I. FRENCH DOMINATION. 0049 33

II. ENGLISH DOMINATION. 0069 53

III. AMERICAN DOMINATION. 0077 61

THE THIRD VOYAGE OF RADISSON.

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We weare then possessed by the hurrons and Octanac [Ottawas]; but our minde was not to stay in an island, but 0081 65 to be knowne w th the remotest people. The victory that we have gotten 1 made them consent to what we could desire, 5

1 Soon after their arrival in the Manitoulin islands, Radisson and Groseilliers assisted their Huron friends in vanquishing a party of eleven Iroquois, eight of whom were killed and three captured alive. “The dead weare eaten & the living weare burned with a small fire to the rigour of cruelties,” calmly writes Radisson.— Ed . 5

0082 66 & because that we shewed willing[ness] to die for their defence. So we desired to gee w th a company of theirs that was going to the nation of y e starring haires. 1

1 Ottawas, who at this time chiefly occupied the Grand Manitoulin. The Ottawas in the Huron village where the Frenchmen were quartered, were evidently few in number.— Ed .

0083 67

We weare wellcomed & much made of, saying that we weare the Gods & devils of the earth; that we should fournish them, & that they would bring us to their ennemy to 0084 68 destroy them. We tould them [we] were very well content. We persuaded them first to come peaceably, not to destroy them presently, and if they would not condescend, then Would wee throw away the hatchett and make use of our thunders. We sent ambassadors to them w th guifts. That nation called Pontonatemick 1 w th out more adoe comes & meets us w th the rest, & peace was concluded. Feasts were made & dames w th guifts came of each side, w th a great deale of mirth.

1 Pottawattomies of the Green bay region.— Ed .

We visited them during that winter, & by that means We made acquaintance w th an other nation called Escotecke [Mascoutins], w ch signified fire, a faire proper nation; they are tall and bigg & very strong. We came there in the spring. 2 When we arrived there weare extraordinary banquetts. There they never have seen men w th beards, because they pull their haires as soone as it comes out; but much more astonished when they saw our arms, especially our guns, w th they worshipped by blowing smoake of tobacco instead of sacrifice. I will not insist much upon their way of living, ffor of their ceremonys heere you will see a pattern.

2 Meaning that they went to visit the Mascoutins, on Fox river, in the spring of 1659.— Ed .

In the last voyage that wee made I will left you onely know what cours we tanned in 3 years' time. We desired them to lett us know their neighboring nations. They gave us the names, w ch I hope to describe their names in the end of this most imperfect discours, at least those that I can remember. Among others they told us of a nation called Nadoneceronon [Sioux] w ch is very strong, w th whome they weare in warres w th , & another wandering nation, living onely uppon what they could come by. Their dwelling was on the side of the salt watter 3 in summer time, & in the land in the winter time, for it's cold in their country. They calle

3 Hudson's bay.— Ed .

0085 69 themselves Christinos, 1 & their confederats from all times, by reason of their speech, w ch is y e same, & often have joyned together & have had companys of souldiers to warre against that great nation. We desired not to goe to the North till we had made a discovery in the South, being desirous to know what they did. They [the Mascoutins] told us if we would gee w th them to the great lake of the stinkings 2 the time was come of their trafick, w ch was of as many knives as they could gett from the french nation, because of their dwellings, w ch was att the coming in of a lake 3 called Superior, but since the destructions of many neighboring nations they retired themselves to the height of the lake. We knewed those people well. We went to them almost yearly, and the company that came up w th us weare of y e said nation, but never could tell punctually where they lived because they, make the barre of the Christinos from whence they have the Castors [beavers] that they bring to the french. This place is 600 leagues off, by reason of the circuit that we must doe. The hurrons & the Octanacks, from whence we came last, furnishes them also, & comes to the furthest part of the lake of the Stinkings, there to have light earthen pots, and girdles made of goat's hairs, & small shells that grow att the sea side, w th w ch they trim their cloath made of skin.

1 Kilistinons, or Kenisteno, now settled in British America and called Crees.— Ed .

2 Lake Michigan. Du Creux' map of 1660, one of the earliest charts representing this lake, styles it “Magnus Lacus Algonquinorum, seu Lacus Foete[n]tium,” equivalent to “Great Algonquin Lake; or, Lake of the Puants.” As Puant was rendered into English “Stinkard,” or “Stinking,” and Green bay and Lake Michigan were then regarded as one body of water, it will be seen how that body came to be distinguished by Radisson as “the great lake of the stinkings.”— Ed .

3 Sault Ste. Marie.— Ed .

We finding this opportunity would not lett it slippe, but made guifts, telling [them] that the other nation would stand in feare of them because of us. We flattered them, saying none would dare to give them the least wrong, in so much that many of the Octanacks that weare present to make the same voyage. I can assure you I liked noe country as I 0086 70 that wherein we wintered; ffor whatever a man could to be had in great plenty; viz. staggs , fishes in abundance, & all sort of meat, corne enough. Those of the 2 nations would not come w th us, but turned back to their nation. We neverthelesse put ourselves in hazard, for our curiosity, of stay 2 or 3 years among that nation. We ventured, for that We understand some of their idiome & trusted to that.

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We weare 4 months in our voyage w th out doeing any thing but goe from river to river. We mett several sorts of people. We conversed w th them, being long time in alliance w th them. By the persuasion of som of them we went into y e great river that divides itselfe in 2, where the hurons w th some Ottanake & the wild men that had warts w th them had retired. 1 There is not great difference in their language, as we weare told. This nation have warts against those of [the] forked river. It is so called because it has 2 branches, the one toward the west, the other toward the South, w ch we believe runns towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave us, 2 Being among these people, they told us the prisoners they take tells them that they [the prisoners] have warrs against a nation, against men that build great cabbans & have great beards & had such knives as we have had. Moreover they shewed a Decad of beads & guilded pearls that they have had from that people, w ch made us believe they weare Europeans. They shewed one of that nation that was taken the yeare before. We understood

1 A large party of Hurons and Ottawas, while being driven before the storm of Iroquois wrath, had, about five years before Radisson's visit settled on an island in the Mississippi river, above Lake Pepin, but had finally proceeded up the Chippewa river to its source.— Ed .

2 Clearly the Mississippi. The branch “toward the west” may have been the Iowa. It is not likely that our travelers descended to the mouth of the Missouri, or the great river would have made such an impression Upon Radisson that he would have described his journey thither in detail. Again, his authority as to the western branch may have been but hearsay. But the statement is direct, that they saw and “went into ye great river.”— Ed .

0087 71 him not; he was much more tawny then they w th whome we weare. His armes & leggs weare turned outside; that was the punishment inflicted uppon him. So they doe w th them that they take, & kill them w th clubbs & doe often eat them. They doe not burne their prisoners as those of the northern parts.

We weare informed of that nation that live in the other river. 1 These weare men of extraordinary height & biggnesse, that made us believe they had no communication w th them. They live onely uppon Corne & Citrulles, 2 w ch are mighty bigg. They have fish in plenty throughout y e yeare. They have fruit as big as the heart of an Oriniak, 3 w ch grows on vast trees w ch in cornpasse are three armefull in compasse. When they see litle men they are affraid and cry out, w ch makes many come help them. Their arrows are not of stones as ours are, but of fish boans & other boans that they worke greatly, as all other things. Their dishes are made of wood. I having seene them, [the dishes] could not but admire the curiosity of their worke. They have great calumetts of great stones, red & greene. They make a store of tobacco. They have a kind of drink that makes them mad for a whole day. This I have not seene, therefore you may believe as you please.

1 Apparently the western branch.— Ed .

2 Pumpkins.—G. D. S.

3 Moose.— Ed .

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THE FOURTH VOYAGE OF RADISSON.

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We went on and came to a hollow river w th was a quarter of a mile bredth. 4 Many of our wildmen went to win y e shortest way to their nation, and [there] weare then 3 aud 20 boats, for we mett w th some in that lake [Superior] that joyned w th us, and came to keepe us company, in hopes to gett knives from us, w ch they love better than we serve God, w ch should make us blush for shame. Seaven boats stayed of the nation

4 The Montreal.— Ed .

0088 72 of the Sault. We went on half a day before we could come to y e landing place, and wear forced to make another carriage a point of 2 leagues long and some 60 paces broad. 1 As we came to the other sid we weare in a bay of 10 leagues about, 2 if we had gone in. By seeing about that same point we passed a straight, for that point was very nigh the other side, w ch is a cape very much elevated like piramides. That point should be very fitt to build & advantgeous for the building of a fort, as we did the spring following. In that bay there is a chanell where we take great store of fishes, sturgeons of a vast biggnesse, and Pycks of seaven foot long. Att the end of this bay we landed. The wildmen gave thanks to that w ch they worship, we to God o f Gods, to see ourselves in a place where we must leave our navigation and forsake our boats to undertake a harder peece of worke in hand, to w ch we are forced. The men told us that wee had 5 great dayes' journeys before we should arrive where their wives weare. We foresee the Bard task that we weare to undergoe by carrying our bundles uppon our backs. They weare used to it. Here every one for himselfe & God for all.

1 Oak point.— Ed .

2 Chequamegon bay.— Ed .

We finding ourselves not able to perform such a taske, & they could not well tell where to finde their wives, fearing least the Nadoneceronons had warrs against their nation and forced them from their appointed place, my brother and I we consulted what was best to doe, and declared oar will to them, w ch was thus: “Brethren, we resolve to stay here, being not accustomed to make any cariage ou our backs as yee are wont. Goe yee and looke for your wives. We will build us a fort here. And seeing that you are not able to carry all your marchandizes att once, we will keepe them for you, and will stay for you 14 dayes. Before the time expired you will send to us if your wives be alive, and if you find them they will fetch what you leave here & what we have; for their paines they shall receive guifts of us. See you will see us in your countrey. If they be dead, we will spend all to be revenged, and will gather up the whole countrey for the next spring, for that purpose to destroy those 0089 73 that weare the causers of their death, and you shall see our strenght and vallour. Although there are seavem thousand fighting men in one village, you'll see we will make them runne away, & you shall kill them to your best liking by the very noise of our armes and our presence, who are the Gods of the earth among those people.”

They woundered very much art our resolution. The next day they went their way, and we stay for our assurance in the midst of many nations, being but two almost starved for want of food. We went about to make a fort of stakes, w ch was in this manner. Suppose that the watter side had ben in one end; art the same end there should be murtherers, and att need we made a bastion in a triangle to defend us from an assault. The doore was neare the watter side, our fire was in the midle, and our bed on the right hand, covered. There were boughs of trees all about our fort layed acrosse, one uppon an other. Besides these boughs, we had a long cord tyed w th some small bells, w ch weare senteryes. Finally, we made an ende of that fort in 2 dayes' time. We made an end of some fish that we putt by for neede. But as soone as we are lodged we went to fish for more whilst the other kept the house. I was the fittest to goe out, being youngest. I tooke my gunne and goes where I never was before, so I choosed not one way before another. I went to the wood some 3 or 4 miles. I find a small brooke, where I walked by y e sid awhile, w ch brought me into meddowes. There was a poole, where weare a good store of bustards. I began to creepe though I might come neare. Thought to be in Canada, where y e fowle is scared away; but the poore creatures, seeing me flatt upon the ground, thought I was a beast as well as they, so they come neare me, whisling like gosslings, thinking to frighten me. The Whistling that I made them heare was another music than theirs. There I killed 3, and the rest scared, w ch neverthelesse came to that place againe to see what sudaine sicknesse befeled their comrads. I short againe; two payed for their curiosity. I think the Spaniards had no more to fulfill then as kill those birds, that thought not of such a thunder bolt. There are yett more countreys as fruitful and as beautifull as y e Spaniards 0090 74 to conquer, w ch be done w th as much ease and facility, and prove as rich, if not richer, for bread and wine; and all other things are as plentifull as in any part of Europ. This I have seene, w ch am sure the Spaniards have not in such plenty. Now I come backe w th my victory, w ch was to us more than tenne thousand pistoles. We lived by it 5 dayes. I tooke goode notice of the place, in hopes to come there more frequent, but this place is not onely so.

There we stayed still full 12 dayes w th out any news, but we had the company of other wild men of other countreys, that came to us admiring our fort and the workmanshipp. We suffered non to gee in but one person [at a time], and [they] liked it so much the better, & often durst not goe in, so much they stood in feare of our armes, that weare in good order, w ch weare, 5 guns, two musquetons, 3 fowling peeces, 3 paire of great pistoletts, and 2 paire of pockett ons, and every one his sword and daggar. So that we might say that a Coward was not well enough armed. Mistrust neverthelesse is the mother of safety, and the occasion makes the thief. During that time we had severall alarums in y e night. The squerels and other small beasts, as well as foxes, came in and assaulted us. One night I forgott my bracer, w ch was wett; being up and downe in those pooles to fetch my fowles, one of these beasts carried it away, w ch did us a great deal of wrong, and caused y e life to great many of those against whom I declared myselfe an ennemy. We imagined that some wildmen might have surprized us; but I may say they weare far more afrayd than we. Some dayes after we found it one half a mile from the fort in a hole of a tree, the most part torne. Then I killed an Oriniack. I could have killed more, but we liked the fowles better. If we had both [of us] libertie to gee from our fort, we should have procured [enough] in a month that should serve us a whole winter. The wildmen brought us more meate than we would, and as much fish as we might eate.

The 12 th perceived afarr off some 50 yong men towards us, w th some of our formest compagnions. We gave them leave to come into our fort, but they are astonied, calling us every foot devils to have made such a 0091 75 machine. They brought us victualIs, thinking we weare halfe starved, but weare mightily mistaken, for we had more for them then they weare able to eate, having 3 score bustards and many sticks wheare was meate hanged plentifully. They offred to carry our baggage, being come a purpose; but we had not so much marchandize as when they went from us, because we hid some of them, that they might not have suspicion of us. We told them that for feare of the dayly multitud of people that came to see us, for to have our goods [they] would kill us. We therefore tooke a boat and putt into it our marchandizes; this we brought farre into the bay, where we sunke them, bidding our devill not to left them to be weft nor rusted, nor suffer them to be taken away, w ch he promised faithlesse that we should retourne and take them out of his hands; att w ch they weare astonished, believing it to be [as] true as y e Christians the Gospell. We hid them in the ground on the other side of y e river in a peece of ground. We told them that lye that they should not have suspicion of us. We made good cheere. They stayed there three dayes, during w ch time many of their wives came thither, and we traited them well, for they eat not fowle att all, scarce, because they know not how to catch them except w th their arrowes. We putt a great many rind 1 about our fort, and broake all the beats that we could have, for the frost would have broaken them or wild men had stolen them away. That rind was tyed all in length to putt the fire in it, to frighten the more these people, for they could not approach it w th out being discovered. If they ventured att y e going out we putt the fire to all the torches, showing them how we would have defended ourselves. We weare Cesars, being nobody to contradict us. We went away free from any burden, whilst those poore miserable thought themselves happy to carry our Equipage, for the hope that they had that we should give them a brasse ring, or an awle, or an needle.

1 Strips of bark.— Ed .

There came above foure hundred persons to see us goe away from that place w ch admired more our actions [than] 0092 76 the fools of Paris to see enter their King and y e Infanta of Spaine, his spouse; for they cry out, “God save the King and Queene!” Those made horrid noise, and called Gods and Devills of the Earth and heavens. We marched foure dayes through y e woods. The countrey is beautifull, w th very few mountaines, the woods cleare. Art last we came w th in a league of the Cabbans, where we layed that the next day might be for our entry. We 2 poore adventurers for the honnour of our countrey, or of those that shall deserve it from that day; the nimblest and stoutest went before to warne before y e people that we should make our entry tommorow. Every one prepares to see what they never before have seene. We weare in cottages w ch weare neare a little lake some 8 leagues in circuit. 1 Atty e watterside there weare abundance of litle boats made of trees y t they have hollowed, and of rind.

1 Apparently Namekagon lake.— Ed .

The next day we weare to embarque in them, and arrived att y e village by watte, w ch was composed of a hundred cabans w th out pallasados. There is nothing but cryes. The women throw themselves backwards uppon the ground, thinking to give us tokens of friendship and of wellcome. We destinated 3 presents, one for the men, one for the women, and the other for the children, to the end that they should remember that journey; that we should be spoaken of a hundred years after, if other Europeans should not come in those quarters and be liberal to them, w ch will hardly come to passe. The first was a kettle, two hattchetts, and 6 knives, and a blade for a sword. The kettle was to call all nations that weare their friends to the feast w ch is made for the remembrance of the death; that is, they make it once in seaven years; it's a renewing of ffriendshippe. I will talke further of it in the following discours. The hattchetts weare to encourage the yong people to strengthen themselves in all places, to preserve their wives and shew themselves men by knocking the heads of their ennemyes w th the said hattchetts. The knives weare to show that the ffrench weare great and mighty, and their confederats and ffriends. 0093 77 The sword was to signifie that we should be masters both of peace and warrs, being willing to healpe and relieve them, & to destroy our Ennemyes w th our armes. The second guift was of 2 and 20 awles, 50 needles, 2 gratters of castors , 2 ivory combs and 2 wooden ones, w th red painte, 6 looking-glasses of tin. The awles signifieth to take good courage, that we should keepe their lives, and that they w th their husbands should come downe to the ffrench when time and season should permit. Y e needles for to make them robes of castor , because the ffrench loved them. The 2 gratters weare to dresse the skins; the combes, the paint, to make themselves beautifull; the looking-glasses to admire themselves. The 3 d guift was of brasse rings, of small bells, and rasades 1 of divers colours, and given in this maner. We sent a man to make all y e children come together. When they weare there we throw these things over their heads. You would admire what a beat was among them, every one striving to have y e best. This was done uppon this consideration, that they should be allwayes under our protection, giving them wherew th all to make them merry & remember us when they should be men.

1 Goblets or mugs— Ed .

This done, we are called to the Councell of welcome and to the feast of ffriendshipp, afterwards to the dancing of the heads; but before the dancing we must mourn for y e deceased, and then, for to forgett all sorrow, to the dance. We gave them foure small guifts that they should continue such ceremonyes, w ch they tooke willingly and did us good, that gave us authority among the whole nation. We knewed their councels, and made them doe whatsoever we thought best. This was a great advantage for us, you must think. Amongst such a rowish kind of people a guift is much, and well bestowed, and liberality much esteemed; but not prodigalitie is not in esteeme, for they abuse it, being brutish. Wee have ben useing such ceremonyes 3 whole days, & weare lodged in y e cabban of the chiefest captayne, who came w th us from the ffrench. We liked not the company of that blind, therefore left him. He wondered at this, but 0094 78 durst not speake, because we weare demi-gods. We came to a cottage of an ancient witty man, that had had a great famille and many children, his wife old, neverthelesse handsome. They weare of a nation called Malhonmines; 1 that is, the nation of Oats, graine y t is much in y t countrey. Of this afterwards more att large. I tooke this man for my ffather and y e woman for my mother, soe the children, consequently brothers and sisters. They adopted me. I gave every one a guift, and they to mee.

1 Menomonees.— Ed .

Having so disposed of our buissinesse, the winter comes on, that warns us; the snow begins to fall, soe we must retire from the place to seeke our living in the woods. Every one getts his equipage ready. So away we goe, but not all to the same place; two, three att the most, went one way, and so of an other. They have so done because victuals weare scant for all in a place. Butt let us where we will, we cannot escape the myghty hand of God, that disposes as he pleases, and who chastes us as a good & a common loving ffather, and not as our sins doe deserve. Finaly wee depart one from an other. As many as we weare in number, we are reduced to a small company. We appointed a rendezvous after two months and a half, to take a new road & an advice what we should doe. During the said terme we sent messengers everywhere, to give speciall notice to all manner of persons and nation that within 5 moons the feast of death was to be celebrated, and that we should apeare together and explaine what the devill should command us to say, and then present them presents of peace and union. Now we must live on what God sends, and warre against the bears in the meane time, for we could aime att nothing else, w ch was y e cause that we had no great cheare. I can say that we w th our comrades, who weare about 60, killed in the space of 2 moons and a halfe, a thousand moons 2 we wanted not bear's grease to annoint ourselves, to runne the better. We beated downe the woods dayly for to discover

2 The writer no doubt meant that they killed so many that they had bear's grease enough to last for a thousand moons.—G. D. S.

0095 79 novellties. We killed severall other beasts, as Oriniacks, staggs, wild cows, Carriboucks, fallow does and bucks, Cats of mountains, child of the Devill; in a word, we lead a good life. The snow increases daily. There we make rackefts, not to play att ball, but to exercise ourselves in a game harder and more necessary. They are broad, made like racketts, that they may goe in the snow and not sinke when they runne after the eland or other beast.

We are come to the small lake, the place of rendezvous, where we found some company that weare there before us. We cottage ourselves, staying for the rest, that came every day. We stayed 14 dayes in this place most miserable, like to a churchyard; flor there did fall such a quantity of snow and frost, and w th such a thick mist, that all the snow stoocke to those trees that are there so ruffe, being deal trees, 1 prusse cedars, and thorns, that caused y e darkness uppon y e earth that it is to be believed that the sun was eclips d [under] them 2 months; flor after the trees weare so laden w th snow that fel'd afterwards, was as if it had been sifted, so by y t means very light and not able to beare us, albeit we made racketts of 6 foot long and a foot and a halle broad; so often thinking to tourne ourselves we felld over and over againe in y e snow, and if we weare alone we should have difficultie enough to rise againe. By the noyse we made, the beasts heard us a great way off; so the famine was among a great many that had not provided before hand, and live upon what they gert that day, never thinking for the next. It grows wors and wors dayly.

1 Pines.— Ed .

To augment our misery we receive news of the Octanaks, who weare about a hundred and fifty, w th their families. They had [had] a quarell w th y e burrons in the Isle where we had come from some years before in the lake of the stairing hairs, and [who] came purposely to make warres against them y e next summer. But lett us see if they brought us anything to subsist w th all. But [they] are worst provided than we; having no huntsmen, they are reduced to famine. But, 0 cursed covetousnesse, what art 0096 80 thou going to doe? It should be farr better to see a company of Rogues perish then see ourselves in danger to perish by that scourg so cruell. Hearing that they have had knives and hattchetts, the victualIs of their poore children is taken away from them; yea, what ever they have, those doggs must have their share. They are the coursedest, unablest, the unfamous & cowarliest people that I have scene amongst lower score nations that I have frequented. 0 yee poore people, you shalI have their booty, but you shall pay dearly for it! Every one cryes out for hungar; the women become baren, and drie like wood. You men must eate the cord, being you have no more strength to make use of the bow. Children, you must die. ffrench, you called yourselves Gods of the earth, that you should be feared, for your interest; notwithstanding you shall tast of the bitternesse, and too happy if you escape. Where is the time past? Where is the plentynesse that yee had in all places and courtreys? Here comes a new family of these poore people halle dead, for they have but the skin & w shall we have strength to make a hole in the snow to lay us downe, seeing we have it not to hale our racketts after us, nor to cut a little wood to make a fire to keepe us from the rigour of the cold, w ch is extreme in those Countreyes in its season. Oh! if the musick that we heare Could give us recreation, we wanted not any lamentable musick nor sad spectacle. In the morning the husband looks uppon his wife, y e Brother his sister, the cozen the cozen, the Oncle the nevew, that weare for the most part found deade. They lauquish w th cryes & hideous noise that it was able to make the haire starre on y e heads that have any apprehension. Good God, have mercy on so many poore innocent people, and of us that acknowledge thee, that having offended thee punishes us. But wee are not free of that cruel Executioner. Those that have any life, seeketh out for roots, w ch could not be done w th out great difficultie, the earth being frozen 2 or 3 foote deepe, and the snow 5 or 6 above it, The greatest subsistance that we can have is of rind [vine] tree which growes like ivie about the trees; but to swallow it, we cutt the stick some 2 foot long, tying it in 0097 81 faggott, and boyle it, and when it boyles one houre or two y e rind or skinno comes off w th ease, w ch we take and drie it in the smoake and then reduce it into powder betwixt two graine-stoans, and putting the kettle w th the same waiter uppon the fire, we make it a kind of breath, w ch nourished us, but becam thirstier and drier than the woode we eate.

The 2 first weeke we did eate our doggs. As we went backe upon our stepps for to gert any thing to fill our bellyes, we weare glad to gott the beans and carcasses of the beasts that we killed. And happy was he that could gett what the other did throw away after it had ben boyled 3 or foure times to get the substance out of it. We contrived an other plott to reduce to powder those boanes, y e rest [remains] of crows and doggs. So putt all that together halle foot w th in grounde, and so makes a fire uppon it. We covered all that very well w th earth, see feeling the heat, and boyled them againe and gave more froth than before; in the next place, the skins that weare reserved to make us shoose, cloath, and stokins, yea, most of the skins of our cottages, the castors' skins , where the children beshit them above a hundred times. We burned the haire on the coals; the rest goes downe throats, eating heartily these things most abhorred. We went so eagerly to it that our gumms did bleede like one newly wounded. The wood was our food the rest of [that] sorrowfull time. Finaly we became the very Image of death. We mistook ourselves very often, taking the living for the dead and y e dead for the living. We wanted strength to draw the living out of the cabans, or if we did when we could, it was to putt them four paces in the snow. Art y e end the wrath of God begins to appease itselfe, and pityes his poore creatures. If I should expresse all that befell us in that strange accidents, a great volume would not containe it. Here are above 500 dead, men, women, and children. It's time to come out of such miseryes. Our bodyes are not able to hold out any further.

After the storme calme comes. But stormes favoured us, being that calme kills us. Here comes a wind and raine that putts a new life in us. The snow falls, the forest cleers itselfe, att w ch sight those that had strings left in their bowes 6 0098 82 takes courage to use it. The weather continued so 3 dayes that we needed no racketts more, for the snow hardned much. The small s taggs are [as] if they weare stakes in it after they made 7 or 8 capers. It's an easy matter for us to take them and cutt their throats w th our knives. Now we see ourselves a little nourished, but yett have not payed, flor it cost many their lives. Our gutts became very straight by our long fasting, that they could not containe the quantity that some putt in them. I cannot omitt the pleasant thoughts of some of them wildmen. Seeing my brother allways in the same condition, they said some Devill brought him wherew th all to eate; but if they had seene his body they should be of another oppinion. The beard that covered his face made as if he had not altered his face. For me that had no beard, they said I loved them, because I lived as well as they. From the second day we began to walke.

There came 2 men from a strange countrey who had a dogg; the buissinesse was how to catch him cunningly, knowing well those people love their beasts. Neverthelesse wee offred guifts, but they would not, w ch made me stubborne. That dogge was very leane and as hungry as we weare, but the masters have not suffered so much. I went one night neare that same cottage to doe what discretion permitts me not to speake. Those men were Nadoneseronons. They weare [so] much respected that nobody durst not offend them, being that we weare upon their land w th their leave. 1 The dogg comes out, not by any smell but by good like. I take him and bring him a litle way. I stabbed him w th my dagger. I brought him to the cottage, where [he] was broyled like a pigge and cutt in peeces, gutts and all, soe every one of the family had his share. The snow where he was killed was not lost, flor one of our company went and gott it to season the kettles. We began to looke better dayly. We gave [held] y e rendezvous to [at] the convenientest place to celebrat that great feast.

1 The Frenchmen, with their Huron and Ottawa companions, had by this time wandered into the country of the “Dahkotahs or Sioux, west of Lake Superior, in the Mille Lacs region of Minnesota.” ( Minn. Hist. Coll. , v., p, 401.)

0099 83

Some 2 moons after there came 8 ambassadors from the nations of Nadoneseronons, that we will call now the Nation of the beefe. 1 Those men each had 2 wives, loadened of Oats, corne that grows in that countrey, of a small quantity of Indian Corne, w th other grains, & it was to present to us, w ch we received as a great favour & token of friendshippe; but it had been [more] welcome if they had brought it a month or two before. They made great ceremonys in greasing our feete and leggs, and we painted them w th red. They stript us naked and put uppon us cloath of buffe 2 and of white castors . After this they weeped uppon our heads untill we weare wetted by their tears, and made us smoake in their pipes after they kindled them. It was not in common pipes, but in pipes of peace and of the warrs, that they pull out but very seldom, when there is occasion for heaven and earth. This done, they perfumed our cloaths and armour one after an other, and to conclude did throw a great quantity of tobacco into the fire. We told them that they prevented us, for letting us know that all persons of their nation came to visit us, that we might dispose of them.

1 Bœuf Sioux.— Ed .

2 Buffalo skins.— Ed .

The next morning they weare called by our Interpretor. We understood not a word of their language, being quit. contrary to those that we weare w th . They are arrived, they satt downe. We made a place for us more elevated, to be more art our ease & to appeare in more state. We borrowed their Calumet, saying that we are in their countrey, and that it was not lawfull for us to carry anything out of our countrey. That pipe is of a red stone, as bigge as a fist and as long as a hand. The small reede as long as five foot, in breadth, and of the thicknesse of a thumb. There is tyed to it the tayle of an eagle all painted over w th severall coulours and open like a fan, or like that makes a kind of a wheele when he shuts; below the toppe of the steeke is covered w th feathers of ducks and other birds that are of a fine colour. We tooke the tayle of the eagle, and instead of it we hung 12 Iron bows in the same manner as y e feathers weare, 0100 84 and a blade about it along the staffe, a hattchett planted in y e ground, and that calumet over it, and all our armours it uppon forks. Everyone smoaked his pipe of to nor they never gee w th out it. During that while there was a great silence. We prepared some powder that was litle wetted, and y e good powder was precious to us. Our Interpreter told them in our name, “Brethren, we have accepted of your guifts. Yee are called here to know our will and pleasur that is such: first, we take you for our brethren by taking you into our protection, and for to shew you, we, instead of y e eagles' tayle, have putt some of our armours, to the end that no ennemy shall approach it to breake the affinite that we make now w th you. Then we tooke the 12 Iron off y e bowes and lift them up, telling them those points shall passe over the whole world to defend and destroy your ennemyes, that are ours. Then we putt the Irons in the same place againe. Then we tooke the sword and bad them have good courage, that by our means they should vanquish their ennemy. After we tooke the hattchett that was planted in the ground, we tourned round about, telling them that we should kill those that would warre against them, and that we would make forts y t they should come w th more assurance to the feast of the dead. That done we throw powder in y e fire, that had more strenght then we thought; it made the brands fly from one side to the other. We intended to make them believe that it was some of our Tobacco, and make them smoake as they made us smoake. But hearing such a noise, and they seeing that fire fled of every side, w th out any further delay or looke for so much time as looke for the dore of the cottage, one runne one way, another an other way, flor they never saw a sacrifice of tobacco so violent. They went all away, and we onely stayed in the place. We followed them to reassure them of their faintings. We visited them in their appartments, where they received [us] all trembling for feare, believing realy by that same meanes that we weare the Devils of the earth. There was nothing but feasting for 8 dayes.

The time now was nigh that we must gee to the rendezvous; this was betwixt a small lake and a medow. Being 0101 85 arrived, most of ours weare allready in their cottages. In 3 days' time there arrived eighten severall nations, and came privatly, to have done the sooner. As we became to the number of 500, we held a councell. Then the shouts and cryes, and the encouragements weare proclaimed, that a fort should be builded. They went about the worke and made a large fort. It was about 603 score paces in lenght and 600 in breadth, so that it was a square. There we had a brooke that came from the lake and emptied itself in those medows, w ch had more than four leagues in lenght. Our fort might be seene afar off, and on y side most deligtfull, for the great many stagges that took the boldnesse to be carried by quarters where art other times they made good cheare.

In two dayes this was finished. Soone 30 young men of y e nation of the beefe arrived there, having nothing but bows and arrows, w th very short garments, to be the nimbler in chasing the stagges. The Iron of their arrows were of staggs' pointed horens very neatly. They were all proper men, and dressed w th paint. They weare the discoverers and y e foreguard. We kept a round place in y e midle of our Cabban and covered it w th long poles w th skins over them, that we might have a shelter to keepe us from y e snow. The cottages weare all in good order; in each 10, twelve companies or families. That company was brought to that place where there was wood layd for the fires. The snow was taken away, and the earth covered w th deale tree bows [pine boughs]. Severall kettles weare brought there full of meate. They rested and eat above 5 houres w th out speaking one to another. The considerablest of our companyes went and made speeches to them. After one takes his bow and shoots an arrow, and then cryes aloud, therespeaks some few words, saying that they weare to left them know the Elders of their village weare to come the morrow to renew the friendship and to make it w th y e ffrench, and that a great many of their yong people came and brought them some part of their wayes to take their advice, flor they had a minde to goe against y e Christinos, who weare ready for them, and they in like manner to save their wives & 0102 86 children. They weare scattered in many Cabbans that night, expecting those that weare to come. To that purpose there was a vast large place prepared some hundred paces from y e fort, where everything was ready for the receiving of those persons. They weare to sett their tents, that they bring uppon their backs. The pearches weare putt out and planted as we received the news; the snow putt aside, and the boughs of trees covered the ground.

The day following they arrived w th an incredible pomp. This made me thinke of y e Intrance y t y e Polanders did in Paris, saving that they had not so many Jewells, but instead of them they had so many feathers. The ffirst weare yong people w th their bows and arrows and Buckler on their shoulders, uppon w ch weare represented all manner of figures, according to their knowledge, as of y e sun and moone, of terrestriall beasts, about its feathers very artificialy painted. Most of the men their faces weare all over dabbed w th severall collours. Their hair turned up like a Crowne, and weare curt very even, but rather so burned, for the fire is their cicers. They leave a tuff of haire upon their Crowne Of their heads, tye it, and putt att y e end of it some small pearles or some Turkey [turquoise] stones, to bind their heads. They have a role commonly made of a snake's skin, where they tye severall bears' paws, or give a forme to some bitts of buff's [buffalo] horns, and put it about the said role. They grease themselves w th very thick grease, & mingle it in reddish earth, w ch they bourne, as we our breeks. W th this stuffe they gett their haire to stand up. They curt some down of Swan or other fewle that hath a white feather, and cover w th it the crowne of their heads. Their ears are pierced in 5 places; the holes are so bigg that yo r little finger might passe through. They have yallow waire that they make w th copper, made like a starr or a half moone, & there hang it. Many have Turkeys [turquoise]. They are cloathed w th Oriniack & staggs' skins, but very light. Every one had the skin of a crow hanging att their guirdles. Their stokens all imbrodered w th pearles and w th their own porke-pick [porcupine] worke. They have very handsome shoose laced very thick all over w th a 0103 87 peece sowen att the side of y e heele, w ch was of a haire of Buff, w ch trailed above halfe a foot upon the earth, or rather on the snow. They had swords and knives of a foot and a halfe long, and hattchetts very ingeniously done, and clubbs of wood made like backswords; some made of a round head that I admired it. When they kille their ennemy they curt off y e tuffe of haire and tye it about their armes. After [over] all, [they] have a white robe made of castors' skins painted. Those having passed through the middle of ours, that weare ranged att every side of the way. The Elders came w th great gravitie and modestie, covered with buff coats w ch hung dewne to y e grounde. Every one had in his hand a pipe of Councell sett w th precious jewells. They had a sack on their shoulders, and y t that holds it grows in the middle of their stomacks and on their shoulders. In this sacke all y e world is inclosed. Their face is not painted, but their heads dressed as the foremost. Then y e women laden like unto so many mules, their burdens made a greater shew then they themselves; but I suppose the weight was not equipolent to its bignesse. They weare conducted to the appointed place, where the women unfolded their bundles, and fiang their skins whereof their tents are made, so that they had howses [in] lesse than half an houre.

After they rested they came to the biggest cabbane constituted for that purpose. There weare fires kindled. Our Captayne made a speech of thanksgiving, w ch should be long to writ it. We are called to the councell of new come chiefe, where we came in great pompe, as you shall heare. First they come to make a sacrifice to the ffrench, being Gods and masters of all things, as of peace, as warrs; making the knives, the hattchetts, and y e kettles rattle, etc. That they came purposely to putt themselves under their protection. Moreover, that they came to bring them back againe to their countrey, having by their means destroyed their Ennemyes abroad & neere. So said, they present us w th guifts of Castors' skins, assuring us that y e mountains were elevated, y e valleys risen, the ways very smooth, the bows of trees cutt downe to gee w th more ease, and bridges erected over rivers, for not to wett our feete; that the dores of their 0104 88 villages, cottages of their wives and daughters, weare open at any time to receive us, being wee kept them alive by our marchandises. The second guilt was, y t they would die in their alliance, and that to certifie to all nations by continuing the peace, & weare willing to receive and assist them in their countrey, being well satisfied they were come to celebrat y e feast of the dead. The 3 rd guift was for to have one of the doors of the fort opened, if neede required, to receive and keepe them from the Christinos that come to destroy them; being allwayes men, and the heavens made them so, that they weare obliged to gee before to defend their country and their wives, w ch is y e dearest thing they had in the world, & in all times they weare esteemed stout & true soldiers, & that yett they would make it appeare by going to meet them; and y t they would not degenerat, but shew by their actions that they weare as valiant as their fore ffathers. The 4 th guift was presented to us, w ch [was] of Buff skins, to desire our assistance flor being the masters of their lives, and could dispose of them as we would, as well of the peace as of the warts, and that we might very well see that they did well to gee defend their owne countrey; that the true means to gott the victory was to have a thunder. They meant a gune [gun] calling it miniskoick .

The speech being finished, they intreated us to be art the feast. We gee presently back againe to furnish us w th woaden bowls. We made foure men to carry our guns afore us, that we charged of powder alone, because of their unskillfullnesse that they might have killed their ffathers. We each of us had a pair of pistoletts and Sword, a dagger. We had a role of porkepick about our heads, w ch was as a crowne, and two little boyes that carryed the vessells that we had most need of; this was our dishes and our spoons. They made a place higher & most elevate, knowing our customs, in the midle for us to sitt, where we had the men lay our armes. Presently comes foure elders w th y e calumet kindled in their hands. They present y e candles to us to smoake, and foure beautifull maids that went before us carrying bears' skins to putt under us. When we weare together an old man rises & throws our calumet att our feet, and 0105 89 bids them take the kettles from of y e fire, and spoake that he thanked the sun that never was a day to him so happy as when he saw those terrible men whose words makes the earth quacke, and sang a while. Having ended, came and covers us w th his vestment, and all naked except his feet and ]eggs, he saith, “Yee are masters over us; dead or alive you have the power over us, and may dispose of us as your pleasur.” So done, takes the callumet of y e feast, and brings it, so a maiden brings us a coale of fire to kindle it. So done, we rose, and one of us begins to sing. We bad the interpreter to tell them we should save & keep their lives, taking them for our brethren, and to testify that we shott of all our artillery, w ch was of twelve gunns. We draw our swords and long knives to our defence, if need should require, w ch putt the men in such a terror that they knewed not what was best to run or stay. We throw a handfull of powder in the fire to make a greater noise and smoake.

Our songs being finished, we began our teeth to worke. We had there a kinde of rice, much like oats. It growes in the watter in 3 or 4 foote deepe. There is a God that shews himselfe in every countrey, almighty, full of goodnesse, and y preservation of those poore people who knoweth him not. They have a particular way to gather up that graine. Two takes a boat and two sticks, by w ch they gett y e eare downe and gett the corne out of it. Their boat being full, they bring it to a fitt place to dry it, and that is their food for the most part of the winter, and doe dresse it thus: flor each man a handfull of that they putt in the pott, that swells so much that it can suffice a man. After the feast was over there comes two maidens, bringing wherew th all to smoake, the one the pipes, the other the fire. They offered first to one of y e elders, that sat downe by us. When he had smoaked, he bids them give it us. This being done, we went backe to our fort as we came.

The day following we made y e principall Persons come together to answer to their guifts. Being come w th great solemnity, there we made our Interpreter tell them that we weare come from the other side of y e great salted lake, not to kill them but to make y m live; acknowledging you for our 0106 90 brethren and children, whom we will love henceforth as our owne; then we gave them a kettle. The second guift was to encourage them in all their undertakings, telling them that we liked men that generously defended themselves against all their ennemyes; and as we weare masters of peace and warrs, we are to dispose the affairs [so] that we would see an universall peace all over the earth; and that this time we could not goe and force the nations that weare yett further to condescend & submitt to our will, but that we would see the neighbouring countreys in peace and union; that the Christinos weare our brethren, and [we] have frequented them many winters; that we adopted them for our children, and tooke them under our protection; that we should send them ambassadors; that I myself should make them come, and conclude a generall peace; that we weare sure of their obedience to us; that the ffirst that should breake the peace we would be their ennemy, and would reduce them to powder w th our heavenly fire; that we had the word of y e Christinos as well as theirs, and our thunders should serve us to make warrs against those that would not submitt to our will and desire, w ch was to see them good ffriends, to goe and make warrs against the upper nations, that doth not know us as yett. The guilt was of 6 hattchetts. The 3 rd was to oblige them to receive our propositions, likewise the Christinos, to lead them to y e dance of Union, w ch was to be celebrated at y e death's feast and banquett of kindred. If they would continue the warrs, y t was not y e meanes to see us againe in their Countrey. The 4 th was that We thanked them ffor making us a free passage through their countreys. Y e guift was of 2 dozen of knives. The last was of smaller trifles,—6 gratters, 2 dozen of awles, 2 dozen of needles, 6 dozens of looking-glasses made of fine, a dozen of litle bells, 6 Ivory combs, w th a litle vermillion. But ffor to make a recompence to y e good old man that spake so favorably, we gave him a hattchett, and to the Eiders each a blade for a sword, and to the 2 maidens y t served us 2 necklaces, w ch putt about their necks, and 2 braceletts for their armes. The last guift was in generall for all y e women to love us and give us to eat when we should come to their 0107 91 cottages. The company gave us great Ho! ho! ho! that is, thanks. Our wildmen made others for their interest.

A company of about 50 weare dispatched to warne the Christinos of what we had done. I went myself, where we arrived the 3 rd day, early in y e morning. I was received w th great demonstration of ffriendshippe. All that day we feasted, danced, and sing. I compared that place before to the Buttery of Paris, ffor the great quantity of meat that they use to have there; but now will compare it to that of London. There I received guifts of all sorts of meate, of grease more than 20 men could carry. The custome is not to deface anything that they present. There weare about 600 men in a fort, w th a great deale of baggage on their shoulders, and [they] did draw it upon light slids [sleds] made very neatly. I have not seen them att their entrance, ffor the snow blinded mee. Coming back, we passed a lake hardly frozen, and the sun [shone upon it] for the most part, ffor I looked a while steadfastly on it, so I was troubled w th this seaven or eight days.

The meane while that we are there, 1 arrived above a thousand that had not ben there but for those two redoubted nations that weare to see them doe what they never before had, a difference w ch was executed w th a great deale of mirth. I ffor feare of being inuied I will obmitt onely that there weare playes, mirths, and bataills for sport, goeing and coming w th cryes; each plaid his part. In the publick place the women danced w th melody. The yong men that indeavoured to gett a pryse, indeavoured to clime up a great post, very smooth, and greased w th oyle of beare & oriniack grease. The stake was att least of 15 foot high. The price was a knife or other thing. We layd y e stake there, but whose could catch it should have it. The feast was made to eate all up. To honnour the feast many men and women did burst. Those of that place coming backe, came in sight of those of the village or fort, made postures in similitud of warrs. This was to discover the ennemy by signs; any that

1 Still among the Christinos. This band that the Frenchmen visited was evidently seven days' journey north of the Mille Lacs region.— Ed .

0108 92 should doe see we gave orders to take him, or kill him and take his head off. The prisoner to be tyed [and] to fight in retreating. To pull an arrow out of y e body; to exercise and strike w th a clubbe, a buckler to theire feete, and take it if neede requireth, and defende himselfe, if neede requirs, from the ennemye; being in sentery to heark y e ennemy that comes neere, and to heare the better lay him dewne on the side. These postures are played while the drums beate. This was a serious thing, w th out speaking except by nodding or gesture. Their drums weare earthen potts full of watter, covered w th staggs-skin. The sticks like hammers for y e purpose. The elders have bomkins to the end of their staves full of small stones, w ch makes a ratle, to w ch yong men and women gee in a cadance. The elders are about these potts, beating them and singing. The women also by, having a nosegay in their hands, and dance very modestly, not lifting much their feete from the ground, keeping their heads downewards makeing a sweet harmony. We made guifts for that while 14 days' time. Every one brings y e most exquisite things, to shew what his country affoards. The renewing of their alliances, the marriages according to their countrey coustoms, are made; also the visit of the beans of their deceased ffriends, ffor they keepe them and bestow them uppon one another. We sang in our language as they in theirs, to w ch they gave greate attention. We gave them severall guifts, and received many. They bestowed upon us above 300 robs of castors, out of w ch we brought not five to the ffrench, being far [away] in y e countrey.

This feast ended, every one retourns to his countrey well satisfied. To be as good as our words, we came to the nation of y e beefe, w ch was seaven small Journeys from that place. We promised in like manner to the Christinos y e next spring we should come to their side of the upper take [Superior] and there they should meet us, to come into their countrey. 1 We being arrived among y t nation of the beefe, 2

1 In the Hudson bay region.— Ed .

2 The band of Bœuf Sioux whom they met earlier in the season were on their winter hunt. The Frenchmen had now apparently come to the principal winter village. Radisson speaks of their summering grounds as being further south than this, apparently in the neighborhood of the lead mines of Iowa.— Ed .

0109 93 we wondered to finde ourselves in a towne where weare great cabbans most covered w th skins and other close matts. They tould us that there weare 7,000 men. This we believed. Those have as many wives as they can keepe. If any one did trespasse upon the other his nose was cutt off, and often the crowne of his head. The maidens have all manner of freedome, but are forced to marry when they come to the age. The more they beare children the more they are respected. I have seene a man having 14 wives. There they have no wood, and make provision of mosse for their firing. This their place is environed w th pearches w ch are a good distance one from an other, that they gett in the valleys where the Buffe used to repaire, uppon w ch they do live. They sow corne, but their harvest is small. The soyle is good, but the cold hinders it, and y e graine [is] very small. In their countrey are mines of copper, of pewter, and of ledd. There are mountains covered w th a kind of Stone that is transparent and tender, and like to that of Venice. The people stay not there all y e yeare; they retire in winter towards the woods of the North, where they kill a quantity of Castors, and I say that there are not so good in the whole world, but not in such a store as the Christinos, but far better.

Wee stayed there 6 weeks, and came back w th a company of people of y e nation of y e Sault, y t came along w th us loaden w th booty. Wee weare 12 days before we could overtake our company that went to the lake. The spring approaches, w ch [is] the fittest time to kill the Oriniack. A wildman and I w th my brother killed that time above 600, besides other beasts. We came to the lake side w th much paines, ffor we sent our wildmen before, and we two weare forced to make cariages 5 days through the woods. After we mett w th a company that did us a great deale of service, ffor they carryed what we had, and arrived at the appointed place before 3 dayes ended. Here we made a fort, 1 Att our arrivall we found art least 20 cottages full.

1 Evidently on Oak point, hemming in Chequamegon bay on the east.

It will be remembered that ( ante , p. 72) Radisson says, when speaking of portaging over Oak point, the fall before: “That point should be very fitt to build & advantgeous for the building of a fort, as we did the spring following.”— Ed .

0110 94

One very faire evening we went to finde what we hide before, w ch we finde in a good condition. 1 We went about to execut our resolution, fforseeing that we must stay that yeare there, ffor w ch wee weare not very sorry, being resolved to know what we heard before. We waited untill the Ice should vanish, but received [news] that the Octanaks [had] built a fort on the point that forms that Bay, w ch resembles a small lake. We went towards it w th all speede. We had a great store of booty w ch we would not trust to ye wildmen, ffor the occasion makes y e thiefe. We overloaded our slide [sled] on that rotten ice, and the further we went the Sun was stronger, w ch made our Trainage have more difficultie. I seeing my brother so strained, I tooke y e slide w ch was heavier than mine, and he mine. Being in that extent above foure leagues from y e ground, we sunke downe above the one halfe of y e legge in the Ice, and must advance in spight of our teeth. To leave our booty was to undoe us. We strived so that I hurted myselfe in so much that I could not stand up right, nor [go] any further. This putt us in great trouble. Uppon this I advised my brother to leave me w th his slide. We putt the two sleds one by another. I tooke some cloathes to cover mee. After I stripped myself from my wett cloathes, I layed myselfe downe on the slide; my brother leaves me to the keeping of that good God. We had not above two leagues more to goe. He makes hast and came there in time, and sends wildmen for me and the slids. There we found the perfidiousnesse of the Octanaks. Seeing us in Extremitie, [they] would prescribe us laws. We promised them whatever they asked. They came to fetch me.

1 See ante , p. 75.— Ed .

For eight dayes I was so tormented I thought never to recover. I rested neither day nor night; at last by means that God and my brother did use, w ch was by rubbing my leggs w th hott oyle of bears and keeping my thigh and leggs 0111 95 well tyed, it came to its former strength. After a while I came to me selfe. There comes a great company of new wildmen to seeke a nation in that land for a weighty buissinesse. They desired me to goe a long, so I prepare myselfe to goe w th them. I marched well 2 dayes; the 3 rd day the sore begins to breake out againe, in so much that I could goe no further. Those left me, albeit I came for their sake. You will see the cruelties of those beasts, and I may think that those y t liveth on fish uses more inhumanities than those that feed upon flesh; neverthelesse I proceeded forwards the best I could, but knewed [not] where for y e most part, y e sun being my only guide.

There was some snow as yet on the ground, w ch was so hard in the mornings that I could not percave any tracks. The worst was that I had not a hattchett nor other arme, and not above the weight of ten pounds of victualls, w th out any drink. I was obliged to proceed five days for my good fortune. I indured much in the morning, but a little warmed, I went w th more ease. I looked betimes for som old cabbans where I found wood to make fire wherw th . I melted the snow in my cappe that was so greasy. One night I finding a cottage covered it w th boughs of trees that I found ready cutt. The fire came to it as I began to slumber, w ch soone awaked me in hast, lame as I was, to save meselfe from the fire. My racketts, shoos, and stokens kept me my life; I must needs save them. I tooke them and flung them as farr as I could in the snow. The fire being out, I was forced to looke for them, as dark as it was, in y e said snow, all naked & very lame, and almost starved both for hunger and cold. But what is that a man cannot doe when he seeth that it concerns his life, that one day he must lose. Yett we are to prolong it as much as we cane, & the very feare maketh us to invent new wayes.

The fifth day I heard a noyse and thought it of a wolfe. I stood still, and soone perceived that it was of a man. Many wild men weare up and downe looking for me, fearing least the Bears should have devoured me. That man came neere and saluts me, and demands whether it was I. We both satt downe; he looks in my sacke to see if I had victualls, 0112 96 where he finds a peece as bigg as my fist. He eats this w th out [my] participation, being their usuall way. He inquireth if I was a hungary. I tould him no, to shew meselfe stout and resolute. He takes a pipe of tobacco, and then above 20 pounds of victualls he takes out of his sack, and greased, and gives it me to eate. I eat what I could, and gave him the rest. He bids me have courage, that y e village was not far off. He demands if I knewed y e way, but I was not such as should say no. The village was att hand. The other wildmen [had] arrived but the day before, and after a while [we] came by boats to the lake. The boats weare made of Oriniacks' skins. I find my brother w th a company of Christinos that weare arrived in my absence. We resolved to cover our buissinesse better, and close our designe as if we weare going a hunting, and send them before; that we would follow them [the Christinos] y e next night, w ch we did, & succeeded, but not w th out much labor and danger; for not knowing the right way to thwart the other side of the lake, 1 we weare in danger to perish a thousand times because of the crams of Ice. We thwarted a place of 15 leagues. We arrived on the other side att night. When we came there, we knewed not where to goe, on the right or left hand, ffor we saw no body. Att last, as we w th full sayle came from a deepe Bay, we perceived smoake and tents. Then many boats from thence came to meete us. We are received w th much Joy by those poore Christinos. They suffered not that we trod on ground; but they leade us into the midle of their cottages in our own boats, like a couple of cocks in a Basquett.

1 He means that he and his companion were at first ignorant of any portage from Lake Superior over into Hudson's bay. They were by this time skirting the northwest shore of the lake, endeavoring to find their Christino friends. In his succeeding sentence, Radisson's reference is doubtless to what came to be afterwards known as the Grand Portage, by way of Pigeon river and the Lake of the Woods. On Franquelin's map of 1688, the name Groseilliers is applied to what is now Pigeon river.— Ed .

MAJOR DE PEYSTER 1 TO GENERAL CARLETON. 2

1 Major Arent Schuyler de Peyster, then British commandant of Michilimackinac and dependencies. He was horn in New York city, Jane 27, 1736, the son of Pierre Guillaume de Peyster; his mother was Catharine, sister of the famous Peter Schuyler. June 10, 1755, he entered the 8th (or King's) regiment of foot; and, after serving in various places in North America, was in 1774 placed in command of Michilimackinac. He displayed marked ability at this important post, in keeping the Western Indians in line with British interests during the first half of the Revolutionary war. When, in 1779, Lieut. Governor Hamilton was captured at Vincennes, by George Rogers Clark, De Peyster was sent to succeed Hamilton in command of Detroit. He remained there until 1784, having now risen to the rank of lieutenant colonel. Afterwards, he went to Great Britain, where he became colonel, being in command at Plymouth, Dam fries and other stations. He had the honor, daring the French revolution, of training the 1st regiment of Dumfries volunteers, of which Robert Burns was a member. It was to De Peyster, himself a veteran rhymster, that Burns addressed the lines, beginning, “My honor'd Colonel, deep I feel,” etc. Colonel De Peyster died at Dumfries in November, 1822. A copy of his Miscellanies , wherein he recorded, in press and verse, some of his experiences in the Northwest from 1774 to 1779, is in the possession of Lyman C. Draper, of Madison, Wis.; there are but few other copies. now in existence. Cf. Butterfield's Washington-Irvine Correspondence , pp. 417, 418.— Ed .

2 Sir Guy Carleton, K. B., governor of Canada, 1774–1778.— Ed .

Michalimackinac 30th May 1778,

Sir , I have just received a letter from Mr. Langlade 3 acquainting [me] that his affairs goes on very slow at La 7

3 For material on Charles Michel de Langlade, see Wis Hist. Coll. , vii., pp: 123–187, 405–408; viii., pp. 209–223.— Ed .

0114 98 Baye. 1 The Menomenies having lost two chiefs & the Chippawas of the plains have made war upon that nation I have therefore come to the resolution of sending down such of the Indians as are ready (one hundred and ten forms this first Division) & I shall make the Outawas follow in a day or two right glad to get rid of them. 2 It can scarce be credited to what inconveniency I am put to carry on this service, No vessels being yet arrived from Detroit or Canoe from Montreal to give me the least assistance.

1 Green Bay, Wis.— Ed .

2 These Indians — the Ottawas — were to be used against the Americans.— Ed .

The Traders inform me that Lieut Gen r Hamilton 3 will not allow their Rum to come to this Post except a small quantity for the North trade. On this report the little here raised to Twelve pounds ten shillings Halifax per keg.

3 Col. Henry Hamilton, then lieutenant governor and superintendent of Indian affairs, of Detroit and its dependencies, He was appointed to this position in 1775. Hamilton was an able and energetic officer, but his zeal was greater than his humanity and he did not hesitate to employ Indian scalping parties against the Americans. July 27, 1777, he reported to his government that he had already sent out fifteen parties, aggregating two hundred and eighty-nine warriors, with thirty white rangers and officers, to harass the American settlements on the Pennsylvania and Virginia borders. When, in 1778, George Rogers Clark captured the Illinois and Wabash country, Hamilton organized an expedition of whites and Indians to retake the territory. He succeeded in recovering Vincennes, December 17,—the American garrison consisting of a captain and one private. But Clark retook Ft. Sackville. in Vincennes, February 25, 1779, and sent Hamilton and his officers prisoners to Virginia. The Virginia council found that Hamilton had been guilty of excessive cruelties to American prisoners at Detroit, had offered rewards for scalps and encouraged the slaughter of the defenceless; but the judgment of modern historians is more favorable to him. See the evidence reviewed in Winsor's Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am. , vi., p. 682. After a time spent in irons in a dungeon at Williamsburg, the British officers were released and paroled. During 1785, Hamilton was governor of Canada; later, he became governor of Dominica and soon thereafter died.— Ed .

As nothing has arrived here for the King except about half canoe lead of dry goods by Gautier last fall I have made a merchant purchase me all the Barn in this place which has gone but a little way to wards contenting, I have endeavored to sweeten their tempers with sugar and water & have 0115 99 complimented the chiefs with the remains of my private stock of Liquors. If no vessells arrive with Rum soon I cannot answer for the bad effects it will produce.

* * * * * * * *

I am &c At. S. De Peyster .

INDIAN LICENSES, 1778.

List of Indian Licenses granted at Quebec for Michilimackinac and places beyond from the 13 th day of April to the 4 th day of June, 1778. Accounting where the Arms and Ammunition distened [destined] after it arrives at the Post of Michilimackinac.

Number of Passes. Traders Names to whom granted. Canoes. Quantity of ammunition brought. Fuzees. Gun Powder. Shot and Ball. Where distened beyond Michilimackinac. 1 Louis Chabollier 2 20 600 1,200 Grand River. 6 Finley & Gregory 2 24 1,000 900 Mississippi. 13 Wm. and John Hay 2 20 1,200 1,200 North West. 14 Ditto 3 20 1,500 800 Illinois and Mississippi. 15 Ditto 4 80 3,000 3,600 Ditto. 16 Ditto 2 20 1,500 1,400 Prairie du Chain and Mississippi. 18 Etienne Campion 4 4 2,000 1,800 La Bave and Mississippi. 19 Mchs. Maréehepean 5 50 2,000 1,800 Ditto. 22 Grant & Soloman 2 50 600 1,400 Nippigon. 23 Ditto 3 50 1,000 2,000 Ditto. 28 Amable Curot 1 12 500 800 Towards La Baye. 43 John Bte Barthe 3 12 500 5,200 Lake Superior. … Hippt Des Riv.eres 3 20 800 1,200 Grand River and La Baye. 47 Gable Cotteé 3 34 1,200 1,200 Neppigon. 49 Benj. Lyon 1 16 400 600 Prairie du Chain. 57 Josh. Languinet 3 30 1,400 2,400 La Baye, etc. 61 J. B. Labeau 2 20 1,200 1,200 Illenois. 62 Jean Cullat 2 20 1,200 1,200 Mississippi. 63 J. M. Ducharm 2 40 1,800 200 Prairie du Chin. 64 P. J. Lavigna 2 30 1,200 1,000 La Baye, etc. 66 Joseph Biron 1 10 400 400 Ditto. 67 C. Lamarche 1 6 400 700 Ditto. 68 L. Durocher 1 20 600 700 Illenois. 69 Alerr Campion 1 8 250 500 La Bay. 70 Robt. Aird 1 15 425 600 Prérie Du Chin. 71 Paschal Pillet 1 9 500 600 La Bay. 72 J. B. Guillon 2 24 1,200 600 Illenois via St. Joseph. 73 Pt La Croix 2 16 1,200 1,200 La Bay.

At De Peyster , Major to the King.

GAUTIER'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO THE MISSISSIPPI, 1777–78. 1

1 Charles Gautier de Verville was the son of Charles Michel de Langlade's half-sister. Gautier's father, Claude Germain Gautier de Verville, married Marie Louise Therese Villenuve—daughter of Madam Augustin Lunglade by her first marriage—on the 2d of October, 1736. Charles de Langlade was born in 1729, and Charles Gautier not earlier than 1737. The latter's grandmother being a sister of King Nissowagnet, or La Fourche (The Fork), he himself was a quarter-blood Ottawa. In 1755, when not over eighteen years of age, young Gautier served with De Langlade at the defeat of Braddock. Four years later, he “fought like a lion” on the plains of Abraham, but at the close of the war, in common with his fellows, cheerfully rallied under the standard of his old enemies, the British. During the Revolutionary war, we find him constantly employed, usually with De Langlade, in keeping the Northwestern Indians in line with English interests. He appears to have rendered valuable assistance in this service, and in the letters of Major De Peyster and other British officers in the West, he is frequently referred to as being a valuable military agent among the savages west of Lake Michigan. He obtained the commission of captain, as a reward for bravery and successful Indian diplomacy. After the close of the Revolutionary war, he settled at Mackinaw and was occasionally employed by the English government as an Indian interpreter. By a Winnebago wife, he had three children, of whom one became the consort of the eider Michael Brisbois, and the mother of Michael Brisbois, Jr. Gautier regularly married Miss Madelaine Chevalier, “a woman of rare beauty.” The eider of their two daughters married Henry Fisher, of Prairie du Chien, and the younger became the legal wife of the senior Brisbois. Gautier, in 1798, retired from Mackinaw and went to live with his son-in-law, Brisbois, at Prairie du Chien, where he died about 1803, aged some sixty-six years. His wife followed him a few years later. Their numerous descendants at Green Bay and Prairie du Chien rank with the best of the old families there.— Ed .

[Translated from the French by Grace Clark.]

To His Excellency, de Carletonne, General for his Britannic Majesty in Canada .

Having found myself able and indeed designed to go and induce the Nations of the Mississippi to come and take your orders, I left two mountains 2 the 28 th [October, 1777], to carry out my mission and accidents have so detained me that I

2 The Lake of the Two Mountains is a widening of the Ottawa river, about twelve miles above its mouth. In the time of Gautier, there was a station there, at which traders and exploring parties fitted for expeditions to the Northwest.— Ed .

0117 101 was not able to go to Missilimakinac 1 with my Indians until the 31 st where after presenting my orders to the Commandant and receiving his I set out again the 6 th [November] for la Baye and arrived there the 25 th where I began to announce your plans which I supported and confirmed in Indian fashion by wampum belts and presents.

1 See Wis. Hist. Coll. , vii., p. 125, for various spellings of Michilimackinac. Cf. also Butterfield's Discovery of the Northwest , p. 55, note 1; and N. Y. Col. Docs. , index.— Ed .

If it should please 2 your excellency to grant to his humble servant the freedom to decide, he would not have so much trouble and anxiety, he would amuse himself with his friends and presently he would have more ample knowledge of hot-headedness than he will ever have of Indian disposition he would also be exempt in the matter of jealousy and all criticism.

2 Cent il plu a Votre Excel , etc.— Tr .

I implore your clemency and as a novice in this art I hope you will design to receive with indulgence this journal that I make with no other view than to try to make my zeal equal to the oppinion that you have of me in elevating me to the summit of such a tree that the least wind only throws me down.

While I remained at this post [La Baye], I sent runners to the winter quarters of the Indians in the vicinity with belts and presents both to several folles avoines 3 and to puants 4 seeing that M. de Langlade 6 did not come into this region this year.

3 Menomonees.— Ed .

4 Winnebagoes.— Ed .

6 “ Jay mieux fait les egresse que je nanvois du aussi bien qua dautre mandian qui ayant sen mon arrivée ne mont pas epargné et suis reparty ,” etc .— Tr .

The 11 th [December], Sabacherez fol avoine died whom I had buried the 22 nd December, I covered him and as I came to raise the nation I started out better than I have although some beggars learned of my arrival and did not spare 7 me, and I set out again the 23 after sending the nations to seek out their winter quarters and to inform

6 Charles Michel de Langlade, his uncle — Ed .

0118 102 those whom they should see on the road of the reason of my journey.

Taking the road to the river la Roche, 1 I stopped with S r Lisse the 31 st [December] to inquire concerning the winter quarters, both of the Indians and the french and some puant chiefs came along to whom I spoke and left them two belts hoping to conceal other presents that I will not mention here for fear of wearying the reader.

1 Rock river.— Ed .

I left to Sieur Lessé a belt with a runner for the ajovoin, and another for Milwaki.

The 3 rd of January, 1778, I continued my journey to the river la Roche, carrying out my orders on the way up to the 14 th of it [January] and I fell upon a lake near 2 villages, whose inhabitants, one to the number of 100 puants, the other 200 Sakis, 2 had left for winter quarters, and the 15 th I arrived at the river la Roche where there was no one. I was compelled to seek them taking the road as well as I could to prairie du chien, and at all the little lodges I met with I announced your plans, as far as the prairie du chien where I was awaited by a part of each nation who were meanwhile in winter quarters and who had very little to eat.

2 Sacs.— Ed .

The 27 th I arrived at prairie du chien at Sieur Lese's where I obtained information as to winter quarters.

I dispatched Runners to the Scioux to bury the Sakies and Renard 3 who were wintering below the Mississippi and also to the Traders that were with them so that they might aid me in sustaining my belt.

3 Foxes.— Ed .

It was necessary also to ask for food and clothing for a part of the families of those who had been in Canada, as they had left their things at la baye and were sick tired and nearly frozen.

I took refreshments and left this place the 30 th to go among the Scioux of the lakes and to fulfill my mission on the way.

The 12 th [February] I appeared at the River S te Croix 0119 103 where I learned that part of the Scioux were wintering at the upper part of this river with some puants who fared very badly on account of the delay of their Comrades who were at Montreal thinking they were dead, and in virtue of this they wanted to kill Sieur Robert, being English.

As soon as the news was known I started to quiet this tumult and arrived the 13 th at the house of the said S r Robert where it was time that I was [considering what] might have perhaps happened, seeing the mood in which I found those rascals (I did not go hostilely). I pacified them as well as I could and the french after this affair informed me where the Scioux were.

The 17 th I had a runner leave to go and seek Sabache a great Scioux chief and another to go among the Sauteux 1 of Manominikara with belts and the customary presents, for them I made use of the name of M r Pehster 2 their father at Missil. 3 I invited them to come and see me promising them peace with the Scioux.

1 Chippewas.— Ed .

2 Major De Peyster.— Ed .

3 Michilimackinac.— Ed .

I heard it said that the Scioux of the River St. pri 4 were Assembling to go to war against the Sauteux, I had a runner set out and begged them to keep quiet that I had a matter to communicate to them.

4 St. Peter river.— Ed .

The 22 d , Sabache sent me word they were going to be with me in five days.

25 th . There arrived from Terre 9 lodges of puants to leave their wives and children [ a faire du suite ] and to depart straightway to go and fall upon the Sauteux and avenge the death of a puant whom they had killed last summer by mistake at Lac du Boeuf. 5

5 Buffalo lake.— Ed .

This would have been a war which all the nations of the Mississippi would have engaged in if I had not checked it and it would have cost me still more that [if?] I had always tried to stop them. 6

6 The meaning here is obscure. The original reads: “ Ce seroit été une querre que toute la nation du Mississippi auroient soutenn si je ny avois remedié et m' en auroit il couté davantage que j'aurois toujours assayé a les arreter .”— Ed .

0120 104

The 28 th , the Sauteux of Manomanisk arrived and after resting I spoke to them thus:

My brothers, I announce to you on the part of your father that if you do not hasten to see him this year you will make him think that you are not his children and he will be angry.

He has a long Arm and very large hands.

He is good, he has a good heart when his children heed him.

He is bad, he is terrible, he sits in judgment on all the indians and french.

reply.

It is good that you tell us what our father has told you to tell us.

I am a chief I hope to go see him twice this spring.

I know that the chiefs are good, strong, bad [ sic .] and that they can all [go?].

20 th [March]. But there came a Sciouse who told me that the Sauteux not being so strong as they in winter quarters had made them a present of a little oil which they [the Sauteux] had prepared with poison, which had made them [the Sciouse] all sick.

24 th . The runner from the River St. Pierre reported to me that the Scioux were asking for me.

26 th . The puants mourned their comrade and sang. I was obliged to clothe the deceased in clothing — his family was composed of six persons, and I repeat that I found this matter of importance seeing that they did not act from self-interest.

27 th , sabache arrived with 20 men.

28 th , we all set out to go up the Mississippi and put our canoes with our baggage.

7 th April, I arrived at River St. Pierre where I found S r 0121 105 Berty 1 and several other workmen with de sarpeton. I spoke to them and talked about war, with a belt and ordinary presents.

1 John Baptiste Barthe, a trader licensed from Michilimackinac for the Lake Superior country.— Ed .

12 th . Another company of them carne and talked war with some puants who had come with them.

14 th . The nephew of the Scioux chief was drowned with a frenchman, which caused a little trouble through the sadness which it spread in the place, besides the general scarcity so overpowered me that to make them follow me I was obliged to buy food.

20 th . I took the Road to prairie du Chien gathering on the way the most indians it was possible.

26 th . Arrived at prairie du Chien where I expected the nations and prepared to receive them.

I bought food, drink and some merchandise that I thought necessary, Indians arrived every moment from winter quarters. [The] agovoin took the lead and left their comrades preparing to come.

I received a letter from S r de Langlade through [the chief?] Siskomsin in which he commanded me to speak to all the chiefs and warriors and not to others, that he himself was a warrior and not a chief, that he invited his comrades the Warriors to come & see him at la Baye and to succeed in this they had only to take this Tomahawk by one end because he held it by the other.

May 4 th . It is reported in the camp that S r Louis Reaume had killed and scalped a Sakie. sad news for me who was preparing to talk war[;] this nation bidden against the whites robbed S r Delinctot Lathe of a fierce of brandy on his way toward the river la Roche and they said [also that] they would have vengeance for this death. 2

2 Godefroy Linctot, a trader, in the spring of 1779 joined fortunes with the Americans. De Peyster writes Haldimand, July 9, that the renegade was preparing to march against St. Joseph's with 400 horse; Aug. 9, he writes that Linctot's destination is Detroit, but he has sent out 500 Indians to harass the party on its way.— Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., pp. 389, 390, 392. Lincrot was appointed by Clark as Indian agent “for the Illinois river and all the western side of said river to the east of the Mississippi,” with power to appoint “an assistant for the upper part of the Mississippi, near the Dog Plains” (Prairie du Chien). See Calendar Va. State Papers , i., p. 325. Linctot was at first appointed captain, but later became a major ( ibid , p. 428). Of all the French adherents to the American cause, in the West, he was one of the most active.— Ed .

0122 106

I assembled all the Traders and made them help cover up this so called shameful death after Sieur Louis Reaume had in a feeble way redeemed this murder.

I aided also in this result more than any other because the aforesaid good intentioned relation [Reaume] had descended from Montreal and had waited at the prairie until I arrived there to talk war with me and would have succeeded if the brandy trade had not proved too strong for the Indian mind—except the Scioux who have served me and all the whites as safeguards.

Such a confusion was hard to put down among Indians who charged the whites with wish to destroy them by Drink and by war, that [which] turned a large part of the Sakies and renards from going down, speaking very badly and without reserve, arising from a Sakie of the river la Roche named la main Cassée thai came from the Mississippi to fall upon any passer that might come to the prairie or even going himself to enter wherever he could catch a glimpse saying that no nation of his color was able to resist him and that he wanted to help the Whites to know it (as well as [that] we were wishing to destroy the idea of our [then?] superiors [superiority?] so as to make them know what the White skin was.)

8 th . I found when I got up, 3 or 4 feet from my tent, le soichihone great chief of the Sakies of siskoinsin, little by little people awoke and these men began to search for him. I resisted it, he had no wound nor not one bruise but he was purple and foamed at the mouth, two Days ago he was Drinking and we all supposed that Drink had killed him, but the Indians unceasingly charged the Whites with having killed him, which awakened the affair of S r Louis Reaume which was only half quieted, I was obliged to lead away my Scioux our guard and to keep ourselves hidden.

There came more news that S r Alexis Reaume his brother 0123 107 had been killed in returning from winter quarters from below the Mississippi.

I stopped the trade in brandy seeing the principal chiefs drunk and I clothed the deceased and had him buried with all the Indian rites.

I will not detail the ill treatment that one suffers on such occasions.

10 th . I dispatched S r de Linctot the younger to go and seek the agovoins of this chief with a suitable belt.

I acted as mildly as I could with these people, I made them speak and I spoke myself with a belt of peace to quiet a second revolt that was preparing and I proposed to them to each go to their village in order to talk there more at ease.

I prohibited a second time the trade in brandy, a thing which went against the Traders and I was compelled in spite of all ugly speeches to leave.

The 13 th May, left the prairie and took the Road for the Village of the Renards with seven Scioux families and arrived there the 15 th and waited till they Came.

The 17 th , I talked war I gave them the belt of the way and another fastened to a red Tomahawk.

A Renard called le Chat began and staved in a Barrel and overturned it with kicks saying that that didn't pay for the bodies of the two dead men whom the Whites had killed.

All of them were grumbling low and I saw myself taken unless Siskoinsin chief of the village had not taken the Tomahawk and sung after making a speech contrary to the ideas of the whole Village, which calms all and the rest very Well and the Reply of those departing was put off till the next day.

The 17 th , there was counted about 60 men who were to come to Montreal and in order not to delay me so that I could leave, for the Sakies they had come for me.

18 th . Left for the Sakies and on the Way I spoke to different ones that I met in the Village des pins where I prohibited [?], and performed the same ceremonies as elsewhere.

22 nd . I arrived at the Village of the Sakies and the next day I talked war. That day there arrived three Sakies of 0124 108 the Village from the river la Roche who came to speak to all the Villages of Siskoinsin with a so-called belt of the Bostonniens 1 who had surrendered in the course of the Winter; they were at one end of the lodge when I began to talk at the other end, without knowing that there were some strangers in this lodge, afterwards I was warned not to go to the river la Roche as I had premeditated, by a good old woman (such is not often found) as I and my men would be killed; The Indians that I knew hesitated to lead me There and some others were inclined to it with all their heart, all this took place in the council of war and a great many weak voices talked war.

1 Americans.— Ed .

All these contradictions did not coöperate for my undertaking, on the contrary the death of these two men was revived and the first more than the second. They had only this to reproach me with without wishing to tell me that these three deputies came to speak to them, but I knew through the faithful ones that they had a belt from the Bostonniens who promised them to keep quiet unless they should do to them as they had done to others, which kept the latter balanced.

Sieur Janisse took the Tomahawk and danced which excited the whole nation as he was the great comrade of the son of the dead Sirchihome and at the end of his dance presented him with the Tomahawk, this young man was in conversation with these three strangers over the so claimed Bostonnien belt (I was not able to see it) this news was made known secretly and I found myself in a very short moment chief of a very small [band] of Royalists while the son of the deceased seated in both councils took the Tomahawk and made a speech in which he demanded my skin in order to level me, and to appease him I was forced to give him my regimentals, he conducted things very well, afterwards S r Calvé [took] the Tomahawk, danced and sang war, which had a very good effect. 2

2 Joseph Calvé was a trader, employed by the British as military agent among the Sacs and Foxes. As late as June, 1780,De Peyster considered him an “ honest and inoffensive man” and praised him for valuable services. But in the attack on St. Louis, Calvé seemed to Sinclair to be working in the American interest. On account of his supposed treachery, and that of Jean Marie Ducharme and other traders in the Sac country, Sinclair calls the expedition “a sham attack.” July 30, 1780, Sinclair writes to De Peyster ( Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., p. 586) that “The attack upon the Illinois miscarried from the treachery of Calvé and Ducharme,” etc. Cf. Scharf's Hist. St. Louis , pp. 206, 207; and Reynolds's Pion. Hist. Illinois (ed. 1887), pp. 123, 124.— Ed .

0125 109

After these men had finished [ mendircent autant que le Renard ] and sent me away till the Next day, they consulted the rest of the Day at their ease.

(These frenchmen whom I mention are married [among the Indians] and have their trade) there are others who told me they would descend with me.

The Sakies came to tell me to go and await them at the portage of the 8iskoinsin 1 that they and their brothers the renards would come to me there, I set out straightway after leaving them again the loving words of their father to calm their heart and give courage, repeating to them that their father awaited them only to see them.

1 Wisconsin river.— Ed .

26 th . Stopped at the Village of Nibakoa, village of every nation [several nations] and performed there same Sermonie as usual, they informed me that the renards and Sakies were considering making war upon the Sauteux and that Many of them did not go down to Montreal (a part of this Village is composed of Sauteux.)

They accepted belts Tomahawk and presents and conducted things very well, they told me they would come to me at the portage of the 8iskoinsin.

27 th , arrived at the portage with my Scioux and the follesavoines and did my carrying.

29 th , I sent a runner to see if the renards and Sakies were coming, the puants of the River la Roche came to join me there.

30 th , the Season was advancing too far, which made me leave and I continued to Write back all along the road as far as the great Village of the puants of the Lake 2 which was the strongest one.

2 At Winnebago rapids, now Neenah,Wis.— Ed .

0126 110

2 nd June, arrived at la hay where I found S r De Langlade waiting for me, he was anxious on account of my Delay and after telling him a part of my troubles I gave him an account of my mission.

3 rd , I remitted to S r de Langlade recruits, comprising men women and children

37 h e Scioux and families.

20 h e Renards " "

20 h e Sakie " "

20 h e puants river la roche.

6 h e Nabakoa and families.

80 h e puans " "

& 7 h e Agos " "

4 th , S r de Lincto the younger arrived from the Village of the Agosoin and in giving the account of his mission, he said to S r de Langlade his friend, that the Spaniards had sent word to the agosoin not to heed the Venimous and empoisoned Mouths which should come or which had already spoken to them that those bad men had no other end in view than to destroy them by the Bostonniens, that they were braver men than any other nation and that they were upheld by the Spaniards (among whom the Agosoin go very often and indeed are neighbors). all concurred to my enterprise for they were ready to come to the number of Sixty and more, besides the Abovementioned la main cassé had spoken to them (this man should be Well rewarded and he makes Much expense with the runners that he is constantly dispatching and Even to Milwaki not for the Good but for the bad.)

I thought I should be able to complete my three hundred men in January last if all these misfortunes had not suddenly stopped me and I have flattered myself in vain that I could by my mission [show] his Excelency my zeal for the Service that nothing shall exceed.

After handing over my recruits of two hundred and ten men to S r de Langlade not including women and children, the folles avoines to whom I had spoken, came to Join the number of men in camp, and all together we departed and 0127 111 de Langlade and I [set out] from the baye des puans the 6th of June 1778 for Missilimakinac with the aim of so well pleasing the Indians that we could make them go to Montreal; so let it be. C. Gautier .

Vreteneque , 1

1 Apparently the names of the leaders of the several bands collected by Gautier.— Ed .

Renard.

Teskinawa , Sakie.

Oreshkaté , Scioux.

Indorsed: “From the best information I can get it appears to me that M r Gautier has met with the many difficultys set forth in the body of this his Journal, and that he was absolutely under the necessity of putting the Government to some extraordinary expense. Given under my hand at Fort Machilimackinac this 22 nd day of June 1778. A r S. De Peyster, Major to the Kings Commanding.”

DE PEYSTER TO CARLETON.

Michilihamakinac 29 June 1778.

Sir ,—I have the honor to acquaint you that on the 24 th Instant I sent off the last of the Indians destined for Montreal this Season amounting to 550 warriors Messrs Calveé & Roque 2 are going as Interpreters to the Lachis Schiong [Sioux of the Lakes] &c Calveé has been of Service in the Mississipy for several years past and particularly this last winter.

2 Rocque was an interpreter detailed for service among the Sioux. During the expedition against St. Louis, in 1780, he accompanied Wabasha in this capacity.— Ed .

I lateIy wrote to L t Col Bolton 3 beging of him to apply to your Excellency for leave of absence for me my health being so much impaired by the constant attendance I am obliged to give to Indians that at times I suffer the greatest torture Since my application I have got accounts that the Labay Indians and the Chippawas are at war and otherwise very restless which if not settled may be of great detriment

3 Lieut. Colonel Mason Bolton, of the 8th regiment of foot; his headquarters were at Niagara.— Ed .

0128 112 to the Service & disadvantage to trade. This is a point I shall endeavor to settle before I avail myself of my leave you may please to grant me & I shall settle every other matter in the best order for whoever I may leave to command. The matter of pleasing the Indians without any very extraordinary expence to Government may be easily acquired by a person possessed of any degree of patience and activity Hitherto I have entrusted no one thing to others which the abscence of the Superintendent and his train have facilitated. I should therefore be sorry that for want of my usual activity I should leave the Indians any room for complaining, which will be the case if the Commanding officer does not see things with his own eyes I mean at this post where I have always been sure to see every individual satisfied I have not received a line from your Excellency nor from any one in office this year no vessels as yet being arrived from Niagara, every other year they had made their second trip before now.

No canoe has yet arrived for the King, not even the one which Mr Langlade left at the Lake of the Two Mountains last fall.

The weakness of this Garrison (as the men from Niagara were not arrived) prevented my sending more than five men with Lieutenant Bennet 1 to which I added seven Canadians. I hear that they were east on the rocks on Lake Superior but lost nothing but ammunition and provisions. I have sent off a fresh supply,

1 Lieut. Thomas Bennett, of the 8th foot, was dispatched to the Grand Portage, at the west end of Lake Superior, to settle differences among the Indians there and to arrest any “ill affected or suspected persons resorting there” ( Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., p. 356). The traders of the Northwest Company were themselves not above suspicion of leaning to the American interest ( ibid , p. 552).— Ed .

I have the honor &c (Signed) At. S. De Peyster .

COLONEL CLARK'S MEMORANDUM TO A WINNEBAGO CHIEF.

By George Rogers Clark Esq r Colonel and Commandant of the Eastern Illinois & its Dependencies &c &c &c. 1

Whereas Chourachon Chief of the Puans and his nation Living at the Rock River have entered into Alliance and 8

1 Gen. George Rogers Clark was born Nov. 19, 1752, near Monticello, Albemarle county, Va. At the age of twenty he was practicing his profession as a surveyor on the upper Ohio, and afterwards became a farmer. In 1774, he participated in Dunmore's campaign against the Shawnees and Mingoes. Early in 1775, Clark went as a surveyor to Kentucky, where he acquired marked popularity, and in 1776 was elected as “a delegate to the Virginia convention, to urge upon the state authorities the claims of the colony for government and defence.” He secured the formation of the new county of Kentucky and a supply of ammunition for the defence of the border. In 1777, Clark, now a major of militia, repelled the Indian attacks on Harrodsburg and proceeded ou foot to Virginia to lay before the state authorities his plan for capturing the Illinois country and repressing the Indian forays from that quarter. His scheme being approved, he was made a lieutenant colonel and at once set out to raise for the expedition a small force of hardy frontiersmen. He rendezvoused and drilled his little army on an island in the Ohio river, opposite the present city of Louisville. June 24, 1778, he started, and after passing the rapids landed near the deserted Fort “Massac,” which was on the north bank, ten miles below the mouth of the Tennessee; thence marching across country, much pressed for food, reaching Kaskaskia in six days. The inhabitants there were surprised and coerced during the night of July 4–5, without the firing of a gun. Cahokia and Vincennes soon quietly succumbed to his influence. Governor Hamilton, on hearing of this loss of the Illinois country and the partial defection of the tribes west and southwest of Lake Michigan, at once set out to organize an army, chiefly composed of Indians, to retake the Illinois. He proceeded via the Wabash and Maumee, with eight hundred men, and recaptured Vincennes, December 17. The correspondence we are here publishing has largely to do with Hamilton's negotiations, through De Peyster, Langlade and Gautier, for the mustering of savage allies for his expedition, from the country west of Lake Michigan and his attempt to thwart the intrigues of Clark's agents, who were very busy among the Indians north and northwest of the Illinois country, even penetrating as far north as the Wisconsin river. The intelligence of this movement of Hamilton was not long in reaching Clark at Kaskaskia, and be at once set out for Vincennes to recapture it. Hamilton surrendered to him, February 25, and was forwarded to Virginia as a prisoner. The weakness of his force and the poverty of Virginia alone prevented Clark from moving on Detroit. Early in 1780 he established Fort Jefferson, just below the mouth of the Ohio, and later in the season aided in repelling a body of British and Indians who had come to regain the Illinois country and attack the Spaniards at St. Louis. Leaving Colonel Montgomery to pursue the enemy up the Mississippi, Clark, with what force could be spared, hastened to Kentucky where he quickly raised a thousand men and invaded and laid waste the Shawnee villages, in retaliation for Bird's invasion. Later, he was engaged in some minor forays and was appointed a brigadier general; but his favorite scheme of an expedition to conquer Detroit miscarried, owing to the poverty of Virginia and the activity of the enemy under Brant, McKee, Girty and other border leaders. In 1782, he led a thousand men in a successful campaign against the Indians on the Great Miami. This was his last important service, his subsequent expeditions proving failures. His later years were spent in poverty and seclusion, and his social habits became none of the best. In 1793, he imprudently accepted a commission as major-general, from Genet, the French diplomatic agent, and essayed to raise a French revolutionary legion in the West to overcome the Spanish settlements on the Mississippi; upon Genet's recall, Clark's commission was canceled. He died February 18, 1818, at Locust Grove near Louisville, Ky., and lies buried at Cave Hill, in the Louisville suburbs. In his article on Clark, in Appletons' Cyclop. of Amer. Biog. , i., pp. 626, 627, Lyman C. Draper says: “Clark was tall and commanding, brave and full of resources, possessing the affection and confidence of his men. All that rich domain northwest of the Ohio was secured to the republic, at the peace of 1783, in consequence of his prowess.” Cf. William F. Poole, in Winsor's Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer. , vi., pp. 710–742. While due credit should be given to Clark for his daring and successful undertaking, we must not forget that England's jealousy of Spain, and shrewd diplomacy on the part of America's peace plenipotentiaries, were factors even more potent in winning the Northwest for the United States.— Ed .

0130 114 Friendship with the United States of America, and Promised to be true and faithful Subjects to the same.

In consequence whereof I have given him this writing as a remembrance that he and his said nation are to treat all the subjects of the said States of America with Friendship and receive all those they may meet with, as their Brothers.

Given under my hand and seal at Fort Bowman in the Illinois this 22 nd Aug t 1778.

G. Clark [Seal.]

Indorsed: “Colonel Clark's Certificate to a Chief of the Puan. Dated at Fort Bowman Illinois Country 22 nd Aug t 1778.

“Recd. in Lieut. Gov r Sinclair's Letter of the 29 th May.

“The within mentioned Chief and his Band are gone to strike against the Rebels and trade upon the commission.

0131 115

“ Machiquawish took the King's Medal from the Breast of one of his Band who refused to go and sent it to this Post.

“Addressed to me with two Prisoners of his Nations which he received from the Scions as a mark of Friendship & future alliance.”

DE PEYSTER TO GENERAL HALDIMAND. 1

1 Sir Frederick Haldimand, K. B., succeeded Carleton as governor of Canada, in 1778, serving until 1784. His correspondence and the miscellaneous official documents accumulated by him during this important period in American history, constitute the Haldimand Collection, now in the British Museum. The papers herewith presented are carefully copied from the copies of the original documents made under the close supervision of Douglas Brymner, government archivist of the Dominion of Canada. General Haldimand was horn in Switzerland and secured the lieutenant-colonelcy of the 60th (or Royal American) regiment of the British army, Jan. 4, 1756. He came to America in that year and was allowed the rank of colonel “in America” a year later. In 1756, he was commandant at Philadelphia. In 1760, he was with Major General Amherst in the expedition from Oswego to Montreal. He became a colonel in the army in 1762, and an “American” major general ten years later, in May. In October, 1772, he was promoted to be colonel commandant of the 60th. Jan. 1, 1776, he was commissioned a general “in America.” In 1777, he rose to be a lieutenant general in the army; and the year following succeeded Governor Carleton, as before noted. Jan. 10, 1785, he arrived in London; in October, he prepared to return to Canada and resume his governorship, but the news of his unpopularity had meanwhile reached England and he never again crossed the ocean. In 1791, he died at Yeverden, Switzerland. See Brymner's Report on Canadian Archives , for 1887, pp. vii–xxi, for additional details of his career, based on the latest information.— Ed .

Michilimackinac 21st Sepr 1778.

Sir ,—I did myself the honor to write to your Excellency on the 16 th Instant by Mr. Charles Reaume when I informed you that I had sent a belt and Speech on the 10 th Instant to St. Joseph 2 to be forwarded to the Illinois to which dispatch of yesterday received the enclosed answer.

2 Located in what is now Portage township, St. Joseph county, Ind., on the east side of the St. Joseph river, a short distance below the present city of South Bend. It guarded the much-used portage between St. Joseph river and the head-waters of the Kankakee. Opposite the fort, upon the portage trail, was a Pottawattamie village. It was important to keep this portage open, as the most direct gateway between Detroit and the Illinois country; it was, too, a central depot for the fur trade.— Ed .

0132 116

It appears by Mr. Chevaliers 1 letters that the rebels are too firmly fixed in that important post to hazard my Belt with any prospect of success. I fear however that if they are not routed by some means that the whole Mississippi Trade is knocked up.

1 Louis Chevalier was a trader who had located at St. Joseph's as early as 1758. During the American operations in the Illinois country, he was regarded by De Peyster as friendly to British interests; but Sinclair, who succeeded De Peyster at Michilimackinac, was of a suspicious turn of mind towards many of the latter's friends, and had Chevalier placed under arrest and sent down to Quebec, as a “suspect.” It was found, however, that he could not be held ou so slight a pretext.

The Indians of the little Detroit of Labay The Manomenia Sabris Oumissigoes & Secoux 2 being arrived and on the point of their departure I present them with a large Belt which I desire may go through the different Villages of the Nations which have been employed by Government and who have been so long protected by His Majesty. Telling them that it is my earnest request that they have not the least conection with the Rebels but keep themselves quietly at home till I can have your answer to this letter which I tell them I expect this fall or so early in the winter and to send amongst them before the rivers are open in the Spring. That should I hear of their having done anything prejudicial to the Traders, or of their having entered into any alliance with the enemy I have in such case taken the precautions to request of you that the passes for the ensuing season may require of every Canoe to wait at the mouth of the French river in Lake Huryon for my further instructions so that should they misbehave during the winter they may expect I will send to order every Canoe loads of goods back to Montreal. This threat seems to have great force with the Indians present and with submission I could wish your Excellency would think fit to order it so It will detain Canoes no longer than is absolutely necessary, and it will be the means of their coming up with great confidence that far so as to be ready to furnish the nations with their Wants as usual to prevent the trade taking another turn Provided the traders can be allowed to proceed with prosperity.

2 Menomonees, Sacs, Winnebagoes and Sioux.— Ed .

0133 117

I have as much as possible instilled into the Indians the Idea that altho the Rebels may perhaps be able to make a shew of presents at first that they can by no means be able to furnish the different nations with their necessary wants. It now remains for me to send the several nations home pleased, this will require much rum and Tobacco, those gentry the Seroux excepted having continued to employ their Kegs before they arrived here, they must be also provided of good many Canoes as many of theirs are unfit for further Service.

* * * * * * *

Should your Excellency judge proper to send Mr. Gautier to proceed to the Mississipi he will hurry this Canoe much without him, it will scarce be in my power to put any orders you may send for the movement of the Labay Indians into Execution. Mr. Langlade the zealous will by no means be able to undertake so active an Enterprise.

The Indians have already declared that were Gautier here to lead them they would penetrate the Illinois Country this winter. As I suppose you will also send orders at Detroit in the winter I shall send off an express to be ready there as my Indians will know the road & as I shall be able to depend upon them & the person I shall send with them.

* * * * * * *

I have the honor to be &c

(Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimackinac 7 October 1778.

Sir ,—I am just honoured with your Letter of the 10 th of August last. Your Excellency may depend on me that I shall do all in my power to keep within bounds as much as the present situation of affairs will permit. I am sorry to inform you that the Indians who had been so well provided at Montreal had made away with almost everything before they reached this (their fine cloaths excepted which they 0134 118 carefully preserved) & as the cold weather must pinch them before they reach their houses I could not refuse them some cloathing. I likewise furnished them with Canoes, as many of their Canoes were rendered unfit to proceed. Half of their guns either wanted repairing or exchanging.

Demands were made upon me for payment of their own Canoes which they said were not paid them according to promise at Montreal. They made a claim for provisions taken the second Campaign. In this I however put them off till I have an opportunity of seeing their Leaders. Some of them brought me orders for Kegs of Rum &c and I have been obliged to cover their dead afresh. The Rum they got at Montreal to take to their Vilages they drank coming up the Country & they also used their Tobacco & expended their ammunition so that I have had all those articles to furnish over or run the risk of forfeiting all we have ever done.

At length I have sent the Labay Indians off pleased with promises—on their parts not to listen to the rebels at the Illinois from which quarter I have not heard anything since my last letter. I am in hopes the Traders have received my orders to turn up the Mississipy in time so as to avoid falling into their hands.

* * * * * * * *

(Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimackinac 24 th October 1778.

Sir ,—Your Excellency's Letters of the 30 th August and 2 nd of September I received the 21 st instant by De Groseliar. 1 I received about the same time a Letter from L t Gov r Hamilton which he left to be forwarded from Detroit. As [had] the Indians not been gone to their several homes before I received Mr. Hamiltons Letters it would have been

1 J. B. de Grosselier, recommended to De Peyster by Haldimand as a man capable of being made use of in the Illinois country.— Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., p. 353.— Ed .

0135 119 in my power to have seconded his attempt which he tells me he directs in person to dispossess the rebels at the Illinois, and as it may be in my power to dispose the Indians here to coöperate by going down the Illinois River he gives me this notice. 1

1 Clark had captured Cahokia and the other French villages in the Illinois, early in July.— Ed .

The Indians at present are too much dispersed for me to assembly them in a body Sufficiently strong to go down that river and I am persuaded they would not leave their wives and children in their wintering grounds, there having been no previous provision made for them I shall however send Express to the grand river 2 & on the borders of Lake Michigan to endeavor to spirit up the young men to join Mr. Hamilton by the most expeditious route ordering them to call at St. Josephs for further information of his situation.

I shall also write to Mr. Chevalier to give Mr. Hamilton every assistance in his power which I fear cannot be much, as the Indians mostly are gone to their meeting [hunting] grounds.

2 Grand river, Michigan.— Ed .

I have long since by civil treatment apparently secured that gentleman to His Majesty's Interests foreseeing thai he would become useful before those troubles could be at an end, the different representation of him by Mr. Hamilton and myself must appear extraordinary. I can assure your Excellency that I never heard anything that could be proven to his disadvantage on the contrary Whilst at this Post, he with a becoming decency set his enemies at defiance should he however prove faithless the disadvantages arising from my credulity will be greatly overbalanced by advantages that may occur by putting some confidence in him. This much I am obliged to say in vindication of my judgment as Mr. Hamilton notwithstanding my representation to him writes me that he has represented him to your Excellency in a very unfavorable light. I shall take every possible method to procure intelligence of the present state of the Illinois and transmit (if I receive any) by way of Detroit during the course of the winter. I have now to offer 0136 120 my sentiments agreeable to your Excellency's request whether anything can be done for the recovery of the Illinois.

Provided your Excellency's Instructions relative to stopping the communication of the Ohio &c be vigorously put in execution. I am pursuaded that Mr. Gautier or some other active person may assemble a body of Indians in his direct road from Labay to the Prairie de chien and in the river St. Pierre to go down the Mississipi early in the spring which may be performed from the mouth of the Oresconsign 1 in seven or eight days. That country is full of resources but the Indians must have presents whenever we fall off from that article they are no more to be depended upon. The past is soon forgot by them except when they do us a favour. Give the Indians of this country a present and they will immediately strive to make some trifling return, which we must however give them four times the value for. To second the above mentioned Indians the Pottewatamies must be also ordered to move down the Illinois river followed by the Ottawas and Chippawas those latter will be rather late but by sending belts before them to assure the Illinois Indians that they came in friendship to them provided they join in driving out the rebels it will have great effect, even the brent of their intended march will settle them. The inhabitants of that country are not to be depended upon should the french offer to interfere otherwise should they join the rebels, it would be thro fear of being plundered by the Stranger Indians. I some time ago represented a small armed vessel necessary to be under the direction of the commanding officer of this post, as a Sort of respect to the Indians, and to reconoitre the different Bays and Creeks in Lake Michigan also to be ready to send to Detroit on immergency, and finding I could not carry on the service without one I armed the Welcome to send to Labay St. Josephs Milwakee &c as the winds are generally so strong that canoes cannot move even in a fair wind, which makes their passages very tedious on the Lakes. But finding

1 Wisconsin river.— Ed

0137 121 no favorable answer indeed none at all to myself, I dismissed her. I can send such a vessel at [to] St. Josephs and get answer to my letters in eight days or sooner whereas I must not expect it in less than a month if so soon by a Canoe or small boat. The above representation was long before Your Excellency took the command.

I hope your Excellency is acqainted with the reasons why Sir Guy Carleton ordered me to remain at this post with an hand-ful of men and no other Command, to [with] a Captain of the Regiment and remaining guide removed, from what will in all probability soon become the scene of action if the Rebels are not routed from the Illinois.

I have the honor &c (Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimakinac 27 th Oct. 1778.

Sir ,—Soon after my letter of the 24 th inst. was despatched by a light Canoe, Messrs. Langlade and Gautier arrived here and informed me that they were sent up to attend my order. I was surprised they bro t me no letters, but they tell me Your Excellency was at Chamblée and that Lieut. Col. Campbell 1 sent them off lest the weather should set in so as to prevent them getting up. I have come to the resolution to send these Gentlemen off to give every assistance in their power to Lieut. Gov r Hamilton.

1 Lieut. Colonel John Campbell, of the 57th foot.— Ed

I have provided them with some Goods, which I believe with their presence amongst the Indians will do more good than I could have expected by sending my Belts by the hands of Indians.

Mr. Langlade is to undertake the Grand River, near which the Ottawa's and Chippewa's from the place winter. And Mr. Gautier is to proceed straight to St. Joseph's where he will give orders for the Indians in that neighbourhood to assemble whilst he endeavours to get intelligence of the route 0138 122 Mr. Hamilton has taken, so as to be able to join him with all expedition.

Mr. Hamilton by this means will not meet with any impediments from want o f such assistance as [is] in my power to give him.

Should they find that he is returned to Detroit, they then have orders to cross the country to their old Stations, to keep the Labay and Mississippi Indians in temper & there wait further orders.

I also sent off my Interpreter to St. Joseph's to bring me back necessary intelligence.

At this present Juncture I should have found the benefit of having the Sloop Welcome, as I have been obliged to press from some of the Inhabitants their only serv t to enable me to make out a canoe to transport them to St. Joseph's, and the winds are rather high.

* * * * * * * *

I have the Honor to be with the greatest Respect, Your Excellency's Host Humble obed Servant,

(Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

To His Excellency, the Commander in Chief .

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimakinac 29 th Januy 1779.

Sir ,—I did myself the honor to write to your Excellency on the 27 th of October acquainting you with the steps I had taken towards giving assistance to L t Gov r Hamilton having sent Messrs Langlade Gautier & Ains 1 is [they have] returned with the following report viz that they were detained on their way by contrary winds, so that they did not reach the mouth of grand river till the Thirteenth day of Novembre, where Mr Langlade landed agreeable to his Intenction. That on their way to St Joseph's they spoke with the Ottawa chiefs who declined the expedition for want of previous notice but declared themselves ready in the Spring. That detained by a continuation of bad weather he Ains & Gautier did not

1 Interpreter at Fort Michilimackinac.— Ed

0139 123 arrive at St Joseph's untill the second day of December where they found Mr Louis Chevalier who had been twenty two days from Mr Hamiltons little army which passed near the pays plat 1 before he left it that he le Chevalier was informed there that Gebease 2 the Priest had been at the Post Vincent [Vincennes] & at the Ouia [Fort Ouatenon] 3 with a party of rebels & obliged 600 inhabitants to swear Allegiance to the Congress &c & that by the best accounts he could get the rebels at the Illinois did not exceed three hundred men who were ill provided.

1 Pays plat (Fr. for flat country) was frequently applied to portage plains, by the French. In Long's Voyages and Travels (London, 1791), the term is applied to the portage of two miles between Lake St. Martin and Muddy lake in Manitoba. The particular pays plat referred to by De Peyster was the portage between the Maumee and Little river, one of the sources of the Wabash.— Ed

2 Father Pierre Gibault, the French priest at Kaskaskia, who undertook, on behalf of Clark, a mission to Vincennes in July, 1778, and succeeded in inducing its inhabitants to declare for the Americans.— Ed

3 Now Lafayette, Ind.— Ed

P. S.—I should be glad to know if your Excellency will please to allow the officer any pay for his laying out and directing the route at the Portage. 4

4 Referring to Lieutenant Bennett's expedition to the Grand Portage, at the west end of Lake Superior. Wherever the word “Portage” is used in these letters, without specific mention of locality, reference is had to the Grand Portage. The Grand Portage post was at the head of a bay on the northwest coast of Lake Superior, some five miles above (southwest of) the mouth of Pigeon river. From here, there was a carrying place of three leagues (nine miles) in length, northward to s widening of the Pigeon. The Grand Portage settlement was the great halting place of voyageurs and an important depot for the fur trade in that section. At the other end of the trail was another fort, to protect the portage from the north; upon a map of 1737,—the first sent to France, which showed this carrying place—this latter post is called Fort St. Pierre, but by 1800, under English rule, it was styled Fort Charlotte. Grand Portage was estimated to be 900 miles by water from Sault Ste. Marie and 1800 from Montreal (Harmon's Journal , Andover, 1820, p. 40). Harmon tells us (p. 41) that, in 1800: “This is the Head Quarters or General Rendezvous, for all who trade in this part of the world; and therefore, every summer, the greater part of the Proprietors and Clerks, who have spent the winter in the Interiour, come here with the furs which they have been able to collect, during the preceding season. This [Friday, June 13], as I am told, is about the time when they generally arrive; and some of them are already here. The people who come from Montreal with the goods, go no farther than this, excepting a few who take those articles to the Rainy lake, which are intended for Athabasca, as that place lies at too great a distance from this, to permit people who reside there to come to this place and return, before the winter commences. Those who bring the goods from Montreal, on their return, take down the furs, &c., from the north.” After leaving Fort Charlotte, the voyageurs ascended Pigeon river, which is crooked and often widens into lakes, frequent short portages being made to avoid the bends and rapids. The intricate water-courses followed, were what now form the international boundary as far as the Lake of the Woods; and from there, via the Winnipeg river to Lake Winnipeg, whence the parties scattered through the Hudson bay, Assiniboine, Saskatchewan and Athabasca regions, to their respective trading posts. See description of Grand Portage in Carver's Travels (ed. 1778), pp. 106,107. The map in Vol. I. of Keating's Narrative of Major Long's Expedition to the source of St. Peter's River (Phila., 1824), includes a detailed chart of the route from Lake Superior to Lake Winnipeg, “showing that there are no less than seventy-two portages, viz.: thirty-five westward of Rainy lake and thirty-seven eastward of the same place,” The canoeing distance between the mouth of the Pigeon and the mouth of the Winnipeg is stated in Keating (ii., p. 144) to be 716 miles; in the same volume, the route is minutely described, pp. 86–150, with a list of portages and décharges ,—the latter term being applied to partial obstructions, necessitating only the lightening of the canoe.

Edward D. Neill, of St. Paul, writes me as follows: “The Sieur de la Verendrye, in a communication to the Minister of the Marine, at Paris, mentions that on the 26th of August, 1731, he arrived from Montreal with his exploring party `at the Grand Portage of Lake Superior, which is fifteen leagues to the north-west of Kamanistigonia.' Verendrye and his nephew La Jemeraye were the first to reach Pigeon river, from Grand Portage, on their way to establish a trading post at Rainy lake. After the French established communication between Lake Superior and Lake Winnipeg, it was the great halting place of voyageurs. Count Andriani, of Milan, in 1791, visited this point, and his account of the voyageurs at this place is in Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt's Travels . David Thompson, the astronomer of the North-West company, in 1797 made observations here. In 1803 the united Hudson Bay and North-West companies erected a post at the month of Pigeon river called in compliment to one of their partners,—William McGillivray,—Fort William, and after this Grand Portage lost its importance as a stopping place.”

Grand Portage is now a small lakeside hamlet in Cook county, Minn., on the site of the old post. It is thirty-four miles northeast of Grand Marais, and 240 from Duluth. The inhabitants are chiefly Indians.

The government engineers have lately made some preliminary surveys in the harbor, looking to possible improvements there in the future.— Ed

The above news of Mr Hamiltons having got so far the start being told to the Indians at the grand river, where Langlade had raised about eighty they declined to follow at so great a distance on which Mr Langlade set out for his post at La Baye & Gautier finding that Mr Chevalier had already taken the few Pottawatamia which could be raised at that advanced season to Mr. Hamilton, set out for his post on the Mississipi carrying with them Belts & Speeches to exhort the Indians to be ready in the Spring if called upon Your Excellencys answer to my letter of the 21 st Sept. (thro L t Col Bolton) is just come to hand.

I have the honor &c (Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimakinac 29 th March, 1779.

Sir ,—I did myself the honor to write to your Excellency the 29 th January when I informed you that Langlade had failed in his attempt to move the Indians from their hunting 0141 125 grounds as they heard that L t Gov r Hamilton had got so much the start of them. Since which I received a letter from Mr. Louis Chevalier of St. Joseph's informing [me] that the Pottawatamie were returned home to pass the winter, that they brought him a Letter from the Lieut Governor informing him that he intended not to leave Post Vincent till the spring. I should have been glad to have had a line at the same time. However in complyance with your Excellency's orders to give every assistance in my power, I again ordered the Ottawas & Chippewas to march & send off express to Mr Gautier requiring him to move down with a body of Sabres Toyes [Sakis, Foxes] & Wernippigoes & he by this time should be on the March joined by some active Canadians.

* * * * * * * *

(Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

GAUTIER TO DE PEYSTER.

[Translated from the French by Grace Clark.]

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimakinac 13 th May 1779.

Sir ,—I did myself the honor to write to your Excellency on the 2 nd instant a copy of which Letter I now enclose.

The Chippewas of the Island of Michilimakinac arived here the 8 th from the Grand River and reports that the Ottawas and Grand River Traders are on their way they declare that the news of the Virginians building boats on the Lake Mitchig [Michigan] was the invention of some evil minded Indians and that neither themselves nor the Ottawas would listen to the Rebels belt.

0144 128

Mr. Langlade arrived last night and informed me that on his arrival at Labaye he received an order from L t Gov r Hamilton acquainting him that he wintered at Post Vincent therefore required of him and Gautier to join him early in the spring by the Illinois River. That he accordingly set out with some Indians & reached Milwakie 1 were [where] he received accounts of Mr. Hamiltons being taken, when the Indians disheartened would proceed no further. The enclosed Letter from Gautier will give your Excellency an account of his expedition. Mr. Langlade assures me that a Canadian named Benclo at the head of twenty horsemen is traveling through the Town and [towns of the] Sakis Country to purchase horses from [for] Mr. Clark telling the Indians that they will be with three hundred men at Labaye soon. But Mr. Langlade rather believes that they mean to transport themselves to Detroit. The Indians were so much divided that it was not possible to take Benclo and his party.

1 In Gautier's letter of April 19, just preceding this, and enclosed with it to Haldimand, it is shown that Gautier went over the Fox-Wisconsin water-course and down the Mississippi as far as the mouth of the Rock; and then returned to Green Bay by the same route, on learning of Hamilton's capture. Langlade took the lake-shore trip without Gautier.— Ed

He was informed by a man who came from the Illinois that the Virginians then [there] did not exceed sixty men, that they Were mostly in bad [health] the last Fall with the Maladie du Pays 2 but were taking [talking] of a great reinforcement.

2 Home-sickness.— Ed

The Canadians who want to return to this Post have leave on taking the Oaths not to serve against the United States. Clarke assures them that he will be here nearly as soon as themselves none are yet arrived.

I don't care how soon Mr. Clarke appears provided he come by Lake Michigan and the Indians prove staunch and above all that the Canadians do not follow the example of their brethren at the Illinois who have joined the Rebels to a man. I am in hopes however that their connection at Montreal will be a check upon them.

If I had armed vessels I could make them constantly coast 0145 129 Lake Michigan to awe the Indians and prevent the Rebels building boats, there is a small sloop here as already reported but no sailors nor will my present garrison admit of any detachment, it not being by the one half sufficient to do the necessary duty here. I shall allow the Traders to come to this Post, but if things do not greatly alter I will not allow one to go the Labay rode.

The Sakis and Reynards seems to be easy about the matter as appears by Gautier's Letter but they will soon open their eyes, if it is possible effectually to restrain that trade on that head as well as how to act in case Detroit is taken, is what I hope I shall receive your full instructions about by a light Canoe. If Detroit should be taken it is evident we have but a dismal prospect, however what can be expected from two subdivisions shall be done, I think I can with propriety call my handfull by that name, when a part are employed at the Canon having nine pieces of Ordnance & only two Artillery men.

I have sent to Sanguina to endeavour to secure six hundred Bushels of Corn for the Indians without which our flower will run short by the fall of the year.

I have the honor &c (Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

P. S. Give me leave to assure your Excellency that nothing can be expected from the Indians without the Troops to head them.

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimackinac , 2 d May 1779.

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

The season here has been very open so that we had reason to expect arrivals from the grand River in the Lake Michigan sometime past, but as yet can neither hear of Trader or Indian being at hand. Some Squaws who went at about forty miles from hence to visit their friends, returned with the news that the Virginians were building Boats near Milwakee & that they had sent belts which were accepted by the Ottawas and Chippaways requesting of them to remain 9 0146 130 at the grand river till they the Virginians had taken this Fort [Michilimackinac], and delivered it into the hands of the Indian's old friends the French and that Siggenake 1 the disafected Milwakee chief was to lead the first division—yesterday [there] arrived a man from the same place who relates that he was informed from [that] the chief Gicee [Gorce] who wintered at the Grand Traverse about forty leagues from this did not believe it, & and sent the Person who brought it back to the Grand river to get further information. Pie further said that he understood that the Virginians were at Chicagou I have dispatched people to make all possible inquiry relative to this news.

1 Onaugesa, mentioned by Augustin Grignon ( Wis. Hist. Coll. , iii., pp. 290, 292) as being the Menomonee chief at Milwaukee in 1784–85.— Ed

Should they come that way I think there is hopes of their repenting their voyage, as I cannot be persuaded the Indians have so soon forgot their promise, but on the other hand if Detroit falls it must be expected that their friendship will fall with it.

The provisions of this Post turn out very bad great quantities of the Pork appearing evidently to have been condemned before sent up here the pieces being much cut and scarcely packed over & that with dry salt. What Pork we serve as good is frequently so rusty that the soldier scarcely gets half his allowance.

I have the honor &c (Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

P. S. I have taken the liberty to inclose a copy of the last condemnation for the month of April.

LIEUT. COLONEL BOLTON TO HALDIMAND.

Niagara , May the 20 th 1779.

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

Major De Peyster in a letter dated the 2 nd of May informs me that some squaws went a short time ago to see their relations about forty miles from this they returned with the 0147 131 news that the Virginians are building boats at or near Milwakie, and have sent Belts, which were accepted of by the Ottawas and Chippewas, requesting of them to remain at the Grand River till the Virginians had taken this Fort, and put it into the hands of their old friends the French. A man who arrived yesterday from the same place says, that this news came from the Grand River to the Chief Gorce, who wintered at the Traverse, that Gorce did not believe it, and sent to the Grand River to get further information that the enemy were said to be at the Chickagou and not at Milwakee, a disaffected chief of Milwakee (named Sagenake) was to lead the first division. The Major has dispatched people to reconnoitre and get every possible intelligence, he says if they shou'd only come that way, and the Indians keep firm, they may chance to regret their voyage, but should Detroit fall, the friendship of the Indians will fall with it.

* * * * * * * *

I am &c (Signed) Mason Bolton .

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimackinac the 1 st of June 1779.

Sir ,—On the 24 th Instant I was honored with your Excellency's Letter of the 25th Decem r 1778. The sending a party to the Gr Portage, is what I had represented to Lieut Colonel Bolton as by no means safe from so small a Garrison in the present critical situation of affairs I am glad to find you are of the same opinion.

Your Excellency may depend upon it that I never have nor never shall undertake any Expence lightly at any Post I may have the honor to command I am extremely sorry to find that there is a likelyhood of the Expences at this Post rather increasing than otherwise as the Indians are growing very importunate since they hear that the French are assisting the rebels—The Canadians I fear are of great disservice 0148 132 to Government but the Indians are perfect Free Masons when intrusted with a secret by a Canadian most of them being much connected by marriage.

Since my last Letter of the 13 th of May Mr Gautier arrived here with a large band of Weenippigoes and [Menomonees] who had been with him to the Mississippi I would fain have had them stay here till I received orders from your Excellency, but they were impatient least the Chippewas of the Plains and the Sackis should in their absence disturb their villages. They are gone with promises to bring me some prisoners from the Kaskaskias, scalps I have positively forbid to prevent cruelty and least they should pawn old ones or those of innocent persons a deceit I think them often guilty of. The Sioux Wabasha 1 was on his march to join Mr. Hamilton, but stopt on hearing of his defeat he has sent the interpreter with his son and some young men with a pipe telling me that he waits my further orders That he has silenced the Reynards and desires to know if I chuse he shall strike the Sabres [Sakis] for having had talks with the Rebels which he is ready to do. As well as all opposers of His Majesty's Arms. I am sending off some pouder and cloathing to his Nation as well as to the Weenippigoes and Menominies to endeavor to keep them firm in our Alliance, if they continue so we have nothing to fear from the Indians of that Quarter, I have been obliged to purchase goods upon this occasion, great part of which will remain in Store. As the assortment I wanted lay in those parcels I was obliged to buy and I hope your Excellency will not think the purchase ill timed it being of the greatest importance to secure these people in our Interest before the Rebels make any impression on them.

1 Wabasha, The Leaf (Fr., La Feuille ), was leader of the Sioux in the British operations on the upper Mississippi, during the Revolutionary war. See Wis. Hist. Coll. , vi., p. 250; vii., p. 176; ix., p. 290. He was father to the Wabasha who figured in the Black Hawk war. His village, like that of his son, was on the present site of Winona, Minn. ( Id . ii., p. 194).— Ed ).

The Ottawas and Chippawas are here they do acknowledge that there was a report spread over the country to their disadvantage but positively deny having entered into 0149 133 articles with the Rebels. I am certain that the Detroit Indians have sent Belts to beg they will observe a neutrality which it is not possible for Indians to do.

Mr. Hamilton's defeat has cooled the Indians in General. I have however a great number to send to Detroit if they should be wanted, as yet no vessel from that Post. Your letter of the 25 Decem r came to me by my returned express.

I have had no letter from Mr. Chevallier of a later date than the 20 th Feb ry wherein he mentioned that the Rebels have employed the Canadians to purchase horses (for to mount their cavalry) in the neighbourhood of Chickagou Mr. Carty 1 who lately gave me Intelligence is now one of the Rebel Captains so poor a creature never entered into any service before, yet he was a very principal actor at Fort Sackwith. 2

1 Richard McCarty. licensed from Michilimackinac as a trader to the Illinois. See his letter to De Peyster, June 7, 1778, describing the condition of affairs in his district— Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., pp. 368, 369. In a report to Governor Jefferson of Virginia, Jan. 24, 1781 ( Cal. Va. State Papers , i., p. 460), McCarty is spoken of as being in command at Cahokia, for the Americans.— Ed

2 Fort Sackville, the name of the fort in Vincennes.— Ed

* * * * * * * *

I have the honor to be &c (Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimackinac 14 th June 1779.

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

It will be quite safe and highly necessary that Canoes with goods are sent up to this place to enable me to indulge the Friendly Indians with Traders. Twenty Canoes will be sufficient and care may be taken in their distribution so as to prevent their falling into the Enemy's hands. The same number of Canoes which entered the Lake Superior 0150 134 the last year may enter it this year. I mean those which were for the different stations from St. Mary's keeping the north shore, such may be trusted who are used to Trade to the Peek, Michipiota, Nippigon and the Grand Portage, so into the North West.

Mr. Barthe at St. Mary's may have two Canoes and Mr. Cadot one, included in the twenty for this place.

The Indians are hanging upon me in great numbers to know if they are to be employ'd, I have repeatedly wrote to Captain Lemoult to know if he wants their assistance but have no answer from him. I am loth to send off party's to the Illinois without your express orders for doing so, at best it would only be productive of much cruelty, perhaps exercised upon the undeserving, still many small partys will steal off, and I think that I observed the Winnipigoes are to bring in some Prisoners. It was necessary to put them to the test to know if they are our real Friends or not, and to show the Sacks and Reynards that they are so.

Wabasha the Sioux has sent in Rocq the Intepreter with his son and some young men to acquaint me he stopt at the Dog Plains 1 on being informed that Mr. Hamilton was taken & that Gautier had retreated. He desires to know if he shall strike the Sacks and Reynards for having stopt Gautier, and for having listened to the Rebels. It would be by no means prudent to encourage an Indian war, and I hear that three or four hundred Chippewas of the plains (People who n ever come in here) are on their march to attack Wabasha, having lately had some of their people killed by the Sioux.

1 Prairie du Chien.— Ed

I do not recollect any Trader having gone by here without a Pass. I once reported that two men from Montreal had left it on their way to Duport or Michilimakinac, and as they never reached Detroit it was supposed they had entered the Oswego River. This information I got from a Mr. McNamara who I believe did not recollect their names.

I believe the Sieur Alvé [Calvé] to be a very inoffensive man. It would not be amiss to give him a Dollar and a 0151 135 ration a day and send him into the Sack and Reynard country where he has some influence, otherwise I have too many useless people about me, none but the Interpreter who can give me any real assistance. Rocq I send to the Sioux Country.

Mr. Langlade & Mr. Gautier should be kept in pay and in temper, tho' they at present are rather a burthen upon me. To send them upon an Expedition without Troops is doing nothing, and Your Excell y will see by my former letters, how much it is out of my power to spare a man from this place. Those two gentlemen represent that they cannot live at this extravagant place upon their allowance having a constant run of Indians who snatch the bread out of their mouths.

They beg of me to represent to Your Excellency that should their friends apply for a pass to send them a Canoe, 1 You will please to grant them one.

1 The phrase, “send them a canoe,” frequently occurring in these letters, means, in this connection, to “send them a canoe-load of goods,” for their fur-trade. Neither traders' supplies nor individual travelers were allowed to go into the upper country without a pass from the military authorities; hence the annoyance felt by Major De Peyster upon learning of any infractions of this martial rule.— Ed .

* * * * * * * *

I am with the greatest respect, Sir Your Excellency's most Hum l & obed t Servant

A. S. De Peyster

P. S. I have [hear] this moment that the Canoe is setting off.

His Excelly the Commander in Chief .

Indorsed: “rec d at Quebec the 28 th June.”

DE PEYSTER TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimackinac 27 th June 1779.

Sir ,—Your Excellency's letters of the 30 th April & 6 th May only came to hand on the 24 th instant owing to Leekey Canoes and hard gales on the Lakes.

I acquainted you lately that I had been obliged to purchase goods. The Indians hung about the Fort in great 0152 136 numbers waiting to hear if they were wanted at Detroit at length the [they] grew tired and all the strangers filled [filed] off to their homes.

I have received your Letters by Detroit and one from Captain Brehem 1 by a traders Batteaux. The answer to which I have dispatched with a light Batteaux and nine oars so that he will know our wants in a few days.

1 Capt. Diedrick Brehm, Haldimand's aid-de-camp. Brehm had been sent by Haldimand to Detroit, “to get all the Information of the situation, wants, etc., of your Post [Michilimackinac] and what could be done toward its defence” ( Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., p. 412). He arrived May 25, and five days later wrote to De Peyster for information. The latter replied under date of June 20 ( Id. , pp. 386–87).— Ed .

On hearing of Mr. Hamilton's defeat I did all that this sand would allow of to put his Fort in a state of Defence.

The Sand Hills lately reported 2 are now nearly levelled, so as to prevent any lodgement behind them.

2 In letter to Brehm, June 20.— Ed .

By creditable people just arrived from the Illinois I have the following accounts so late as 24 th of April. Clarke was returned from Post Vincent with most of his people, and one Mr. George 3 was also arrived from Carolina with forty men, and they talked of a reinforcement under the Command of Montgomery. 4

3 Capt. Robert George, who had arrived at Kaskaskia, from New Orleans, with forty-one men, while Clark was absent on his Vincennes expedition.— Ed .

4 John Montgomery, one of Clark's four captains in the Kaskaskia campaign.— Ed .

The Kaskaiskias no ways fortified. The Fort being still a sorry picketted enclosure, round the Jesuits Colledge with two plank Houses at opposite Angles, mounting two four pounders each on the Ground Floor and a few Swivels mounted in Pidgeen [pigeon] Houses. 5 The Militia are about one hundred and fifty men, serving much against their inclination. Provisions were growing very scarce, and no supplys of goods from below, the Fort at the River Natches having stoped their convoys, thither Clarke proposed to march when he got answers to some letters.

5 William F. Poole, in Winsor's Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer . (vi., pp. 719–721), clearly proves that Fort Gage was in Kaskaskia.— Ed .

0153 137

The Natches is defended by Royalists who had been ruined by Willings depredations. 1

1 During February and March, 1778, Capt. James Willing, of Philadelphia, at the head of about one hundred American rangers, made conquest of the English settlements at and in the neighborhood of Natchez, Miss. The property of non-residents and British officials was destroyed or confiscated and the loyalists driven out. Cf. Bancroft's Hist. U. S . (ed. 1885), v., pp. 315, 816; also the very unfavorable view of Willing in Claiborne's Mississippi , i., pp. 117–124.— Ed .

The Rebels have had several Councils with the Indians, have nothing to give them and treat them with great contempt. Their policy is to intimidate them since they cannot carress them. No expedition was talked of towards this post, they are right for as sure as they attempt it they will never get back. The country affording nothing for strangers to subsist upon.

One Linctot a Trader I find has entered into their service. He has too much to say amongst the Indians, every method should therefore be used to get him into our hands, for which purpose, and to reconnoitre I send off Gautier with a party of Indians at Les Pee 2 a small Fort on the Illinois River, where he is at present with some other traders who had better be here. Gautier has orders to Burn the Fort which will shew the Rebels that all the Indians do not intend to remain Neuter, and effectually intimidate them from attempting an Expedition this way. The Pay is about Eighty Leagues from the Kaiskaskias.

2 De Peyster's method of writing Le Pé, an abbreviation for “The Peoria.” He phonetically spells it “The Pay,” a few lines further on. The post, probably a mere stockade for the immediate protection of the traders, was “situated on the northwest shore of Lake Peoria, about one mile and a half above the lower extremity or outlet of the lake” ( Amer. State Papers , iii., p. 421),—within the present city limits of Peoria, Ill. See also Matson's Pioneers of Illinois , pp. 216, 217. Peoria was, at this time, indifferently styled Lee Pee, Pay, Pé, Au Pay, or Opa.— Ed .

Your Excellency refers me to the Ordinances of the Provence for '77 respecting the affairs of Mr. Howard. 3 I see

3 May 6, Haldimand notified De Peyster that Joseph Howard had set off to trade, presumably at Michilimackinac and the Grand Portage, without a license; and directing him “as authorized by my ordinance of the Provence for that purpose passed in March, 1777” to seize Howard's goods and canoes ( Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., p. 358). June 14, De Peyster ( Id. , pp. 383, 384) wrote his superior that the order had been carried into effect, and “the whole of his goods seized and lodged in the King's store.” Howard finally obtained security at Montreal and recovered his effects.— Ed .

0154 138 thereby he is entitled to give security, which I shall take and transmit it to Montreal.

I have the Honor to be (Signed) A. S. De Peyster .

HALDIMAND TO DE PEYSTER.

Quebec July 3 rd 1779.

Sir ,—I have rec'd both your letters of the 14 th past the necessity which you represent, that goods should be sent to your Post, and to Lake Superior, and the safety with which you say, it may be done to His Majesty's Service, has induced me to grant passes for the number of Canoes you have specified in your letter. I shall depend upon your judgment and experience in the distribution of them. laying the Traders under such restrictions as will most conduce to the Interest of the Public Service.

You judged right in not employing the Indians against the Illinois, since it is your opinion that Cruelties alone would be the result, I would not however absolutely discourage their Incursions into that settlement, as their appearing firm in our interest may have a good effect, not only in the eyes of the Rebels, but of the inhabitants who are so disaffected to us, besides it may be the means of procuring useful intelligence, which you will strongly recommend to, and endeavour to effect by means of these parties—Every caution necessary against cruelty, I am persuaded you will observe.

Wabashas proposal is a very uncommon one from an Indian and tho' it would, as you justly observe, be very imprudent to adopt it Yet the zeal he has manifested merits our attention.

You will naturally prevent as much as in your power, 0155 139 the breach expected between the Chippewas and Sioux which might deprive us of the Service of many warriors, should we have occasion for them, but perhaps be turned to some account against us, by the Rebels

Agreeable to your recommendation of the Sieur Calveé, I have ordered that he may have a dollar and a Ration pr day & to be employed as you have proposed.

Messrs Langlade and Gautier have high pay. I must think of raising it, but you may as you judge necessary reinburse them in any little matter of Provision, they may occasionally find indispensibly necessary to furnish to Indians.

* * * * * * * *

(Signed) F. H.

P. S.—In order to convince some Reynards and others of your Indians, who wintered at Montreal, of the falsity of a report propagated by the disaffected Canadians that a French fleet would certainly arrive this Spring to retake the Country, I ordered them down here to be present at the arrival of our Fleet. They are come, and I enclose to you my speech to them which you will deliver to their Nations, making such Additions as you may from local circumstances judge necessary. I shall keep them untill the Fleet arrives and on their return they will I hope, have it in their power amply to confirm what is set forth therein.

HALDIMAND TO DE PEYSTER.

Quebec 13 th July 1779.

Sir ,—By the bearer Mr. Calvé I have an opportunity of more [fully] answering your letter of the 27 th of June, the receipt of which, I acknowledged by yesterday's Post.

I am obliged to you for Intelligence from the Illinois. I am pleased to find it so favorable, and that your Post is in such security, you will no doubt continue whatever work you may think necessary to preserve it in that state.

I much approve of your destroying Fort Pay and I hope Mr. Gautier will be able to effect all the purposes of his 0156 140 charge From the poverty of the Rebels in that Quarter I think there is little to apprehend. Intercepting their supplies should be the chief object of our attention, it is a service which the Indians, I should think, would cheerfully undertake in their hopes of plunder.

Mr. Calvé has presented to me a claim on Government amounting to 3,699 Livers, besides a Sallary from the year 1776 inclusive, I have never heard that the former was due or the latter promised to him, but I find from Colonel Campbell and Mr. Gautier that the man has been usefull and that it is still in his power to be very serviceable to Government in either or both cases, I should be sorry not to reward his merit, I therefore must desire you will give me every information in your power relative to him—and in the meantime as it is represented that you sent them and that his interest suffered much by his coming down, I have paid him a dollar per day as Interpreter for one year only, and have given him a Licence for one Canoe, exclusive of his share of the Trade. He declined my offer, recommended by you of a dollar per day, as Interpreter, saying that it would interfere with his Commercial Views.

I have forwarded Rum for the General Consumption of the Upper Posts, and am under the necessity of repeating my requests to the officers Commanding to observe the greatest œconomy in the distribution of it, seeing the amazing price charged by the traders for that article.

I likewise wish to refer you to a letter upon the subject of flour which I find from all quarters, there is the greatest necessity to attend to this year, it having been put up warm and is consequently subject to damage. Some large room should be found to spread and air it on, in [for] two or three days, and then to be repacked. As soon as the Fleet arrives I shall despatch L t Gov r Sinclair to relieve you.

(Signed) F. H.

LIEUT. GOVERNOR SINCLAIR 1 TO BREHM.

1 Patrick Sinclair, in October, 1758, entered the British army as ensign, in the second battalion, 42d Highlanders. In 1759, he was wounded at Guadalope, West Indies. Being ordered to America, he became a lieutenant, July 27, 1760. Because of his regiment being ordered back to the West Indies, in October, 1761, he exchanged into the 15th foot, serving in America until that regiment returned to England, in 1768. Being promoted to a captaincy, April 13, 1772. Sinclair asked for, but failed to obtain, permission to return to America; the following year, therefore, he retired. In 1775, he received the appointment of lieutenant governor and Indian superintendent of Michilimackinac and dependencies, but upon landing in New York was taken a prisoner; summoned, August 3, before the provincial congress on charge of being commissioned to employ the Indians of the Northwest in coercing the colonies; sent to Long Island as a paroled prisoner, and in March, 1776, allowed to return to England. In the summer of 1779, he was again sent to take charge of the post of Michilimackinac, and arrived at his destination October 4, succeeding De Peyster, who in turn succeeded Hamilton, at Detroit. Sinclair served at Michilimackinac until 1782. April 1, 1780, he was commissioned captain in the first battalion, 81th foot (Royal Highland Emigrants), and June 12, 1782, became major. He rose through successive grades, until July 25, 1810, when he was promoted to be lieutenant general. He died in 1820, at that time the oldest officer of his rank in the army.— Ed .

Michilimackinac 29 th Oct r 1779.

Dear Brehm ,—as this may be the last opportunity that will offer this season, I beg leave to trouble you with some things I wish the General to be acquainted with early enough to know His Excellency's Pleasure in the Spring respecting all or any of them.

Finding the Disposition of the Indians in Lake Michigan very wavering & several Depots of Corn in the rivers there, I sent on the 21 st Inst. the Sloop “Felicity” with a carefull man Mr. Robinson as Pilot for the Lake two Canadians well acquainted with the Rivers, & Mr. Gautier, Intrepreter, with some small presents for the Indians, directing them to purchase all the grain Grease & Provision in that country, on the credit of the Merchants & Traders here & to use that of Government if necessary, that where they met with refractory disaffected persons they were to seize upon the corn 0158 142 giving a receipt, for what they could lodge in the vessel & to destroy the rest. Mr. Gautier carries a string of wampum to the Chief of Michlc Island, to tell him that we are to cut down some brush this winter, in order to judge whether we can flatter him with any assurance of making use of his Island, it seems he was for it, I have ordered Mr. Gautier to exhort the Indians to good behaviour during the winter, & to tell any of them who are desirious of going to war, that an Ottawa Chief Minable and a Chipewa Chief Machiquewish 1 with select warriors goes from this to act in concert with the Scioux's, Sac's & Rhenards against the Rebels on the Illenois & in that quarter—that their operations will be directed against Bodies of Armed Men and against Forts or strong holds by Blockade as that [those] Garrisons are dependant for their daily Bread on the Inhabitants who are wearied out of their Demands (such are the orders sent to Rocque & Calvé Interpreters by a Mr. La Croix) and that their services tending to these objects will be rewarded. I have sent several small craft into Lake Huron to bring in all the Corn &c on its banks.

1 The captor of Michilimackinac in 1763. See Draper's sketch of “Matchekewis,” Wis. Hist. Coll. , vii., pp. 188–194.— Ed .

I beg to inform the General that I have given a Copy of the inclosed instructions to Mr. Jean Baptiste Cadot of St. Mary's, a man who was much esteemed by Sir William Johnson & paid for several years by the Crown. He has always maintained a good character in this Country, rendered services in the Indian Commotion [of] “63,” he has great influence with the Indians, & is considered by them as a great Village Orator besides. St. Mary's is a pass deserving some attention & will be more so when the General receives fuller information relative to the Grande Portage & the North West. I cannot pronounce on their design, but they have endeavoured to hide from General Carleton how easy it was to supply the Illinois & Mississippi from the South side of Lake Superior the wretched conduct of the people in that Country this years disgrace us, and may hurt the Kings Service. The Indians showed uncommon forbearance and a manly open conduct theirs the reverse.

0159 143

One Pierre Durrand who has been four years in the Illinois Country arrived here with 120 Packs of Furs & expects in the Spring by his Clerk Michael Bello one hundred more. From several unfavourable reports of both I examined his papers very strictly (amongst which are none that required any summary proceeding). However he is made to enter into bond with two responsible men for £1000 sterg., not to aleniate by sale, gift or otherwise any part of his Property, but what may be requisite for his maintenance before the 1 st May next. If anything appears then, or within that time, much against him, the terms of the Bond shall be Extended to the General's decision on their conduct. I shall send down in the Spring (Mr. Durrand not wishing to go sooner) the Rebel Paper Dollars found in his possession “the amount of 180 Bills in favour of a Jean Baptist for 447 Dollars, in favor of a Jean Baptiste La Croix 68 Dollars, all drawn by a Colonel Clarke on the Rebel States. Also a Certificate from a Rebel Major that Michael Bello his Clerk, had taken the Oaths to their Congress. In palliation of these interferences with the Rebels, Mr. Durrand says that he was obliged to give his goods & take their paper money, and that he was so much afraid of his property as to supplicate Don Leyba a [the] Spanish Lt. Governor at Pencour 1 to allow him to become a subject to His Catholic Majesty. Mr. Durrands petition will be sent with the other papers, and any information that may come hereafter. As certainly the General will not permit Individuals to negociate Bills of Exchange & things of that nature with the Rebels.

1 St. Louis. The French nickname “Pain Court” (phonetically spelled Pencour by the English) is, literally, “short loaf”—having reference to the poverty of its early inhabitants. It is said to have been applied to St. Louis by the people of the neighboring French settlements, in remembrance of an impoverished parish in France. (Scharf's Hist. St. Louis , p. 165.)

Monsr Durrand, upon oath, relates the affairs of the Illinois to be much in the state represented by Major De Peyster to His Excellency excepting that there is no Fort at the Pé. 2 He left that place on the 12 th of July last, and saw a Mr.

2 It had been burned by Gautier, during the early summer. See ante , pp. 187,139.— Ed .

0160 144 Langto with 40 Rebel Canadians, who were mounted, in that Settlement in March, for Post St. Vincents. the day before he left it. He says that the R [Rebel] Garrison at Cascaskias consists of a few sick men and young giddy recruits from the Country near it. That the Priest Gebou [Gibault] and one Mayette a Canadian are very active in the Rebel Interests.

* * * * * * * *

Yours, Pat k Sinclair .

SINCLAIR TO BREHM.

Michilimackinac 15 th Feby 1780.

Dear Brehm ,—

* * * * * * * *

It is most probable that as their [the rebels'] attempts agst. the Center posts of the Communication did not succeed last year, that they will begin with the weakest flank this year. Therefore on the same principle that I wished for more Canadians in the Upper Country, I will use my utmost endeavours to send away as many as I can of the Indians to attack the Spanish Settlements as low down as they possibly can, in order to procure the assistance of the others at home. I am so perfectly convinced of the General's Geographical as well as other knowledge that I do not know where to look for the cause of a doubt about giving some aid to General Campbell from this Quarter, but in His Excellency's [Haldimand's] opinion of some want in me—and that so material a want that I ought to be considered as a very unfit person for this place—the most advanced on the Continent, if it is so.

Lieut Govr. Hamiltons disaster has nothing in it to make the Scioux and other nations far to the West-ward, even to recollect the circumstance, many of them never heard of it. The short sighted harpies, which necessity has thrown into the service dwell upon the stories they hear from fretfull bands of Delawares, Mascoutins, and Kicapous near where the Event happened.

0161 145

Admit that the Disaster has all the supposed consequent misfortunes, it is still more necessary for us to engage the Indians to take a part which will at once declare their Enmity to the Party they are engaged to act against, and make it more difficult for their French Friends to effect a Reconciliation should inattention or neglect leave room for the change on our part.

On the day after I received the extract of Lord George Germain's letter, 1 with a part of the General's [Haldimand's] letter to Colonel Bolton which Major De Peyster very properly forwarded, I sent a War Party engaged by the Lieut Cadot to be in readiness by the South Side of Lake Superior into the Country of the Scioux, a warlike people undebauched, under the authority of a chief named Wabasha of very singular & uncommon abilities, who can raise 200 men with ease, accustomed to all the attention and obedience required by discipline.

1 Spain declared war against Great Britain, May 8, 1779, and in July her American subjects were authorized to attack Natchez and other English ports on the east bank of the Mississippi. Lord George Germain, secretary for the colonies, wrote to Haldimand, June 17, informing him of the action of Spain and ordering him to attack New Orleans and the other Spanish ports on the river, in coöperation with an expedition under Brig. General Campbell, who was to proceed up the Mississippi to Natchez with an army and fleet. Haldimand issued these orders in a circular letter to all the Western governors. De Peyster forwarded it from Detroit to Sinclair, at Michilimackinac, under date of Jan. 22, 1780. Sinclair refers to the receipt of this communication.— Ed .

I have also wrote to a Monsr. Rocque, an interpreter paid by the Crown, for that nation, enclosing one of Genl. Haldimand's printed commissions, with a power from myself for enabling Wabasha to draw some necessaries from Rocque, to raise a body of his own Indians, and of any others, whether Indians or whites, which he may choose to add to his Suite. I have recommended to him to lose very little time in getting as low down the Mississippi as the Natchez, to take for his interpreter amongst our Friends there a Mr. [John] Key who I have instructed to put himself under Wabasha's command and to serve him in that capacity of a commissary, to carefully attend to the accounts which he 10 0162 146 may receive of any body of our Troops coming up the River Mississippi, and to consider well the People he may have occasion to confide in before he takes that step, to point out to Wabasha, which I have done also, by letter to Rocque, that no Difficulties can occur from the want of Provision—both sides being well stored with cattle and game, and that the difficulty of remounting the stream can never be fatal as he has the Two Florida's & the Natchez for a retreat, should he at once think of proceeding as low as New Orleans. But he will be able to get information at the Natchez [so] that, if he did not hear of an English army coming up the Mississippi to [he could] attack by surprise any of the Spanish Forts, and by assault [could capture] any of their exposed Parties, settlements or Villages.

By the Extracts from Lord George Germain's & from the General's letters sent to me, I am a loss to know whether this preparation may not be too early on account of want of secresie in the people I have employ'd, and from their getting too near Orleans before the arrival of the Brigadier [Campbell].

Or, on the other hand, they may be too late, which, will I hope be the case to [for] promoting the Conquest of the Town itself. As afterwards they can act against the Rebels on this side which I have pointed out to them. I have confidence in and hopes of their Leader, as Wabasha is allowed to be a very extraordinary Indian and well attached to His Majesty's Interest.

Being at a loss, as I said, in point of time, I have supposed the Army for that service will arrive before Orleans about the first of May. Our information on such occasions requires to be very pointed, from the distance we have to hunt for our means of executing the wish of our Superiors.

Mr. Hamilton's disaster proceeded from want of system, uncertain information & want of attention in others as much as from the precipitancy of the measures he took himself, and the want of a regular district correspondence will ever produce such ill effects.

* * * * * * * *

I am Dear Brehm with regard & esteem yours very sincerely

Pat k Sinclair .

SINCLAIR TO HALDIMAND.

Sir ,—I have the honour to inform Your Excellency, that in compliance with My Lord George Germain's requisition in the Circular Letter sent from Detroit, on 22 d January, I sent, on the day after its arrival here, a War Party of Indians (for some time past in readiness)to the Country of the Scioux to put that nation in motion under their own chief Wabasha, a man of uncommon abilities. They are a People undebauched addicted to War, & Jealously attached to His Majesty's Interest. Their Force is considerable & their situation very favorable from its proximity to the River Mississippi. Mons. Rocque, the King's Interpreter for them will probably attend Wabasha, I have ordered a Mr Key to act as their English Interpreter &; Commissary. They are directed to proceed with all dispatch to the Natchez & to act afterwards [as] circumstances may require, & as I have pointed out more fully to the Sieur Rocque I shall send other bands of Indians from hence on the same service, as soon as I can with safety disclose the object of their Mission. I am at a loss to judge, in point of time, & can only hazard an opinion that the Brigadier & his Army will be at the place of their destination some time in May. I beg leave to refer Your Excellency to my other letter of this date & to Cap; Brehm for further information.

I have the honour to be with respect Sir, Your Excellency's Most obed t & most humble Serv t Pat k Sinclair L t Gov r of Michilimackinac.

Michilimackinac, 15 th Feb y 1780.

SINCLAIR TO HALDIMAND.

Michilimackinac 17 th Feb y 1780.

Sir ,—Since my letter of the 15th Inst the arrival of an Indian chief personally acquainted with me, affords me an opportunity, earlier than I expected, of ordering Mr. Hesse, a Trader and a man of character (formerly in the 60 th Reg t to assemble the Minominés, Puants, Sacks & Rhenards, in 0164 148 the neighborhood & to take Post at the Portage of the Ouisconsing's & Foxes Rivers, there to collect all the Canoes and Corn in the Country, for his own and for the use of the nations higher up, who will be ordered to join him at the Confluence of the Rivers Mississippi & Ouisconseing. Mr. Hesse is ordered not to move from his first stand, until I send him instructions by Sergt. [J. F.] Phillips of the 8 th Reg t , who will set out from this on the 10 th of March with a very noted Chief Machiquawish & his band of Indians. For want of a Cypher & to assist the Serjeant, I am unwillingly obliged to send a Private of the Kings Reg t , a Highlander, writing in that language to the Brigadier.

The reduction of Pencour, by surprise, from the easy admission, of Indians at that place, and from assault from those without, having for its defence, as reported, only 20 men & 20 brass Cannon, will be less difficult than holding it afterwards. To gain both these ends the rich furr Trade of the Missouri River, the Injuries done to the Traders who formerly attempted to partake of it, & the large property they may expect in the Place will contribute.

The Scious shall go with all dispatch as low down as the Natchez, and as many intermediate attacks, as possible, shall be made. We will endeavour a system and connection in directing their operations to the service in view.

I have only to add that, I am with the greatest respect Sir Your Excellency's most obed t & most humble Serv t

Pat k Sinclair L t Gov r of Michilimackinac.

General Frederick Haldimand .

P. S. I have told Mr. Hesse & all the Traders to observe strict Œconomy & I have assured them that any pecuniary advantages they may deny themselves, in making all the same compleat preparations, shall be amply made up to them in a better and surer way.

SINCLAIR TO HALDIMAND.

[No date; but apparently written in February, 1780.]

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

A supply of Indian Presents is wanted very early—In that Department a Mons r Langlade with a Capt ns Commission from Gen l Carleton, a Mr. Gautier (Interpreter in the room of Mr. Ainsea, a man of abilities allowed to retire by Major De Peyster) are men of no understanding, application or steadiness, though I believe well disposed to undertake services which I cannot confide in either. As no accident of any kind has happened to any sett of People here since Major De Peyster left this, The returns will go aggreeably to your Excell y orders, later in the spring.

I have prepared nine large Belts Geographically descriptive of the strides made in Colonization, of ours and the Spanish situation on the Mississippi, & placed two Indian figures with joined hands & raised axes in the Country between this & that River—It serves to please them—

I have the honer to be with respect Sir—Your Excell y's most obed t Humble Servant

Pat k Sinclair L t Gov r of Michilimackinac.

BREHM TO SINCLAIR.

Quebec April 17 th 1780.

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

His Excellency very much approves your having sent to collect the Corn in the Depots made by the Indians upon Lake Michigan & Huron, as a serviceable measure to increase the Stock of Provisions & a very proper precaution to prevent supplies being formed for the Enemy's use—nevertheless in these critical Times, you should be extremely careful to avoid giving any grounds of offense to the Indians.

0166 150

His Excellency will be glad of every information you can procure relative to the Pass of St. Mary's, the Grand Portage &c and particularly the advantages you hint at by supplying the Illinois & Mississippi, from the South side of Lake Superior, and the most likely means of correcting the abuses of the People in that Country, whose conduct you so much complain of in these Inquiries.

* * * * * * * *

I am, &c., (Signed) D. Brehm , Aid de Camp.

MRS. LANGLADE TO HALDIMAND.

[Translated from the French by Grace Clark.]

My General ,—It is to you alone that I can apply for permission to have a canoe to go to M. de Langlade my Husband, who desires me and who has been for several years in the service of his Majesty, at the upper posts and is now at Michilimakinac; The Zeal of his service and his disinterestedness have made his fortune so small that I have no other ressource than to entreat you to command Mons. Campbell to pay me the six months of his salary which will fall due next month, in order that I may make some small provision for this Hard journey.

The uprightness and The Devotion with which M. de Langlade has served his Majesty for twenty years on different occasions make me hope that His Excellency will not refuse me this favor, he can see a Sketch of his services in the most gracious Letter of His Excellency General Gage, At the time of the defeat of the fort at Michilimakinac, a coppy of which I Add here, not daring to intrust The original to the post office

I am with the most profound Respect My General The most humble & most obedient Servant of your Excellency

Dourana Langlade .

Montreal 22 nd May 1780.

SINCLAIR TO HALDIMAND.

Sir ,—Your Excellency was informed by my letter of February last, that a Party was to leave this Place on the 10 th of March to engage the Indians to the Westward in an attack on the Spanish & Illinois Country. Seven Hundred & fifty men including Traders, servants and Indians, proceeded with them down the Mississippi for that purpose on the 2 nd day of May.

During the time necessary for assembling the Indians at La Prairie du Chien, detachments were made to watch the River to intercept craft coming up with provisions and to seize upon the people working in the lead mines. Both one and the other were effected without any accident.

Thirty six Minomies (at first intended as an escort) have brought to this place a large armed Boat, loaded at Pencour, in which were twelve men & a Rebel Commissary. 1

1 Early in March, 1780, Charles Gratiot, then resident at Cahokia, sent a barge-load of goods and provisions to Prairie du Chien, for the purposes of trade. But in April, when off the mouth of Turkey river, thirty miles below its destination, it was seized and plundered by the Indians whom Sinclair had incited. As stated in Sinclair's letter, the crew and boat were sent on to Michilimackinac. In 1781, the boatmen brought suit for their wages, the charge being made that Gratiot was in collusion with the enemy, and that the contents of the barge proved the main supplies for the support of the Indians in their advance upon St. Louis. Gratiot made an elaborate and successful defense, and the suit became un cause célèbre in St. Louis. As a matter of fact, he was aiding the Americans with supplies. For biographical sketch of Gratiot, see Wis. Hist. Coll. , x., pp. 239–242, 262–264.— Ed .

From the mines they have brought seventeen Spanish & Rebel Prisoners, & stopp'd Fifty Tonns of Lead ore and from both they obtained a good supply of Provisions. The Chiefs Machiquawish and Wabasha have kindled this spirit in the Western Indians.

Captain Langlade with a chosen Band of Indians and Canadians will join a party assembled at Chicago to make his attack by the Illinois River, and another party are sent to watch the Plains between the Wabash and the Mississippi.

0168 152

I am now in Treaty with the Ottawas about furnishing their quota to cut off the Rebels at Post St. Vincents, but as they are under the management of two Chiefs, the one a drunkard and the other an avaricious trader. I met with Difficulties in bringing it about. Thirty Saguinah Warriors are here in readiness to join them, and the Island Band can furnish as many more.

The enclosed papers will show Your Excellency the arts practiced on the Indians by the Rebels, & French Emissaries.

I have the honour to be Sir, Your Excellency's most obed t & most Humble Servant

Pat k Sinclair L t Gov r .

Michilimackinac 29 th May 1780.

P. S.—Serjt. Phillips of the 8 th Reg mt who has my warrant to act as the Lieut during Your Excellency's Pleasure will Garrison the Fort at the Entrance of the Mississippi 1 Captain Hesse will remain at Pencour, Wabasha will attack Misere [Genevieve] & the Rebels at Kacasia. Two vessels leave this on the 2 nd of June to attend Machigwawish who returns by the Illenois River with Prisoners. The small Vessels remain at Milwaké with some provision after visiting the Pottawatamies [east] side of the Lake to give the alarm expected at St. Josephs, at least by Chevalier.

1 Prairie du Chien.— Ed .

All the Traders who will secure the Posts on the Spanish side of the Mississippi during the next winter have my promise for the Exclusive Trade of the Missouri During that time—and that their cannoes will be forwarded.

The two Lower Villages of the Illenois are to be laid under contribution for the support of their different Garrisons, & the two upper villages are to send Cattle to La Bay to be forwarded to this place to feed the Indians on their return.

A part of the Menominis who are come here, some Puants, Sacks & Rhenards go immediately to watch the Lead mines. Orders will be published at the Illenois for no person to go there, who looks for receiving Quarter, and the 0169 153 Indians have orders to give none to any without a British Pass. This requires every attention & support being of the utmost consequence.

Indorsed: “From Lieut Gov r Sinclair Commanding at Michilimackinac of the 29th of May. Rec'd by Express (St Germain) 11th of June with several Enclosures.”

SINCLAIR TO HALDIMAND.

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

I propose sending a Captain of Militia to St. Joseph's, one to La Bay & one to St. Mary's. These are to be the Traders at these Posts, & to have a little Rum only on account of Government, with an equipment, for such men as will mount a guard there & be ready to serve when called upon.

Your Excellency will perceive by the Letters from Pencour & St. Joseph's, the frequency of their correspondence. Mr. Chevallier will certainly endeavour to introduce a French or Rebel party at St. Joseph's if our movements do not take place before Autumn. The Pottawatimies have struck, it is true, but for a private insult offered to them last year.

I mentioned to Captain Brehm a Mons r Durrand who arrived here in October last. He serves as a guide for the Illenois Party under Capt. Langlade & leaves his Property here as a security for his conduct—his Paper Dollars & Rebel Bills are enclosed under this cover amounting to 695 Dollars.

I have the honour to be Sir, with Respect Your Excellency's most obed t & most humble Serv t .

Pat k Sinclair , L t Gov r .

Michilimackinac, 29 th May, 1780.

P. S.—As there are no Private Bills of Exchange here, I cannot agreeable to orders, draw for any money, tho' at this time my Promissory notes are in Circulation for near Two Thousand Pounds, New York Currency.

Pat k Sinclair , L t Gov r .

SINCLAIR TO BOLTON.

Michilimakinac June 4 th 1780

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

The two vessels are returned from Lake Michigan with a part of the Indians & Volunteers on the attack against the Illinois, scarcity of Provisions obliged them to return by different routes, some by the Mississippi, some through the country between Lake Michigan and that River, and some, as directed by Chigagoe.

They have brought off Forty-three Scalps, thirty-four prisoners, Black and Whites & killed about 70 Persons. They destroyed several hundred cattle, but were beat off on their attacks both sides the River, at Pencour and at Cahokias, owing to the treachery of Mr. Calvé & the Sacks & Renards (for whom he is paid by the crown as Interpreter) His partner in commerce a Mons r Ducharme has kept pace with him, in preferring the little underhand commerce of that country to the advantages I held out to them all, in promising them the Trade of the Missouri, provided they could gain & Garrison the Illinois.

* * * * * * * *

That want of secresy which is and must always be hurtful to the service, I cannot help lamenting upon this occasion.

The Spaniards received their Information of the meditated attack against the Illinois in the month of March last, and threw up in consequence of it a Breastwork round a Store House.

The Winipagoe Indians without exception, attempted to storm it & lost a Chief & three men on the spot, four are wounded & one of them (I fear) mortally.

They are enraged against the backwardness of the Canadians, and the base conduct of the Sacks, who have been debauched by the Rebels on account of their lead mines, & by the Traders in their Country, who drew advantage from them.

Indorsed: “Copy. Extracts of Letters from L t Gov r Sinclair to L t Col. Bolton.”

LIEUT. CLOWES 1 TO BOLTON.

1 George Clowes, of the 8th regiment of foot.— Ed .

Michilimackinac , 4 th June, 1780.

Sir ,—as no vessel is yet arrived from Detroit, I seize this opportunity to inform you from a request of the Lieut. Governor I have ordered Sergt. Phillips & Private McDonald & Creige on command towards the Mississippi, the former in Quality of Lieut., the others as Sergeants. I make no doubt but before this they have arrived at their destination with success—for particulars I refer you to the L t Governor.

* * * * * * * *

I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obed t humble serv t G. Clowes .

Indorsed: “From Lieut. Clowes to Lieut Colonel Bolton, 3 d June.”

SINCLAIR TO HALDIMAND.

Sir ,—I have the honour to inform your Excellency that the two vessels sent into Lake Michigan have returned.

They fortunately carried from this a force sufficient to enable the Party retiring from the Illinois by Chicago to pass with safety through a Band of Indians in the Rebel Interest & to embark in security, Some in canoes & some on board the vessels, The Others retired in two Divisions, one by the Mississippi with Monsieur Calvé, who allowed the prisoners taken by the Sacks & Outagamies to fall into the hands of the enemy. The other Division penetrated the country between Lake Michigan & the Mississippi & are arrived here with their prisoners. Two hundred Illenois Cavalry arr'd at Chicago five days after the vessels left it. On the 26 th of May Mr Hesse with the Winipigoes, Scioux, Ottawa, Ochipwa, Iowa & a few of the Oatagamies, Sacks, Mascoutins, Kickapous, & Pottawatamies.

Twenty of the Volunteer Canadians sent from this, and a very few of the Traders and the servants made their attack against Pencour & the Cahokias. The two first 0172 156 mentioned Indian nations would have stormed the Spanish Lines if the Sacks and Outagamies under their treacherous leader Mons r Calvé had not fallen back so early, as to give them but too well grounded suspicions that they were between two Fires. A Mons r Ducharme & others who traded in the country of the Sacks kept pace with Mons r Calvé in his perfidy. They have long shared the Profits arising from the Lead Mines & from a commerce with the Illinois. The Attack, unsuccessful as it was, from misconduct & unsupported I believe by any other against New Orleans with the advancess made by the Enemy on the Mississippi, will still have its good consequences. Many of the Indians are entered &; many are riveted in our interest. The Traders who would not assist in extending their Commerce cannot complain of its being circumscribed to necessary bounds, and the Indians who received a profusion of Presents without Distinction will now be Discriminated.

The Winnipigoes had a chief & three men killed & four wounded, I fear one of them mortally. They are the only sufferers.

The Rebels lost an officer & three men killed at the Cahokias & five Prisoners.

At Pencour sixty eight were killed & eighteen Blacks & white people made Prisoners. Amongst whom [were] several good Artificers many Hundreds of Cattle were destroyed & Forty three scalps are brought in. There is no doubt can remain from the con current testimony of the Prisoners, that the enemy received Intelligence of the meditated attack against the Illinois, about the time I received a copy of my Lord George Germain's Circular Letter. A like disaster cannot happen next year, and I can venture to assure your Excellency that one Thousand Scioux, without any mixture from neighbouring tribes, will be in the field in April under Wabasha (if no accident happens to him). His Interpreter Monsieur Rocque is a thorough honest man, & both have conceived the necessity for a profound secrecy, as well as the design and manner of executing it. In order to avoid the bruited reports of couriers, & the curiosity & suspicion they always excite in traversing such an extent of country, 0173 157 everything was settled with Wabasha here, & his wants were supplied principally by the timely arrival of the King's Cannoes. Sixty Winipigoes & a party of Indians from the West side of Lake Michigan are sent to cross the roads leading from the Rebel Posts—on the Ohio and Wabash—to the Illinois, to cover Capt n Bird of the 8 th who may be encumbered with Artillery, & to intercept Convoys of Provisions or Partys of the Rebels occasionally in motion from either Quarter.

From this to the close of Harvest, small parties will be sent from here in that direction. I have hired for a year three men who undertake to carry Expresses from Niagara to this Post, in ten or twelve days, which Your Excellency may think a preferable Route to that of Detroit, for such matters as may require secrecy or dispatch. I have the honor to be Sir your Excellency's most obed t & most humble Servant.

Pat k Sinclair , 84 th Reg' t .

Michilimackinac 8 th July 1780.

P. S. No accident happened to any of the Indians or others in retiring. Mons r Ducharmé permitted two profligate Frenchmen who were in his charge as Prisoners, to go to the Illinois. Numbers of that stamp are brought in from the Indians with their consent & approbation & the whole are ordered in Mr. Ainsés, call Interpreter here, is sent to bring in the Crew from St Josephs, Mons r Chevallier is his uncle, & will come in, I believe through favor & compulsion, if he is not encouraged to stay here.

SINCLAIR TO HALDIMAND.

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

Numbers of the People who used to winter at the Illinois & Mississippi will be allowed to go down late in the year, if they should not, be required by the Traders for Lake Superier or near wintering Grounds—

I am obliged to prevent anything going to the South side of Lake Superior for some months hence to avoid the Intrigues 0174 158 of the Traders, who concert t with disaffected Indians the means of supplying them. As an Instance of their Turpitude, Monsieur Calvé & Le Croix with some others, after sending some of their Prisoners to the Enemy Equip't one, Provencal, with what goods remained in the wintering ground & sent him to the Illinois which they made a sham attack upon.

They also knew Provencal to be a person who opposed Major De Peyster's orders & who had refused to come in to the Post, & otherwise a man of an Infamous Character.

I therefore think it my Duty to prefer checking evils of that nature, to the silence of People who will now very probably become very clamorous.

I am, Sir, with Esteem Your most obed t humble Serv t Patk Sinclair L Gov r .

Michilimackinac 2 d Aug 1780.

SINCLAIR TO HALDIMAND.

Sir ,—As it has been unfortunately left to my lott to cheek several abuses, to purge the Indian Country of many bad People, who shelter themselves in it, from Authority, Justice & their Creditors—Each will be naturally armed with a dagger against the Person who has undertaken the Task which I could not refuse, Even, in the fullest consideration of the Times, and the consequences which may tho' thankless [and] dangerous, result from so necessary Measures.

To pass over the Whim & Caprice of several engaged in the Service, Experience has taught me as excusable often, but, when from a Disposition altogether unfriendly to the source of Authority in the Province & to that exercised in conformity of [with] it (of which I am sorry to say there is too much apparent at Detroit) I then think it is my Duty to take determinate Steps as must root out so great an evil, if pursued everywhere.

Please to observe the insolence of a man, who is indebted to His Excellency for his daily Bread, borrowing the language of the discontented at Detroit & at this Place—You will see that he is not mistaken, If I am presise in obedience of orders, & will Justify these People's opinions in calling 0175 159 this Fort, Fort Haldimand. They all do me honor which I shall be happy if my conduct may claim.

This far I write officially thro' the medium of Friendship.

Were it necessary to offer any other justification for confining Mr. Harrow 1 to the Fort, only, than the account which he sends him self of the matter to Mr. Grant. 2 I would observe to you that I have parties of Sawyers, parties of Axe-men, cutting Picketts, Parties cutting Hay, the Corvées as they arrive to transport Provision in small quantities to send at a time for each of these Parties, their safety to watch over, as well as their humours, and besides the danger of some one lurking Villian destroying what we have done on the Island. Rebel Belts & strings are brought in every week by the Indians who still cannot prevent some bad ones from doing mischief. However at the time when Mr. Harrow displayed his insolence, I had the Sacks and Renards Indians here, who I then told were not to receive goods this year in their Country as they had allowed themselves to be debauched by the Rebels & that they could not murmur as they could not deny it, They being the only Western Indians in their interest. I also told them how short sighted they were not to observe that as they had mines in their Country, it was the Interest of the Rebels to pay them more attention than to the others—tho not more friendship for they meant them less. To return to Mr. Harrow—He is told to remain here untill General Haldimand's Pleasure is known, & his report in the Enclosed letter with the ordinary additional circumstances which agravate, & not necessary to trouble you with, is near the truth.

1 Lieut. Alexander Harrow, commanding H. M. sloop “Welcome,” was placed under arrest in the fort at Michilimackinac, by Sinclair's orders, for alleged insolence and disobedience. The correspondence relating to this affair is in Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., pp. 598–607. Sinclair was tenacious of his official prerogative, and seems to have continually had one or more personal quarrels on his hands, while at Michilimackinac.— Ed .

2 Capt. Alexander Grant, of the first battalion, 42nd (or Royal Highland) foot. For Harrow's letter to Sinclair, dated July 31, 1780, see Id. , p. 601.— Ed .

I am, Sir, Your most obed t humble Serv t Patk Sinclair , L t Gov r .

Michilimackinac 3 rd Aug t 1780.

HALDIMAND TO SINCLAIR.

Quebec 10th Aug t 1780.

Sir ,—In my letter of the 18 th Ultimo, I acknowledged the receipt of your Dispatch dated the 29 th of May, my wishes upon the material parts of its contents having been communicated to you by my letters of the 17 th of April & 16 th of July, there remains but a few articles to be answered.

In regard to the Prisoners you already have, & those which may hereafter be brought in, those who are Spanish Soldiers must be sent down to save your Provisions but from the barbarous treatment of our Prisoners by the Rebels in many Instances particularly in that of Lieut Gov r Hamilton & the Troops taken with him (who are still confined in Dungeons) upon scanty & unwholesome Provisions, and their obliging many (even in the character of Gentlemen) to work for their maintenance, I have given orders to the Commanding officers of the Several Posts to employ the Rebel Prisoners in whatever work they may be most useful, if necessary under a guard, allowing them a full ration & pay equal to the Soldiers, who are employed as Labourers—which is to be applied to Cloathe them.

The air and exercise will preserve their health, & there cannot be a doubt of their being treated with Humanity.

You will please to observe the same at Michilimackinac, for which your situation of the Island is favourable, but if your Prisoners should multiply so as to be inconvenient those who are most troublesome send down to Montreal.

I approve entirely of your sending Captains of Militia to St. Josephs, La Bay & St. Mary's, upon the terms you propose, convinced you will make choice of such as will observe your Instructions.

I herewith send you one Hundred Printed Bills, persuaded that I shall see no more of them return here, than the necessities of the Service absolutely require.

In one of your letters of the 29 th of May You say I can hardly suppose that passes will be granted for Lake Superior or Lake Huron independent of this Post, after the irregularities 0177 161 of this & of last winter. You have in General Terms Complained of the conduct of the Traders to those Lakes & indeed I have not the best opinion of them, but none of your letters having mentioned the particulars wherein they have offended, nor the Persons all which it would be necessary for me to be acquainted with before I can with propriety reject their applications for Passes, in which I purpose at all times to be directed by the Reports you make me.

* * * * * * * *

I am, sir, (Signed) F. H.

HALDIMAND TO SINCLAIR.

Quebec 10 th August 1780.

Sir ,—I have received your letter of the 8 th ultimo covering Brown's Information & Reporting the return of the Vessels sent into Lake Michigan & the service rendered by them to the Party retiring from the Illinois, & likewise the attacks made upon Pencour & Cachokias & the cause of their being unsuccessful. It is very mortifying that the protection Mons r Calvé & others have received should meet so perfidious & so ungrateful a return. The circumstances of his & Monsieur Du Charmes Conduct, you are best acquainted with & to you I leave to dispose of them as they deserve. If you have evident proof of their counteracting or retarding the operations committed to their Direction, or in which they were to assist—I would have them sent prisoners to Montreal, in all events they are improper Persons to remain amongst the Indians, and I imagine you will think it necessary to remove them. Their Influence with the Natives, unless imployed for the King's Interests, must be dispensed with, and there is no doubt that the Indians will soon be reconciled to who ever may be appointed to supply their wants.

I am glad to find that altho' our attempts proved unsuccessful they were attended with no inconsiderable loss to the enemy. 11

0178 162

You will find the captive Artificers very useful at present, my letter of this Date will authorize you to Employ them.

After the removal of the two interested or disaffected Traders, I hope you will find the management of the Indians less troublesome & more satisfactory. I hope no accident will happen to Wabasha, His and the conduct of his nation merit Distinction.

Your intention of discriminating I am persuaded will have a good effect, & I hope the operations of the ensuing campaign will discover it.

I approve much of your having engaged the three men as couriers between your Post & Niagara—it will open an expeditious communication Between those Posts & this part of Canada when the men are not out you can employ them otherwise.

I am, Sir, &c &c. (Signed) Fred: Haldimand .

Lieut. Govr. Sinclair .

CAPT. MOMPESSON 1 TO DE PEYSTER.

1 Capt. John Mompesson, of the 8th foot. Mompesson was commander of the troops at Michilimackinac. Between him and Sinclair there arose a quarrel, the result of a conflict of authority. At the time this letter was written, Sinclair was seriously ill and Mompesson had temporarily assumed entire control of the affairs of the post. For correspondence relative to this dispute, see Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., pp. 575, 589–592, 610–614, 632, 633. It was finally decided that Sinclair outranked Mompesson.— Ed .

In my last to you, I acquainted you how much Provisions remained in store here, since that I hope we will be able to get a quantity of Indian corn, a great part of which is arrived, and the Traders are going to Arbicrook 2 to trade for more, besides what I hope will be procured at Saguina by Traders.

2 L'Arbre Croche.— Ed .

The Milwaky Indians have not brought in any, neither can a trader be allowed to go amongst them, as they are at present not behaving in a proper manner.

The Sacks & Renards have taken up the Hatchet against us.

Indorsed: “Extract of a letter from Capt. Mompesson dated at Michilimackinac Sept. 20 th 1780.”

SINCLAIR TO GENERAL POWELL. 1

1 Henry Watson Powell, serving as lieutenant colonel of the 53rd foot. At the time of this correspondence he was general by brevet, his rank in the army being colonel. He was commissioned major general, May 20, 1782.— Ed .

Michilimakinac 5 th June 1781.

Sir ,--

* * * * * * * *

The Indians to the Westward gave such protection to their Traders, as deterred the Illinois Pillagers from an enterprise similar to that undertaken against St. Joseph's. 2 They desire to know from me why they are withheld from checking the maroders [marauders] from that Quarter, as they have withheld no proof of their good disposition towards the English, having on His Majesty's Birthday delivered up their French medals.

2 Referring to the capture of St. Joseph by the Americans and Spaniards, in January, 1781. Cf. Sparks's Dipl. Corres. , viii., pp. 76–78; Mag. Amer. Hist. , xv., pp. 457–469, and Winsor's America , vi., p. 743.— Ed .

I have the honor to be &c &c.

To Genl Powell .

Michilimakinac 16 th June 1781.

Sir ,—the Sacks and Rhenards from the Banks of the Mississippi, with the Menominé Indians, are arrived and more expected daily from their Tribes bordering on the Illinois Country, who have sent to inform me, they do not mean any longer to listen to the tales imposed upon them by the enemy.

* * * * * * * *

I have the honor to be Sir &c Pat k Sinclair , L t Gov r .

To General Powell.

Indorsed: “Extracts of Letters from L t Gov r Sinclair to Brigadier General Powell.”

LANGLADE TO CAPTAIN ROBERTSON. 1

1 Daniel Robertson, of the 84th foot, captain commanding Michilimackinac and dependencies, 1782 to May 10, 1787. He succeeded Sinclair in the charge of the post. Robertson is said to have been killed by falling down a precipice 128 feet deep, at the southeastern corner of the island,—now called “Robertson's Folly.” See Kelton's Annals of Fort Mackinac (ed. 1887), pp. 67–70.— Ed .

[Translated from the French by Grace Clark.]

La Bey march 5 1783.

Governor ,—these presents are to assure you of my most humble respect, and to inform you that according to what some Puants report when the Traders crossed the portage of the ouisconsin, Their nation wanted to Plunder them that in the confusion there was a Puant called Boeuf blanc killed and that to be revenged They took from Sieur Reilh 2 the Worth of five or six pieces of money in Drink and in other things, and as they were still drunk when Monsieur Blondeau passed he was obliged to give them also a great deal of Spoil in order to save his life, There were forty Sauteux men women and children that ate one another so long had they Fasted in the Bey des nôques; 3 Caron Chief of the folles-avoines died the third of November, 4 and a man named Marcotte a Trader was killed, we don't know whether by the Sauteux or the Sioux, but his three men were saved, although two were wounded.

2 Antoine Reilhe, of Two Rivers, one of the proprietors of the general store at Michilimackinac.— Ed .

3 Bay de Noque, Delta county, Mich.— Ed .

4 Cf. Wis. Hist. Coll. , i., p. 58; iii., p. 266.— Ed .

I hope to have soon the honor to go and offer you my most humble Respect, and if you have Need of my service command me whenever you please, you will find me always ready to receive your orders, For I am always with the greatest Respect, Governor, the faithful Servant of the King

Langlade , Captain of the Indian department.

Addressed: “To Captain Robinçon, Governor of Machilimakinac, at Machilimakinac.”

Indorsed: “1783 Letter from Captain Langlade to Capt. Robertson La Baye 5 th March.”

ROBERTSON TO CAPTAIN MATHEWS. 1

1 Capt. Robert Mathews, of the 8th foot, secretary to Haldimand.— Ed .

Michilimakinac 20th April 1783.

Sir ,—

* * * * * * * *

Mr. McBeath 2 sets out this week for La Prairie de Chiens with Mr. Langlade Jun r 3 in order to dissuade the Western Indians, who assemble there from coming this length.

2 George McBeath, a trader.— Ed .

3 Charles de Langlade, Jr. See Wis. Hist. Coll. , vii., p. 182.— Ed .

I have the honor to be with regard, Sir,

Your most obed t & most hum l Serv t

Dan l Robertson , Capt n 84 th Reg t .

Capt. Mathews .

Indorsed: “From Capt n Robertson commanding at Michilimakinac, of the 20 th April.”

ROBERTSON TO M'BEATH.

Michilimakinac 26 th April 1783.

Sir ,—You are to proceed from hence to La Prairie de Chiens, the Rendezvous of the Western Indians, or to where you may meet them, and on your way thither you are to induce every nation or Band of Indians, to the Interests of His Majesty's Peace and Harmony among themselves, & in a particular manner recommend Hunting to them, and to keep at their Homes till called for.

You are to smoke the Pipe of Peace with them, in the name of all their Fathers to the above purport, and give them as from me a proportion of what presents you have for that purpose.

You are to inform them that the Great Men are now busy in making Peace with each other, and that they as good Subjects ought to follow the Example among themselves, untill told the contrary by their Fathers.

The above, and everything [of] use for the Publick good, 0182 166 with your own knowledge,and experience of Indians, you will communicate to them in the strongest terms.

Mr. Langlade Jun r is to accompany you as Interpreter & I shall write to the other Interpreters in the Indian Countries to give you every assistance to accomplish the above to effect & enable me to fulfill His Excell y the Commander in Chief's most ardent wishes to diminish the expenses of this Post.

I wish you success & a safe return home.

I am, Sir, Your most obed t & Hum l Servant (Signed) Dan l Robertson Cap tn 84 th Reg t .

To Mr. Geo. McBeath .

ROBERTSON TO MATHEWS.

Michilimakinac 27 th April 1783.

Sir ,—Having an opportunity to [send to] Detroit, I enclose you a copy of my instructions to Mr. McBeath for His Excellency the Commander in Chief's consideration, he sets out in a day or two as the weather is very favorable. I have the honor to be with Regard Sir, Your most obed t & humb l Serv t

Dan l Robertson Capt n 84 th Reg t .

Capt. Mathews .

REPORT OF A COUNCIL AT PRAIRIE DU CHIEN.

[Translated from the French by Grace Clark.]

La Prairie du Chien May 24 th 1783.

The Renards, Sacques, Scieux, Puants and Folles avoines held a council in this village in consequence of the Word which was sent them by their Father at Michilimakinac through M. George Mcbeath.

Speech of the Renards. Vimotolaque the great chief speaks:—My Father the english, I pray you to hear from me, all that I am going to tell you, I wish you good day, it is very true that you give us life to-day, you do us Kindness to drive away all dark clouds.

0183 167

My Father, I listen to you always, we are Renards and Saques who are only one body, there are some that call themselves our kinsmen but they are not.

My Father, I have disobeyed the Word that you gave me, but those that call themselves our Kinsmen are the cause.

My Father, You are kind to us, but I am going to tell you what has happened to me. My Father on the other side of the great Lake is kind to me, yes my Father it is true it is not new the kindness that you do us. You have always done it though we deserve it not. My Father, there are some of your children to whom you have been kind who have promised you much on receiving Your kindness, who have told you that they will always love Your Word near you as well as far from you, still these children have shown that they have not always loved Your Word, they have done evil acts, and the leader of this act who is called Wabaishaiw 1 is the cause that we have been killed by the Soteux, that we have neglected your Word and that our Father loves us—not like his other children who have mixed the Ground. 2

1 Wabasha.— Ed .

2 “ Brouillé les Terres .”— Tr .

I thank you my Father for coming upon our Land and for having sent us a Trader, but truly our Head is bewildered.

For the tree that you have spoken of to me, I know of it; our Interpreter was shielded from being defeated, with all our little children.

My kinsmen the Puants, we pray you to take away that tree so that the hunters may pass quietly. My kinsmen the Puants, I ask charity; leave the road open. We are deserving of pity, I think our friends the Scieux are of the same feeling.

My Father, we are joyful to see you on our lands, we deserve not this goodness, we give our Land to our Father.

Anatchie, chief of the Sacques, speaks:—My Kinsmen the Renards, Sacques, Puants, Scieux, and Folles avoines it is 0184 168 true what my father has just said, I rejoice greatly; it is true my kinsmen, I have no wit, but you others that have will say as I do. My Father I have come to see you to hear the word of our Father. I see you, I rejoice at it; my kinsmen the Scieux, and you others my kinsmen I am all alone; I listen to the Word of my Father.

My Kinsmen, I have come here almost by chance, still by the counsel of our chiefs, to hear the word of our interpreter. You see not our chiefs here because the way of the Lake is not open. They are sitting on the mat waiting the answer. My Father it is true you are kind to us, to my uncles the Renards, Saques, Scieux, Puants and Folles avoines for sending us a Trader; although I am not transported at your Demand, I am always ready for the good. We are all happy to see you to show you our good heart. I ask charity of you; it is true our children are bewildered, I say nothing that I think not, I hope you will set free this piece of Flesh that deserves to be chopped up.

My Kinsmen the Scieux and Folles avoines, I ask of you charity that you take away the tree that is in the road. I pray you my Kinsmen the Puants, the Renards, and you the warriors to aid in this. I love you dearly, and pray that this may not happen another time.

My Kinsmen the Scieux and you others of this council, I pray you to hear me and to take away this tree. I have a father down below, 1 but I draw nothing from him; this is why I pray my Brothers to take away this tree.

1 The Americans.— Ed .

My Father you are seated there, I ask charity for the Puants; I weep, I hope that you will make me speak true, you have given one another blow for blow, I hope you will arrange this affair; and my Kinsmen the Puants, I regard you as my Brothers, I pray you to aid in this.

My Father, my Kinsmen the Puants and you others of the council there was litter in the road, there is still; I pray you to clean it away.

My Father, one told me to carry fear to Suiseban and I have done so; we remain always in our home at your Demand until we have the Word of our Father.

0185 169

—Here he placed a belt on the Ground.

My Father, I am going to tell you what happened in our Lands fifteen moons ago; it is all one to me whether the chiefs of the nations here like it or not; I am going to speak all the same; a White who is called Bouchet and who thinks himself chief wanted to make our Traders, who come from among us, deserving of pity; it is I, my father, that hindered it although I was all alone on my side and for reward my Father has taken away my medals. I pray then that my Father restore my three medals to the hands of the Interpreter of the Renards and also my two commissions.

Wabashau, great chief of Scieux, speaks:—My Father, I listen to what I have heard my Kinsmen the Renards and Sacques say. I have no other word than theirs; it gives pleasure to all the Chiefs of Council to see The English Chief on our Lands. They will do like their Kinsman. We are content with what our Kinsmen the Renards and the other nations have said for the road. I pray the two Puants here to speak to their nation to clean the road, so that our Traders be not deserving of pity.

My Father, I am content that the great chiefs on the other side of the greatest Lake are for making peace. We shall do as they, at your demand; as a proof of this, my Kinsman the Sacque has given you a belt.

My Father, we have resolved among us to send you bad men who have killed the Whites, so that you might do with them as you will.

My English Father, you give us pleasure to have come upon our Ground, our heart is joyful and content, it is you that give us life, we will be quiet. I give you my hand.

Anatchie speaks a second time:—My Father, I speak from my heart, the Traders know what I have done for them fifteen Moons ago. I have not thought to tell you my Father, that I,—l'epais and le Mitasse, two of our great chiefs, aided me in this however; my brother l'Epais and I returned from the great Village quite ashamed, we were not regarded by our Father as good children, although we have been more 0186 170 ready and our heart better than others of his children who left the great Village quite happy. My Father, we ask for the Interpreter of the Renards and his brother Nisonaquasit to stay with us.

The chief of the Renards answered at this last request:—My Father, our Interpreter who is always with us stays with us and no other. I hope my father will not take him away.

Kariminu 1 chief of the Puants, speaks:—My Father, and Kinsmen the Renards, Sacques, Scieux, and Folles avoines, you tell the truth, we are a foolish nation and it is I who am deserving of pity. The tree I hope is not much in the road, the bad men who put the tree there have given themselves up to us. I send them to my Father.

1 Karrymaunee.— Ed .

La Jeunesse, Folles avoine, speaks:—My Father, my Kinsmen the Renards, Sacques &c, speak well. I have no other Word than theirs. I am charmed to see my English Father.

Indorsed: “Council held between the Renards, Sacques, Scieux, Puants and Folles avoines at Prairie du Chien the 24 th May 1783.”

CADOTT 2 TO GAUTIER.

2 Jean Baptiste Cadott, of Sault Ste. Marie, who traded to La Pointe, in Chequamegon bay, and other stations on the south shore of Lake Superior. See Sinclair's letter to Brehm, ante . p. 145; also various citations in Wis. Hist. Coll . and vol. ix. of Mich. Pion. Coll .— Ed .

[Translated from the French by Grace Clark]

Sault St. Marie June 16, 1783.

Monsieur and Friend ,—As I am on the point of setting out I write you only a few words to acquaint you with the news from Lake Superior.

All the Indians from fond du Lac, rainy Lake, Sandy lake, and surrounding places are dead from smallpox.

I am Monsieur your servant and friend Cadott .

Addressed: “To Monsieur Gautier, King's interpreter, at Mackynac.”

Indorsed: “Letter from Cadet to M. Gautier dated Sault St. Marie 16 th June, 83.”

ROBERTSON TO MATHEWS.

Michilimackinac 27 th June 1783.

Sir,—It was with much concern that I heard from Montreal, through Mr. Ellice, 1 that my Bill, on His Excellency the Commander in Chief were not paid, if realy so it cannot be helped, I have acted in the Principalls of Honor for the good of the Service, and the accounts may undergo any scrutiny.

1 Ellice & Coy were forwarding agents and brokers, at Montreal.— Ed .

The sending Mr. McBeath to La Prairie de Chien is the only act I did of my self and even that I had partly, in my Instructions from Col. Hope, 2 this has been the means of keeping about twelve hundred Indians from this Post, less than last year, not a small saving to Government in Provisions, &c.

2 Henry Hope, lieut. colonel of the 44th foot.— Ed .

I received four Canoes of Indian Presents from Montreal, very apropos and if it is meant to keep possession of any part in the Upper Country—Four or Six more would be necessary this Fall.

I have the honor to be with esteem, Sir, Your most obed t & most hum l serv t

Dan l Robertson Capt n 84 th Reg t .

Capt. Mathews .

M'BEATH TO ROBERTSON.

Michilimakinac 14 th July 1783.

Captain Robertson .

Sir ,—The situation of my affairs at present obliges me to lay my case before you, hoping you will be so good as to represent it to His Excellency the Commander in Chieff, who was pleased to authorize me in May 1782 to furnish what things might be wanting for the use of the Post & for carrying on the King's works here, which I have done to the utmost of my power, complying according to His Excellency's 0188 172 Directions, with every order given me by the Commanding Officers, and hope I may without Presumption appeal to your Justice for approbation of my conduct since your Taking the Command. After having advanced money for the payment of Artificers and Labourers employed in the King's Works, paid Cash for Rum and many other Articles that cannot be Purchased on Credite but Rum, Dry Goods and in short everything that was wanting for Government that I could gett, and even put myself under the Disagreeable Circumstance of borrowing from others what was immediately necessary for His Majesty's Service endeavoring by every means in my power to Reduce Expenses at the Risque of my Total Ruin, it was but by the last King's Canoes that I received the last of the Goods, but the preceding Summer in L t Gov r Sinclair's Time, the Rum still remains due, after all These efforts to Forward as much as in me lay the service of the Post and Execute the Directions given me by His Excellency, how Peculiarly Distressing must it be not to have received to this moment one Shilling that I have any knowledge of on account of Government. Even last year I laid before Colonel Hope & Sir John Johnson the difficulties I laboured under, who promised to lay it before the General, but alas, I am still a sufferer, and instead of any relief, an augmentation of my distresses, the Bills I drew for the payment of Cash advanced Government for the Engineer Department came back protested with 10 per cent damages and six per cent interest, a loss that I am little [able] to bear, and which must inevitably ruin me unless His Excellency will take my unmerited Sufferings into consideration & order me the payment of what I am obliged to pay on account of non payment of the Bills, my case is quite different From those that Furnished quantitys of Goods for the Indian Department, as mine was entirely advanced for the Purpose of carrying on the King's works, I cannot blame myself with anything but being over persuaded to allow the Transactions before my Time to be mixed with those after. I would only begg you would please lay before His Excellency my Misfortains who alon is able to mitigate them, and will I am persuaded listen with a 0189 173 Favorable Eare to any thing coming from one whom he has so much reason to esteem.

I have the honor to be Sir, Your most obed t & most humble Servant

Geo. McBeath .

Capt. Daniel Robertson 84th Regt Commandant of Michilimakinac .

ROBERTSON TO MATHEWS.

Michilmakinac 14 th July 1783.

Sir ,—The annexed letter you will be pleased to lay before His Excellency the Commander in Chief, it is in consequence of Lieut. Gov r Sinclair's & my bills not being honored that Mr. McBeath now suffers as set forth in his Letter, he was Paymaster of the Workmen, he of course gave many small Bills on Mr. Ellice to different workmen, and all of them protested, as even my Bills were not paid by His Excellency, which Mr. Ellice acquainted Mr. McBeath of.

I have the honor to be with esteem Sir Your most obed t Hum l Serv t Dan l Robertson .

Captain Mathews .

ROBERTSON TO MATHEWS.

Michilimakinac 9 th August 1783.

Sir ,—By Letters from Mr. Ellice and Mr. McBeath, I am informed that my Bills on His Excellency the Commander in Chief are honored, therefore I have drawn on His Excellency for expenditures at this Post from 1 st April to the 1 st July last, in favor of Mr. McBeath in the usual manner.

For the Engineer Department Four Thousand, three hundred, three Pounds, fifteen Shillings and a penny half penny.

For the Indian Department Two Thousand, four hundred, seven Pounds and thirteen Shillings, both New York Currency.

I hope His Excellency will be pleased to Honor those Bills as soon as convenient, on account of Mr. McBeath, who was 0190 174 dupped [duped] in [into] drawing Lieut. Governor Sinclair's last Bills and [is] of course a great sufferer.

My sending Mr. McBeath to La Prairie du Chien may appear extravagant but it is almost certain that it prevented, at least a Thousand Indians coming here & those fled here & on their way home. I reckon two Bushels Corn with some Grease, a little Bread & Pork, on au average to each with Rum and other Presents would far exceed the present expense. Mr. McBeath left this the end of April long before I had received any goods, and I had nothing in store but a few pieces of Blue Strouds & some white Shirts. Colonel Hope was of the same opinion as myself as to sending out to prevent Indians coming in, which insured me to adopt it.

I have the honor to be with great regard Sir, Your most obed t & hum l Servant

Dan l Robertson .

Captain Mathews .

CARLETON TO DE PEYSTER. 1

1 This and the succeeding letters and documents were received from Ottawa in April, 1888,—too late for chronological arrangement with the preceding papers, which had gone to press.— Ed .

Montreal , June 25 th , 1776.

Sir ,—I received yesterday your letter of the 13 th inst. The rebels are driven out of this province, and I am preparing to return their visit. You may stop 2 the Indians from coming down here, at least for the present; provided you can do it without giving them offence. 3

2 This letter is also published in De Peyster's Miscellanies , p. 233, with the following foot-note by the recipient: “This was done through great exertion, although at the risk of the Captain's [De Peyster's] life.”— Ed .

3 Among these were Indians from what is now Wisconsin, desirous of going down to Montreal to have a war talk with Carleton and beg for presents. See Wis. Hist. Coll. , vii., p. 405.— Ed .

Your obedient servant, Guy Carleton .

Capt. De Peyster .

CARLETON TO HAMILTON.

Quebec 21 st May 1777.

Sir ,—You 1 have herewith inclosed the copy of a letter from Lord George Germain, which is sen t you at full length, for your instruction and guidance; I have only to add that L Colonel S Leger has similar orders for the Savages of the five Nations, &c.

1 Lieut. Governor Hamilton.— Ed .

You will therefore be careful not to attempt to draw off any destined for his command.

Let me know what Provisions you may want, in the meantime some shall be sent you at a venture.

I am &c, Guy Carleton .

LORD GERMAIN TO CARLETON.

[Document enclosed in the foregoing.]

Copy of a letter from Lord George Germain, dated Whitehall 26 th March 1777.

Sir ,—In the consideration of the measures proper to be pursued in the next Campaign, the making a division on the Frontiers o[ Virginia and Pennsylvania by Parties of Indians conducted by proper Leaders as proposed by Lieut. Gov r Hamilton has been maturely weighed.

That Officer in his letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated at Detroit the 2 nd of September last, [wrote] that he had then with him deputies from the Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandotts, Shawnese, Senecas, Delawares, Cherokees and Pouattouattamies. That their inclination was for war and that it was with much difficulty he had restrained them from Hostilities, which he thought it his duty to do, finding by a letter from you dated the 19 th of July, that you had sent back some Ottawas Who had offered their services desiring them to hold themselves in readiness next spring.

There can be little doubt that the Indians are still in the same disposition and that they will readily and eagerly engage in any enterprise in which it may be thought fit to employ them under the direction of the Kings Officers, and as 0192 176 it is His Majestys resolution that the most Vigorous efforts should be made, and every means employed that Providence has put into His Majestys Hands, for crushing the Rebellion and restoring the Constitution it is The Kings command that you should direct Lieut. Governor Hamilton to assemble as many of the Indians of his district as he conveniently can, and placing proper Persons at their Head, to whom he is to make suitable allowances, to conduct their Parties, and restrain them from committing violence on the well affected and inoffensive Inhabitants, employ them in making a Diversion and exciting an alarm upon the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania. And as there is good ground to believe there are considerable numbers of loyal subjects in those Parts who would gladly embrace an opportunity of delivering themselves from the Tyranny and oppressions of the Rebel Committees, it is His Majestys pleasure that you do authorize and direct Lieut. Gov r Hamilton to invite all such loyal subjects to join him and to assure them of the same pay and allowances as are given to His Majesty's corps raised in America and that such of them as shall continue to serve His Majesty untill the Rebellion is suppressed and peace restored shall each receive His Majestys bounty of 200 Acres of Land.

These offers it is to be hoped will induce many persons to engage in the King's service; which may enable Lieut. Gov r Hamilton to extend his operations so as to divide the attention of the Rebels, and oblige them to collect a considerable Force to oppose him, which cannot fail of weakening their Main Army and facilitating the operations directed to be carried on against them in other Quarters, and thus bring the War to a more speedy Issue and restore those deluded People to their former State of Happiness and prosperity, which are the favorite wishes of the Royal Breast and the great object of all His Majestys Measures.

A supply of Presents for the Indians and other necessaries will be wanted for this service, and you will of course send Lieut. Gov r Hamilton what is proper and sufficient.

Inclosed is a list of the Names of several persons, residing on the Frontiers of Virginia recommended by Lord 0193 177 Dunmore for their Loyalty and attachment to Government, and who his Lordship thinks will be able to give great assistance to Lieut. Gov r Hamilton through their extensive Influence among the Inhabitants.

G. C.

CARLETON TO DE PEYSTER.

Quebec , 14 th July, 1777.

Sir ,—I have received your letters, by Mr. Langlade and others, on the subject of the Indians sent down from your neighbourhood.

Being sensible, from the prudence and discretion with which you have conducted yourself in the command of your post, that your leaving it just in the present conjuncture would be attended with considerable inconvenience to the King's service, it is my intention that you continue at Michilimakinac, notwithstanding your appointment to the Majority of your regiment, till further orders; of which Lieutenant-Colonel Bolton is made acquainted.

I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, Guy Carleton .

Major De Peyster, Michilimakinac .

CLARK'S COMMISSION TO A FOX CHIEF.

By George Rogers Clark Esq re Collonel in the Virginia Troops & Commandant of the Eastern Illinois and its dependancies, &c. &c.

Whereas Kinaytounak Chief of the Renard Nation of the Indians has entered into alliance & friendship with the United States of America & promised to be a true and faithful subject thereto.

In consideration of which I do give him this as a Rememberance that he and his Nation are to treat all the subjects of the said States with Friendship & receive them at all 12 0194 178 times as their Brothers. Given under my hand & seal at Fort Bowman in Kahos this 28 th day of August 1778.

G. R. Clark .

(Seal.) 1

1 The seal bears a lion rampant with star and crescent; the field marked for gules.— Copyist .

Indorsed: “Commission donnée par les Rebelles au Chef des Renards envoyé par Gautier au Major de Peyster. Reçu avec sa lettre du 13 Mayle 30–1779.” 2

2 See ante , p. 127,— Ed .

HAMILTON TO HALDIMAND.

Camp at Petite Riviere Nov r 1 st '78.

Sir ,—I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency that I have sent off from this place 22 Voitures 3 with Provisions, Stores, &c. under the command of Lieut t . Du Vernet 4 a very active & intelligent officer, who has my orders to encamp at the Forks of the Ouabash till my arrival or further orders.

3 Wagons.— Ed .

4 Henry du Vernet, 2d lieutenant of artillery, in charge of stores and transportation upon Hamilton's expedition from Detroit to Vincennes. See his reports, Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., p. 409.— Ed .

I this day purpose setting off with 7 Boats loaded, & take along with me the Ottawas & Chippaweys in all 72. Four, the first chiefs of the Miamis Nation have joined me with 30 Warriors.

Mr. Chevalier came to the Miamis town with a chief & 14 of the Pouteouattamies of St. Joseph, 5 this & his future behaviour may efface his former misbehaviour.

5 Relative to the location of St. Joseph's, see ante , p. 115, note 2. De Peyster, in his Miscellanies , p. 24, note 3, says it was “At the head of the river of that name, where the Pottawattamies have a fort and large settlement.” He also says, in a letter to Haldimand of Aug. 15, 1778, speaking of Louis Chevalier, the principal trader at St. Joseph, ( Mich. Pion. Coll. , ix., p. 868), “He [Chevalier] holds the pass to Detroit and can also give the first intelligence of the enemy's motion on the Wabash,” clearly describing the portage, or pass, between the St. Josephs and the Kankakee rivers. Consult Thomas Hutchins's Map of the Western Part of Virginia , etc. (1778). Fort Miami, built by La Salle in 1679, was, according to Hennepin, “just at the mouth of the river Miami,”—afterward, about 1703, styled St. Josephs river. But this fort was destroyed by La Salle's men in 1680. Father Jean Mermet, then at the river mouth, writes La Mothe Cadillac, April 19, 1702, that he proposes to establish a mission “three journeys,” or about sixty miles, up river, “near a stream which is the source of the Ouabache” [Illinois], where there is a portage of half a league ( Margry , v., p. 219). In 1711, Father Chardon had his mission sixty miles above the month. By 1712, there appears to have been a French military post at this mission. Charlevoix, in a letter dated “River St. Joseph, Aug. 16, 1721,” writes, describing his approach to the fort, from Lake Michigan: “You afterward sail up twenty leagues in it [up the St. Josephs river] before you reach the fort, which navigation requires great precaution.” He speaks of the large settlement of Pottawattomies and Miamis on the river, hard by the fort. The evidence is ample, that the fort on the St. Josephs, from about 1712 to its final destruction during the Revolutionary war, guarded the portage between the river of that name and the Kankakee, on the east bank of the St. Josephs, in Indiana, a short distance below the present city of South Bend; while the Pottawattomies were located upon the opposite bank, on the portage trail. In 1879, the St. Josephs river was surveyed by a corps of United States engineers; the distance from the mouth of the river up to Niles, Mich., where most historians have located Fort St. Josephs, was found to be but 42 miles, as the stream winds, while to South Bend it is 56.39, which latter distance very closely fits the sixty miles specified by Mermet, Chardon and Charlevoix. Credit is due to C. W. Butterfield for having been the first historian, so far as I am aware, to have pointed out the fact that this Revolutionary fort was in the neighborhood of South Bend; this he did in an eight-line note in Mag. West. Hist. , iii., p. 447.— Ed .

0195 179

Major Hay 1 follows to-morrow with the last of the batteaux, the Pouteouattamies and the Miamis. This carrying place is free from any obstructions, but what the carelessness & ignorance of the French have left, & would leave from Generation to Generation. An intelligent person at a small expense might make it as fine a road as any within 20 miles of London. The Woods are beautifull, Oak, Ash, Beech, Nutwood, very clear & of a great growth. Your Excellency will I hope excuse my mentioning, a trifling tho' curious particular, in a ridge near the road I found a sea fossil, to find Marine productions on this hauteur des torres is to my mind more curious than their being found in the Alps—there are no mountains in view from Detroit to this place so that these appearances cannot readyly be accounted for from volcanoes of which there is no trace to be observed. All our people, of all colors are in perfect health, & their disposition such hitherto as leaves me no room for complaint.

1 John Hay, commissioned major August 29, 1777, but serving as captain in the 28th foot.— Ed .

Lieut t Du Vernet having taken a sketch of the Miamis 0196 180 River & purposing to continue his plan to the Illinois, I shall take the first opportunity of transmitting it to your Excellency, agreable to L t Du Vernets request. At the same time take the liberty of commending his diligence, as to his capacity I dare not give my opinion knowing my own defficiency in those points, which no officer ought to be ignorant of.

I have got his French Medal from Wanaquibé Chief of Pouteouattamies of S t . Joseph, in presence of 200 Chiefs & Warriors at the Miamis Country.

Our numbers at present are nearly as follows—Detachment of the Kings 32 noncommission'd officers included—With the Artillery 2 Gunners, 4 of the Kings & 17 from the 2 Detroit Companies which are each at 44, officers included. La Mothe's Volunteers 42, Ottawas 40 Chippoweys 20, Wyandotts 4, Pouteouattamies 15, Pouteouattamies of St. Joseph 15. Miamis 30 (Women are not included in this return of the Savages). The Shawanese are expected this night with Capt McKee, 1 who writes me word that they attempted a Fort built by the Rebels at the Falls of the Ohio, but only succeeded in destroying a parcel of Tools. I shall endeavour to cut off the communication from that Fort to the Ilinois & perhaps shall find the taking that Fort an object well worth attention—The Rebels are building a Fort in the Island at the Falls. I hear the Miamis of the Riviere a l'Auguille will join us. We have had pretty sharp frost, but fine clear weather—by damming up, the water of this petite riviere 4 miles below the landing, the water is backed & raised an inch here. At the dam it rose an inch the first

1 Alexander McKee, a Pennsylvanian by birth, became an Indian trader in early life; and between 1768 and 1772 had his headquarters at Pittsburgh, conducting, in company with Alexander Ross, a large business in that line. In the latter year he became deputy Indian agent to Sir William Johnson. When the Revolutionary war broke out, suspected of entertaining a preference for the royalist cause, he was put upon his parole at Fort Pitt; but in the spring of 1778 fled from there in company with Simon Girty and others and joined the British at Detroit, where he was continued in the Indian department. He appears to have been particularly efficient among the Shawanese.—(Butterfield's Washington-Irvine Correspondence , p. 332.)— Ed .

0197 181 hour. The Beavers had worked hard for us, but we were obliged to break down their dam to let the boats pass, that were sent forward to clear the river & a place called the Chemin Couvert.

M r de Celoron has a brother in the Rebel service, & I have no room to doubt his treasonable design in spreading reports that might delay us till next spring, when reinforcements from the colonies might effectually frustrate our attempts to regain the Illinois, or keep the Indians in our interest—double pay I take it has been his seducer, & as to his reward, I hope to have your Excellency's orders. I have ordered his suspension in the interim.

Your Excellency will I trust make allowance for the haste & incorrectness of this report.

I have the honor to be with all imaginable respect, Sir, Your most obedient & most Obed t humble Servant Henry Hamilton .

Indorsed: “Detroit N o 23, 1779. From Lieut. Gov r Hamilton dated at Camp little riviere the 1 st Nov r 1778. Rec d 19 th March 1779,”

HALDIMAND'S SPEECH TO THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS.

Quebec 2 July 1779.

His Excellency General Haldimand's speech to the Indians resorting to Michilimakinac and in its Vicinity.

After going thro' the usual ceremony of condoleance with three strings of Wampum to wipe their eyes to see, clear the throat to speak, & open their ears to hear: go on as follows—

Children the Ottawas, Chipways, Misis-ageys and other Indian Nations that may be assembled at Michilim c .

Being persuaded that there are among you as among other Nations Mis-chiefeous Birds that wisper into your ears all manner of bad News and Falshoods to disturb your well-being and Unanimity in order to bring you into Strife and trouble. I therefore by this string of Wampum earnestly advise you not to give Ear to such Birds but give due attention 0198 182 to what I am going to tell you it being meant for your welfare, and what you may depend upon as Fact & real Truth.

A string of Wampum.

Children,—I daresay you are acquainted that the King your father has at last been oblidged to chastise and correct his undutiful & rebellious children the Bostonians for attempting to disown and rise against him who has always been a tender & affectionate Father rearing them from their Infancy with a great deal of care & expence, untill they grew strong and able to support themselves. No sooner did they arrive to that state of maturity and ease, but they most shamefully & ungratefully forgot the filial Duty & Affection, and even when they thought themselves formidable enough they rose against him in order to dispossess him of a Country he legally owned near Two hundred years, and become Possessors & Masters both of that & the Indian country, for which reason you must be sensible that they first began with the Indians upon the Ohio endeavoring to drive them off and settle that Country by Force of Arms and were they to obtain their end they would soon drive all the Ind ns from their Lands & become their Masters.

But their Efforts have hitherto proved ineffectual by means of the King your Fathers superior Force both by sea & Land and they losing ground and growing weaker every day and confused in their Councils, they were inconsiderate enough to send a party of their People once moro into the Indian Country by way of the Ilinois; and I am sorry to say the Indians were so blind to their Interest as to suffer them to penetrate as far as S Vincents & Tuscarrawas whereby they not only run the risque of loosing their Country but the supplies of every necessary of Life they want which they must get from this Country the Rebels being destitute of everything themselves as the King your Fathers ships Stop up all their ports that no Goods can get in; and as the Bostonians know that the River S t Lawrence is open whereby all the Ind ns in Nations in Canada are plentifully supplied with every Article in Trade they made an attempt 0199 183 to get possession in their Country in ord r to seize upon the Traders & their Goods w ch is the reason that I have stopd my people who are trading among you from setting out as early as usual for fear of running the risque of their Lives & property & your being deprived of your necessaries. And let me tell you Children that if you dont endeavor to keep your Country clear of these people for the future, you must expect to be entirely without Trade as I wont expose my peoples lives and property if they can't go into your Country with safety. I think it is the least thing for se numerous a Body of People as you are to keep a handfull of Bostonians out of it. I for my part have not been Idle these 4 years passt to keep this River open that you may have your supplies and defend this Country from the Incursion of the Rebels who make frequent attempts to attack it in order to cut off the communication, with you w ch point if they should gain would deprive you of every kind of cloathing and ammunition; for the King your Fathers ships would immediately block up this River that not a single Ship of the Rebels or their Allies w th merchandize could get in. So that you must be convinced it is for your essential wellfare and Interest to do your part & keep your Country clear of the Bostonians.

A large belt.

Children,—As to the Stories these evil Birds carry about & wisper into your Ears with regard to your former fathers the French coming among you again. I shall tell you the Truth of the Matter and you may depend upon it as a fact for I never told an Untruth yet in my Life.

The Bostonians seeing themselves not able enough to stand up against their Father the King, sent some of their most cunning Men to your former Father the King of France telling him many false stories how rich and able they were to fight ag st their Father the King of England, but that they had no large ships like his; If therefore the french King would only hire them some of his big Ships to fight for them they would pay him well & trade with him. 0200 184 The french would not for a long while agree to their request till they beg'd and promised him so much that at last they prevailed upon him to send out 15 large Ships to help the Bostonians, w ch was last summer and accordingly they joined the Bostonians army at Rhode Island. As soon as the King of Englands Ships at N. York heard of it they went in search of them and when they came in sight of the french Ships they immediately left the Bostonians and went to sea and the English Ships pursuing them could not stop them to fight but had some Shot at them now and then; since that, the french Ships went to the West Indies where the English followed them and taking a french Island the french General wanted to take it from them again with his Fleet & Army but was beat off with the loss of 3000 men & run away to another Island where he is now shut up by the English Fleet & dare not come to fight them & y r father the King of England has now such a numerous fleet w ch w th in the m th has been so successfull in the East Ind as & every where that the french fleet wont show itself. Now the King of France is so angry with the Bostonians that they brought them into this Quarrel that he wont send them a Ship or a man more, and you wont see him so soon for w ch reason I have called some of y r people that winterd at Montreal to come to this place where I convinced them that there was no french ship here or in y r Mouth of this Riv r this Spring.

I can assure you Children that when ever I find that the french will get the better of this Country I shall act the same part w th your late father Vaudreuil as to acquaint you of it myself, till then I beg you will keep yourselves quiet, follow your hunt g & Trade & keep the Bostonians out of your Country in order to enjoy peace & plenty.

A Belt.

Indorsed: “Speech to the Indians at Michilimakinac, Copy of which sent to Major Depeyster the 3 d July '79.”

NAVAL AFFAIRS ON THE UPPER LAKES. Officers names. The vessel commanding, &c. Pay per day month or year. Alexander Grant The Gage on Lake Erie, etc 15 shillings York currency a day. Thomas Robinson The Haldimand, Ontario 10 shillings ditto. James Andrews The Dunmore, Lake Erie 10 shillings ditto. David Beaton The Ottawa, Erie 10 shillings ditto. Monsr Tushet The Seneca, Ontario Richd Cornwell Master Builder for the Upper Lakes 10 shillings ditto. Lieut of the Haldimand 8 shillings ditto. Lieut of the Seneca John Shipboy Storekeeper and clerk at Detroit £100 York currency a year.

A Return of the Officers their present pays upon the Up. per Lakes:

Willm Beker The Caldwell, Lake Ontario £12 a month. Willm Niccaroi The Hope, Lake Erie £8 a month. John Graham The Faith, Erie £8 a month. Wm Ferron The Angelica, Erie £8 a month N. Y. currency,

MR. GRANT'S VESSELS EMPLOYED BY THE CROWN.

Quebec Octo r 14 th 1777.

Alex. Grant .

Remarks on the present State of the Naval Department, on the Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron & Erie: Detroit 27 th Octo r 1777.

Present L t Governor Hamilton, Sechariah Thomson Esq r James Andrews Esq r Capt. of his Majestys Ship Dunmore, David Belton Esq r Capt. of his Majestys Ship Ottawa, My Richard Cornwall Master Builder, and M r John Shipboy Kings Store keeper.

His Majestys Ship Gage mounting sixteen carriage Guns and six Swivels requires for her Compliment at the rate of three men per Gun—forty-eight men Officers included a commander, one Lieut., one Mate, one Boatswain, one Gunner, one Carpenter. The opinion of Capts. Thompson, Andrews & Belton—N. B. Capt. Alex. Grant gone to Quebec.

0202 186

His Majestys vessel Dunmore mounting twelve Guns & four Swivels, requires for her compl t thirty six men officers included—one Commander, one Lieut., one Mate, one Boatswain, one Gunner, & one Carp tr . The opinion of Capts. Thompson, Andrews & Belton.

His Majestys Schooner Ottawa mounting twelve carriage Guns, four Pounders, six Swivel blunderbusses requires for her Comp l thirty six men, officers included—one Commander, one Lieut, one Mate, one Boatswain, one Gunner & one Carp r .

Pay for the officers, petty officers & men on board of the above mentioned Kings ships. Commander at per diem, ten shillings ster. with the allowance of two servants. Lieutenant do five Shillings ster. with the allowance of a servant. Mate at per month five pounds ster. Boatswain per do four pounds ster. Gunner do four pounds ster. Carpenter per diem five shillings and eight pence ster. One seaman per month two pounds five shillings ster. Each Capt. to have an allowance from the Lieut. Governor pro tempore for the lodging of his men in the winter the Contractors having formerly made an allowance for it till proper Barracks can be built.

N. B. The above rate of pay agreed upon by Lieut. Governor Hamilton, Captains Thompson, Andrews and Belton, for the reasons following:

The remoteness of situation, the excessive prices of commodities especially shoes, stockings and other prices current for example, shoes twelve shillings ster. per pair, coarse stockings six shillings ster. the pair, check linnen three shillings and six pence ster. per yard, other things proportionally dear—soap two shillings and four pence ster. per lb. The Wyandott Boat, four Guns, two pounders to be sent up, and six swivel blunderbusses, ten men, a master, a Mate, Boatswain & Gunner.

Indorsed: “State of the Naval Department at Detroit, 27 th October 1777.”

The Schooner Hope taken into the Kings employ, 25 th August 1775 mounting four four p rs and two two p rs requires 0203 187 for her comp l eighteen men, officers included—one Lieutenant to command, one Mate, one Boatswain, one Gunner.

The Sloop Angelica—six swivels; twelve men including officers—viz. one Lieut. to command, one Mate, one Boatswain.

Faith Schooner—four swivels; ten men, including a Master to command with a Boatswain & Gunner.

Sloop Felicity—four swivels; eight men including a Master to command, one man as Boatswain & Gunner.

Sloop Welcome—two swivels; two Blunderbusses; eight men including a Master to command, one Boatswain & Gunner.

Sloop Adventure—six men including a Master and one man as Boatswain & Gunner.

Sloop Archangel—six men including a Master and one man as Boatswain & Gunner.

Row Galley—twenty-one men exclusive of a Lieut. one mate, one Boatswain & one Gunner, to row with sixteen oars; and to mount a twelve pounder in the Bow, & two six p rs in the stern, also ten swivel blunderbusses.

Small arms wanted in due proportion for the above vessels, swivel blunderbusses, Pistols, Cutlasses, Pole axes, ammunition, round & case shot, Flints, tinder-boxes, Match quick & slow, priming horns, wires, priming powder, port fires & other artillery stores.

N. B. A storekeeper necessary to take charge of all naval stores, his appointment one hundred pound ster. per ann. (with a servant, lodging, an office & an allowance for stationary) who is also to act as clerk of the cheque.

Memorandum . A Surgeon to be appointed with a sallary of a hundred pound ster. per Ann. Provisions, fire, candle, lodging &c and a Medicine chest furnished by the Government in two years. The usual deductions to be made for Greenwich Hospital, chest of Chatham and office for sick & hurt seamen.

M r Richard Cornwall Master Builder to have ten shillings ster. per diem, two servants, a lodging with allowance of provisions, Fire, Candle &c, as the other officers of the department—none yet made.

0204 188

Carpenters—six now employed, but not one qualified as a ship carpenter, one a Block & Pump maker. Two Blacksmiths & a Boy at present employed—good workmen one of them an Armourer.

Four more good carpenters much wanted. No buildings as yet for the department, as Barracks Lodging for the Master Builder, Storekeeper, Carpenters, Smiths &c.

Memorandum . A Surgeon on an allowance not appointed; no provisions for maimed seamen &c—which was notorious in the late Indian War, when wounded seamen were left to shift for themselves.

N. B. The Rank & Subordination of officers not put on a proper footing, of course discipline much wanting.

As a due subordination is absolutely necessary for carrying on the Kings service, and as hitherto for want of it, Discipline has been extraordinary relapsed it is humbly proposed to His Excellency the chief Governor of the province that a proper person be nominated to the Post of