Ibid, p. 215, note.— Ed .

0161 131 & upper Mississippi & its Waters. In case that you should have forgot the Terms it is that I become responsible to you or your order in the all the month of June next for the Amount of Goods sold by you to Mr. Laurance and this will be your voucher for the same & then this Mr. Laurance will give you his Note of hand in favor of me or my order payable in the month of June next for the same Amt. Mr. Laurance obligates himself to Trade the Indian Goods he bought from you in the Indian Country and the Returns of these Goods he will put into your hands for me & he to come back here with them and he is obligated that you are to be his Interpreter for the Trading of these Goods you sold him and as he is not well acquainted with the Indian Trade he puts every Confidence & trust in your hands to do for the best with these Goods. Wishing you a pleasant winter I remain your friend

John Lawe

Mr. Louis Grignon En Route, per favor of Roderick Laurance Esquire .

[Source, same as preceding document, but 5B64.]

Nov. 5 th 1819

I cannot help writing one line to the Patent Binnacle Bullseye illuminator. 91 I advise you to quit your boat & take a large bark Canoe. I was all one day in going 18 miles & I had 3 men & no loading. your boat left here yesterday.

91 Evidently a pleasantry, probably referring to Devotion's marksmanship.— Ed .

R[oderick] L[awrence ]

Cocholan Rapids Nov. 5th

P. S. I shall see you before long, enquire for me at the stores as you pass the country. your boat would have got further but your boy will not give whiskey to drink & Rouse gives to each 5 glasses a day.

L. Devotion Esq. Green Bay Terry Michigan .

Endorsed: R. Laurance October [sic] 5, 1819.

0162 132

[Source, same as preceding document, but 5B65. Translated from the French.]

Le Portage Du Wisconsin 9 Nov. 1819.

My Dear Sir —I received your letter yesterday with your plan by the two Indians Woikitan and Chawounon. I much wish that it might have come eight days sooner. I await Mr. Laurance here. I have written him to come as rapidly as possible. There seems to be, as I told you in my first letter a number of savages on the lower Wisconsin. I should have secured both here and along my route if I had dared about 1000 rats. According to the report of the Savages there is a Trader on the Lower Wisconsin. I much hope that you have taken the license for the Wisconsin if we carry out your idea of wintering. You did not mention my doing so but if I myself learn the necessary precautions for remaining with Mr. Lawrance, and if I am permitted to enter as Interpreter [I shall winter there] If Augustin is not disturbed there is much to hope from his Outfit and he has already made a Good start, his savages have done well in rats. He will be here with me soon. There can be nothing done with Mr. F. Roy 92 because he insists on having things that cannot be given him. However I am still Working with him, but I believe without success. I will make him a small advance. I give you notice that I am short five pairs of 2½ point blankets as you will see by the recapitulation of the condition of the bales, written by your self on a box of lead. I have had only eighty three pounds, and of the Pork I can assure you not more than half can be eaten since the bones in the Pork are so heavy. I believe that these things happened without your knowledge. What I most regret are the blankets as I must furnish them to my men. La Comble has drunk up three blankets, two shirts, one hat all in his favor for three pints of Whiskey from Mr. Houll.

92 For this person, see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix. p. 396, note 44.— Ed .

Nothing more to mention. I am quite unwell. My compliments to all my friends. Write me at every opportunity. I 0163 133 will return you the change that I got of our friend Pierre and will write again before leaving here. Wishing you health and prosperity, dear Sir, Your Servant and friend

L. Grignon

[ To John Lawe ]

1819: LICENSES REVOKED

[Source, same as preceding document, but 1D76.]

Mackinac Nov r 12 th 1819

D r Sir —Nothing has transpired here in your Department From your departure worthy notice. I rec d by the last vessel from Detroit the late decision of the Honb l . the Sec y of War respecting persons claiming to be American Citizens under Jays Treaty, and an order from Gov r . Cass to revoke all licenses granted to such persons, also an order to the Com y . to Issue Rations on the Returns of the Agent. I deem it unnecessary to say more on those Subjects as you will visit Washington this winter when you will be fully informed of the orders and regulation issued for the government of Agents and others concerned. I have enclosed you a copy of a report made at the request of Gov. Cass I presume he was called on by the Government as he speaks of D[rummond] Island and other British Ports. It is too late in the season to get full and Satisfactory information on the different points or subjects, the communication from and to D Island having entirely cease d , tho I am of opinion that the information given by the persons alluded to can be relied on and I feel persuaded that you can get from them any information you may require next Spring. It will be absolutely necessary that you return early in the Spring. I Shall be ordered on the recruiting service and shall leave this in May. Should you not return please urge the Sec y to Send on an Agent by the first Vessels from Detroit next Spring. I will endeavor to remain until your return or the arrival of an Agent.

Let us know what will be done with the Army this Winter and 0164 134 if any change will be made in your Department. Should you not return give me your Appointment here if you can. I would remain for three years and then retire to a Farm to pass away the remainder of my days in peace and quiet. I have my business nearly arranged as I contemplated. The expenses of this post is not over $1,000 this year and I am convinced it will not exceed 5 or 6 hundred the next, say exclusive of nails Iron & &c for the purpose of repairing the Buildings and building Boats locks &c. I wish you would inquire the expences of this post for the last three years. I have from information which I think correct made up about $5 or 6,000 wood 2,500 extra pay 1,200 half rations added to men on furloug[h]s 1000 other consingent expenses mean $1000—500 was paid [Ms torn] Stone for the use of the Commissioners. I will write you by the express on the first of Jan y . write me I shall get your letter by Return of the express in March I presume you will see Stewart in Washington at all events you must see his sister give my respects to Madam & family tell Joshua 93 he must be a good boy while at the M. Academy and qualify himself for a Gen 1 or admiral I am with respect yr ob. Ser & friend

93 Joshua Johnson Boyd, for whom see Id, xii, pp. 268, 269.— Ed .

W. Lawrence 94

94 Col. William Lawrence was of a Maryland family, being first commissioned lieutenant in 1801. By the time of the War of 1812–15, he had risen to a captaincy and was commended for gallant action at the siege of Fort Bowyer, Ala. In 1814 he became major and was transferred to the 8th infantry. In 1818 he was made lieutenant-colonel, and was stationed at Mackinac, where in 1819 he acted as Indian agent in the absence of Col. George Boyd. In 1820, Lawrence was a short time in command at Green Bay. In 1828 he became colonel of the 5th infantry and was stationed at Green Bay where he remained in command until his resignation (1831) from the army. Ten years later, he died.— Ed .

G. Boyd Esqr .

Endorsed: Copy of Letter from Col Lawrence Acting Indian Agent at Mackina to Mr Boyd. dated the 12 Nov 1819 to be returned to Mr Boyd Jany 25 1820

Rec d . the 22 d . Jany 1820 George Boyd.

0165 135

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington, Pressmark: Indian Office, Letters Received, 1819; Gov. Cass, p. 390.]

Mackinac 13th. November 1819

Dear Sir —I am urged by several persons who have been furnished with Indians Goods, by the American Fur Company, to represent the many severe losses, and very serious inconveniences they are frequently subjected to, from the apparent want of defined instructions in possession of the Indian Agents. I will now instance one case; a Mr. Porlier of Green Bay, who last year received from Mr. Woodbridge, a certificate of Citizenship, and under which, Col. Bowyer granted him permission to trade; he was this year again licensed, (or promised a license), and it was not until all the expenses of the Outfit had been incurred, that he was informed he could not enter the Indian Country as a Trader: this extraordinary reversal , is said to have been determined on, in consequence of some papers sent by the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, at Washington, to the Factor at Green Bay; be this as it may, it is a fact, that the Col. has revoked a number of licenses he had but a short time previously issued; which will cause the total ruin of several honest and industrious Men, besides, it is the most certain method imaginable, to keep the Indians in continual discontent and ferment.

Such oppression and inconsistency will I am convinced be speedily remedied by you Sir. And I hope you will excuse the liberty I take, in requesting that you will have the goodness to cause me to be informed, early next spring, what length of residence in the United States, entitles persons to Citizenship, immediately on application? How, and where they can obtain it? And whether County Courts of Territories, have jurisdiction over such cases?

Herewith I have the pleasure of sending you a small parcel of Wild-rice, which, I am sorry is all that now remains of our stock, had we thought of it in time, we could have sent you a much larger quantity. Please offer my respects to Mrs. Cass, 0166 136 and believe me to be with much respect etc. Dear Sir Your Mo. Obt. Servt.

Robert Stuart

To His Excellency Gov: Cass. Detroit. pr. Genl. Jackson Capt. Blake .

1819: AMERICAN CLERK EMPLOYED

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin Mss., 29C35.]

In all the month of June next I promise to pay John Lawe or his Order the sum of Four Thousand Five Hundred and Sixty Five Dollars 23/100 for amount of goods sold us by Louis Grignon to be traded by me in the Indian country & the returns of these goods to be delivered into the hands of John Lawe at Green Bay.

Rod k Lawrence .

Ouisconsong Portage Nov r 13 th 1819

1819: LICENSES REVOKED

MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office, Letters Received, 1819; Gov. Cass, p. 424.]

Mackinac 21st. Novr. 1819.

Sir —In addition to my respects of 13th. inst., relative to the late decision of Indian Agents, (revoking all licenses granted to persons of foreign birth , who have not been naturalized according to the Acts of Congress, on that subject,) I have to inform you, of my having received communications from Messrs. Jacques Porlier, Pierre, Augustin, and Charles Grignon, of Green Bay, stating, that in consequence of some of them having received Licenses, and the others being promised, by Col. Bowyer; they made considerable Credits to the Indians; which under the existing regulations, they are not permitted to enter the Indian Country, to collect. On the cruelty of this measure, 0167 137 it is unnecessary I am confident, to comment to you Sir: Nor can it be supposed for a moment, that any of the Heads of Departments, would wittingly issue any Order, which could tend to the distress of individuals, in the upright prosecution of their affairs; and what makes the present case the more deserving of the utmost stretch of lenity, is, that those people were acting under the sanction, and good faith, of the public Agents of Government; and could not possibly foresee the difficulties they are so unexpectedly plunged into.

I therefore take the liberty to beg, that unless contrary to your public duties, you will have the goodness to order, (by the first express to Chicago etc.,) that the Agent at Green Bay, permit those persons to follow the Indians, so far as it may be necessary, in order to draw their Credits, only. I am respectfully, Sir Your Mo. Obt. Servt.

Robert Stuart

To His Excellency Governor Cass D'etroit

1819: SKINS TAMPERED WITH

[Source, same as preceding document, but Letter Book E, 1818–20, p 362.]

Indian Trade Office Decemr. 1st. 1819

To John W. Johnson Esqr U S. Factor P. du Chien

Sir —A serious misfortune has happened somewhere with the furs from Ft. Osage generally, and with your Otter skins especially, unless indeed as I have written to Mr. Sibley, 95 there

95 George C. Sibley was born in Massachusetts in 1782. His boyhood was passed first in North Carolina, then in Louisiana Territory, where his father, Dr. John Sibley of the Revolutionary army, removed about the close of the Spanish regime. In 1807 George Sibley was appointed factor for Fort Osage, which was built the following year. There he remained until the abolition of the factory system, except during the unsafe years of the War of 1812–15. In 1824 Sibley was one of three commissioners on the Santa Fé road. The remainder of his life was passed in retirement in St. Charles County, Mo. His papers are part of the valuable collections of the Missouri Historical Society, at St. Louis.— Ed .

0168 138 were no good furs taken in this year at all. Every Species of fur is not only miserable as to quality, but cut literally to pieces by Worms. The Otter Skins from you, are not over half size—and the Muskrat skins very inferior. Now if you received such, there is no help for it, but if you sent off better than these, some exchange must have been made on their way in. But where I cannot imagine.

Mr. Kennerly 96 may have been absent from St. Louis, which is however only supposition, but if he was absent, advantage might have been taken of that absence at St. Louis. If he was present, during the continuance of the furs, no doubt the fraud was committed between St. Louis and Pittsburg. I could wish enquiries could be made to ellicit some light on this subject. Meanwhile however troublesome it may seem, in future I wish a mark put on every skin with Paint. Respectfully etc

96 For sketch of James Kennerly see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 448, note 78.— Ed .

T. L. McK[enney ]

1819. RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP

[MS. in Burton Library, Detroit. Pressmark: Vol. 114, p. 51.]

Old Pt Comfort Va . 21 December 1819

The Honorable W. Woodbridge

Dear Sir —I take the liberty herewith of enclosing for your perusal and consideration as delegate from Michigan, a letter & an exposition of grievances Complained of, from Mr. P. Grignon of Green Bay.

Impressed with a full belief of your Urbane disposition for the Inhabitants of that, As yet oppressed Section of our Country, induces me to address those papers to you, confident that your Zealous exertions will Succeed to remove all further Cause of Complaint and Establish a right of Citisenship among that, I am Sure friendly people to our Government & Institutions. 0169 139 Accept the assurance of my high respect & Consideration. I remain very respectfully your most Hbt Svt

C. Gartiot 97

97 Charles Gratiot was the son of the Revolutionary patriot of that name, who died in 1817. The son was born in St. Louis (1788), educated at West Point (1806), and entered the army in the engineering corps, where he won distinction as chief engineer of Harrison's army during the War of 1812–15. He aided in the construction of Fort Meigs, and in the expedition against Mackinac (1814). At the close of the war he was placed in charge of the fortifications at Hampton Roads, and there built Fort Monroe. Later he was chief of the engineering department (1828), and inspector at West Point. He died in St. Louis in 1855.— Ed .

1820: WINNEBAGO HOSTILITIES

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office, Letters Received, 1820; Gov. Cass, p. 129.]

Green Bay January 3. 1820

Sir —Early in the month of September last as I was returning from the Prairie du Chien, I met Mr. Armitinger on the Ouisconsance River (who informed me that when he was crossing the Winnebago lake an Indian came to the beach and fired on his boat, he directed his crew to proceed and never mind him. A second shot was fired and the ball lodged in the mast of his boat, they then rowed to shore when all the Indians ran back to the woods. I saw the ball myself which had been picked out of the boats mast. Yours respectfully

Lewis Morgan

To Colo. Smith Sd. Inftr'y

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 131.]

Greenbay 5 January 1820

Sir —In August last a party of Winnebagoes fired upon Captain Whistler, at the entrance of the Winnebago Lake, about forty miles from this place: Captain Whistler had with him a 0170 140 party of 4 or five soldiers and three of his Children; and the flag of the United States was conspicuously exhibited from a staff at the stern of his batteaux: the shot passed through the awning of his boat. (1)

About the same time, a Mr. Armitinger an Indian trader, on his passage from this, to the Mississippi was also, as I am credibly informed, fired upon in passing through the same Lake; and one of the balls discharged struck in the mast of the boat, against which he was at the moment leaning. (2)

Doctr. Maddison, Surgeon of the 3d., in passing up Fox River about the first of October last, was treated with so much insolence by the Winnebagoes, near the same place, at which Captain Whitler [sic] and Mr. Armitinger were fired upon, that he considered himself, and the small party with him, unsafe. (3)

Toward the close of November a herd of Cattle, for the Assistant Commissary at this Post, having arrived within two days march, the drover near Manitouwalk [Manitowoc] upon the Shore of Lake Michigan, was attacked by several indians, robbed of his Portmanteau etc., and one of the Cattle taken from him and killed. Several Soldiers were employed in conducting these cattle, but the drover at this time, had fallen some miles in the rear, with a view of bringing up such as had strayed behind when the Indians availed themselves of the opportunity, thus presented, to plunder him as above. (4)

A few days since, on the first instant, a soldier of the garrison, belonging to Capt. Grosvenors 93 Company was assaulted within a short distance of the Fort, stabbed and supposed at first to be mortally wounded. The outrage was perpetrated by several Menomonee Indians, and their object, in which they succeeded, said to be to obtain a small quantity of Whiskey, which the soldier had in his canteen. The particulars of this transaction are now in a course of investigation. (5)

93 Capt. George Henry Grosvenor entered the army from New York in 1814, as captain of the 26th infantry; in 1815 he was transferred to the 3d infantry, being in 1819 stationed at Green Bay. He was honorably discharged June 1, 1821.— Ed .

0171

Tshi-zun-hau-kau A Winnebago warrior. From colored lithograph in McKenney and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes (Philadelphia, 1854), i, p. 195

0172 0173 141

The attack upon the Drover, at Manitouwalk was committed by several young chippewas, one of whom after consultation with the Indian Agent, was arrested and confined in the Fort: He was treated with kindness, and upon the exhibition of much sorrow for his misconduct, the solicitation of his relatives and their promise to make compensation to the owner of the Cattle, was set at liberty. Those concerned with him left the vicinity and could not be apprehended.

The Smoker, 99 the great chief of the Winnebagoes was arrested by the Indian Agent, on account of the attack upon Captain Whistler, and detained some time in the Fort, about the close of August—But upon his promise to apprehend and deliver at this post, the party which had been guilty of the firing and which at this time had passed to the Mississippi upon a hunting expedition, I thought proper to discharge him.

99 The Smoker (Charatchou, Tshayrotshoankaw) was son of Serachou (or Sarrochau), who had a village at Taycheedah, at the southern end of Lake Winnebago. The father took part in the War of 1812–15, dying soon after its close. Augustin Grignon speaks of him as “one of the best of Indians.” The son was present at the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825; at that of Butte des Morts in 1827, and again in 1828. He signed neither the treaty of 1829, nor that of 1832 His village in the former year, according to John Kinzie's report, consisted of eight lodges and 145 inhabitants. He was with the whites in pursuit of Black Hawk. See Wis. Hist. Colls ., xiii, pp. 444–447, 453.— Ed .

The Winnebagos who are reputed to be vicious and are an active tribe, previously to the misconduct which I have detailed, passed this Fort, where they made many expressions of friendship to the United States, and received some presents, being then on their way, as they said, to Mackinac: they however proceeded to Drummonds Island; obtained British presents—and returned passing up Fox river, without halting at the Fort, as they had led me to expect they would do. And since in an excursion up the river in October I have found on an eminence, about a league short of the Winnebago Lake, the English flag erected and flying, which I caused to be taken down and destroyed.

I have reported these transactions not from an opinion that 0174 142 they have resulted from a spirit of hostility, generally existing in any particular tribe, or combination of tribes, against the United States, which may lead to more dangerous aggressions hereafter; but, as evidence of the mischievous character of savages generally, and of the great evils that may be expected from them, to the white people of our Country, upon this, and other remote frontiers, unless kept in constant check, by a display of force, suited to their complete control and as a proof also, if such were wanting, that their evil and unfriendly propensities are particularly displayed, after having been permitted to visit and receive presents etc. in a foreign state.

I have also considered it a duty to make this communication from an apprehension that vague, incorrect and exaggerated statements on the subject to which it relates, might be made to Government or to the Public; and thus unnecessary alarms be excited and in the hope also that it may produce instructions, as to the course which I shall pursue hereafter, to prevent or punish a recurrence of similar evils.

Not knowing when, or at what place, this letter may reach you, I have transmitted a duplicate of it to the War Department—and have the honor, to be etc. etc.

Jos: L. Smith Col: 3 d, Infty .

To Major Genl. J. Brown Commg. N. D. U. S. Army .

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 25.]

Fort Howard January 13th. 1820.

Sir —I have the honor to state, that on the 9th. of August last, as I was passing a Village of the Winnebago Indians, situated at the entrance of the Winnebago Lake, My boat was fired on by a party of that tribe, who were assembled on the Shore. I immediately Ordered my boat to stop, and directed my Interpreter to enquire the cause of this unexpected Attack on the American Flag, which was hoisted on my approach to the Village; in reply I was given to understand that they commanded 0175 143 the passage, and required all Boats to stop and report to them, having sustained no injury from their fire, and not willing to enter into any altercation with them, I Ordered my men to proceed, which they permitted without further molestation. I am Sir respectfully Your Most Obt. Servt.

Wm. Whistler Capt 3d. Regt. of Iny .

Col. Bowyer Indian Agent

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 27.]

Green Bay Agency January 15th. 1820.

Sir —I have made every exertion, to furnish you with the Strength of the Winebego tribe of Indians, but as yet have not received information to be depended upon, the last Spring I had a long conversation with the Blue Hawk, the most intelligent chief of the tribe, 1 he thinks they are about One Thousand warriors, strong, from twelve to fifteen hundred women, of the children he could give no information, I engaged him to go through the nation, and bring me a Red Bean, for every man, a Yellow one for the grown women, and a white one for the children, and promised to reward him for his services. I have not heard from him since, but expect to see him in the Spring, this tribe in Summer resides, on the Ousconsin and head waters of the Fox and Rock rivers, they plant corn, pumkins, Beans, Potatoes, etc, the Winebego lake furnishes them with large Quantities of Rice, they are good hunters, and their women Industrious. This is the best information, I have been able to Obtain of the Situation [of] this Tribe, their

1 Probably the Winnebago Black Hawk—the color of the plumage of the bird might be indifferently described as blue or black. This Black Hawk (Hay-ray-tshon sarp) was an important chieftain of his tribe, and signed the treaties of 1829 and 1832. Walking Cloud, his son, was interviewed by the present writer in 1887; see Ibid , pp. 463–467. During his latter years Black Hawk lived in Jackson County, where later, another Winnebago of the same name lived four miles from Black River Falls. Id , xii, p. 430.— Ed .

0176 144 character with the white, and Red People is bad, they are great liers, and Robbers, no dependance can be placed in what they say; I have since my coming to this Country, considered this tribe unfriendly, to the Government of the United States, and that nothing but a Strong military force, could Keep them in Order, The enclosed letter from Captain Whistler, will Shew you their conduct to him when Assending the Fox river, Shortly after the fireing on our Flag, I am informed they fired upon a trading Boat, at the same place and believed to be the same party a ball lodged in the mast, of the Boat, above the head of the master, at the same place Doctor Madison of the Army, was Stopped his Baggage searched, himself and crew ill treated. Shortly after Captain Whistler was fired on, the Principal chief of the Tribe, paid me a visit, I confined him in the Fort for a few days, but his presisting in his Ignorance of the Transaction, and Declareing, if the report was true, he would deliver me the leader of the party, before the Ice [was] made if he was above the Ground, I liberated him, Assuring him at the Same time if he did not bring me the chief who fired on the United States Flag, if the report was correct, I would send the first chief, that came to Green Bay in Spring, to the Fort, and hold him in confinement untill I received the Orders of the President, this I shall do unless I receive your instructions to the contrary. I am confident nothing but a Strong Garrison at the Portage of Ousconsin will Keep this Tribe in Order, In my next I will write you fully on the Situation of the Menominee Tribe, at present I am not able to give the information I wish, I am Sir very Respectfully your Obt. Servt.

[ John Bowyer ]

His Excellency Gov Cass

1820: DIFFICULTIES OF WISCONSIN TRADERS

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 6B14.]

Wisconsing Jan y 10 th 18[20]

Dear Sir —Although it would give me great pleasure to hear from you, I cannot say that I take much satisfaction in writing to you, as I have nothing very agreeable to communicate. The times here are extremely dull; the chase is pursued here without energy & finished without perseverance Consequently the returns of peltries are extremely small & limited. The appearances at present are not at all encouraging; what changes may take place for my advantage I cannot tell. I have made a society with Gun 2 by the advice of a friend & hope all will enable me to pay my debts & have something as there are some months before me. I have been unwell all winter & M r L Grignon by his sickness which is of a very serious nature has been detained here to this time. He proposes to go to the Prairie on the passing of the Trains [sleighs] of M r Devotion but I think he will expose himself to a severe relapse & advise him to rest tranquil. wishing you every blessing I am your friend & Serv t

2 John Gunn, an American who afterwards settled at Green Bay and married there.— Ed .

Rod k Lawrence

P. S. Please to present my best compliments & Respects to Mess r P. A. Grignon Col o Smith & Doctor Mc Mahon 3 & other friends. I am seriously indisposed having put out my Knee & Knee pan & not having medicine At the Prairie I was under the care of the Doctor some days always unfortunate

3 Dr. J. Ponte Coulant MacMahon entered the army in 1817 from the District of Columbia, as surgeon's mate of the 3d infantry. In 1819 he became post-surgeon, and was stationed for some time at Green Bay, where he was friendly with the citizens. After passing through various grades he resigned in 1836, and died the next year— Ed .

Endorsed: Roderique Laurence Jany 20 1820 Wuisconsing

John Lawe Esqr. Green Bay 10

0178 146

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B5. Translated from the French.]

Ousiconsin 10 January 1820

Sir & Friend —I profit by the opportunity of some passing Indians, to communicate to you what relates to our business, and what can I say, only that This Equipment is a Total loss nothing can change that unless a Miracle happens. There has been no Hunting in this region, the great evil of the Savages of the Lower part of this river is that they are seized with a desire for the Prairie , and in consequence have carried their peltries there. Everything for the Savages is Very Cheap at that post. Mr. Belsher passed here the 5th of the present month with eight vehicles [voitures] to find Mr. Devotion and his goods. He told me the opposition was very strong in their quarter. I send you this letter and two others addressed to you, I suppose from Messrs. R. & M. and several addressed to different ones with the chance of your receiving them. Enclosed is a part of a letter from Mr. Rolette on the Subject of the Blankets that Mr. Brisbois left in passing La Bay, by the way the latter is his Clerk. Mr. Laurence has made an arrangement with Mr. Gunn I gave him my Opinion that under the circumstances and considering the appearance of the Credits that have been made he would lose thereby. The Savages of le Bas 4 have had Plenty of peltry according to what Moreau says as reported to me by the passers-by; the gentlemen lower down than St. Croix do not make much, Except Mr. Felixe at the river aux Chats. 5 He has many renards, folles and Puants. Mr. Maynard 6 will

4 Probably the expression refers to what was known to the traders as “le bas Lac aux Cedres Rouge” (lower Red Cedar Lake), now known as Cedar Lake, situated in Aitkin County, Minnesota. This had been the site of the fur-trade post for many years. In 1805 Pike found a British trader at this post, which was reached either via the Mississippi or by portages from the head of Lake Superior.— Ed .

5 Wild Cat Creek, in the modern county of Houston, Minnesota, not far below La Crosse. At its mouth is the present town of Brownsville.— Ed .

6 Jean Baptiste Mayrand was a well-known inhabitant of Prairie du Chien. His naturalization papers in the Wisconsin Historical Library (pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 61B11) state that he resided there before 1797. He married a Winnebago woman, and had several children enrolled among the half-breeds. It would by this document seem that his post for 1819–20, and probably for a longer period, was on the St. Croix.— Ed .

0179 147 make a Big Stroke probably. He has Many folls and other Savages with him in the St. Croix as the passers-by tell me.

Mr. Porlier winters on the river near me with Mr. Gunn, and Mr. Lawrence below the Detour des pins. 7 I am overrun with the Savages who are on their way to the portage. I write you at every opportunity.

7 Pine Bend (Detour des Pins) is thought to have been just below Helena, on the Wisconsin River, near the present Hillside.— Ed .

In regard to our old friend Mr. Porlier, He is very much affected by the loss of his youngest Child, so that it is hard to turn his thoughts he feels this Death the more that coming in the Decline of life the child was very Dear to him. during the winter He has been very ill and I also more than usual.

The men Having received the greater part of their Wages, annoy me much except Amable & Beauchant.

Nothing more only to renew the assertion of the confidence I place in you for the Care of my family and Interests—a fact of which you are already persuaded.

Accept my New Years' wishes for your health and prosperity my dear Sir, Your sincere obedient Servant and friend

L. Grignon

Mr. John Lawe La Baye Verte

Endorsed: by Lawe: Louis Grignon 10 January 1820 Wuisconsing.

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B6. John Lawe to Louis Grignon.]

Green Bay 11th Jany 1820

Dear Sir —In haste I take the opportunity of Pierish Grignon 8 who is just going off this moment & says that he will go &

8 For this person see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 368, note 18.— Ed .

0180 148 See you which I am very happy off as he can give you every Information you require of this place. in the first place there is nothing very Interesting to communicate to you from this Quarter. all is dull in regard to business here appearances so far is not very flattering the Hunt in general is faild all threwout this part of the Country, & we do not here of one particular Spot about where the Indians makes any kind of a Hunt its worse then last year. We have had no News upon the Follavoine [Menominee] River as yet, as the Ice has been very late taking in the Lake this year but I suppose it will not turn out better there then elsewhere of this part of the Country there is no person (say) Traders wintering there this year its all Indians that is Traders in that part & if that will do any good I have my good share of them in that Quarter. the Americans has a good deal of Goods on Commission in that part of the Country allso. I sold Goods to M r John Whalan [Whelan] of Mc Kinac who you know very well it was M r Mason that sent him here to me. but he would not take the Goods excepting making a great Discount which I did of 20 per Cent. I thought it was best to do that then to keep the Goods on hands but still I think he will meet with a very heavy loss on them as his Expences is Enormous on 7 pieces of Strouds with a good assortment he did not place himself where I told him to go as I thought it was for his advantage as well as mine he was to have gone and wintered at the Village de Waukau 9 that was the Plan but instead of that he went & placed himself at the Village of Old A'leinest 10 it is neither one thing or the other, it is quite out of the way but it cannot be helped, he has Charles Grignon 11 Lousignon, Langlois, Latonah, & Plaset with him so you may judge that his Expenses on them Goods is very heavy, I

9 For the location of Menominee village of Waukau see Powell's “Recollections,” in Wis. Hist. Soc. Proceedings , 1912, p. 152— Ed .

10 The exact site of this village is not known—it is the same as that called “De la Laine” in the next document. Probably it was not far from Winneconne.— Ed .

11 For Charles Grignon see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 89, note 25. It should further be stated that he died in January, 1840.— Ed .

0181 149 hear from him most every Week but he is doing nothing the Indians makes no hunt in that Quarter he has Lousignon that runs the Derouin on the Font du Lac [of Lake Winnebago] & Charles on the River du Loup [Wolf River] but all to no purpose where there is nothing what can you do. the Indians about here is Numerous more I believe than usual just waiting till the Lake Froze to go to their usual Hunt Spearing Fish & that is all the good they will do for themselves Or for us either—enough upon this head we will talk of yr private affairs 12

12 This letter, unfinished and unsigned, is in John Lawe's handwriting, and was written to Louis Grignon.— Ed .

1820: WINTERING IN WISCONSIN

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B11. Translated from the French.]

Village De La Laine January 18, 1820

Sir —I give myself the pleasure of writing you this Line to apprise you that the Nuit noire [Black Night] has one Bear skin here and 3 martens, and he takes some fishers and martens with him, I do not know how many, and his Nephew carries 1 fisher and perhaps something Else, but I do not think so.

I have just arrived yesterday from a Drouine of 17 days. All the Savages are fasting. I brought in 40 skins, 3 beavers, 2 fishers 3 wildcats and 1 plus 13 of meat and Fat the peltry is a part of the Credit. Dear Sir I am at my wit's end, if the savages killed fur peltry I would range but they do not kill any and the Expense is so Great that I dare not hire a Guide to look for Other savages, if I was certain of Securing Some thing without its costing me more than I make, but every day that I travel without finding any I must be able to live. Mr. Whalene at this house has no man for a guardian but young Nuit noir. Mr. Whalene has gone to Lusignan's and I can give you no news from there.

13 For the significance of these terms of trade see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, pp. 178, 200, notes 49 and 86 respectively.— Ed .

0182 150

There is no other News that merits your attention. I await the pleasure of your news and of seeing you, I beg you to Believe me with all the Esteem possible Your very humble Servant

C. Grignon

The Nuit Noir wishes a Kettle, please try to procure one for him for I have none to sell, and have taken a Beaver for one in advance. My Compliments to Chaput Your Servant

C. Grignon

Monsieur John Lawe, a La Baye verte

Endorsed by Lawe: Charle Grignon 18 January 1820 Village De la Laine.

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B13.]

Prairie Du Chien 20 Jan r 1820

Dear Sir —i Embrace the opportunity of the sleighs who are going to bring M r Devotion to acknowledge the receit of your letter by M r Moreau who is passing the Winter Months with me. I drew from M r Lockwood all your papers and have notified M r Franks of it—every thing in that way will be right.

As M r Brisbois Jun r by the most Stupid acts of any man left Four Bales Blankets with you which Has prevented me to Sell all my goods. I beg of you to forward by a Safe Conveyance as far as the Portage the two bales unsold, which I will not Sell at any price—as I have engaged them.

Had M r Moreau not assured me that M r Grignon was to bring them I certainly would have Sent for them last fall. what might be his notion for Sending such Message I do not Know, but he is the occasion of a great deal of loss for me as a good turn deserves another, at all Events try to forward what is left.

No News here every thing is dull and it is impossible for us to Sell Christian goods with the Americans. Our Civil authority does all they can to do well and no one has a right to Complain. It is the first winter Since peace has taken place that we enjoy liberty and are dealt with as free men. It seems to me 0183 151 although they can be no returns it is a new World since that T. Chambers is no more here.

Dancing and Frolicking goes on the usual rate every body is on a good understanding and that because every man is independent Wishing you & your family well I remain yours

Jo s Rolette

John Lawe Esqr Green Bay

1820: TRANSPORTATION DIFFICULTIES

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B16.]

Green Bay 22 Jan y 1820

My Dear Sir —I duly received yours of the 15 th Inst Yesterday and do not lose one Moment in answering you. I am happy to hear you are a going to leave your hermitage for to go to a better place which I am sure it will be in every respect as your Interest calls you there. in relation to the terms of the transportation of your Goods you have realy put the Sum too low you allow four Dollars per piece but you must recollect when only 4 Dollars per piece is given the owners of the property pays all the portages and another thing you will please to remark when them prices is given the season is so far advanced that there is not half the Misery & fatigue to undergo as there will be at that early season of the year and another thing you will please take notice that your Goods is packed up quite differently all in Barrels it is not like taking Kegs & small Bales of Goods up the Rapids that is one of the great obstacles in the way with the men which is very true. I am so very particular in pausing & making these remarks to you as the Men is so very hard to be got when a person wants to hire them to go at that season of the year then they take every advantage & they will represent every hardship & obstacles that the pieces is unhandy & the water is too cold & too high and every thing is dangerous—which is all true by the by I would not go myself upon any terms at that Season of the year on that Trip if I should be obliged to work myself—but I am not a going to tell them so 0184 152 you know it will require at least 10 Men for 2 Boats & a man besides to take care of the property 2 perhaps the Men will not engage to go 5 to a Boat they will require Six Men at that Season of the year per Boat so you can see what it will be when we Engage 13 Men more out of the Bay at that time, you may judge upon what terms we will get them on. the 2 Boats will be very heavy loaded it will make more Pieces than you have estimated them at least 12 or 15 pieces more I will now leave it to yourself as I have no advantage G-d knows deriving from it in the least but I would not wish to be a Loser if possible by it you may think perhaps that we may have the advantage of geting in our Debts by it, but it is not so Sir, as the Debts will remain the same & we will be obliged to give them people & their Families all their wants before they start to encourage to get them to go otherways they would not go. I think that 700 Dollars & you to pay all the Portages is not too much but I will prepare & get every think in readiness for the First opening of the navigation to take them on as I would not wish you to be disappointed upon any Account so that if you will give more it is at your option to do so. otherwise we will meet with a heavy loss: so that you can now depend of having your Goods to come on as early as possible, I shall write you by every opportunity offering and hope you will not fail doing the same remember me to all Friends wishing you every Success in all your undertakings. Mr. P. Grignon [and] Col Bowyer desires their best respects to you believe me to be your friend & most obtd hble Sevt

John Lawe

N. B. I hire an Indian a purpose to go on with this Letter so that you may get it soon. J. L.

Louis Devotion Esquire Merchant Prairie du Chien per Indian

Endorsed: 22. Janvier 1820 Green Bay

1820: WINTERING ON THE WISCONSIN

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B19. Translated from the French.]

January 25, 1820

Sir and Friend —I send you what you ask for. Seeing your man I hoped that you were following him speedily as you had announced to me, I had prepared to receive you in advance, but you have disappointed me. However I do not wish for you, hoping you will give me satisfaction as soon as your infirmities leave you. I have not given up my journey to the prairie, but, as in all things that Cost I have put it off. If I decide to go finally, I will let you know, if I do not see you myself to give the information. I am again very much obliged to you for the fourth volume that you sent me. I take a new interest in the reading of the romance. I find in it facts and expressions that are forced, so to speak; but the different characters that are there depicted make an interesting Code of morals. I regret that I am not in the flower of my youth in order to profit thereby. But I will try and use it in favor of those who are to replace me.

The savages belonging here do nothing but travel, I have not failed however, during 8 days to have a houseful of them always bringing nothing. I have tried to send my men to the river á la roche [Rock River], but they have not been able to follow the trail of 2 persons leaving the evening before forsooth!

Polhythe 14 has been as far as la bas, he has brought back 1 bear, 10 deer skins and 2 dressed buck skins.

14 Hippolyte (Polhythe) or Paul Porlier was the second son of Judge Jacques Porlier. He married Marguerite, daughter of Simon Chorette, and in 1838 they had three children and were living at Green Bay.— Ed .

I am so put out with my Savages that I can scarcely see them without seizing them by the cravat, also getting embroiled with them. Chonquippe, whom I took for a piece of perfection, came 0186 154 in on his Credit of 4 plus & admitted when I persisted in asking him if he had secured the peltries for it, that he had used 10 dressed deer skins as a sacrifice, and as many Buck skins for a feast: Did you ever see such a boaster?

I am just now without meat, but I shall console myself if all the puants [Winnebago] perish of hunger. All my regards to Mr. Lawrence. I expect him for Mardi Gras. Your Servant & friend

Jq. Porlier

Charleau is here and has made a very fair hunt, he has taken 10 Beaver and killed 2 bears. He has come for some grain, I have refused him, but as he has decided to go to you, I determined to [give him some] all the more that he gives me an opportunity to go among the puants of the Kekapou River

Mr. L. Grignon .

1820: NEWS FROM RED RIVER

[Source, same as preceding document, but 1C51. Translated from the French.]

Rivier Rouge January 31, 1820

Dear Jacque —since I had the pleasure of seeing you I have come very near departing this life. At present I am well. Amable Grignon has gone to the Tabasca [Athabasca] and I have heard by a man of that region that he was very well liked by his bourgeois and that he had had two skirmishes with the northwesters this is all I have learned about Amable. 15 Mr peter powell has gone near to Lake Rouge for M r Graham 16 and

15 For Amable Grignon see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 469, note 92. His services in the Hudson Bay region are there detailed. The “skirmish with the northwesters,” refers to the rivalry between the Hudson's Bay and North West companies, which were united in 1821. Amable Grignon died at Grand Rapids, Wis., in 1845.— Ed .

16 For Duncan Graham see Wis. Hist. Colls ., ix, pp. 298, 467. Lake Rouge is the Red Lake of northern Minnesota, on which there had been a trading post since about 1796.— Ed .

0187 155 lawse has gone with luis Gravelle [to] bas de la prairie with my father, 17 and Mr. Jacob has engaged with the Northwest as a freeman and has gone to winter at the astiboine [Assiniboine]. We had great damage here this year in the river rouge from Grasshoppers that destroyed the Crops, that is the reason this is such a hard country, only there are always plenty of cattle.

17 For Louis Gravelle see Id, xix, p. 376, note 28. “Bas de la Prairie” was the French name for the lower fort on Saskatchewan River— Ed .

I hope that I shall have the pleasure of seeing you this year if you have any desire to come you can secure passage with Mr. Augustin nolin. 18 I am sure that he would grant you that with pleasure. He will soon return from Sault St. mary My respects to your father and mother and Mr. John Law, and to Mr. L. Grignon and his daughters and to the doctor. My respects to Madame Lanchevin and to madamoiselle Marguerite Grignon. 19

18 Augustin Nolin was a voyageur, who traded in the Lake Superior country during the latter part of the 18th century. He had retired before the close of the War of 1812–15, and built for himself a home at Sault Ste. Marie. At the capture of Mackinac in 1812, he was of great assistance in restraining the Indians from massacre, and in 1815 warned the American officers at the Sault of an intended attack. About the time this letter was written, he sold his establishment at the Sault to G. O. Ermatinger, and removed to the Red River. There his descendants were important members of the community during the troubles of 1869–70.— Ed .

19 Marguerite Grignon was born March 23, 1789. She married Louis Corbeille, and died about 1823.— Ed .

I have no other news of which to inform you & remain always hoping to see you as soon as possible. I am alweys your Intimate friend.

William Dickson 20

20 For a sketch of William Dickson, see Ibid , p. 444, note 73.— Ed .

I hope if you do not come I shall have the pleasure of a letter from you by the bearer [remainder illegible.]

Mr. Jacque porlier fils Bay Verte by favor Mr Aug. nolin .

1820: WINTERING ON THE WISCONSIN

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B22. Translated from the French.]

1st February, 1820.

Sir —I have ascertained that I can have no hope of doing anything here. Polythe has arrived from a drouine of 6 days on the Kekapou [Kickapoo] river. He has not done any trading altho the Savages had plenty of bear skins, my orders were for 2 bear skins [per plus] but they wished to give but one and a half.

I am not surprised that your men have not returned to l'etmanoir [Lemonweir River], and I was sure by the Savages' report that they had passed 3 days in a lodge eating a piece of dried meat that Amable bought for a pair of mitasses you will not lose all for Augustin has taken your revenge on his side.

If you need my men to send any where, write me for I do not know what to do. the price at the prairie is 5 deer skins [per plus] at present, the puants daily pass my house to go there. I do not send back your books yet. I have not looked them over. A horrible tooth ache on almost one whole side of my mouth has taken possession of me for 4 days and I have not known what to do with myself. The pain has now gone down between my Neck and chest so that I am ready to Believe your Rheumatism has come to make me a visit. If I can I shall return it to you quickly.

I am sending Polythe down, if you have any Commissions which you wish to charge him with, he will take them for you. My best Compliments to Mr. Laurence I am &c.

Jq. Porlier .

tockingo brought his peltry to me consisting of 77 rats, 3 Cats, 2 skunks, 1 otter, he says that you have let him have the powder and shot marked in his credit, and he has paid 20 rats on his blanket.

Mr. L. Grignon .

0189 157

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B23.]

Ouisconsing Feb y 4 th 1820

John Lawe Esq .

Dear Sir —Since I last had the pleasure of writing you, there has happened nothing new. The chase is pursued with less & less energy & I begin to be discouraged & low spirited. If the equipment I have bought of M r Aug n Grignon does not turn out better than this I shall be very unfortunate but I hope my success there will enable me to pay all my debts. M r Louis Grignon still continues very unwell & as he cannot leave the house has consented to take charge of the provisions & my men for eight or ten days. I shall go to the portage and from there to Lac Du Beaf where I hope to send for my Carpot. Amable Grignon 21 is a fine young man & very capable with the indians. He has the experience apparently of an old trader. I have nothing more to say. I regret exceedingly the poor success of my equipment & if a miracle operates may still do something with respect your sincere friend.

21 Not Amable Grignon of Green Bay—who was at this time in the Hudson Bay region—but Amable, son of Perische Grignon of the Portage, who later made his home at Prairie du Chien, and was employed both as Winnebago interpreter and fur-trader.— Ed .

R Lawrence

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B21. Translated from the French.]

27 Feb. 1820

Sir & Friend —I have remained undecided for several days whether I should make the trip to the Prairie but seeing the pleasant weather come so fully, I have given it up and am preparing to depart as soon as possible. I do not doubt that the puants of the Upper River will be at the portage too soon for us, but what can I do, I await my men impatiently to learn the tidings. They have been gone on a trip to the letmanoir 15 days and I fear that something has happened them. I am about cutting 0190 158 a doe skin of which I will send you your share when it is prepared. I work unceasingly to put my inventory into condition to present to you the balance of my fine returns.

I am not well these last few days, the bad meat aggravates my trouble I suppose, and grain is a poor nourishment for me. I do not willingly eat but one meal a day, so that the void in my stomach fills with wind, and causes me much inconvenience. All these troubles make me regret having left the Bay to come here and do nothing.

I send to Mr. Lawrence a dose of salts that he has asked for. I hope that it may serve him as well as if it had come from the best apothecary's shop. I beg you to accept my best compliments I am with Esteem Your Servant & Friend

Jq. Porlier .

Mr. L. Grignon .

Endorsed: Received by Beauchant 27 February 1820 Wisconsin L. Grignon.

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B28. Translated from the French.]

Portage Of The Wisconsin , 2 March 1820

Sir —I send you enclosed a Letter of Mr. Devotion regarding his Goods and at the Same Time acquaint you that I have a Letter here for Mr. [name crossed out.]

The 19th of last month there was killed by the Puants of the river La roche [Rock River] 2 Soldiers at a Half Mile from the Fort of the same River, no other news to speak of. The Traders below have done well. St. Jean has charge of two Barges. The Saques made a great Hunt, for me I have done nothing &c.

By a Letter from Mr. Crooks dated 19 February last Peltries have fallen, especially bearskins. I think Mr. Lawrence will leave here the day after tomorrow very discontented with his Bad Business. Awaiting the pleasure &c I am &c

L. Grignon

Mr. John Lawe La Bay

0191 159

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B33. Translated from the French.]

Wisconsin 24 March, 1820

Dear Sir —This will be the last you will receive from me, before I shall have the pleasure of seeing you. Mr. Gunn leaves for the Portage & Mr. Lawrence for Prairie Duchien. I take my Passage with the Latter & I tell you that Business has not improved but in some ways is Worse than ever. The savages have made no Hunt since last January, the report of a Savage Coming from the Prairie caused great alarm among them and they have spent their Time arming themselves with bows and Arrows, all because of the folly of those of the river La roche. They much feared there would be a raid upon them. Consequently you may imagine they have not hunted.

Mr. Lawrence may perhaps ascend the Missipi as he has some business with Mr. Devotion. I beg you to oblige me by paying attention to my planting with the necessary Cautions and see that Lavigne 22 does his best. Tell him to plant four or six Wild Apple trees in the Garden. Show him how to do it, and also a Shoot of a Gooseberry bush that Mr. Langevin promised to Divide into several parts.

22 Jean Baptiste Lavigne, a retired fur-trader, who was at this time farmer for Louis Grignon.— Ed .

Nothing unusual. wishing you perfect health as well as your family Your servant & friend

L. Grignon

Mr. John Lawe

In addition I beg you to do me the favor of giving my Love to the Children and give to them & Catiche 23 the necessary recommendation to study hard. Paper and Time is lacking to write them.

23 Catiche Cardin was an orphan relative of the Grignons, and was adopted and brought up with the family. About 1808 she became the wife of Louis Grignon, whom she survived. Her three children were Ursule, Elizabeth, and Pierre L. Grignon.— Ed .

0192 160

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B34. Translated from the French.]

Montagne Que Trompe a Leau 3 April 1820

Dear Lawe —I put off writing you from the Prairie for Certain reasons. I arrived the 25th and left the 28th of last month. You will be not a little surprised to know that the People from the River rouge had been there Several Days a Mr Ledlie & Mr. Dickson the former came to buy seeds and several other articles. Mr. Rolette secured from him at least five hundred Guineas for some 300 minots of Grain at $3.00 per minot. The Grasshoppers destroyed all their crops last summer even to the Potatoes.

Mr. Dickson comes to await Mr. Hackett who is Milore's [My Lord Selkirk's] Brother in law. He was to come by St. Louis. A New Governor came to the river rouge from England and Last autumn made Messrs Chat M[c]tavishe & Frobisher & J. Campbell Prisoners & eight of their men & Sent them to England with the exception of M c Tavishe who escaped—this affair happened at Lake Ouinipique. 24

24 The new governor was Capt. William Williams, who had been in the East India Company's service. He reached Red River early in May, 1819, and arranged to capture the North West Company's brigade as it came from the Athabasca. Providing an armed galley on Lake Winnipeg, he laid an ambush at the Grand Rapids, where the Saskatchewan River enters the lake. The following partners were captured: Angus Shaw [Chat], John G. McTavish, Benjamin Frobisher, John D. Campbell, and William McIntosh. They were carried prisoners to York Fort, on Hudson Bay, and Shaw and McTavish were sent to England. Campbell returned to Montreal; McIntosh escaped while still en route; and Frobisher, having escaped from York, perished of cold and hunger in the wilderness. The next year the companies united and the rivalry ended.— Ed .

You will be not a little surprised to learn that the night I arrived at the prairie towards Eleven o'clock the House of Charles Lapointe 25 was blown up by Powder Mr. Rolette had

25 Charles Lapointe was a son of one of the earliest Prairie du Chien settlers, and he himself was employed in the War of 1812–15. His mother was the sister of the Sioux chief for whom see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xvii, p. 323, note 1.— Ed .

0193 161 his magazine in this same House kept by Mr. Moreaux who left just in Time and consequently was suspected of having set the fire himself and other more Dreadful Suspicions. the following day his canoe was found by Mr. Johnson at four miles distance from the mouth of the Wisconsin his chest afloat his supplies likewise and his fusil and powder horn and smoking bag tied to the chest he is believed to be slain or Drowned the Affair is Mysterious.

It is said that the Foll of the upper river have made a Great Beaver Hunt and in consequence Mr. Mayrand has had a big success all the Traders on the upper river have done well.

They tell me that fifty Soldiers of the river St. Pierre have died of Scurvy and if they had not had [word illegible] others would have met the Same fate.

Every thing is Tranquil here, the world breathes Liberty. Law is enforced the Citizens Content & offices respected Mr. Rolette has made $10,000.00 in money. Mr. Devotion has not yet returned from river St. Pierre they tell me that he goes down to St. Louis. Nothing more to mention to you. Mr. Lawrence has not secured anything on the Credits that he bought of Augustin. They passed the winter at the Prairie du Chien 2 have lost their wives. Share my letter with fanfant [Pierre Grignon] & my Compliments; and present my respects to Mamma, Mr. Langevin &c. I am hastened by lack of Sleep & by the Cold, my love to your family. Oblige me by taking care of my House. I am awaiting the pleasure of seeing you dear Sir Your Servant & friend

L. Grignon

Mr. Lawrence charges me to give you his respects he does not write you because he is ill. I am obliged to look out for his men who take advantage of him. The son of Oskininy was killed at the Prairie by his two Brothers in law the Sons of La Galette when they were not at all Drunk.

Mr. John Lawe La Bay verte

N. B. Mr. Rolette did not wish to tell me that he sends to the Bay for his Blankets this is not certain but I think so 11

0194 162

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B35. Translated from the French.]

Montagne Qui Tramp a Leau 4 April 1820

Dear Sir —In addition I have to inform you that to Add to our Misfortunes we passed through the fire Last night, the Tent of Mr. Lawrence Burned & some part of our Baggage & I had one hand & one Foot considerably injured we wait on Providence without shelter or Tent.

Mr. Lawrence has conformed to the Price Established here for Trading twenty rats or Otter or Bear Skin [to the plus] is the Ordinary one. We have opposite us 25 Sioux Lodges & not a Rat to Trade, judge if they are well cleaned out. Respectfully your sincere

L. Grignon

Mr. John Lawe, La Bay verte

1820: INFLUENCE IN CONGRESS

[MS. in Burton Library, Detroit. Pressmark: Vol. 117, p. 108.]

New York 7 April 1820

Dear Sir —On opening the envelope of Mr [Robert] Stewarts letter of advice I was greatly disappointed in not having “a word” from you. I am very anxious to learn how things go on. I hope you obtained Mr. Pinkneys opinion & you are as good a judge what it ought to cost as any body can be. When armed with that, and Mr. Ogdens document, I wish much you would call on Mr. Calhoun, and give him an opportunity of reconsidering the attorney Generals decision. Should he persist in refusing to receive the orders of last Fall commanding the revocation of the licenses; it would be well to add a section to the Indian trade Bill embracing a recognition of the persons ejected, to the claims and immunities of Citizens. I think in this way we may succeed, but should we fail,you had better obtain Mr. Pinkneys opinion in regard to the writ of mandamus and I will get Mr. Ogden's on the same points the 0195 163 moment his avocations at Court which is now in session, will afford him the necessary time. In the expence that may be incurred, please get an account of Mr. Pinkney, and you may draw on me here for the amount. But if in your opinion Mr. P. is too extravagant in his demands, I think the case so very clear that it will hardly be worth Sacrificing any considerable sum I however willingly leave the whole business to your management.

The vice President of United States has just arrived from Albany, and through him I expect letters to some members of your house who I trust will especially aid in defeating the outrageous license system about to be imposed on us. I hope to send them on by Sunday at farthest. Mr. Bostwick is mustering all the strength he can

Mr. A. D. Stewarts draft in your favor for $91.80 was paid two days before I received the letter of advice. I have seen the Washington City Gazette that was to have contained the reply to Mr. McKenneys report. I enquired at many places here, but as yet cannot find it. I am not sure yet but that some papers of that days impression came here: however I know my landlord got his Gazettes regularly both before and since , but missed that particular paper. I wish you would send one or more of that days paper say Wednesday 29th March, 1820

Gov. Cass has written me about Col. Chambers seizure of our Boats on the Mississippi in 1817, and is decidedly of opinion, we must get a verdict in our favor. Please suggest any thing you may think will aid our cause with Mr. Calhouns new licence system, and I will do all I can to meet your wishes

Some of our goods have arrived from England, and I shall commence purchasing here soon. I am in consequence very busy, and although I cannot write you as often as I wish I trust you will make me as frequent communications as your time and duties will allow May I beg you will hand the enclosed to Mr. Abbott, who now resides I am told at Mr. Stewart's Uncles With much esteem I am Dear Sir Yours truly

Rams. Crooks

Hon. William Woodbridge Washington

0196 164

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 119.]

New York 14 April 1820

Dear Sir —Enclosed I send Mr. Abbott several letters to members of Congress, whose co-Operation will be valuable should the Indian Bill be roused from its present torpid state.

Mr. Boswick took steps some time ago to gain us friends among the New England delegation but I am unable to say what success he has had

I hope you have ere this Mr. Pinkneys opinion and in securing to the good people of Michigan what Mr Attorney General has tried to deprive them of; as well as in defeating this obnoxious new system of granting licences; I trust you will be crowned with complete success. On your good efforts in our case, I rely much. without them, I should have but little hope of obtaining what we ask, although it is so very reasonable. When you can spare time, I shall be very glad to hear from you meantime I am Dear Sir Yours truly

Rams Crooks

Honb. William Woodbridge Washington

1820: NEWS FROM PRAIRIE DU CHIEN

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 6B37.]

Prairie Du Chien April 18t 1820

Dear Lawe —You will no doubt be surprised, at seeing me date from this place, I arrived here from Red River on the 10 th of March, my object was to meet a Gentleman who was to have come out from England, to have wintered at the City of Washington & to find him here or a[t] S t Louis.

A passport for me, from the President of the United States was to have been forwarded to this place by the 1 st of February and to be left with M r . Rolette but on m[y] arrival here, I found neither letter nor Pass which [has] determined me to wait Arrivals 0197 165 from below, as I did [not] much like going to St Louis in the present Crisis

I have received from M r . Grignon all the News from La Baye, I am sorry to learn that you are still in some degree persecuted, but you must bear all with patience until you get the title to your land confirmd. Then you can judge best whether you will Remain, or Remove to some other Quarter. The locusts have eat up all the Crops at Red River for these two years past, else every thing would have been in a quite flourishing condition. There are Three Boats gone from this with wheat &c. Providence has been bountiful in sending immense droves of Buffaloe and the Settlement has more than One years provision in meat in advance. It is hoped that the locusts will not return as they did not deposit their Eggs last Season. I left my family all well, and they desire their Kind Remembrances to you and yours. I think that M r . Louis Grignon and you ought to proceed to York [Toronto] to locate your lands and get in presents what the British Government have granted. I will write to Sir Peregrine Maitland a letter of Introduction for you both. I think it will be for your mutual advantage, and those concern'd. I am living here an idle life in daily expectation of word from below, when I shall lose no time in getting off. The political horizon seems to me [to] be clouded & if I judge right, indicates the prelude to a storm, but where the thunder will fall, we cannot say until we feel or hear of its effect.

The Puants, have Killed a Sergeant & Private of the Garrisons at Rock River, near the Fort. They deserve to be punished in a summary manner.

Duncan Graham winters at Lake du Traverse with Renville 26

26 Lake du Traverse is in Traverse County, Minn., the head of Red River. Joseph Renville (Rainville) was a protegeé of Dickson, who had early recognized the unusual ability of this half-breed Sioux. He was born near St. Paul about 1779, being sent for education to Montreal. When but eighteen years of age, Renville wintered on the upper Mississippi with Jacques Porlier, and thereafter became one of the best-known traders of that region. In 1805–06 he served as interpreter for Pike, who highly commended him. In the War of 1812–15, he joined Dickson in urging the Sioux to war and was commissioned a lieutenant in the British Indian department. At the close of the war Renville became a Hudson Bay trader on the Red and upper St. Peter's rivers. After the union of the two companies (1812), Renville organized an American fur-trade enterprise known as the Columbia Fur Company, whose headquarters were on Lake Traverse. For five years this concern operated in opposition to the American Fur Company, which finally (1827) bought it out. Renville then retired to Lac-qui-parle in Minnesota, where he carried on a purely local trading business. In 1834 Protestant missionaries came to Minnesota, and Renville, becoming a convert to their doctrines, aided in translating the Bible and other literature into the Dakota tongue. His home was open to all Christian missionaries, and his youngest son was ordained a minister. Renville lived in the patriarchial manner, maintaining a large establishment, keeping a bodyguard of Indians, and dispensing hospitality to all. His death in 1846 was a severe blow to both the Indians and the whites, of the mixture of whose races he was a notable example.— Ed .

0198 166 —I am afraid Duncan will not make well out, he was never intended for a Trader. I have not determined what I shall do this Season, I have written the Governor of Hudson Bay on a subject of much importance & I wait his Answer to decide, Write me about what you seriously intend, from Mackinas and I shall lose not a moment, in telling you how to proceed. I am afraid that your Establishment at Green Bay will not enable you to provide for your family in the way you would wish.

Tell me without reserve and rest assured that I shall give you the most sincere advice and best assistance in my power.

The Indian Trade in this Country is not in my opinion worth following, it is like walking in the Mud untill you get soussed over head & Ears.

I shall write you before I leave this. my respects to Colonel Boyer & to Docto r M c Mahon. My best wishes to yourself & family, & believe me with sincere friendship yours truly

R. Dickson

John Lawe Esq. Green Bay

0199 167

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office, Letters Received, 1831; no. 1.]

Prairie Du Chien 19th. April 1820

Sir —Mr. Greno [Grignon] returning to Green Bay gives me an opportunity of informing you, last evening an Express arrived here from Fort Armstrong, Rock Island, bringing information that on 29th. of last month, the Winebagoes of Rock River killd and scalped two Soldiers within Sight of that Fort previous to that act they showed a hostile disposition toward the Americans there, by killing the Cattle and hogs and as a further proof of their viloney, they have dureing the winter opend at least one hundred Cashes of Corn and 65 belonging to the Sacs and Foxes—thereby destroyed near One Thousand bushels Corn—such conduct has roused the indignation of the Sacks and Foxes so much, as to make them voluntier their services to join us in a war against the Aggressors if required.

It is much to be regreated we cannot have a law to prevent spirit[uou]s liquors being given or sold to Indians. At this place dureing the winter it has been most shamefully practised—and is believed by every Gentleman here, that Mr. J. H. Lockwood and Mr. J. Rolette are the principal venders in that article, or that the Indians have got more Whiskey at their Stores than at any other in this place—Mr. Lockwood is said to be one of the firm of the American Fur Compy.

As a public officer, I give it as my opinion, men who will violate the Laws so willfully ought [not] to be permitted to have any dealings with Indians or even [to be] admitted in the Indian Country.

In the absence of Mr. N. Boilvin, for the last several months, I have acted as Indian Agent, and feel it my duty to give you this information I am Sir very Respectfully your Hbl Servant

Jno. W. Johnson acting protem Indian Agent

His Excellency Governor Cass Detroit

0200 168

[MS. in Burton Library, Detroit. Pressmark: Vol. 259, p. 104.]

Prairie du Chien May 14th 1820

Dear Sir —Three Indians of the Winnabago tribe have murdered two of Maj Marstons 27 men at Ft Armstrong in open day light & at no great distance from the Ft. The Maj has been kept in a state of alarm by these rascals for some time past, but he rather believed they were more hostile to his Cattle & swine than to himself or his men, nor is it yet ascertained whether these murders were perpetrated by the advice of the nation or were caused only by the wicked dispositions of the individuals who committed them. Col Leavenworth 28 however will probably soon learn the truth of this as he is now at Rock Island with a reinforcement from this & the Post at St. Peters 29 & intends if the murderers are not surrendered to him to make war upon the nation. If he should be obliged to do this it will be impossible to tell the result as it [is] believed this nation can muster at least 800 worriers & they are less civilized & more cruel than any other Indians in this section of the country & brave even [to] presumption. I however do not believe they

27 Maj. Morrill Marston was born in New Hampshire in 1785. In 1805 he removed to Massachusetts as a merchant, and on the outbreak of the War of 1812–15 was commissioned a first-lieutenant, being promoted to a captaincy the next year, and brevetted major for gallantry at Fort Erie (1814). At the close of the war he was transferred to the 5th infantry, being stationed at Prairie du Chien and Forts Armstrong and Edwards. He was discharged from the army in 1824, and died near Fort Edwards seven years later.— Ed .

28 Henry Leavenworth was born at New Haven, Conn., 1783. He studied law and entered the army in 1812 as captain of the 25th infantry. In 1818 he became lieutenant-colonel, seven years later a colonel, and in 1824 was brevetted brigadier-general. He served on the frontier for many years, building Fort Snelling on the Mississippi. Later, Fort Leavenworth was named for him. His Missouri expedition of 1825 was famous. His death occurred in 1834 at Cross Timbers, Indian Ty.— Ed .

29 This was the post afterwards known as Fort Snelling, begun in 1819 when Colonel Leavenworth and troops went up by keel-boats to establish a fort. The first winter was spent in log-huts, as temporary barracks. The cornerstone of the fort was laid in 1820.— Ed .

0201

Old fur-trade house of American Fur Company, Mackinac Now transformed into a hotel. The oldest part of the building is the left-hand wing. From photograph taken about 1910.

What remains of old Fort Snelling

0202 0203 169 will dare to engage us in a war with them & therefore the murderers will be given up & with their deaths the affair for the present at least be ended. It certainly is to be wished that it may terminate in this way as in the event of a war the Indians can do the whites a very considerable injury & without a doubt will destroy many lives.

I have a favour to ask of you & that is that you will call on Mr. Woodbridge & ask him if in a letter he may have recd. from Mr J. Rolette asking his advice as to what can be done with certain gentlemen of this place who reported him to the Govr. any thing is s d disrespectful of these persons & if there is to assure him he ought to pay [no] more attention to it as they are all Respectable & were [actuated] only by the most honorable motives in doing as they did. As to their having committed themselves I am yet Lawyer enough to know they have not. The particulars of the case are these. We have recd. considerable trouble this season from drunken indians. This Rolette & an other Trader here are believed to be the principal venders of liquor to them, but as they do it in so secret a manner as to screen themselves from a conviction of a violation of the Laws we determined to report them to the govr. & let him dispose of them as he might think proper.

Capt Larned 30 arrived here a few days Since from St. Peters, yet under arrest. He expects to remain here until he is ordered to duty or some other place for trial. The Col. has offered to release him from arrest on his acknowledgeing that he the Col. had a right to impose the order which he refused to obey & on this act, was arrested; but the Capt will not do this & therefore will probably be tried. He is in good health & his spirits as buoyant as usual.

30 Capt. Benjamin F. Larned of Massachusetts entered the army in 1812 as ensign, and was honored for gallant conduct at Fort Erie. In 1815 he was assigned as paymaster to the 5th infantry, and rose to the rank of paymaster-general, dying in 1862.— Ed .

As for my own dear self I am not yet permanently settled though I am now in daily expectation of learning what my 0204 170 fate is to be. Unless some cursed ill luck of which I believe I have already had my share, deprives me of it I shall soon receive the appointment [of] Factor. If I do not I shall be obliged to descend the Mississippi, to wh[ich] place & in what to engage the Lord only knows.

I have every [day] expected a letter from you but as yet have been disappointed. I am in hopes however the first arrival will bring me one in which will be narrated every thing of an interesting nature that has occurred since I left Detroit. Make my respects to Charles & his Lady, your wife & family & others which take any interest in being remembered by Your Sev t

F. Barnard

Col John Hunt 31 Esq. Attorney at Law Detroit Michigan Territory

31 Nothing further is known of the writer of this letter. John Hunt was an honest and able Massachusetts lawyer who emigrated to Detroit about 1818 and attained prominence, being in 1823 elected to the supreme court of the territory. He died of insanity in 1827.— Ed .

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 6B55.]

Prairie du Chien May 15th 1820

Dear Sir —I left the Red River, in the beginning of February, & arrived at this place on the 10[th] of March. I had received letters, from the Earl of Selkirk to come here, at that time, when I would find a passport from the President of the United States to go to St. Louis, where I would meet one of Lord Selkirk's Friends, who was to accompany me to the Red River, but in this I have been disappointed from what cause I am as yet ignorant. The passport you did me the honor to give me at Mackinac last Summer has been respectfully attended to, by all the United States Military and civil Officers—and I trust that my conduct will never reproach you for your Urbanity & politeness to a Stranger. I intend to return back to the Colony by the route of the S[t] Peters, and I have obtaind Colonel Levenworths 0205 171 permission for that purpose. That Gentleman left this about Eight Days ago for Rock River in Order to punish the Winebagoes for the Murder of a Sergeant & a private Soldier at Fort Armstrong under the Command of Major Marston of the 5 th . Reg t . I trust that they may be able to punish the Villains as they deserve but I do not think the Colonel has sufficient force to understand active measures in the field, Should the Chiefs not be inclined, to deliver up the Murderers. The Nations of Indians seem well disposed towards your Country although I believe that the Spaniards have been tampering with them. Will you be pleased to present my Respects to Colonel Lawrence & inform him I shall have the honor of addressing him on the Arrival of M r . Boilvin from S t . Louis. I have sent by M r . Robinson, a Bow, and Quiver of Arrows for my Friend Joshua [Boyd], which I beg that he will accept. I shall always be interested in him, and I am sure with due cultivation of the talents he possesses that he will attain celebrity in any line that you may place him. Accept of my sincere wishes for your health & that of your Family I have the honor to be with Sentiments of high Respect and Esteem Dear Sir Your most faithfull and obedient humble Servant

R. Dickson

Colonel Boyd

1820: CITIZENSHIP SECURED

[Source, same as preceding document, but 6B56.]

Mackinac May 20th 1820

Dear Sir —Your favor of 4 th instant is now before me and according to your Request, I ship you 50 lbs shingling Nails; of which Bill Lading is enclosed

In regard to naturalization, I have only to state, that the difficulties which lately occured on that head, were owing to an opinion given by the Attorney General of the United States; by which it appears that no Man Can be considered a Citizen, until he obtain a certificate of the Same, from a Court, according 0206 172 to the prescribed course pointed out by the acts of Congress, on that Subject. The formality of the Oath which must be taken, cannot in my opinion be made an objection to, by any person, however scruplous in regard to matters of conscience; for its spirit is simply, that whilst a person continues a Citizen, he abjures all allegiance to every other Potentate & country; and will obey & support the Laws of the U. States:—Any man who cannot without repugnance take such an oath; ought not, I think, either to have, or claim the rights of a Citizen. It is for you Sir to decide, as I cannot of course presume to direct your sense of propriety in such a case. You cannot be at a loss as to the necessary testimony relative to length of residence &c: as I explained that fully in my letter of 30 th Ultimo to the Mess rs . Grignon.

All the news I have from the Atlantic, is, that M r . Crooks (with the Goods) will be here by 20 th June, in the Steamboat. By the latest accounts from Europe, the Fur Market was very dull owing to the universal distress for money. I am in much haste Dear Sir Your M o . ob t . Serv t .

Robert Stuart

P. S. Have the Goodness to inform Mess[rs]. Grignon of the contents of this letter: it was my intention to have written them, but the vessel is just going off

R. S.

Jacques Porlier Esqr. Green Bay per favor Capt. Blake

1820: TRANSPORTATION OF FURS

[Source, same as preceding document, but 1C66.]

Green Bay 8th June 1820

Dear Sir —I send off this Morning a letter for M r . Belcher which will be handed you by M r . Moore 32 to deliver him at the

32 William Belcher wintered in Wisconsin in 1820–21. Later, he was employed as storekeeper by the sutlers at Fort Gratiot and Chicago, removing to Fort Winnebago in the autumn of 1830.

Hazen Mooers was an American from either New York or Massachusetts, who having been deputy collector of customs on the Canadian frontier, entered the fur-tread by way of Montreal, first coming out in 1818. In 1823 he was at the American Fur Company post on Big Stone Lake, with William Dickson. In 1826 he brought out 126 packs, valued at $12,000. He married a Sioux woman, named Grey Cloud, and sometime after 1833 removed still farther west, having a post on the Cheyenne. He died among the Sioux about 1858, aged seventy years.— Ed .

0207 173 Prairie. you will be very particular in receiving the payment from M r Belcher for the Amount of M r Devotions Account which I have sent him according to his wish by his Letter I received by M r Moore. the Account amounts to $914.00 in case you are paid in Bank Notes you will try and get M r . Lockwood & M r Moore to examine the payment if they could oblige me so much to assist you, as you know there is but very few Bank Notes that passes here at present, the Missouri Bank Notes is good at the Prarie, but they will not pass here, if in case the two above Gentlemen is too busy at that moment & say they cannot Attend, you will then ask M r Bouthillier & M r Brisbois 33 to oblige me so much if they will give themselves the trouble to assist you. if you are paid in Bank Bills you must have the number, Signature, & the Name of each Bank wrote down. I have been particular in my Letters to M r Belcher if he should make the payment in Bank Notes you will get a Receipt made out according to the kind of payment you receive, so you can come back on him in case there was bad money, the Gentlemen I have already Mentioned will assist you to that purpose, if you do get back Freight, enough to have full Loads you will not fail in getting your Boats as heavy Laden as those that has come here this year as the Expense is great on the two Boats as your Men is better fed then common as all the Boats that come from the Mississippi this year is fed on Corn & Grease be very carefull of your provisions, leave some at the Portage for when you return. If you get freight back you will pay attention in geting a number of Bear skins for Covering the Packs

33 For these early residents of Prairie du Chien see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xviii, pp. 463, 495, notes 85 and 29 respectively.— Ed .

0208 174 from the persons that gives the Freight so that you can be sure of bringing your Load back in good order. you will ask the same for Freight, they give others for each Pack this year. contract no Accounts, by any Means at the Prarie. Le Blan 34 has a Note of hand of Roys that I gave him for advances I made him amounting to $13.27 and a small account besides of Ninety Six Cents more makes in all 14.23 which he sais he will pay on Arriving at the Prarie if he should not pay it you will tell Le Blain to have it put in the hands of a Justice of the peace to recover immediately in haste I remain Yours

34 Le Blan [Blanc] was the usual nickname for Louis Carbonneau dit Provençal, who for many years had lived at Traverse des Sioux, in the Minnesota Valley. See record of his children's baptism in Id , xix, pp. 134, 135. It is said that Provençal refused to take up arms. against the Americans in 1812. He was one of the best-known of the early traders of Minnesota, hospitable and kind, but choleric in temper. He died at Mendota in 1850.— Ed .

John Lawe

N. B. I Inclose the few orders drawn by M r . Devotion on me you will deliver them up in setling accounts or to Mr. Belcher. J. L.

To M r Tenislaus Chaput En Route

1820: FACTORY AT PRAIRIE DU CHIEN

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book E, 1818–20, p. 686.]

Office Indian Trade June 10th. 1820

J. W. Johnson Esq P. du. Chien

Sir —Yours of the 22d. Ulto. accompanied by your quarterly accounts, has this moment arrived. I am gratified that notwithstanding the very shamefull practices of private traders in violating the laws of the Country, and prostrating the only moral bulwark which nature has opposed to savage violence, that you are making something. The season of triumph I hope is approaching its close. I shall not fail to report upon the cases you identify.

T. L. McK[enney ].

1820: TRADE AT MILWAUKEE

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 6B82.]

Mackinac July 1st 1820

Dear Sir —I have had some conversation with M r . Dousman respecting Jean Vieaux, 35 & I think you ought by all means to secure him. This you can probably do by stating to him, that you would let him have the goods at the Bay, at Mackinac prices, & 5 p r . c t . for freight. That he should arrange respecting prices with our people at Milliwakie, that consequently he would virtually have no opposition, and that you would secure him Mackinac prices for his Furs next spring &c: &c:

35 Usually known as Jacques Vieau; see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xi, pp. 218–225; xv, pp. 458–469.— Ed .

Should you not be able to come down in one of these vessels, you must certainly be ready for the next. Endeavor to get Farnsworth, 36 Inventory &c: but if he refuse this tell him to bring it down, that we can settle the accounts on the principles directed by the Company. I am D r . Sir Yours

36 William Farnsworth was of American birth, but entered the furtrade from Montreal, coming out in 1818 as clerk in the district of Fond du Lac of Lake Superior. Of a bold, impetuous disposition, he could not brook the restraints to which he was subjected, hence was dismissed from the service of the American Fur Company, and coming to Green Bay set up as an independent trader on the Menominee River. There in 1822, or 1823, he married Marinette Chevalier, halfbreed, formerly wife of John B. Jacobs. She was a clever trader and popular with the Indians, and Farnsworth maintained his opposition establishment with considerable success on the site of the present city of Marinette. In 1831–32, while in partnership with Charles R. Brush of Detroit, he built the first saw-mill on the Menominee, and in 1835 established one at Sheboygan, whither he finally removed, and passed the remainder of his life. Farnsworth was drowned in the “Lady Elgin” steamship disaster in 1860. For an appreciation of his character and services to pioneer history, see sketch by Morgan L. Martin in Wis. Hist. Colls ., ix, pp. 397–400.— Ed .

Robert Stuart

Ag t . Am: Fur C°

Have you got Hunt's money, if not do so

John Lawe Esq r . Green Bay

1820: NATURALIZATION PAPERS

[Source, same as preceding document, but 61B7.]

Territory of Michigan County Court of Michilimackinac SS. 37

37 The following MS. is presented as a typical document, one of many among the Society's Wisconsin MSS., naturalizing John H. Davis, Joseph Laperche, William Morrison, Eustache Roussain, Simon Charette, Joseph Duchêne Sr., Leon L. St. Germain, Louis Bibeau, Jean Baptiste Mayrand, Augustin Grignon, William A. Aitkin, Jeremie Clairmont, Stanislaus Chappu—all Indian traders.— Ed .

Be it remembered That Charles Grignon of the county of Brown in the Michigan Territory aforesaid, [appeared in the County Court] held at the Borough of Michilimackinac on the twentieth day of July in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred & twenty. The said Court being a Court of Record, having common law jurisdiction, and a clerk & Seal and the said Charles Grignon having proved to the Satisfaction of the Said Court that he was residing within the limits & under the jurisdiction of the United States between the Eighteenth day of June, one thousand Seven hundred & ninety eight and the fourteenth day of April One thousand eight hundred & two, & that he has since continued to reside within the same, & that he the Said Charles Grignon has resided within the United States to wit: At Green Bay & South Lake Superior five years at least immediately preceding this time, & one year at least immediately preceding this time within the Territory of Michigan & that during that time, he the said Charles Grignon has behaved as a man of good moral character attached to the principle of the Constitution of the United States & well disposed to the good order & happiness of the same, & having in the said Court taken the oath prescribed by law to Support the Constitution of the United States & having also in open Court absolutely and entirely renounced & abjured all allegiance & fidelity to every foreign prince, Potentate, State, or Sovereignty, whatever particularly to the King of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain & Ireland of whom he was a Subject. The said Charles 12 0212 178 Grignon was thereupon pursuant to the laws of the United States in such case made & provided for by an Act in addition to An Act entitled “An Act to establish an uniform rule of naturalization, & to repeal the Act heretofore passed on that Subject” the fourth day of March in the year of our Lord, One thousand eight hundred & four admitted by the said Court to be, and he is accordingly to be Considered a citizen of the United States.

Given under the Seal of the said Court this twentieth day of July in the year of the Lord, one thousand eight hundred & twenty.

Josiah Willard

[Seal] Clerk C. C. M. Protem

[Source, same as preceding document, but 65B111.]

Territory of Michigan County Court of Michilimackinac ss.

Simon Charette being duly sworn deposeth & saith that he is well acquainted with Charles Grignon of the County of Brown in the Michigan Territory Indian Trader & that he the said Charles Grignon was residing within the limits & under the jurisdiction of the United States between the 18[th] day of June 1798 and the 14[th] day of April 1802 and that he has since Continued to reside within the same. Simon Charette of Michilimackinac Indian Trader & Eustache Roussain 38 of Michilimackinac also Indian Trader Citizens of the United States being also duly sworn deposeth & saith that they are well acquainted

38 For the first of these traders see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 170, note 33. Eustache Roussain was a North West Company clerk who was at Fond du Lac, Superior, 1799–1804; in the last-named year he went to Athabasca. In 1818 he was employed by the American Fur Company as interpreter at Fond du Lac, and in 1821 in the Folle Avoine district of northwest Wisconsin. He probably went to British Columbia, where in 1831 a trader named Roussain had charge of a Hudson Bay post.— Ed .

0213 179 with Charles Grignon & that he has resided within the United States to wit at Green Bay & South Lake Superior five years at least immediately preceding this time & one year at least immediately preceding this time, has resided within the Territory of Michigan & that during that time he the said Charles Grignon has behaved as a man of good moral Character attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States & well disposed to the good Order & happiness of the same. Sworn in Open Court

Josiah Willard , Clerk, C. C. C. M. Protem

Territory of Michigan County Court of Michilimackinac ss.

I Charles Grignon of the County of Brown in the Michigan Territory Indian Trader, do solemnly Swear & declare, that I will support the Constitution of the United States, & that I do absolutely & entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance & fidelity to every foreign Prince, Potentate, State, or Sovereignty whatever, particularly to the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Ireland of whom I was a Subject. Sworn in Open Court

C. Grignon

Josiah Willard

[Seal] Clerk C. C. C. M Protem

1820: FOREIGNERS STILL TRADING

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book D, p. 15.]

Indian Trade Office July 29th. 1820.

To the Honble. Secty. War .

Sir —I have the honor to enclose herewith an acct received from the U. S. Factor at P. Du Chien, against the U. S. agent at that Village, for customary disbursements made to Indians during the absence of the Agent from his charge.

0214 180

The reason why Govr. Clarke 39 did not recognize the acct. is assigned on the back of it. * * *

39 William Clark, governor and Indian agent for Missouri Territory, at St. Louis.— Ed .

In company with this I have the honor to send you for your information certain papers just recd. from P. Du Chien, relating to British agencies, and their consequencies. This is nothing new, I am aware, but I cannot withold from you the information, as it may serve to place the subject more fully before the Executive. It will be seen that the Englishman Rolette, the great Indian plague, of whose doings we have so often heard, at the Ouisconsin, on the Lakes, and at Prarie due Chien, is still coursing it over the Indian Country regardless of your orders issued under the decision of the Attorney General of the United States. I believe it may now be taken for granted that such persons are not to be contrould, except by some suitable and summary process that shall take from them and their employers , their assumed right thus to annoy the Indians, and trample on the authority of the United States.

Paper marked A, is the acct refered to. Paper marked B. is the oath of Elijah Warner. That marked C, is the certificate of sundry respectable persons residing at Prairie du Chien, and paper marked D. is a letter from Mr. John Johnson the U S Factor complaining on acct. of the abuses set forth in the previous papers: and asking if there is no remedy etc. etc. I have the honor to be etc.

T. L. McK[enney ]

S. I. T .

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 22.]

Office Indian Trade August 4TH. 1820

John W. Johnson Esq. Prairie du Chien

Sir —The account against the agency amounting to $215.49 is allowed by the War Dept. and forms a credit to the 0215 181 factory at P. du Chien on the Books of this office for that amount.

I am instructed by the Secy. of War to inform you that the offices of Factor and sub-agent are deemed incompatible; and that you cannot be continued in the latter whilst you exercise the duties of the former. The Secretary adds “you do not seem to have been recognized by the War Dept. as Sub-agent for a considerable time.” The letters you wrote me and the certificates which accompanied them are before the executive.

Nothing however can be done without the interference of Congress in placing our licence system under other regulations. I am glad you sent me the information you did; and wish to receive as much as you can collect. It shall not be lost.

T. L. McK[enney ]

1820: FACTORY PRICES

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 37.]

Indian Trade Office Geo Town

August 26th. 1820

John W. Johnson U. S. Factor P. du Chien

Sir —On examining your Invoice of furs Peltries etc. received to day it is found that the prices you have allowed for some of the Articles particularly Deerskins and Bearskins are so high that a considerable loss will be sustained on them. The superintendent has directed me to apprise you of this and to say to you that prices in future must be reduced in some shape or other, he leaves it to your discretion to do it in the manner that will be least offensive to the Indians. For your government I enclose you prices current in New York the greatest market for such articles in the U. S. Respectfully etc.

J. W. B[ronaugh ] for the Supr. In. Tr .

1820: LIQUOR IN INDIAN COUNTRY

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 1D100.]

Chicago Aug. 30. 1820

Dear Sir —Circumstances have induced me to travel by land to Detroit. I trust you have been able to effect the cession of the plaister islands. If so, it will not have been necessary to call the L'arbre croche Indians to Michillimackinac, agreeably to the wish, which I suggested to you from Green Bay. But if any circumstances have occurred to prevent you from attaining the object, be pleased to request the old Wing with a few of the principal men to visit me at Detroit, as early this fall as possible. you may assure the Wing, and those, who may accompany him, that I will make them some handsome presents at Detroit. I will thank you to furnish them with provisions.

You will please to furnish the Gentlemen of the expidition with such provisions as they may require for themselves or crews I am Dear Sir with much esteem yr. obt. Servt

Lew Cass

George Boyd Esq .

P. S. It has been stated to me here, that every trader entering the Indian Country this year is taking with him considerable quantities of whiskey, and that the practice is increasing. This is a Subject, which will require your particular attention.

M r Crafts of this place 40 states to me, that M r . Michael Dousman informed him he intended to push whiskey into the Indian Country with all his traders, and particularly at Milwalkee. If M r Dousman acts upon or even avows this principle,

41 John Crafts was sent to Chicago in 1816 to begin the fur-trade for the Detroit house of Conant & Mack. He established himself at the Chicago-Desplaines portage, at the place known as “Hardscrabble,” where Lee was murdered by Indians in 1812. Crafts did a flourishing business until 1819, when the American Fur Company sent an employee to oppose him. In 1821 he yielded and entered their service, removing to the mouth of Chicago River, where he died of fever in the latter part of 1825.— Ed .

Note by Boyd: Mr. D has abandoned the trade at Milwalkee from the circumstance alone of the selling begun by the outfits of Mr. Kinsey of Chicago, 41

41 For this trader see Wis. Hist. Colls ., xix, p. 379, note 30.— Ed .

when his own outfits were debarred the use of liquor, from his wish to conform to the laws of the country.

0217 183 it will be necessary although disagreeable to revoke any licence granted to him. L. C.

George Boyd esq. Indian Agent Michillimackinac

1820: TRADERS' SUBTERFUGES

[Source, same as preceding document, but 1C73.]

Michilimackinac 21st Septr. 1820.

My Dear Uncle —I received your Letters of the 8 th May at Green Bay July last and your Letter of the 1 st August came to hand while I was at Drummonds Island the 13 th Inst I am very happy to hear that you have closed your Business at the Lake of 2 Mountains as I allways thought it was a hazardous undertaking of your being so close to Montreal that there was plenty of persons before now would have enterd into that business if it had been advantageous. I am happy to hear that you have got a good place at the Cedars And all I wish is that I had the Means to assist the Support of you & my aunt, but alas I see no Opening for that here at present. I am as much persecuted as ever by the Am [eri] cans We have not got the titles of our Land yet and do not know when we will get them there is a Man gone on this Year of the name of Col. Lee as far as the Prarie du Chien and then on his return back he will make a stay at Green Bay to look in these titles that is good 42 I do

42 Col. Isaac Lee came to Michigan Territory before the War of 1812–15, being in 1811 justice of the peace for the district of Erie. During the war he was captain of a company of dragoons, and at one time commandant at the River Raisin. After the war he was appointed justice of the peace and registrar, and in 1818 chief justice of Monroe County. In 1820 he was appointed commissioner under an act of May 11 of that year, to settle the land claims of the old-time inhabitants in the Green Bay and Prairie du Chien districts. He arrived in the former place Aug. 24, but finding the principal people absent, he went on to Prairie du Chien, returning Nov. 16 to Green Bay, where he remained until spring. His report on these claims is to be found in Amer. St. Papers, Public Lands , iv, pp. 867–878. Lee died June 9, 1824.— Ed .

0218 184 not know how far back that they will stand good but I am afraid that they will try and take every advantage that they possibly can, every obstacle is thrown in our way as usual I do not know what to do I can not remain in the Country this way I must either withdraw immediately or become an American Citizen there is no doing anything otherwise in this part of the Country and if I do withdraw I do not know where I could do anything to better myself I have fretted more than you can Imagine all winter & more so this Summer more for you & M[rs] Franks Account the [than] my own. as you will see by the Inclosed Draft for £120 is all I could Send it is too long to enter & give you the particular details of this Summer. I can give you a little Sketch the few Peltries we made has come but grip or grab & I send myn & L. Grignon together to Mr. Stones House last Fall as Mr. L. Grignon was going to leave the Bay to go out & winter as he had got a Licence & F. Roy then come a counter order from the Secretary of War to revoke all the Licence & not give any Licence to persons that was B[ritish] Subjects till they became Cizitens [Citizens] before a Court so that the Expence on the Boat &c was made & we was obliged to Stop then I got a pass from Col. Boye [Bowyer] for to let Louis go to the Prarie de Chien & after he was gone I got an American to go after him R. Lawrence & get a licence of C[olonel] B. as if he bought the Goods of L[ouis] Gr[ignon] thereof & I gave him so much profit before he started in the Fall & he was to give me up all the returns & I became his Security what does he do when he comes back in the Spring of the year he would not give the few returns that was made till I became responsible for such a certain Sum of Money to the amt. of 700 Dollars so I was obliged to pay that & the loss beside on the Equip m , was great as they could not 0219 185 winter no other place in the lower Ouisconsin & the Indians could not make any hunt and employed another Am[erican] for a month Gun [Gunn] & paid him 400 dollars beside the loss he made on the Eq. so on these two Eq mts a loss of 2000 Dollars Dead loss besides the loss elsewhere the amount of what we owed here to Berthelote L. G. & me was £200

Endorsed: Copy of Letter from John Lawe to Jacob Franks 21st Sept 1820.

[Source, same as preceding document, but 7B52.]

Detroit Oct 24. 1820

Dear Sir —On my arrival at this place I called on Gov. Cass and mentioned to him your disappointment at not being able to become a citizen. he replied that he considered all the inhabitants of Green Bay citizens to all intents and purposes, and consequently had a right to licences to go in the indian country. The Attorney Gen l at Washington is of a different opinion and consequently will not recognize the inhabitants as citizens untill they have taken the oath of allegiance. This you will be able to do on the second Monday of July next, which is the time appointed by law for the session of the Court of your County. I hope M r . Porlier will consent to act as Judge you will then have authority and law in your own hands and not be subject to the caprice of the Agents of Government. Respectfully Your friend & Servant

W. S. Comstock 43

43 Dr. William Samuel Comstock was born in Rhode Island in 1794. The following year, his father died while in the West exploring for lands. The son was educated as a physician, joined the army as a surgeon's mate, and came to Green Bay with the 3d infantry. He died unmarried in 1825.— Ed .

To John Law Esq .

0220 186

[Source, same as preceding document, but 7B57.]

Ft Howard 28th October 1820

Sir —I have been informed since I gave Larose 44 a permit to trade with the Indians, that he has forfeited his allegiance to the united States by removeing to red river in the Brittish dominions and residing there one year. I therefore shall be under the necessity of Revoking Larouse Permit unless otherwise made appear. altho willing at all times to render you every Service consistent with my duty as an officer as well as a duty to my Govern t I am induced from that consideration alone. it will leave room for the American traders to grumble and no doubt Complaints will be made to a higher authority than I possess by them. in haste I am Sir Respectfully your ob t Servant

44 Probably Alexis La Rose, whose brother Ignace (Æneas) was interpreter and lieutenant under Dickson in 1812–15, and who was drowned in the latter year. Little is known of Alexis, save his employment as a fur-trade engagé.— Ed .

J. T. Chunn

Major Commg 45

45 The military record of John T. Chunn is: enlisted from Ohio as captain in the 19th infantry, April 14, 1812; brevetted major, Aug. 15, 1814, for distinguished services at Fort Erie; transferred the next year to the 3d infantry; honorably discharged, June 1, 1821.— Ed .

Addressed: Jno Law Esquire Present. pr. Lt Hopkins

1820: FACTORY SALES

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book D. July 1820–April 1822, Index page A. Printed advertisement of public auction of furs.]

1821: TRANSPORTATION OF FACTORY GOODS

[Source, same as preceding document, but p. 121.]

Indian Trade Office Jany. 10, 1821

James Kennerly Esq. St. Louis

Sir —By a letter received from John Johnson Esq. U. S. Factor at P. du Chien dated on the 13 Oct: last he advises me that he had just returned from St. Louis where he had been waiting some time for the Goods forwarded for his factory from this office last spring, but that they had not reached St. Louis when he left that place. I am very much surprized at this information, as the goods were forwarded from this place by the middle of April and Major Woolley wrote that all had been forwarded in due time for their respective destinations. It becomes necessary for me to cause strict enquiry to be made into the cause of the delays which so frequently happen in the transportation of Factory supplies between Pittsburg and St. Louis, 0222 188 there is improper conduct somewhere in this business and I beg of you to use your best endeavours to ascertain where it is, and inform me as soon as practicable that I may endeavour to obtain redress for the great losses which this Department has sustained by them. Mr. Johnson writes me he has left the Boat belonging to his factory with you—he says she is rather unsound in her bottom, but in other respects in good condition—as transportation can always be procured from P du Chien to St. Louis, I have determined on having the boat sold provided her value can be obtained. She was a very valuable Boat and cost with her outfit upwards of $1000. If you can sell her for a fair price do so, if not write me what offers you have for her and report to me her condition and will then direct what I think best to be done with her.

I enclose you a copy of a letter which I this day received from Mr. Thomas Willson of Bottetourt County Va. on the subject of the $1500. which you wrote me you had directed his Brother to remit to me. I shall expect a remittance from you immediately on receipt of this if you have not made one before it reaches you.

T. L. McK[enny ].

1821: DROUINE IN WISCONSIN

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark: Wisconsin MSS., 1C83,84.]

Woolf River 22 feby 1821

Dear Sir —as I am to Remain at this place til Spring I wish you to take a Inventory of all the Goods and peltry that you may have meade and [go to] Lake Due Buff 46 and take Charge of the [MS torn] place and send me the Goods that I send you and take a Inventory of the Goods and peltry at that place you

46 Buffalo Lake, in Marquette County, a widening of Fox River about twelve miles long and one-and-a-half broad. It was much frequented by the Winnebago. See Wis. Hist. Colls ., viii, pp. 290, 291.— Ed .

0223 189 will give Barth 47 a passel of Goods to Gow on Rock River and alsow sind Jackson with him to Cape [Keep] Count of the Goods you will inform them that tha ar not to make one Credit I wish you to send sent Garmain 48 as soon as possable and you will send with him one or tow men as you may think proper to send for provitions as I am going to send to the Bay for and will Be heyer as soon as tha Can Gow and Com Back You will find the Ere Bobs in mi trunk as send the Kees and you will alsow send me one pr of pantloons and one Blue Cot wich you will find them in my trunk and you will find an Invois of all the Goods and Due for the Best. Dont sell at a Lost for the Goods better Remind on hand you will tell Boprée [Beaupré] alsow not to sell at a Lost you [k]now the price and I put all Confidence in you therfor Due for the Best. I saw your father and all the famblay they ar all well

47 The Barthe family were originally of Detroit, and settled at Mackinac in the eighteenth century; see Id , xix, passim . They were much employed in the fur-trade, and Laurent Barthe was early at the Fox-Wisconsin portage; see Id , iii, pp. 288, 289.— Ed .

48 St. Germain was a common name among engagés; see Id, viii, pp. 385–387; xix, p. 190.— Ed .

I Remain Yours &c

Lewis Rouse

Mr. Joseph J. Porlier on the Menoy

Mr. J. J. porlier

Dear Sir —I Received all the Goods you sent me and the Invoieses and found all Correct you will Receive one and one-half Bushel Corn and peas you will give to Barthe some of the peas and Corn if he Shud want and I send you List of the Goods for him and Jackson and you must prase him for that is the onley way to Due with him as to the Credit to Be Maid you most now [know] the indians well Before you make them But as you now the indians you will Due for the Best the price of tallow I cant say But the Coustom of takin it from the indians is 10 pounds for one plous [plus] as to the prices 0224 190 of the Goods you will find the invoices of them in mi trunk with some of my papers and I trust to your on [own] Judgement onley Due for the Best I remaind yours &c

Lewis Rouse

Woolf River 4 March 1821

1821: ARE FACTORS HONEST?

[MS. in Pension Building, Washington. Pressmark: Indian Office Letter Book D, July 1820–April 1822, p. 144.]

Office Indian Trade Feby. 28, 1821

The Honbl. Henry Southard

Sir —i have had the honor to receive your communication of yesterday in which you wish to be informed whether I have any reason to suspect the Agents employed at the U. S. Indian trading houses of making unwarrantable exactions of the Indians, with a view to their private emolument; whether the system of accompting is provided with checks likely to lead to a detection of such practice, and requesting to be furnished with an explanation of the mode by which the Factors accot. to this office: also whether there are any points outside of the accompting system which admit of fraud—and if so, what are they.

I have the honor to state, in reply, that I have not the vestige of a reason for suspecting either the integrity or honor of those agents, or any one of them. Their conduct in their official intercourse with this office, and in the exercise of the trust reposed in them has been such as to authorise the most perfect confidence in their fidelity; and this confidence has been the result of their own good conduct, for all except two of them are personally unknown to me.

The system of accompting I believe to be unexceptionable. It contains, in my opinion, all the checks of which the accounting system is susceptible. Of its adaption to the purposes for which it has been provided however, you will be able to judge from the following outlines of it.

0225 191

Ten thousand dollars worth of Merchandize I will suppose to be transported to a trading post, with it goes the Invoice. This Invoice is copied on the books of the factory and forms the basis of its operations. The instructions to the Factor require him to enter upon the books of the factory every article which he may dispose of, and the price he receives for it; and every article taken in barter, and the price he allows for it. Of these operations quarter annual returns are required to be made by duplicate, one to the Treasury Department, and the other to this Office, and these returns embrace a literal transcript from the factory Books . The original Invoice of outfit being in this office, to stand the test of examination, the quarterly returns must be such as to square exactly with the stock in trade,—that is, the balance must be stated, and the returns must shew how much of the original Invoice has been disposed of, and of what articles, and at what prices, how much remains on hand, and of each article, what articles have been received in exchange for the Merchandize disposed of, at what prices have been allowed for each kind. The Merchandize remaining on hand, and the Cash, if any, and the articles received in barter making up the original amount the balance of loss or gain, as the case may be will shew on the balance sheet. From this it will be seen that an error or fraud of a quarter of a Cent can be detected with the same certainty as an error or fraud amounting to half the Capital. I can conceive of but one point at which it is possible for a fraud to be committed without the certainty of immediate detection, and this is a point which must always remain deficient in any accompting system. It is this, an article sold might be entered at a less price than was received for it. But this species of fraud implying an unusual degree of depravity, is provided against first, by a bond which both the Factor and asst. Factor are required to give with two good securities each in the penal sum of ten thousand doll's; and by their oath of office. To these, as an auxiliary check may be added the danger of confusion which a few mistakes must carry into the accompting system. The liability of detection would, 0226 192 it is true, be lessened if money were the article received from the Indians, because it might be managed with a dexterity sufficient to elude ordinary observers. But even here the Clerks and Interpreters it is not unreasonable to suppose would sooner or later arrive at a knowledge of such a practise, and discover it. But the receipts do not happen to be in money, except indeed to a very limited extent, but in the bulkey articles of Peltries and Furs; and these it appears to me it were impossible for a factor to dispose of without being detected. It is known to every body how he is shut in by his official limits from all the privileges of trade, except on the public account, therefore, it seems highly improbable that he could convert the furs and Peltries, thus fraudulently received, into money, or effect exchanges for them in any other way without detection.

I have not only therefore no grounds whatever for suspecting the Factors of making unwarrantable exactions for their own emolument, but I discredit altogether the reasonable practicability of such iniquitous proceedings, or, if I did not, the Gentlemen who fill those places of trust are of that class of Citizens as to render so disreputable an imputation inadmissable unless it were made on the ground of demonstration.

T. L McK[enny ]

1821: WISCONSIN TRADERS' LETTERS

[MS. in Wisconsin Historical Library. Pressmark:; Wisconsin MSS., 8B18. Translated from the French.]

Cascalin 14 March 1821.

Augus Grignon

Dear Auguste —I write you this line on the chance of its reaching you moreover I hope that you have Received by locque ten Rhome my Letters since he brought word that you had not Received those that I wrote you before &c.

I send you word that Charles is ill in Bed I believe in consequence of his affair with Mons. Rouse. I believe also that 0227 193 he does not boast of it. That is why you should be on your Guard in relation to your Credits.

I fear that Poor Charles will do Nothing himself Nor By means of Dominique Brunette. 49 Several things are wanting especially Liquor in order to Procure an Advantage.

49 Dominique Brunette, in familiar intercourse usually called “Masca,” was a native of that place in Canada. Coming to Green Bay in 1796, he embarked in trading and farming enterprises, married Domitelle, sister of the Grignons, and died in Green Bay in 1862. He left several children, some of whose descendants still live in the Fox River valley.— Ed .

I think that Peaulitte 50 at the Menominee [la folle] wil